<0173>

<hw>Media Addiction

<au>Louis Leung1, Yin Zhang2, and Jingwen Liang1

<af>1 The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong

2 Hong Kong Baptist University

<ab>This entry discusses the origins, theoretical traditions, and methodological development

of the field of media addiction in the past two decades. Specifically, the theoretical

underpinnings, definitions, symptoms, and assessments of media addiction are reviewed, and

its critical overlap with the research on chemical-based addiction is addressed. On the basis

of this conceptual review, a content analysis of the latest developments in four of the most

frequently researched media addiction themes in recent years is presented: Internet addiction,

online game addiction, smartphone addiction, and cybersex addiction. This review and its

results then serve to inform conclusions about the significance and relevance of media

addiction and its context-specific contingencies and to suggest several fruitful directions for

future research.

<k>Keywords: Internet studies; media and society; media psychology; social media

<a>Introduction

<pf>Research on media addiction began in the 1970s, when mass media described audiences

as “television addicts,” who could not stop sacrificing their leisure time, social moments, and

working and studying hours to the consumption of television content. An increasing amount

of research has shed light on the similarities and differences between this new problematic

behavior and other well-known addictions, such as substance abuse and pathological

gambling. Furthermore, in recent decades, studies have emerged regarding the effects of
technological innovations and new media on the daily lives of users. Television addiction,

game addiction, Internet addiction, mobile phone addiction, and so on have given rise to

heated discussions and debates on the definition of media addiction per se and on its related

causes and consequences. Although certain aspects of this complex psychosocial process

remain unclear, recent studies have reported important findings on diagnosing addictive

symptoms, identifying predictors, and recommending preventive measures and treatments.

<a>Overview of the field: theoretical origin, definition, and symptoms

<pf>Although the concept of media addiction first emerged as a popular metaphor, empirical

studies have enriched its meaning. The concept was first derived from previous scholarship

on “substance abuse” and “pathological gambling.” These two traditions have established

comprehensive diagnostic criteria, which can be traced in different versions of the Diagnostic

and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), for example DSM-5 (see American

Psychiatric Association, 2013). The definition of phenomena of substance abuse such as

alcohol abuse or drug abuse emphasizes a maladaptive pattern of substance use that causes

significant impairment or distress, for instance poor academic performance and impaired

family or interpersonal relations. Serious substance abuse leads to substance dependence,

which is usually accompanied by symptoms of preoccupation, withdrawal, and tolerance.

Another addiction, pathological gambling, is characterized by poor impulse control and

compulsive behavior. Symptoms include recall of gambling experiences, desire for

excitement in the next gambling session, lack of time management, and a desperate financial

situation.

Scholars have expressed the view that media addiction shares similarities with

substance abuse and pathological gambling. Hence the DSM assessment criteria for these two

well-known addictions have been commonly adopted and modified in order to formulate

diagnostic tools for identifying media addiction. However, the unique characteristics of

media addiction have also been emphasized. For example, Griffiths (1996) noted that many
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addictive behaviors, including computer-game playing and surfing the Internet, do not

involve drug ingestion. He suggested six components that fulfill the criteria of “addiction”

(see Griffiths, 1995 for details):

<nl>

1 SALIENCE: this component refers to the fact that the activity of interest becomes the

most important activity in the person’s life and dominates his or her thinking (it

generates preoccupations and cognitive distortions), feelings (it stimulates cravings),

and behavior (it leads to the deterioration of socialized behavior);

2 MOOD MODIFICATION: this component refers to the subjective experience that people

report as a consequence of engaging in the activity of interest;

3 TOLERANCE: this component refers to a process whereby increasing amounts of the

activity of interest are required in order for that activity to achieve the former effects;

4 WITHDRAWAL SYMPTOMS: these are the unpleasant feeling states and physical effects

that occur when the activity of interest is discontinued or suddenly reduced;

5 CONFLICT: this component refers to conflicts between the addict and those around

(interpersonal conflict) or within the individual him- or herself (intrapsychic

conflict)—conflicts that are concerned with the activity of interest;

6 RELAPSE: this component refers to a tendency to revert repeatedly to earlier patterns of

behavior dictated by the activity of interest, such that the most extreme forms of

behavior, typical of the height of the addiction, are quickly restored even after many

years of abstinence or control.</nl>

<pf>Griffiths (1995) coined the term “technological addiction” to describe this nonchemical

type of behavioral addiction. He further explained that technological addiction could be either

passive or active. While extensive television viewing is an example of passive technological

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addiction, problematic computer gaming and online chatting are active addictions that

involve inducing and reinforcing features (i.e., strengthening the addictive tendency).

Similarly, Young (1998a) defined Internet addiction as “an impulse-control disorder

that does not involve an intoxicant” (p. 238). Despite the existing debate on the nature of

media addiction, most researchers take into account previous definitions of addiction and

integrate other possible new symptoms. Hence, although different terminologies have been

proposed (e.g., media dependency, problematic media use, and pathological media use), they

all include similar criteria for the assessment of basic symptoms. In addition to these classic

assessment tools, recent empirical studies have employed several versions of tests in order to

enhance the validity and reliability of the results in different geographical areas and

population groups.
<a>Media addiction assessment

<pf>A pioneer in Internet addiction research, Young (1998a) developed an instrument called

the Internet Addiction Test (IAT), which consists of 20 items. The questionnaire was

developed in order to assess the problems that influence the daily lives of Internet users and

to determine whether these problems meet certain criteria for Internet addiction. Of the 20

items on the test, eight are based on the classic pathological gambling diagnostic scale used in

DSM-4 (see American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Respondents who meet five of these

eight criteria are classified as addicts. The eight-item assessment scale contains the following

items (see Young, 1998b for details):

<nl>

1 preoccupation with the Internet (e.g., thinking about previous online activity or anticipating
the next online session);

2 requiring increasing amounts of time to achieve satisfaction;

3 unsuccessful efforts to control Internet use;

4 feeling restless, moody, depressed, or irritable when attempting to stop Internet use;

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 5 staying online longer than originally intended;

6 jeopardizing significant relationships, jobs, and educational, or career opportunities because

of the Internet;

7 deceiving others to conceal the extent of involvement with the Internet;

8 using the Internet to escape from problems.

<pf>However, the cutoff point has caused controversy regarding the evaluation of the

prevalence of Internet addiction, especially when a variety of assessment methods is utilized.

Some scholars prefer the term “addiction tendency” in discussing the issue. By using Likert

scales in measuring the strength of each symptom, researchers have distinguished different

addiction levels among targeted populations.

Previous research also pointed to the importance of giving weight to specific

addiction criteria. For instance, Charlton and Danforth (2007) highlighted that it is necessary

to differentiate gaming addiction from high engagement in games. They suggested that

gaming addiction is associated with core addiction criteria (e.g., conflict, withdrawal, relapse,

and reinstatement), while high engagement is related to peripheral addiction criteria (e.g.,

cognitive salience, tolerance, and euphoria). They believed that high engagement might be a

preliminary stage in computer-related addiction and that only core criteria provide true

addiction signals, given their greater weight in overall assessments.

Another active scholar in addiction research, Griffiths (2000), argued that the most

stringent way to assess whether behavioral patterns such as Internet addiction and online

game addiction are indeed “addictive” in the nonmetaphorical sense is to compare their

symptoms against the established clinical criteria for drug-related addictions. He objected that

the addiction criteria proposed by most addiction researchers lack measures of severity, do

not take the temporal dimension into account, and often overestimate the prevalence of the

problem. Griffiths pointed out that, in assessing behavioral addiction, excessive usage is

usually symptomatic, and only a small minority of users display “true” addiction.
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 <a>Current scientific knowledge about media addiction

<b>Stages and development in media addiction research

<pf>A content analysis has been conducted specifically for this entry, in order to provide a

state-of-the-art account of developments in media addiction research in previous decades. An

extensive search was performed on five major databases of the communication literature,

namely ProQuest, EBSCOHost, Web of Science, Google Scholar, and Academic Premier.

The authors also searched various dissertation abstracts and databases such as Sage

Publications, InfoSci-Journals, Blackwell Synergy, Cambridge Journals Online,

Communication Abstracts, Sociological Abstracts, PsycInfo, Social Science Citation Index,

and PsycArticles for all the relevant published works related to media addiction research.

Their study placed no restrictions on the date of publication but targeted articles from the

beginning of the databases. It started with a comprehensive list of keywords that consisted of

media addiction, online addiction, Internet addiction, online gambling, reality programs

addiction, soap opera addiction, game addiction, cartoon addiction, pornography addiction,

music addiction, technology addiction, television addiction, smartphone addiction, social

networking services (SNS) addiction, online shopping addiction, online chatting addiction,

selfies addiction, photo-sharing addiction, and cybersex addiction. These keywords yielded

439 relevant empirical studies spanning the period 1994–2014 and covering journal articles,

theses, and dissertations. Books and four articles published before 1994 were excluded. These

studies were conducted in several disciplines, such as public health, communication,

psychology, education psychology, sociology, information science, economics, business, and

others. Two coders were trained to do the coding, and the Scott’s pi intercoder reliability was

averaged at 0.93 for all the variables.

The analysis of the selected literatures in media addiction research showed that the

number of media addiction studies has consistently increased for more than two decades (see

Figure 1). After a brief initial stage in the early 1990s, the number of publications has
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gradually increased in an ascending annual growth rate. In order to understand the

development of media addiction research during the past 20 years, this time span was divided

into four five-year periods (except for the early period of slow growth in this research field,

which extended over six years). Table 1 shows the pattern of growth at each stage. The early

stage, from 1994 to 1999, only recorded 30 related articles. The period from 2000 to 2004

marks the first upsurge, in which the number of publications (n = 71) significantly increased.

The accelerated development stage then occurred from 2005 to 2009; however, this phase

was unstable and fluctuating (n = 112). From 2010 to 2014, the amount of media addiction

research grew quickly, producing 226 publications, which accounted for more than half of all

the research published on media addiction.

<insert Figure 1 near here (before Table 1 shall be fine)>

<insert Table 1 near here>

<b>Themes in media addiction research

<pf>The analysis yielded 11 themes in the research on media addiction published over the

past two decades, each publication having only one theme. As shown in Table 2, Internet

addiction was the dominant theme in 270 publications, which represented 61.5% of all

articles. This phenomenon also coincided with the periods (from 2005 to 2014) in which

media addiction research experienced the most growth—338 or 77% of all publications (see

Table 1). In addition, other popular themes in media addiction research, such as online game

addiction (10.93%), smartphone addiction (6.61%), cybersex addiction (4.33%), SNS

addiction (3.87%), and online shopping addiction (2.73%) were all related to the Internet.

Combined, these constituted over 86% of all the themes in media addiction research. The

lesser themes of technology, TV, pornography, gambling, and online chat addiction were also

identified.

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<insert Table 2 near here>

<a>Four most prevalent themes

<pf>The following section summarizes the four most prevalent themes in the recent research

on media addiction. It is important to note that these themes are not clear-cut classifications

but comprise a phenomenological typology, based on the objective of using the device or a

particular activity via a medium. In the four themes of media addiction, the emphases of the

research differ, but certain symptoms of the addictive behaviors and related consequences are

commonly shared.
<b>Internet addiction

<pf>Although the number of early studies on television addiction and video game addiction

increased steadily, the rise of the Internet stimulated a great amount of research on addictive

behavior in media use. This group of studies systematically expanded the theoretical and

methodological framework in the field. Internet addiction is still the dominant theme in

research on media addiction. Generally, Internet addiction refers to an individual’s inability

to control the use of Internet, which in turn leads to feelings of distress and to the functional

impairment of daily activities. Typical symptoms of pathological online behavior include

dependence, obsessive thoughts, tolerance, diminished impulse control, inability to cease,

withdrawal, and so on. Internet addiction has been compared to other nonchemical

addictions, such as sexual addiction, eating disorders, compulsive gambling, excessive

television viewing, compulsive buying, and excessive exercise. As in other addictions, the

Internet user’s desire and preoccupation increases over time.

Several assessment scales have been commonly adopted in the current research. As

mentioned in the previous section, Young’s (1998a) eight-item scale, also known as Young’s

Diagnostic Questionnaire (YDQ), has been adopted in many empirical studies. Brenner

(1997) developed a 32-item true-or-false questionnaire, the Internet-Related Addictive

8
Behavior Inventory (IRABI), which is based on substance abuse criteria from DSM-4.

Morahan-Martin and Schumacher (2000) created a 13-question scale, the Pathological

Internet Use (PIU), which mainly follows DSM-4 criteria. The Internet Addiction Scale

(IAS), which was developed by Nichols and Nicki (2004), is based on substance dependence

criteria from DSM-4 and two additional criteria—salience and mood modification—that were

proposed by Griffiths (1996).

Previous studies have identified critical predictors of Internet addiction. At the

individual level, personality traits and motivations are most frequently cited (Chak & Leung,

2004; Leung 2004). Typical variables of personality characteristics are self-esteem,

loneliness, shyness, and leisure boredom. Low self-esteem is usually associated with

depression and poor self-control over excessive Internet use. Loneliness is linked to low

levels of social involvement and high levels of self-disclosure on the Internet. Lonely people

tend to have weaker social relationships in real life, but virtual space can compensate for this

drawback. Shyness is also linked to unsophisticated social skills, and the Internet offers a

comfortable environment for shy people to control the interaction process. Leisure boredom

is a significant predictor of problematic behaviors like gambling and delinquency. People

who cannot find meaningful recreational activities in their leisure time are more likely to

become addicted to the Internet. This psychosocial approach suggests that Internet addiction

provides a mechanism that allows an individual to escape from psychological deficiencies.

Studies based on the uses and gratifications (U&G) theory have provided explanations

for the mechanism of another type of individual-level predictor: motivation. Related studies

have conceptualized several gratifications that are specific to Internet adoption. Examples are

access to a virtual community, information seeking, aesthetic experience, monetary

compensation, diversion, personal status, relationship maintenance, and so on. Most

psychologists identify Internet addiction as a pathological behavior but its symptoms may be

found in normal populations, which places it within the scope of conventional theories of
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media dependence. Because the scale of severity can range widely, habitual Internet use

could be equated with “mild” Internet addiction among normal populations of users. Hence

users might begin to experience loss of control over their online behavior in the context of

mounting usage, which was initially motivated by the gratifications offered by online

behavior.

In addition to individual characteristics, parenting style, family conflict, and peer

influence are potential causes of Internet addiction. Furthermore, certain events in daily life,

such as work stress and accidents, can increase the risk of problematic Internet use. Finally,

Internet addiction can have significantly negative consequences, such as poor academic

performance and poor time management, financial burden, and mental depression (Leung &

Lee, 2012a). Internet addiction is also associated with risk-taking behaviors and unhealthy

life-styles (Leung & Lee, 2012b).

<b>Online game addiction

<pf>Internet users spend a large amount of time playing various types of online games

because of the availability of multimedia, instant feedback, and connectedness among users.

Furthermore, online games integrate many characteristics of Internet communication

functions. Players are able to interact with others anonymously and instantly. They even form

virtual interpersonal relationships and organize virtual communities. Because of these

features, online games are highly attractive to individuals who use the Internet for social

stimulation. Entertaining, interactive, and real-time online games have become one of the

primary reasons why teenagers spend hours every day on the Internet. In DSM-5, the latest

version of the DSM, Internet gaming addiction (IGA) has been listed as an emerging disorder

worthy of further investigation (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).

Online games are information technology applications characterized by anonymity,

media richness, real-time interaction, and lack of boundaries. Game developers create virtual

communities in which players can assume any role they desire, enjoy multimedia
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presentations, and accomplish missions with netizens who live on the other side of the world.

Online games require players—from a handful to tens of thousands—to log in to a server.

After selecting a role, players interact with other players who play virtual roles; they

accumulate valuable experience and collect virtual assets. Online games continue even when

individual players log out and do not log in again for days or weeks; when they return, their

experiences and assets are waiting for them.

Past research with children and adolescents has shown that, by comparison with

nonpathological gamers, pathological gamers spent twice as much time playing games (24

hours per week), were more likely to have video game systems in their bedrooms, reported

having more trouble paying attention in school, received poorer grades, had more health

problems, and were more likely to feel “addicted.” Prior research found that personality traits

play a vital role in online game addiction. For example, aggressive traits may influence online

gaming. Research has shown a link between excessive gaming and the propensity for game

violence. Excessive adolescent male gamers were more attracted to violent video games than

nonviolent ones were. Individuals with the trait of neuroticism have a predisposition to

anxiety and a tendency to worry. Some studies observed that online games have a negative

influence on well-being and that neurotic individuals are more likely than nonneurotic

individuals to be addicted to online games.

<b>Smartphone addiction

<pf>As the mobile phone has become popular, sophisticated, and multifunctional, this device

is a new target for addiction research. The smartphone is a portable device that integrates

computer technology to enhance the user’s communication diversity and experiences. In

addition to traditional functions, such as voice communication and text messages,

smartphones provide several advanced communication utilities, such as photo and video

sharing, social networking, emails, mobile games, and so on. With recent technological

breakthroughs, current smartphones resemble computers and offer users experiences beyond
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communication. Smartphones can perform the functions of computers, such as tracking

locations on maps, reporting temperatures, recording itineraries, and playing movies.

Scholars have developed several assessment scales. Leung (2008) proposed the

Mobile Phone Addiction Scale (MPAS) by integrating the dimensions in the Mobile Phone

Problematic Use (MPPU) scale (Bianchi & Phillips, 2005), the Internet Addiction Test

(Young, 1998b), and the Television Addiction Scale (Horvath, 2004). The 17-item MPAS

yields a four-factor structure of symptoms of mobile phone addiction that accounted for

60.4% of the variance. Subsequently, Bian and Leung (2015) conducted a similar study,

which examined 414 smartphone users in China. Their 19-item scale yielded a clearly

identifiable five-factor structure of symptoms of mobile phone addiction that accounted for

70.09% of the total variance. These factors included disregard of harmful consequences,

preoccupation, inability to control cravings, loss of productivity, and feelings of anxiety and

being lost. In general, the symptoms identified in these studies were conceptually consistent

with the original theory, that is, they were hurtful consequences and were described in DSM

as part of the diagnostic criteria of pathological gambling.

Media addiction can be induced when an individual experiences internal or external

stress. Previous studies showed that people with certain psychological traits, including low

self-esteem and high anxiety, present a higher likelihood of becoming addicted to

smartphones. Because it provides a distraction from stressful experiences, the addictive use of

the smartphone serves as a mechanism for coping with stress. Thus a positive view is that

mobile phone users may employ smartphone addiction to relieve negative emotions and

experiences caused by pain and tension in their daily life. The impulsive behaviors of such

people can be considered a reward that reduces emotional tension and facilitates future

behavior. In other words, media addiction is converted into a strategy for alleviating daily

pain and tension. This argument has been verified by empirical studies, which contended that

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Internet addiction is accompanied by other potential risk factors, such as alcoholism,

dissatisfaction with one’s family, and recent experiences of stressful events.

<b>Cybersex addiction

<pf>Sex is the most frequently searched topic on the Internet. Easy and convenient access to

online pornography and adult chat sites makes these services into an immediately available

vehicle for falling into compulsive patterns of online use. In fact pornographers have always

been the first to exploit new publishing technologies such as digital photography, videotape,

or the Internet for the purpose of marketing pornographic materials.

Specific factors might make the Internet a powerful force in the area of pornography;

these factors are access, affordability, and anonymity. Easy access to the Internet can allow

users to obtain sexual materials at any time. The cost of such materials and interactions

makes them more affordable online than offline. The perception that one can protect one’s

anonymity in the privacy of one’s home has been found to have a powerful effect on the

consumption of pornographic material. In addition to these factors, a sense of freedom, an

increased willingness to experiment, a faster pace of self-disclosure, and an ability to talk

openly about one’s sex life, questions, concerns, or fantasies drive the cybersex addiction.

One of the most common consequences of online addiction is the problem of online

affairs. An online affair is defined as a romantic or sexual relationship that is initiated via

online contact and maintained predominantly through electronic conversations that occur

through e-mail, chat rooms, or interactive games. Online affairs differ dramatically from real-

life affairs and are potentially more seductive. Given the global nature of the Internet, online

affairs can be culturally diverse; consequently they can seem more glamorous than

relationships in day-to-day living. Electronic communication allows individuals to feel less

inhibited, which accelerates the perception of intimacy. People are more likely to be open,

honest, and forthright, revealing personal truths in the cyberspace. Thus the degree of

intimacy that might take months or years to develop in an offline relationship may take only
13
days or weeks online. A friendly conversation with a trusted online companion can quickly

become erotic, allowing users to share their most private sexual fantasies with each other.

Erotic online chats can be accompanied by self-stimulation designed to heighten the sexual

experience. Online affairs or cybersex addiction can lead to changes in a couple’s daily life,

for instance changes in sleep patterns, increased demand for privacy, ignoring

responsibilities, lying, personality changes, loss of interest in sex, and declining investment in

the real-life relationship.

<b>Emerging media addiction research: social media addiction

<pf>Mobile devices enable “anytime–anywhere” Internet connectivity. One implication is

heavy use of smartphones or Internet for online social networking. Logging on to online

social platforms has now become the most common practice of Internet users. Many SNS

providers have introduced mobile applications that can be installed on smartphones for fast

and easy access to SNS. Therefore recent research on media addiction has noted that

smartphone or Internet addictions have been increasingly related to the use of SNS

applications.

Social media are computer-mediated tools that allow people to create, share, or

exchange information. They serve as interactive virtual platforms for registered users to

communicate with one another, although their functionalities are currently expanding into

peripheral areas that provide other benefits, including entertainment, education, shopping,

and other services. The interactions among users through these platforms are often instant and

not geographically bounded. The information exchanged can exist in multiple forms—text,

pictures, videos, voices, and so on. Registered users of social media are usually individuals,

but institutional users, which are primarily service providers, have been increasing their

presence in social media. The presence of institutional users extends the dimensions of social

media to the field of services, such that individual users can now watch an educational video

clip on first aid or play online games developed by various companies.

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 Over the last decade the use of SNSs has grown exponentially. Recent statistics

provided by Facebook (2014) revealed that in March 2014 there were 1.28 billion active

users on the site per month, and more than 800 million of these users logged onto the online

social platform every day. The interactive features of social media make it easier for users,

especially young people, to get addicted. Individual users can create, share, and communicate

their messages to their target audience, which ranges from specific friends to the mass

market. People with bigger social networks and high SNS usage are likely to install mobile

applications of SNS, which leads to spending even more time on online social platforms.

Social media addiction has been defined as a failure to regulate usage, which in turn

causes negative personal outcomes. However, scholars have different views on defining

addiction, depending on the level of obsession. Some believe that, when users become

obsessed and increasingly dependent on social media, for instance in the form of excessive

use of an object, they are to be considered addicted. Griffiths, Kuss, and Demetrovics (2014)

also make the valid point that describing SNS addiction is not a clear-cut process. In

particular, they posit that becoming addicted to the social aspects of SNS use might represent

“cyberrelationship addiction,” while addiction to SNS games like the popular Facebook

application Farmville should fall under the classification of “gaming addiction.” Some

scholars consider social media addiction to be an intensive consumer behavior with great

loyalty that arises from the benefits of SNS, rather than patients with a disorder that requires

treatment. In their view, excessive usage of social media does not harm individuals or the

society. Other scholars assert that heavy use is not sufficient to qualify as addiction.

Addictions are habits that begin when the pleasurable outcomes become a conditioned

response to a negative effect. The behavior then becomes a goal in itself, which leads to

preoccupation with it. For example, a Facebook user may consider it a platform for

communication to begin with. However, when the user is troubled, Facebook chats offer

relief, which then stimulates repetitive, reliant behavior. Eventually, the user considers
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Facebook chats as the only communication channel, which then negatively affects that user’s

normal life.

Caplan’s (2010) social skill model of generalized problematic Internet use is a recent

theory of online addiction. In this model, individuals who prefer to communicate in an online

environment are at greater risk of experiencing negative outcomes related to excessive

Internet use. Individuals who demonstrate deficient self-regulation of Internet use tend to

engage in online social communication as a means of escaping from negative mood states,

such as loneliness or anxiety. Communicating online alleviates negative moods (a

phenomenon known as mood alteration), which then reinforces online use. Given the social

focus of SNSs (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and LinkedIn), this theory has the

potential to explain online social networking addiction.

<a>Limitations and future direction

<pf>The field of media addiction studies continues to debate the sources and nature of

addiction. The most controversial issue concerns whether the existing terminology of media

addiction conveys the real meaning of problematic behavior in diverse media activities. Some

scholars hold that media are only channels and that careful attention should be paid to

concrete behavior on certain media platforms. Such debates are particularly relevant to

Internet addiction and mobile phone addiction.

Another controversial issue emerges when technology facilitates the advancement of

new media products and services. Traditionally, the development of Internet and game

addiction research is closely based on the classic DSM approach. This trend also influences

forthcoming studies on mobile phone addiction. However, future studies should differentiate

the symptoms, predictors, and consequences of different forms of media, especially

computer-based and mobile-based communication. Mobile media are both unique and

ubiquitous, which may facilitate media addiction in different ways and with different

intensities.
16
 With regard to methodology, mainstream studies have used the cross-sectional survey,

which cannot yield enough evidence to provide a causal explanation. Future studies should

employ experimental and longitudinal designs to gain an indepth understanding of the

psychological process of media addiction. In addition, there is a strong need for a systematic

method of developing items for the measurement of emerging forms of addictive behaviors.

As the present entry demonstrated, researchers currently tend to take a haphazard approach,

which could result in conceptual confusion. Until a systematic process is established,

behavioral addiction researchers should think carefully when borrowing criteria or items from

scales that measure other addictive disorders. These results could offer clarity regarding

which symptoms are relevant to the addictive behavior under study.

Furthermore, the four most prevalent themes in media addiction research discussed in

this entry have clear implications for treatment and intervention. However, past research

focused mostly on symptoms of the addictive behaviors and related consequences. Few

research studies have been done on intervention, treatment, and recovery. Intervention

strategies need to focus on helping addicts to slow down their decision-making process so

that they can appreciate the possible long-term risks of their behavior. Treatment also needs

to assist addicts in developing coping skills and media time management skills that will allow

for a more effective control of impulsivity. Future studies should focus on how parents,

educators, social workers, and health professionals can watch out for warning signs and can

develop recovery strategies for media addicts.

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378–398. doi: 10.1207/s15506878jobem4803_3

Leung, L. (2004). Net-generation attributes and seductive properties of the Internet as predictors of
online activities and Internet addiction. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 7(3), 333–348. doi:
10.1089/1094931041291303

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Leung, L. (2008). Linking psychological attributes to addiction and improper use of the mobile phone
among adolescents in Hong Kong. Journal of Children & Media, 2(2), 93–113. doi:
10.1080/17482790802078565

Leung, L., & Lee, P. S. N. (2012a). Impact of internet literacy, Internet addiction symptoms, and
internet activities on academic performance. Social Science Computer Review, 30(4), 403–418.
doi: 10.1177/0894439311435217

Leung, L., & Lee, P. S. N. (2012b). The influences of information literacy, Internet addiction and
parenting styles on internet risks. New Media & Society, 14(1), 117–136. doi:
10.1177/1461444811410406

Morahan-Martin, J. & Schumacher, P. (2000). Incidence and correlates of pathological Internet use
among college students. Computers in Human Behavior, 16, 13–29. doi: 10.1016/s0747-
5632(99)00049-7

Nichols, L. A., & Nicki, R. (2004). Development of a psychometrically sound Internet addiction scale: A
preliminary step. Psychology of Addictive Behaviors, 18(4), 381–384. doi: 10.1037/0893-
164x.18.4.381

Young, K. S. (1998a). Caught in the net. New York: John Wiley & Sons.

Young, K. S. (1998b). Internet addiction: The emergence of a new clinical disorder. CyberPsychology &
Behavior, 1(3), 237–244. doi: 10.1089/cpb.1998.1.237

<rh>Further reading

Beard, K. W. (2005). Internet addiction: A review of current assessment techniques and potential
assessment questions. Cyberpsychology & Behavior, 8, 7–14. doi: 10.1089/cpb.2005.8.7

Caplan, S. E. (2002). Problematic Internet use and psychosocial well-being: Development of a theory
based cognitive–behavioral measurement instrument. Computers in Human Behavior, 18(5),
553–575. doi: 10.1016/s0747-5632(02)00004-3

Griffiths, M. D. (2012). Facebook addiction: Concerns, criticism, and recommendations: A response to

Andreassen and colleagues. Psychological Reports, 110, 518–520. doi:
0.2466/01.07.18.pr0.110.2.518-520

Khang, H., Kim, J. K., & Kim, Y. (2013). Self-traits and motivations as antecedents of digital media flow
and addiction: The Internet, mobile phones, and video games. Computers in Human Behavior, 29,
2416–2424. doi: 10.1016/j.chb.2013.05.027

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Kuss, D. J. & Griffiths, M. D. (2011). Online social networking and addiction: A review of the
psychological literature. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 8,
3528–3552. doi: 10.3390/ijerph8093528

<bio>Louis Leung is professor in the School of Journalism and Communication at the

Chinese University of Hong Kong. He currently serves as director of the Center for

Communication and Public Opinion Survey and founder and program director of the MSc

in New Media program since 2000. His research interests focus on the uses and effects of

new media. Dr. Leung is the editor of the Chinese Journal of Communication. He holds a

PhD in communication from the University of Texas at Austin.

<bio>Yin Zhang is research assistant professor in the School of Communication at Hong

Kong Baptist University. His research interests include computer-mediated

communication and the social and psychological impacts of information and

communication technologies, with a special focus on social media and online network

studies. He received his PhD in communication from the Chinese University of Hong

Kong, and is an alumnus of Oxford Internet Institute (Oii) summer doctoral program.

<bio>Jingwen Liang is PhD candidate in the School of Journalism and Communication, the

Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong. Her research focuses on media

psychology, on political psychology, and especially on mediated information processing in

social judgment and civic engagement. Some of her studies were published in New Media

& Society and in the Encyclopedia of Mobile Phone Behavior (2015).

20
<th>Table 1 Media addiction research (by period).

<tc>Number of
<tc>Period <tc>Year <tc>Percentage
Publications

1. Early stage 1994–1999 30 6.8%

2. Growth 2000–2004 71 16.2
3. Accelerated development 2005–2009 112 25.5
4. Stable development 2010–2014 226 51.5
Total: 439 100.0

21
<th>Table 2 Themes in media addiction research.

<tc>Theme <tc>Number of Publications <tc>Percentage

1. Internet addiction 270 61.5%

2. Online game addiction 48 10.9

3. Smartphone addiction 29 6.6

4. Cybersex addiction 19 4.3

5. SNS addiction 17 3.9

6. Online shopping addiction 12 2.7

7. Technology addiction 12 2.7

8. TV addiction 6 1.4

9. Pornography addiction 5 1.1

10. Gambling addiction 4 0.9

11. Online chatting addiction 3 0.7

12. Other 14 3.2

Total: 439 100.0

22