At The Periphery of The Avar Core Region: Erwin Gáll

Erwin Gáll
At the Periphery
of the
Avar Core Region
ROMANIAN ACADEMY
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ART HISTORY CLUJ-NAPOCA
Series
Patrimonium Archaeologicum Transylvanicum
Editors
Sorin Cociş
Adrian Ursuţiu
Volume 13
ROMANIAN ACADEMY – INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ART HISTORY CLUJ-NAPOCA
Erwin Gáll
At the Periphery
of the
Avar Core Region
6th–8th Century Burial Sites near Nădlac
(The Pecica–Nădlac Motorway Rescue Excavations)
with contributions by
Adrian Ursuțiu
Sorin Cociș
Luminița Andreica-Szilagyi
Beáta Tugya
Valentin Dumitrașcu
András Grynaeus
Éditions L’Harmattan • L’Harmattan Publishing

Paris • Budapest
2017
DTP and cover:
Francisc Baja
Translated by:
László Ferenczi (Budapest)
László Oláh (Budapest)
Gabriela Balica (Cluj-Napoca)
Proofreading by:
Renáta Bilibók (Cluj-Napoca)
László Ferenczi (Budapest)
Academic proof-readers:
Tivadar Vida (Budapest)
Bence Gulyás (Budapest)
Csaba Szalontai (Szeged)
Drawings:
Malvinka Urák, Narcisa Șugaru, Márton Ferenczi, Norbert Kapcsos (Cluj-Napoca)
Photograph:
Florin & Radu Sălcudean Studio Photo “Ciorchin”
Book cover image:

Mugur Manea
© Erwin Gáll, Adrian Ursuțiu, Sorin Cociș, 2017
ISBN: 978-2-343-13906-7
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Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 9
CHAPTER 1.
INTRODUCTION (Sorin Cociș) 11
CHAPTER 2.
THE TOPOGRAPHY OF THE SITES. GEOGRAPHICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SURROUNDINGS OF NĂDLAC
(Adrian Ursuțiu) 15
CHAPTER 3.
6TH–10TH CENTURY BURIAL SITES NEAR NĂDLAC 17
Introduction 17
“Necropolis”, “cemetery”, or “burial ground” – a terminological problem 17
Characteristics of burial customs in the Carpathian Basin in the 6th–10th centuries. Funerary practices as
reflections of social status 18
3.1. Site 9M 19
3.1.1. The graves (Adrian Ursuțiu – Sorin Cociș) 19
3.1.2. Analysis of burial practices (Pl. 4–5) 22
3.1.3. Analysis of grave goods 22
3.1.4. Summary 24
3.2. Site 3M-S 25
3.2.1. The graves (Sorin Cociș) 25
3.2.2. Analysis of burial practices 45
3.2.2.1. The structure and size of the burial ground (Fig. 2; pl. 11–12) 45
3.2.2.2. Grave robbings (Fig. 3) 47
3.2.2.3. The orientation of graves (Fig. 4) 47
3.2.2.4. The form, size, and depth of graves 49
3.2.2.4.1. Stepped graves (Fig. 5) 49
3.2.2.4.2. Niche graves (Fig. 6) 51
3.2.2.5. On the position of the body in the graves 53
3.2.2.5.1. The use of coffins and the wrapping of bodies (Fig. 7) 53
3.2.2.5.2. The position of the dead 55
3.2.2.5.3. Unusual burials (Fig. 8) 55
3.2.2.5.3.1. Contracted burials 55
3.2.2.5.3.2. Subsequent burials (Nachbestattung) and superpositions 55
3.2.2.6. Animal burials (Fig. 9–12) 55
3.2.2.6.1. Horse burial (Fig. 9; fig. 11) 58
3.2.2.6.2. Animal sacrifices, symbolic role, and food offerings? (Fig. 9–12) 58
3.2.2.6.3. Eggs (Fig. 9) 62
3.2.2.7. Summary 63
3.2.3.1. Earrings (Fig. 13–14) 64
3.2.3.2. Beads (Fig. 15–19) 66
3.2.3.3. Spindle whorls (Fig. 19) 71
3.2.3.4. Dress or belt mounts (?) 71
3.2.3.5. Belts (Fig. 20–25) 71
3.2.3.5.1. Buckles (Fig. 20–21) 73
3.2.3.5.2. Belt mounts, strap retainers, and belt hole guards (Fig. 22–23) 74
3.2.3.5.3. Strap ends (Fig. 22) 78
3.2.3.5.4. On the types of belts 78
3.2.3.5.5. On the dating of belts: methodological observations concerning J. Zábojník’s chronological
system and its relevance for the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region (Fig. 24–25) 78
3.2.3.6. Knives (Fig. 26–27) 82
3.2.3.6.1. On the position of knives in the graves (Fig. 26) 82
3.2.3.6.2. On the length of knives (Fig. 27) 84
3.2.3.6.3. Burials with knives in a regional and macro-regional perspective 84
3.2.3.7. Iron rings 84
3.2.3.8. Iron awl 85
3.2.3.9. Horse accessories 88
3.2.3.9.1. Harness ornaments 88
3.2.3.9.2. Horse bit 89
3.2.3.9.3. Unknown iron object (bridle buckle?) 89
3.2.3.10. Sickle (Fig. 31–33) 89
3.2.3.11. Ceramic vessels (Fig. 9) 95
3.2.3.12. Brim mount of a wooden porringer (Fig. 34) 96
3.2.3.13. Iron rim of a wooden bucket 97
3.2.3.14. Hernia truss (?) 97
3.2.3.15. Fragments of unidentified objects 97
3.2.4. Summary 97
3.2.4.1. The incidence of grave goods; age and sex patterns (Fig. 35–37) 97
3.2.4.2. The chronology of the burial ground (Fig. 38–45) 101
3.2.4.3. Demographic aspects (Fig. 46/A–B) 106
3.2.4.4. Observations concerning the social stratification of the micro-community 108
3.3. Site 3M-N 108
3.3.1. The graves (Adrian Ursuțiu) 108
3.3.2. Analysis of burial practices 116
3.3.2.1. The site of the burial ground and grave groups (Fig. 47; Pl. 92–94) 116
3.3.2.2. Grave robbings (Fig. 47) 116
3.3.2.3. The orientation of graves (Fig. 49) 119
3.3.2.4. The shape, size, and depth of the graves 119
3.3.2.4.1. Niche graves (Fig. 50) 120
3.3.2.4.2. The problem of grave 333 (Pl. 97; pl. 207) 120
3.3.2.5. On the position of the body in the graves 122
3.3.2.5.1. Wrapping the deceased person 122
3.3.2.6. Animal burials (Fig. 51–54) 122
3.3.2.6.1. Horse burials (Fig. 52, 54) 122
3.3.2.6.2. Animal sacrifices, symbolic role, and food offerings? (Fig. 51–53) 123
3.3.2.7. Summary 125
3.3.3.1. Rectangular mounts (Fig. 55–56) 127
3.3.3.2. Earrings (Fig. 56) 129
3.3.3.3. Beads (Fig. 56) 129
3.3.3.4. Spindle whorls (Fig. 56) 130
3.3.3.5. Straining spoon (Fig. 56) 130
3.3.3.6. Cylinder brush holder (Fig. 56) 131
3.3.3.7. Chain (Fig. 56) 131
3.3.3.8. A cylindrical bone object (Fig. 56) 132
3.3.3.9. Pendant (?) (Fig. 56) 132
3.3.3.10. Belts (Fig. 57) 132
3.3.3.10.1. Buckles (Fig. 57) 132
3.3.3.10.2. U-shaped fastening straps (Fig. 57) 134
3.3.3.10.3. Strap ends (Fig. 57) 134
3.3.3.11. Single-edged swords without crossguards (Fig. 59) 134
3.3.3.12. Arrowheads (Fig. 59) 136
3.3.3.13. Knives (Fig. 59) 136
3.3.3.13.1. On the size of knives 136
3.3.3.13.2. On the number of graves with knives 137
3.3.3.14. Stirrup (Fig. 59) (Pl. 107/16) 137
3.3.3.15. Horse bit (Fig. 59) 137
3.3.3.16. Girth buckle (Fig. 59) 137
3.3.3.17. Ceramic vessels (Fig. 51–52) 137
3.3.3.18. Fragments of unidentified objects 139
3.3.4. Summary 139
3.3.4.1. The chronology of the burial ground (Fig. 60–61) 139
3.3.4.2. Demographic aspects (Fig. 62–63) 141
3.3.4.3. Some thoughts on the evolution of the micro-community in Nădlac-3M-N 141
CHAPTER 4.
CONCLUSIONS 145
4.1. The chronology of the three sites (Fig. 63) 145
4.2. Anthropological and archaeozoological observations concerning lifestyle (Fig. 64) 147
4.3. The settlement network and the landscape context 148
4.4. Problems of “ethnicity” and social status in the light of archaeology (Fig. 65–66) 149
4.5. The centre and periphery model – 7th century finds from Nădlac and the early medieval commercial
network (Fig. 67) 152
4.6. At the periphery of the core region (Fig. 68–70) 155
CHAPTER 5.
ANNEXES 161
5.1. The list of the burial grounds in the area between the rivers Mureș–Criș–Tisza in the first part of the Avar
Age (with bibliography) (see Map 1) 161
5.2. The list of the burial grounds in the area between the rivers Mureș–Criș–Tisza in the second part of the
Avar Age (with bibliography) (see Map 2) 163
CHAPTER 6.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 167
Abbreviations 178
CHAPTER 7.
BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY OF AVAR AGE HUMAN SKELETONS FROM NĂDLAC
(LUMINIȚA ANDREICA-SZILAGYI) 181
7.1. Introduction 181
7.2. Preservation degree 181
7.2.1. Preservation degree for the skeletons identified in 3M-S site (Fig. 1–3) 181
7.2.2. Preservation degree of the skeletons identified in the site 3M-N (Fig. 4–6) 182
7.2.3. Preservation degree for the osteological material identified in the site 9M 183
7.3. Materials and methods for sex and age at death estimations 183
7.4. Paleodemography 183
7.4.1. Site 3 M-S (Fig. 7–13) 183
7.4.2. Site 3M-N (Fig. 14–16) 186
7.4.3. Site 9M (Fig. 17) 187
7.5. Stature 187
7.5.1. Site 3M-S (Fig. 18–19) 187
7.5.2. Site 3M-N (Fig. 20) 189
7.5.3. Site 9M 189
7.6. Paleopathology 189
7.6.1. Dental disease 189
7.6.1.1. Site 3M-S 189
7.6.1.1.1. Enamel hypoplasia (Fig. 21) 189
7.6.1.1.2. Dental caries (Fig. 22–27) 189
7.6.1.1.3. Antemortem tooth loss (Fig. 24; fig. 27) 190
7.6.1.1.4. Dental abscesses (Fig. 25; fig. 27) 190
7.6.1.1.5. Dental plaque (Fig. 26–27) 191
7.6.1.2. Site 3M-N 191
7.6.1.2.1. Enamel hypoplasia (Fig. 28) 191
7.6.1.2.2. Other dental pathological features (Fig. 29) 191
7.6.1.3. Site 9M 192
7.6.2. Skeletal indicators for nutritional deficiency 192
7.6.2.1. Site 3M-S (Fig. 30) 192
7.6.2.2. Site 3M-N (Fig. 31) 192
7.6.3. Infections 193
7.6.3.1. Sub-periosteal inflammation (Site 3M-S) (Fig. 32) 193
7.6.4. Joint disease 193
7.6.4.1. Osteoarthritis (Fig. 33–34; fig. 36/2–3) 193
7.6.4.2 Spondylolysis (Fig. 35) 194
7.6.4.3. Schmorl’s nodes (Fig. 36/1–5) 194
7.6.5. Trauma and fractures 195
7.6.5.1. Site 3M-S 195
7.6.5.1.1. Fractures (Fig. 36/5; fig. 37) 195
7.6.5.1.2. Trauma produced with a sharp object 195
7.6.5.2. Site 3M-N 195
7.6.5.2.1. Fracture 195
7.6.6. Enthesopathies (Site 3M-S) (Fig. 38) 195
7.6.7. Tumours (Site 3M-S) 196
7.6.8. Congenital malformations (Site 3M-S) 196
7.6.8.1. Humerus varus (unilateral) 196
7.6.8.1.2. Spina bifida (Fig. 39/A–C) 197
7.6.8.1.3. Lumbar sacralisation 197
7.6.9. Results and discussions 198
Bibliography 199
Abbreviations 201
CHAPTER 8.
ARCHAEOZOOLOGY 203
8.1. Descriptions of the animal remains in the graves (Valentin Dumitrașcu) 203
8.1.1. Site 3M-S 203
8.1.2. Site 3M-N 207
Bibliography 211
8.2. Eggshell remains in Avar Age graves in Nădlac (8th century) (Beáta Tugya) 211
8.2.1. Introduction 211
8.2.2. The methods of examining the eggs 212
8.2.3. General characteristics of the eggshells 212
8.2.4. Description of eggs and analysis (Fig. 1–4) 213
8.2.5. Evaluation and comparison (Fig. 5) 214
Bibliography 217
Abbreviations 218
CHAPTER 9.
THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE TREE SPECIES USED FOR THE AVAR AGE WOODEN REMAINS IN NĂDLAC-3M-S
(ANDRÁS GRYNAEUS) 219
CHAPTER 10.
MAPS 221
CHAPTER 11.
PLATES 225
Acknowledgements
T
he preventive research on the Nădlac–Pecica section could be con-
cluded due to the good collaboration between the Institute for Archae-
ology and Art History of Cluj-Napoca and the Arad County Museum,
represented by its director, Peter Hügel, who offered genuine and effective support
for the entire project. We owe a debt of gratitude to our colleagues of Arad, Victor
Sava, Florin Mărginean, and Luminița Andreica-Szilagyi, for their endeavors and
camaraderie all through the long and strenuous process of field surveys, paper
work and many other aspects that cannot be captured in such a small number
of lines. Side by side with our colleagues from Arad, the research on the three
sites with Avar and Sarmatian materials benefited from the participation of the
following: Tamás Balog, Gelu Copos, Ştefana Cristea, Mădălina Dimache, Sza-
bolcs Ferencz, Lavinia Grumeza, Mihály Huba Hőgyes, Norbert Kapcsos, Raluca
Matei, Sándor Romát, Malvinka Urák, younger colleagues, whose enthusiasm and
archaeological proficiency enabled us to conclude our research.
The support of the Arad County Office for Culture, represented by Mihai Gro-
zav, was also valuable in surmounting many obstacles, chiefly at the beginning of
the project, as well as the expert advice of the government agency CNADNR, rep-
resented by Mihaela Simion. We should also mention Adrian Adler, project man-
ager for the contractor (Astaldi – Max Boegl Partnership), with whom we had the
pleasure to work during a very difficult digging session (April – September 2015)
and developed a special relationship, and whose constant support in apparently
impossible situations made the following lines possible.
We would like to thank Olariu Gherghina for the chemical composition anal-
ysis (XRF), whose significance for our work is outstanding, as well as Roxana
Cobuşceanu with the Restoration-Conservation Laboratory of the County Museum
in Satu Mare. Likewise, we thank to Georgiana Mureșan (Restoration-Conservation
Laboratory of the Institute of Archaeology “Vasile Pârvan”, Bucharest). We are also
grateful for the expertise and patience with which our friends Florin and Radu
Sălcudean have photographed the items, and, in their Photo Studio “Ciorchin”
– Cluj Napoca, have found time and professional solutions to make them look
even better than in real life due to their efforts and talent. We are indebted to our
colleagues Avram Mihail and Tibor-Tamás Daróczi who have significantly contrib-
uted to the desktop research by comparing old Austro-Hungarian maps and com-
piling topographic information. For the pencil drawings, we wish to thank Narcisa
Șugaru, Márton Ferenczi, Norbert Kapcsos, Malvinka Urák.
The scientific documentation also enjoyed the support of Domus Hungarica
Foundation (Hungarian Academy of Sciences) that granted us access to several
discoveries in Nădlac area that have ended up in the Hungarian National Museum
in the 19th century. We are also grateful for the expert archaeological advice of
Csilla Balogh, Csanád Bálint, László Bartosiewicz, Éva Garam, Bencze Gulyás,
Heinrich Härke, András Kosztur, Andrei Măgureanu, Zsófia Rácz, Radu Harhoiu,
Gheorghe Alexandru Niculescu, Adrien Pásztor, Dorin Sârbu, Daniel Spânu, Csaba Szalontai, László Gergely
Szücs, and András Csuthy. Special thanks are due to our colleague Gergely Szenthe, both in what concerns the
support with the research on the discoveries found in the Hungarian National Museum and the recommended
bibliography, chiefly the debates upon the Avar Age that have provided a real and interesting insight into the
problem. Constantly and generously offering his support, we wish to acknowledge Mr. Tivadar Vida’s contri-
bution to our project.
Erwin Gáll – Adrian Ursuțiu – Sorin Cociș
10
CHAPTER 1.
Introduction
T
he diagnostic archaeological survey, conducted in October 2011
by the Institute for Archaeology and Art History of Cluj-Napoca in part-
nership with Arad County Museum for the highway construction pro-
ject regarding Nădlac–Pecica section (22+200 km) and the spur route Nădlac-high-
way (ca. 7 km) according to the agreement with the contractor, has identified and
marked ten archaeological sites, eight in the main section and two along the con-
necting route. They had been previously identified in the field by our colleagues
with the Arad County Museum following a professionally conducted operation of
desktop research and field survey so that the subsequent intrusive survey has to a
great extent validated their evaluation, which is unfortunately rather uncommon
in projects of such scale. The spur route survey could not be completed due to the
pending situation of several land plots not expropriated yet at that time. Follow-
ing the intrusive diagnostic survey concluded in November 2011 and taking into
account the size and complexity of the identified sites, the project study section
where the Institute for Archaeology and Art History of Cluj-Napoca conducted the
preventive survey started from the Romanian–Hungarian border, namely from km
0+000 to km 6+800 of the project, including the spur route, and encompassed six
sites (four in the main section and two along the connecting route). Due to the
fact that there were two contractors for the highway road construction project at
that time, the archaeological survey area was accordingly divided between the
two aforementioned institutions involved in the preventive archaeology operation
in order to facilitate collaboration in the field.
Considering the geographical features of plain areas, it would have been
irrelevant to designate the sites according to local place names; therefore they
were assigned codes and were defined according to ST 70 coordinates. As stated
before, there were two contractors so that the codes in the Cluj section included
the initial of one of the partners, namely “M”, followed by the figure indicating the
order in which the site was identified during the diagnostic survey from west to
east. Thus, the sites in our sector, some of which had been investigated during the
fall-winter of 2011, have been assigned the codes 1M to 4M1 in the highway section,
namely 5M and 6M along the spur route. The preventive archaeological survey
was resumed the next year, after some delay unfortunately, site 3M (km 2+020-
2+200 of the project), whose topsoil had been already stripped away last winter,
was investigated only between 17.06–22.06.2012.2 On this occasion, 38 archaeolog-
ical complexes have been documented and investigated, two dating back to the
Neolithic Age, most of them associated with a Sarmatian settlement with large
Bârcă – Cociș 2013, 31–50.

1
Team led by S. Cociş.

2
dwellings, houses, wells, pits, etc. (the diagnostic survey had previously sampled other six complexes). Mod-
ern or contemporary items from local settlements in the area were also found; identified as such they were left
out of our investigation. In the fall, after another break caused by the contractor, the diagnostic survey of the
spur route from Nădlac to the highway was also concluded with the identification of two other sites, 7M3 and
8M.4 Then the client, the government agency CNADNR, terminated the highway road construction contract for
the respective section and consequently the preventive survey operation was suspended due to lack of funds.
The situation persisted until another contractor was employed to finish the highway construction project and
we resumed our survey (in March 2014, beginning with the preventive survey for the connecting route, sites 7M
and 8M, a priority at that time).5
After the blueprints for the spur route and its highway ring connection were ready and all the land was
expropriated, the client asked us to conduct a new archaeological diagnostic survey over a rather wide area
(ca. 70 ha).6 The diagnostic survey aimed on the one hand at determining the north/south limits of site 3M and,
on the other hand, at evaluating the archaeological potential of the entire area within the connection ring. The
evaluation was required on such a large scale because the contractor wanted to use the soil from the respective
area for the construction of the connecting ring embankment. Accordingly, we marked out site 9M, whose first
two graves had already been investigated during the previous diagnostic survey, and identified a full amount
of 22 archaeological complexes (ten burials and one urn cremation grave, six dwellings, one hearth, as well
as four middens). Next, we covered the northern and southern limits of the Sarmatian settlement, site 3M; its
western and eastern borders, belonging to the main highway section, had been investigated as early as 2012.
Whereas the content of site 9M was completely removed, which actually turned it into a borrow pit (ca. 1.4 ha),
in site 3M only the area affected by the connecting ring embankment was investigated. We should point out
that, in spite of the significant number of test pit excavations performed during the survey, we could find no
burial complex, whether Sarmatian or Avar. Actually, the sampling units fell between the grave rows, exclu-
sively in the Sarmatian settlement complexes. As a result, when initiating the preventive survey operation we
were expecting to investigate a Sarmatian settlement.
During the 2014 digging session, we enjoyed the opportunity of working once again with the colleagues
from Arad Museum without whose professional approach it would have been hard to meet our deadlines.
In the preventive survey operation, the removal of the topsoil in the area south of the main highway sec-
tion revealed the first burials dating back to the Avar Age. For practical reasons, in order to avoid confusion
when analyzing and interpreting the data, the more so as we were dealing with a situation perpetuated for
several digging sessions,7 we decided to rename site 3M, ascribing the following codes: Site 3M South (3M-S),
with complexes numbered from no. 100, and Site 3M North (3M-N), with complexes numbered from no. 300. It
seems to have been a good call, facilitating the approach to the actual situation in the field under the circum-
stances in which the operations were carried on simultaneously in three sites at one point and the data had to
be organized and collated.
The topsoil was stripped away with ditch clearing bucket excavators over a surface of ca. 1.3 ha in order to
examine sites 3M-S and 3M-N; unfortunately they were not investigated in full like the burial complexes in site
9M, only the areas affected by the project. After the complexes were identified (the settlements being more or
less altered by the deep furrows specific to the area), the points of interest were manually scrapped, examined
and documented. In June-August, 198 Sarmatian (3rd–4th century A.D., dwellings and part of the neighboring
cemetery) and Avar (the graves in 3M-N, 3M-S) archaeological complexes were identified and excavated.8 This
time, during the 2014 digging session, we have enjoyed a good collaboration with the contractor, fortunate sit-
uation that enabled us to meet the deadlines even under quite unfavourable weather circumstances of heavy
rain and high summer temperatures in the Western Plain.9
3
For the first published burial ground of the Late Avar Age in the sector Nădlac–Pecica, see Cociș et al. 2016, 1–76.
4
Part of the remarkable findings here have already been published, see: Lăzărescu – Radu – Ursuțiu 2016, 301–322.
5
Site 6M, partly identified during the diagnostic by a single complex and most likely consisting of the necropolis belonging to site 2M,
was no longer part of the new spur route project so it was preserved as such. The access to site 6M during the diagnostic survey was
limited due to the “deadlock” between local landowners and the contractor, unfortunately an issue in most highway road construction
projects.
6
We performed 142 test pit excavations.
7
A quite tricky situation recurring in preventive research; resuming operations can generate confusion, chiefly in what concerns desk-
top research, under the circumstances in which we deal with a huge amount of data, collected and interpreted by many specialists at
different times.
8
See the results of the reaserch on the Sarmatian necropolis in: Grumeză – Ursuțiu 2016, u. pr.
9
This urgent but of considerable scope operation required a well-trained (even physically!), seasoned and enthusiastic team. We wish to
express our gratitude to all our friends and colleagues: Tamás Balog, Gelu Copos, Ştefana Cristea, Mădălina Dimache, Szabolcs Ferencz,
12
As a general conclusion, we were able to notice that the area affected by the project of the new connecting
road was free of archaeological layers, and that the complexes identified during the survey operation had
been found at depths between 0.05 and 0.08 m. Under the circumstances of scarce habitation characteristic to
plain regions, with complexes scattered on a wide area, we were able to identify the natural tendency of the
habitation, as well as of the burials to follow the line of the naturally formed terraces. Even after marked leve-
ling caused by intensive farming, once we went beyond the vegetal layer we were able to have a more accurate
picture of the ancient landscape whose forms of relief must have been more evident.
Lavinia Grumeza, Mihály Huba Hőgyes, Norbert Kapcsos, Raluca Matei, Florin Mărginean, Sándor Romát, Victor Sava, Malvinka Urák,
whose endeavours made possible the investigation and publication of the new material.
13
CHAPTER 2.
The Topography of the Sites.
Geographical Characteristics
of the Surroundings of Nădlac
C
haracteristics of the natural landscape – as local (“positional”)
resources – are generally relevant in defining human activities. Geo-
graphical and natural features (relief, soil, hydrology, climate, veg-
etation [land cover], and fauna) of the Southern Great Plain were, therefore, all
important in shaping the Avar Period settlement system. The area of the Nădlac
and Cenad – including the foothills of the Apuseni Mountains – became raised
during the Holocene, and was heavily eroded subsequently.10
In the Holocene, the River Mureș flowed (originally) towards the Aranca
Stream, but when the Mureș was regulated, the Aranca was considered already
as a side branch of it.11 The swampy forests of the floodplain provided excellent
conditions for fishing, hunting, and fowling, whereas drier areas on the loess pla-
teau were used for crop farming and animal husbandry. Periodically flooded areas
were covered by meadow soils, and in locations where the underground water
level was fluctuating, saline meadow soils, saline soils and steppe-like solonetzic
soils formed.12
The area of the Nădlac was adjacent to the river branches of the ancient
Mureș, and it was the Mureș that defined the characteristics of this micro-region,
with lakes and ponds (of different sizes), swamps, streams and loess covered
alluvia. S. Waltner’s map from 1699, drawn in a scale of 1 to 256 000, shows a
section of the Mureș in the area of Nădlac, and the river is depicted with several
branches and islands – among them the aforementioned Cenad.13 Even nowa-
days, the river is often changing its course; for example, the winding section
shown on the maps of the First and Second Military Surveys (late 18th – mid 19th
century) can be found much farther to the south today. The area north of the
river was crisscrossed by small streams forming a varied hydrological landscape
with patches of swamps and marshlands covered periodically or permanently
by water (Pl. 2).
These areas – covering mainly the western and north-western parts of the early
modern period settlement – can be clearly identified on the maps of the First14 and
10
Andó 1993, 96.
11
Andó 1993, 96; Kókai 2000, 303–320; Mike 1991.
12
Stefanovits 1963.
13
Oroszi 2009, 40.
14
http://mapire.eu/hu/map/collection/firstsurvey/?zoom=14&lat=46.15066&lon=20.76521. See also:
Eperjessy 1971, 6, 9–10, 12–13, 8. kép.
Second15 Military Surveys. During periods of flooding, vast tracts of water appeared in the north-eastern and
eastern parts of the settlement, in the dry riverbeds and streams, called Csid-ere and Blezanyica, which are
flowing not far from the River Mureș and almost at right angles to it. (These names were also recorded on the
maps of the Second Military Survey.)
East and north of them, the rich micro-formations of unflooded areas – i.e. the dry and loess covered allu-
vium – could sustain rural communities exploiting the land through crop cultivation and animal farming.16
Until the early 19th century (before the drainage works), there were swamp-like lakes – the Balatonya’ and
Kis-Balatonya (Small Balatonya) – to the west and north of this area, which were connected by a small stream
adjacent to the settlement, called Büdös-ér. They are not shown on the First Military Survey. This can probably
be explained by the conditions which meant that surveyors could not access the periodically flooded swamp-
land area.
The sites 3M-N, 3M-S and 9M are situated 4.0–4.4 kilometres north-east of the present-day town of Nădlac
and 7.1–7.5 kilometres east of the aforementioned stream called Blezanyica, which runs through the lowest
terrace of the Mureș river valley. Today, the immediate floodplain lies at an elevation of 85 m above sea level,
but the area around the site is situated 89–92 m a.s.l.17 Based upon the location of the sites, it can be taken for
granted that the geographical character of the environment was considered when selecting the three separate
burial grounds, and the possible extent of the sites was limited by this (Pl. 1–2).
According to the Second18 and Third19 Military Surveys, along with satellite data (Google Earth), the afore-
mentioned three sites are surrounded by the Blezanyica stream and a paleochannel, which can be clearly
distinguished on the maps and satellite photos.
Site 9M was excavated first. It was found ca. 750–790 m to the east of the Blezanyica, with the paleochannel
situated to the south of it. The area was at 92 m a.s.l., and since the elevation of the marshland area is about
90 m a.s.l., this must have defined the extent of both the settlement, and of the burial ground – where 10 graves
were excavated in total. The location of the site indicates that it was considered suitable for settlement already
in the Early Middle Ages (i.e. it was not flood-prone).
Site 3M-S stretched out for a length of 110 m in a north–south direction, right next to the Blezanyica – in
fact, the area of burials must have been terminated by the stream on that side. Although at a lower altitude, the
ground was still about 1 meter above the adjacent stream.
Approximately 450 m north-east of this place, Avar Age burials were found in the southern section of the
3M-N site. This was at the highest point of the peninsula surrounded by the Blezanyica, at 91 m a.s.l. Since the
elevation of the terrain was decreasing in all directions (north, south, east and west) – with 1 to 2 meters –, the
height above sea level was again an important aspect of site selection (Pl. 1–2).
Thus, the location of the three sites on higher ground, surrounded by the Blezanyica stream (to the west
and to the north) and the paleochannel (to the south and south-east), indicates that hydrography was an
important factor in site selection already in the Early Middle Ages. This apparently had practical implications,
yet whether or not it also had ritually significance can be only speculated, based on our present knowledge.
15
http://mapire.eu/hu/map/collection/secondsurvey/?zoom=13&lat=46.17941&lon=20.72962. Timár et al. 2006.
16
Andó 1969.
17
After Google Earth.
18
http://mapire.eu/hu/map/collection/secondsurvey/?zoom=13&lat=46.17941&lon=20.72962. Timár et al. 2006.
19
http://mapire.eu/ hu/map/ hkf_75e/?bbox=2 2 88849.4842 2 83893%2C5797003.334404838%2C2 341055.9745471645
%2C5818482.139352973.. Biszak et al. 2007.
16
CHAPTER 3.
6 th–8 th Century Burial
Sites near Nădlac
Introduction
“Necropolis”, “cemetery”, or “burial ground”
– a terminological problem
W
hen discussing early medieval funerary practices in the Car-
pathian Basin, it is a common practice to use the terms “cemetery”
and “necropolis”, yet, often without reflecting on their semantic
contexts. The word “cemetery” comes from the Greek language,20 and was already
in use in the 6th–9th centuries (i.e. contemporaneously with the Nădlac sites), in
reference to Christian burial places. Since the meaning of the term has social and
institutional implications in relation to Christian burial sites in the territory of the
Roman Empire since the Late Antique Period,21 it is clearly incompatible with the
archaeological context of our sites, or of other non-Christian burial places.
It would be similarly incorrect to use the term “necropolis”, which derives also
from the Greek (νεκρόπολις). The “necropolis” is a compound word made from
the words “dead” (νεκρός – nekros) and “city” (πόλις – polis), and it referred to
ancient, non-Christian burial grounds in the Mediterranean region already before
Christian times. This etymology – the city of the dead – also implies the common
practice of the ancient Greek and Latin cultures, namely, that it was forbidden to
bury the dead inside the cities (except for some cases), and there were places out-
side the cities, which became “cities” of the dead, called necropolises.22 In sum-
mary, using these terms would be ill-advised in regard to the 7th–8th century burial
grounds in Nădlac. Instead, the more neutral “burial ground” is preferred.
20
The word coemeterium or cimiterium (in Greek: koimeterion) was used exclusively for the burial
places of Jews and Christians. “Ta kaloumena koimeteria”, has appeared in an imperial edict of 259,
but the word occurs in Tertullian’s De anima ([...] in coemeterio corpus corpori iuxta collocando spa-
tium accessui communicasse LI) (Tertulliani Liber De Anima: http://www.tertullian.org/latin/de_
anima.htm), and must be even older. Originally, the coemetarium referred to the above ground part
of a Christian cemetery, whereas the underground part was called crypta (gr.: krypte, “hidden”). The
Hungarian vernacular (folk) version of coemetarium was cinterem, referring not only to the grave-
yard (the cemetery itself), but to the chamber of the church as well, which was intended for wakes.
The word “cinterem” found its way as a loanword into the Transylvanian dialect of the Romanian
language as ţintirim. The German vernacular version is Friedhof, “the yard of peace” or “garden of
peace”, with the right of asylum. The original “Freithof” (=“umfriedeter Ort”) refers to a closed yard in
connection with asylum right (“Freiung” means “setting free” or asylum). MKL 2007; Rebillard 1993,
975–1001. On the development of churchyards burials, see: Bollók 2016, 113–122.
21
Bollók 2016, 113–114.
22
Rebillard 1993, 975–1001.
Characteristics of burial customs in the Carpathian Basin in the 6th–10th centuries. Funerary practices as
reflections of social status
Apart from human remains, many graves contain grave goods, which may reflect the social rank of the
deceased persons’ family. (The furnishing of graves must have been in accordance with the intention of family
members, who wanted to emphasize the prestige of the family.23) It is quite understandable that communities
or families wanted their dead to appear in shining glory when escorted to their final resting places. Already in
the 11th–12th centuries, however, burial customs were dominated by Christian norms, requiring more humble
etiquette even from members of the elite, who were often first to convert to Christianity to secure the power of
their families.
Funerary practices were multifaceted, as demonstrated by the large variety of grave goods.24 Graves could
be furnished with various fashion items, accessories (earrings, lock rings, bracelets, foot rings, appliques,
mounted belts etc.), weapons, everyday tools. Food and drink were also put in graves as provisions – as
shown by the large numbers of ceramic vessels, animal bones found in grave pits, including e.g. eggshells.
These were often deposited next to the body – inside the coffin (if there was also a coffin) –, however, if not,
a different interpretation/funerary function (e.g. ritual sacrifice) can be suggested. Most grave goods (such as
e.g. mounted belts, or ornate weapons) are commonly interpreted in a materialistic sense, as “indicators” of
wealth, prestige, influence, and consequently, as representations of the acquired and/or inherited social power
or status of the deceased person and of his/her family.25 However, some objects might have been placed in the
graves for other reasons.26
Although it seems generally reasonable to assume that a significant part of objects found in graves
were status symbols, this can be genuinely wrong, considering the problem of social mobility – i.e. the
dichotomy between changing or stagnating social statuses. This is not to deny that burial practice is
closely linked to social status. It is, however, feasible to argue that social status was not a static phenome-
non per se, and what we see in the graves represent what individuals “managed” to achieve, and how their
families or societies reflected on that.27 It is important to distinguish between two types of social status:
the inherited or ascribed (e.g. sex, age) and the acquired (e.g. role as a warrior).28 This latter, the “social
role”, is the dynamic aspect of “social status”, in the sense that individuals keep playing “roles”, when
they are acting or practicing their rights and obligations, which – in turn – affects their “status”.29 The
ascribed and acquired quality of social status is also referred as horizontal and vertical.30 In some cases,
the two types interact, and the horizontal shifts into vertical or the other way. For example, burials with
horses in the Avar Period and in the time of the Hungarian conquest can be considered as representing
horizontal identity, but they can be also seen as symbols of vertical identity, especially in post-conquest
archaeological context.
Besides grave goods, the funerary context is also characterized by the ritual process as a performative
social act. The complexity of the archaeology of Avar graves – with horses and weapons – implies that cere-
monies required a considerable amount of time, including ritual killing of horses and preparation of meals.31
Regardless of their temporary functions, however, objects put in the graves during these rituals were also mne-
monic devices, “timeless” instruments to refresh memories about the dead person.32
In contrast to grave goods and burial rites, the topographic context of burials is often ignored. However,
the location of burial mounds (or burial grounds) in relation to other landscape features and settlements, can
be considered also an important way of expressing vertical identity. Burial grounds as integral elements of the
23
For example: Parker Pearson 1999, 196.
24
Härke 2014, 1–21.
25
One may note here Parker Pearson’s words: “Tombs are not just somewhere to put bodies: they are representations of power. Like
ritual, funerary architecture legitimizes and extends the hegemonic order.” Parker Pearson 1999, 196.
26
Härke 2014, 12.
27
Härke 2014, 8 also points out that in some cases, objects placed in the graves can be read as “biographies” of the deceased persons.
28
In an abstract sense, status is position in context of a pattern. Accordingly, individuals may have several different statuses or identities
as everyone is part of different patterns of reality.
29
For example: Gilkeson 2010, 65; Linton 1964, 113–115.
30
In our interpretation, horizontal identity is based on proprietary status, whereas vertical identity is acquired.
31
In contrast to simple funerals, there was much social and economic effort or “energy” put into these rituals (Bede 2012, 190). Conse-
quently, each burial ground, where there was a person invested with this “energy”, must have been of special significance for members
of the community. Such burial places could be instrumental for collective memory, which explains why these graves were often robbed
– see more on this below.
32
Effros 2003, 175; Høilund Nielsen 1997, 129–148.
18
contemporary landscape had socio-psychological dimensions, symbolizing social differences between groups
of people, thus, reflecting the social organization of communities.33
Each society, community or micro-community had its own system of values, which applied also to funerary
customs. Therefore, burial practices are best approached simultaneously on different spatial levels, i.e. start-
ing with each burial as a “separate world”, then exploring the local community level, and the broader contexts
too.34
As every social entity (community) could be exposed to new ideas, they could continuously change their
customs and fashions, at once reinterpreting newly acquired ideas. The complexity of reconstructing how
funerary customs could evolve in a dynamic way, is enormous35 – taking for instance the problem of graves
without furnishings. Although one may not be able to interpret them to reflect accurately on the stratification
of the population as a whole, still they represent a dynamically changing picture of a society, and provide an
insight into the archaeology of death. Nevertheless, on a macro-regional level (in the Carpathian Basin), one
clearly observes a similarity between prestigious burials (horse burials with very similar furnishings), and
this can be interpreted as a sign of a cultural koiné, and as a material testimony of the power network the Avar
people belonged to.
As described above, funerary rites were multi-dimensional social acts. Nevertheless, archaeological
research focusing on early medieval populations in Central-Eastern Europe typically has a simplified point of
view. Interpretations are two-sided: they tend to explain differences either in terms of migration, mobility or
acculturation. In our opinion, the – often very dynamic – spread of funerary practices in the Carpathian Basin
can be understood only from the perspective of a newly emerging power network. Individuals, families, com-
munities were presumably adopting values associated with a core group – as a cultural entity –, which rep-
resented the vertical dimensions of their social identities and was acting as an integrative force on a regional
level, from which they have obtained their authority and power. Such networks can be detected in the archae-
ology of the Carpathian Basin from the 6th century to the time of the Hungarian Conquest, and their formation
followed similar principles. Analysing contemporary social phenomena, G. Tarde observed at the beginning
of the 20th century, that fashion trends always move from the centre of a society towards the periphery, both
in social and geographical sense.36 As the archaeological finds from the migration period display similar phe-
nomena, one may use this as an explanatory model to emphasize the expansion of power networks. In other
words, grave goods as fashion phenomena should be seen less as modes of horizontal identities, but rather of
vertical ones, expressing acquired or inherited status in a macro-regional context.
3.1. Site 9M
In 2014, a large area was excavated at the 9M site, presumably covering the complete burial ground. This
bears special relevance to the interpretive context, since there were only 10 burials found in total. Altogether
22 objects were unearthed, ten of which were dating from the Avar Period (Pl. 1–5).
3.1.1. The graves

Grave 1 (Pl. 6; pl. 132)
Inhumation. Orientation: N–S (3°). Rectangular grave pit. Dimensions: 221 × 60 cm.
The skull is tilted to the left. The skeleton was on its back, hands by its sides. Length of the skeleton: approximately
171 cm. Sex: female. Age: 30–50 years old (maturus I–II).
Inventories:
1. Belt-hole guard. Found behind the skull. Cut out of a bronze plate, folded in half, rounded at both ends. Half of the
folded plate was bent at 90° to make space for the thick rivets on the other side of the plate, which were hammered
at their ends, and were mounted to the plate side by side. The surface of the plate was decorated with an incised X
and with two incised lines at its end. This pattern was repeated twice. Length: 4.7 cm; width: 0.8 cm–1.0 cm; length
of the rivets: 0.6 cm. Weight: 6.33 g (Pl. 6/1; pl. 228/1.a–b).
2. Pressed, hemispherical shaped silver ornament. Found at the wing of the left ilium. Pierced in the middle – prob-
ably the place of a rivet, which came off. Diameter: 1.0 cm; height: 0.4 cm. Weight: 0.32 g (Pl. 6/2; pl. 228/2).
33
For a theoretical viewpoint, see: Effros 2003, 122. In a local context, an illustrative 19th-century example is Gâmbaș, where there were
two big cemeteries (of the Calvinist and the Orthodox communities), but there was also a separate graveyard for members of the Zeyk
family, with only a few graves.
34
Gáll 2013a, Vol. I: 594, 870.
35
Marthon 2005, 2.
36
Tarde 1902, 13–15.
19
3. Hemispherical shaped sterling silver ornament. Found at the wing of the right ilium. Preserved in good condition.
The object was fastened to the cloth by a bronze rivet, as indicated by a greenish discoloration in the middle. Diam-
eter: 1.0 cm; height: 0.6 cm. Weight: 0.51 g. Metallic composition: Au – 0.96%; Cu – 11.27%; Ag – 86.05% (Pl. 6/3;
pl. 228/3).
4. Hemispherical shaped silver ornament. Found at the wing of the right ilium. The object was fastened to the cloth
by a bronze rivet, as indicated by a greenish discoloration in the middle. Diameter: 1.0 cm; height: 0.52 cm. Weight:
0.45 g (Pl. 6/4; pl. 228/4).
5. Pressed, hemispherical shaped ornament. Found at the left femur. The object was fastened to the cloth by a bronze
rivet, as indicated by a greenish discoloration in the middle. A tiny fragment of the rivet also preserved. Diameter:
1.0 cm; height: 0.5 cm. Weight: 0.51 g (Pl. 6/5; pl. 228/5).
6–7. Fragment of a pressed, hemispherical shaped ornament. Found between the two femurs. Most probably fas-
tened to the cloth by a bronze rivet. Diameter: 0.9 cm; height: 0.6 cm. Weight: 0.22 g. Length of the rivet: 1.0 cm.
Weight: 0.21 g (Pl. 6/6–7; pl. 228/6–7).
8. Fragments of a pressed, hemispherical shaped sterling silver ornament. Found between the two femurs. The
bronze rivet fastening the object to the cloth also preserved. Weight: 0.17 g. Length of the rivet: 0.9 cm. Weight: 0.21 g
(Pl. 6/8; pl. 228/8).
9. Pressed, hemispherical shaped silver ornament. Found between the two patellae. The object was fastened to the
cloth by a bronze rivet, as indicated by a greenish discoloration in the middle of it. Diameter: 1.0 cm; height: 0.5 cm.
Weight: 0.28 g. Metallic composition: Au – 9.2%; Cu – 9.6%; Ag – 77.8% (Pl. 6/9; pl. 228/9).
10. Pressed, hemispherical shaped silver ornament. Found between the two patellae. It was fastened to the cloth by
a bronze rivet, as indicated by a greenish discoloration in the middle of the object. Diameter: 1.0 cm; height: 0.5 cm.
Weight: 0.56 g (Pl. 6/10; pl. 228/10).
11. Pressed, hemispherical shaped silver ornament. Found between the two patellae. Its size is smaller than that of
the two others mentioned above. It was fastened to the cloth by a bronze rivet, as indicated by a greenish discolora-
tion in the middle of the object. Diameter: 0.7 cm; height: 0.35 cm. Weight: 0.20 g (Pl. 6/11; pl. 228/11).
12. Pressed, hemispherical shaped silver ornament. Found to the right of the skull. It was fastened to the cloth by a
bronze rivet, as indicated by a greenish discoloration in the middle of the object. Diameter: 1.0 cm; height: 0.5 cm.
Length of the rivet: 1.2 cm. Weight: 0.42 g (Pl. 6/12; pl. 228/12).
13. Fragment of a pressed, hemispherical shaped silver ornament. Found at the femur. Diameter: 0.9 cm. Weight:
0.23 g (Pl. 6/13; pl. 228/13).
14. S-shaped bronze clip with a square cross section. Found under the wing of the right ilium. Length: 1.1 cm. Weight:
0.21 g (Pl. 6/14).
15. S-shaped bronze clip with a square cross section. Found under the wing of the right ilium. Length: 0.9 cm. Weight:
0.19 g (Pl. 6/15).
16. End fragment of a bronze object. Found under the wing of the right ilium. Length: 1.0 cm. Weight: 0.21 g (Pl. 6/16).
17. End fragment of a bronze object. Found under the wing of the right ilium. Length: 1.0 cm. Weight: 0.21 g (Pl. 6/17).
18. Fragments of an iron buckle. Found above the last vertebra and the wing of the left ilium. Thickness of the buckle
ring: 0.8 cm (18).
Grave 2 (Pl. 6; pl. 132)

Inhumation. Orientation: NNE–SSW (18°). Rectangular grave pit. Dimensions: 175 × 55 cm. Depth: 20 cm.
The mature skeleton was found lying on its back – with bones in anatomical positions. Arms stretched alongside the
body, of which only the left arm, the phalanges of the right arm, the lower limbs, the pelvis, the ribs and the skull
preserved. The skull was tilted to the west.
Sex: indeterminable. Age: 30–50 years old (maturus I–II).
Inventory:
1. A little iron object was found between the pelvis and the right arm. Function is unknown.
Grave 3 (Pl. 8)
Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (107°). Oval shaped grave pit. Dimensions: 204 × 76 cm. The grave was robbed,
the skeleton was disarticulated and the bones scattered in different layers of the grave. In the first layer, two ribs and
pelvic bone fragments, in the second layer 7 ribs, one scapula, skull fragments, and two femur bones were found.
The third – lowest – layer of the fill contained some skull fragments, a jaw, two forearm bones, 6 ribs, a collar bone,
and some vertebral bone fragments.
Sex: indeterminable. Age: maturus I–II.
Inventories:
1. Fragment of an earring with a pyramid-shaped pendant. Found in the lowest layer, in the western part of the fill.
(It must have escaped the attention of the graverobbers.) It was made of two parts: an oval ring, decorated with a big,
pressed, hollow sphere, soldered to the inner side of the ring, and with a pyramid-shaped pendant on the external
20
side. Only the triangle-shaped base plate of the pyramid remained attached to the ring, while the side plate was
missing. On the side of the base plate, facing the earring, the pendant was decorated with granulations, which also
continued around the body of the ring, converging towards the point where the sphere was soldered to the inner side
of the ring. Soldering points are also visible on the base plate of the pyramid. The granules fitted to the big sphere
are also hollow – i.e. were made of pressed plates. Height: 3.2 cm; diameters of the ring: 2.0 × 2.4 cm; thickness of
the ring: 0.2 cm. Weight: 3.74 g (Pl. 8/1; pl. 229/1).
Grave 4 (Pl. 6; pl. 133)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (102°). Oval-shaped pit. Dimensions: 102 × 23–33 cm. Depth: 80 cm.
The bones did not preserve – possibly a child’s skeleton, which decomposed more easily.
Food offering:
1. Clay pot, found in the north-eastern part of the grave (1).
Without inventories.
Grave 5 (Pl. 7; pl. 133)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (102°). Rectangular-shaped pit. Dimensions: 100 × 39 cm.
Only skull fragments, parts of the left arm, and tarsals preserved.
Grave 7 (Pl. 7; pl. 134)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (104°). Oval-shaped pit. Dimensions: 205 × 57–46 cm. Depth: 28 cm.
Contained the skeleton of a maturus individual, lying on its back. Only the skull, the jaw, two clavicles, two humeri,
a radius, fragments of the right and left ulnae, the pelvis, femuri, and two tibiae preserved. Arms were stretched
alongside the body. Skull was displaced in a north-eastern direction. Length of the skeleton: approximately 135.0 cm.
Sex: indeterminable. Age: 11–13 years old (infans II).
Inventory:
1. Iron object (of unknown function). Its position was not recorded.
Grave 8 (Pl. 7; pl. 134)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (94°). Dimensions of the pit: 139 × 54 cm. Depth: 28 cm.
The skeleton of a maturus individual, lying in anatomical position, on its back. Arms are stretched, alongside the
body. The shin bones are missing. The skull is tilted to the right.
Grave 9 (Pl. 7; pl. 135)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (97°). Oval-shaped pit. Dimensions: 200 × 63–47 cm. Depth: 50 cm.
Arms are stretched alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: approximately 135 cm.
Sex: female. Age: 30–50 years old (maturus I–II).
No grave goods.
Grave 10 (Pl. 9; pl. 136)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (108°). Oval-shaped pit. Dimensions: 168 × 61 cm. Depth: 10 cm.
Skeleton is laid in anatomical position, on its back. The left arm was stretched, the right was bent (at right angles)
over the pelvis. Fragmentarily preserved (bones from the skull, the jaw, the upper and lower limbs, the pelvis and
from the chest). Length of the skeleton: approximately 141.0 cm.
Without inventories. There is a green discoloration on the skull – perhaps from an earring.
Grave 11 (Pl. 9; pl. 136)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (86°). Oval-shaped pit. Dimensions: 124 × 50 cm. Depth: 13 cm. The skeleton of a
child, found in anatomical position, lying on its back. Only the long femurs, the hand bones, two ribs, two clavicles,
the jaw, and the back part of the skull preserved.
21
3.1.2. Analysis of burial practices (Pl. 4–5)
The graves can be divided into three groups: graves 1 and 2 belong to the first one, graves 3, 4, 5, and 7 to the
second one, and graves 8, 9, 10, and 11 form the third group. Graves 5, 7, and 10 were apparently also disturbed,
but grave 3 was robbed in the most brutal way – the grave pit was cut by a robbing pit.
The orientations of the graves were different. Graves 1 and 2 in the first group were orientated N–S and
NNE–SSE, the second group and grave 10 were orientated ESE–WNW, whereas graves 8, 9, and 11 were orien-
tated E–W. Based on the earring found in grave 3, the burials are dated to the 6th–7th centuries (see below). It
is to be noted, however, that the ESE–WNW orientation (that is the second group) is not characteristic as far
as this geographical area is concerned – surrounded by the Mureș, Criș, and the Tisza. G. Lőrinczy has already
tackled this interpretive problem,37 pointing out that the ES–WN orientation is quite rare, as he knew only
three examples.38
The N–S and NNE–SSE orientation of grave 1 and 2 is also rare: according to G. Lőrinczy, examples are known
from 14 sites in the region east of the Tisza.39 Such burials (together with W–E oriented ones) were considered
as representing Transdanubian population migrating to this region in the second quarter of the 7th century.40
According to D. Csallány, N–S oriented burials chronologically follow the E–W and NE–SW oriented ones.41 This
should not be considered as a rule, however, that applies automatically for Nădlac, but the poor survival of finds
does not allow to reflect on this. I. Bóna argued that characteristic trends in the orientation of burials did not yet
form during the early period of Avar settlement,42 and this point has been advocated also by B. Gulyás.43 In our
opinion, the different orientations of the Nădlac graves represent heterogeneous burial customs.
Most of the graves had sub-rectangular or oval shapes, as is common in the Avar Period. The depth range
was between 40 and 100 cm, however, this does not refer to original conditions (in the 6th–7th centuries), as the
surface level of the topsoil could have been altered to a great extent due to various reasons. The length of the
pits varies between 102–210 cm, and the width between 22 and 60 cm, which gives a 3:1 length-width ratio, that
is also commonly observed in the region east off the River Tisza.44
Traces of coffins or of other containers have not been found, however, in 4 out of the 10 graves there were
post-depositional disturbances, which could have destroyed such traces. As for the position of the bodies, the
positions of arm bones in graves 7, 8, and 9 suggest that the bodies were wrapped in some organic material,
such as cloth. In grave 10, the right arm bone was placed on the pelvis at right angle, which L. Bende explains
as a sign that there was not enough space next to the body.45 The use of a coffin or of a cloth was also possible
in this case. Apart from the above points, no other inferences can be drawn from the positions of the bodies.
3.1.3. Analysis of grave goods

Except three graves, there were no grave goods found at the site. The function of the iron object in grave 7
is unknown, and this, and the clay pot in grave 4 cannot be dated exactly.
In grave 3, an earring was found, but unfortunately in a deformed shape (Pl. 8/1; pl. 229/1). This piece of jew-
ellery belongs to a group described and analysed by J. Ormándy,46 and by Cs. Balogh.47 Balogh’s survey included
altogether 37 sites.48 Among them, geographically the closest to Nădlac is Csanádpalota-Országhatár-M43 Site
56,49 where a cast earring with glass inlay was found as a stray find. At Makó-Mikócsa-halom (grave 17) a
similar earring – with a pyramid-shaped pendant – was found.50 According to the classification system pre-
sented by Balogh, this group of objects (i.e. earrings with pyramid-shaped pendants) had four types (or var-
iants): the Szegvár type (Szegvár-Oromdűlő graves 1–2, Szegvár-Sápoldal grave 151 [Pl. 255]), the Oroszlány
37
On the geographical situation of the area enclosed by the Mureș–Criș–Tisza: Lőrinczy 1987–1989, 161–169.
38
Lőrinczy 1998, 352.
39
Lőrinczy 1987–1989, 164. There are also two, unpublished N–S oriented graves at the Nădlac-1M site.
40
41
Csallány 1968, 63.
42
Bóna 1979, 23.
43
Gulyás 2015a, 503.
44
Lőrinczy – Rácz 2014, 172; Gulyás 2015a, 503.
45
Bende 2003a, 313.
46
Ormándy 1995, 151–155.
47
Balogh 2014, 106–136, 3–10. táb.
48
Balogh 2014, 18. kép.
49
Balogh 2014, 97, 3. kép 2, 2. táb. 3.
50
Balogh 2014, 111., 5. táb. 4.
51
Lőrinczy 1984–1985, 128, III. táb. 4; Bóna 1979, 5. kép 2–3; Bóna 1980, Abb. 7.
22
type (Makó-Mikócsa-halom grave 1752), the Deszk type (Gyula-Szentbenedek53), and the Szentendre type (Hód-
mezővásárhely-Szabadságtér grave 3, Szegvár-Oromdűlő graves 866 and 870, Szentes-Sárgapart54). All four
types were often decorated with small spheres (granules), yet, not one of them had big spheres. As the design
of the Nădlac find does not seem to fit in neither Ormándy’s, nor Balogh’s classification system,55 it represents
an unparalleled, truly unique find in Carpathian Basin. The closest parallels to this object were found in Hlo-
dosy (catacombe grave 29) and Kelegen (catacomb grave 28).56
Figure 1. Earrings with pyramid-shaped pendants from the region of the Mureș–Criș–Tisza (after Balogh 2014):
1. Csanádpalota-Országhatár-M43 Site 56; 2. Gyula-Pusztaszentbenedek; 3. Hódmezővásárhely-
Szabadságtér grave 3; 4. Makó-Mikócsa-halom grave 17; 5. Nădlac-9M grave 3; 6–8. Szegvár-
Oromdűlő graves 866 and 870; 9. Szegvár-Sápoldal grave 1; 10. Szentes-Sárgapart
On the other hand, one has to emphasize that the four variants of the type reflect the local variety of
craftsmanship quality, and probably intense trade connections as well.57 At Kunszentmárton, there was a press
mould with the form of a pyramid shaped pendant, found in a goldsmith’s grave. This find suggests that such
earrings could be produced locally.58 The manufacturing technique of the Nădlac earring is actually similar to
what could be evidenced in case of other rings with pyramid shaped pendants. The distribution map of such
finds – covering the micro-region surrounded by the Mureș, Criș, and Tisza rivers, with sites located mostly
along the rivers –, reveals that it was most probably the big rivers – the Tisza and the Mureș –, which func-
tioned as the main arteries of trade.
Based on typology, the Nădlac earring cannot be dated with precision, but only to a broad period between
the late 6th century and the first half of the 7th century. This date may apply for the other two grave groups of
the site too.
The function of the belt-hole guard – found behind the skull in grave 1 – is uncertain (Pl. 6/1–17; pl. 228/1–13).
52
Balogh 2014, 111, 5. táb. 4.
53
Mogyoróssy 1870, 280–282; Liska 1997, 5–7.
54
Csallány 1933–1934b, 226, LXVIII. táb. 6; Garam 1993, 52, Abb. 2/1–2; Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 276–277, 18. kép 1; Lőrinczy –
Straub 2004, 314–315, 15. kép 1–2.
55
The geographically close Csanádpalota stray find does not have a typological connection to it either.
56
Atlas 2013, Tab. 24/1, 3.
57
Szenthe 2012b, 57–75.
58
Balogh 2014, 120, 5. táb. 1; Rácz 2014, 84, Taf. 46/8.
23
Its most similar counterpart, made of a bent bronze plate, is known from Kecskemét-Sallai str.,59 dating from
the Early Avar Period. Pressed hemispherical shaped ornaments were used in the first half of the 7th century to
decorate belts, and there are also similar finds, made of high quality silver, which were identified as harness
decoration.60 In our case, these decorative items surely had a different function – hemispherical shaped orna-
ments decorating a belt are known also from Zamárdi-Rétiföldek (grave 738).61
Apparently, the function of these objects needs to be assessed in relation to the burial context. The belt
hole guard and the hemispherical silver ornaments were found along the axis of the grave, which suggests
that the belt was placed lengthwise on the body. This would also explain the position of the belt hole guard,
which could have fallen behind the skull – together with a round ornament (no. 12), which was found next to
the skull. As all the other ornaments lined up downwards from the pelvis, one can assume that the belt was
not placed in the grave the same way as it was worn. Examples of this practice were identified at Gyoma-Ugari-
tanyák-dűlő grave 3,62 Szegvár grave 165,63 Szekszárd-Bogyiszlói út grave 314,64 which confirm that this feature
represents a ritual element, spreading well beyond the region of the Mureș–Criș–Tisza. Since all the above
referred graves were female, one may put forward a working hypothesis that this ritual might be connected not
only to a “cultural”, but to a “biological” network (e.g. of a clan or extended family). This could be possibly
answered through archaeogenetic analysis.
3.1.4. Summary
The ESE–WNW orientation and the relatively poor furnishing of graves (e.g. with no partial animal sacri-
fices) differ significantly from the examples described by G. Lőrinczy.65 The only considerable find from this site
was the earring in grave 3, decorated with a pyramid shaped pendant (which was already broken off). Since no
parallel find is known in the Carpathian Basin, the burials cannot be dated with precision, but taking into con-
sideration that the other site (3M-N) was used from the middle third of the 7th century, this site most probably
dates from the early decades of the 7th century as well.
The different orientation of the first and second groups (i.e. ESE–WNW and E–W in one, and N–S and NNE–
SSE in the second) most likely implies that they represent different periods of use. Thus, graves 1 and 2 (two
adults) date from a different period than graves 3–5, and 7–11 (including two children and four adults). This can
only be corroborated by 14C dating, and it would not make sense to guess about the chronological relationship of
these groups at this point. However, if we accept D. Csallány’s theory –,66 the N–S and NNE–SSE oriented graves
1 and 2 are later than the other graves. Both were situated in the southern section of the burial ground.
The archaeology of the 9M site fits only partially into the scheme drawn up by G. Lőrinczy, who pointed
out that similar burial grounds – only with a few graves, and dating from the first century of the Avar Period
– were characteristic in the area east of the Tisza in the Early Avar Period (see Annex 1 and Map 1). Examples
are known from all over the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region (Békéssámson,67 Doboz-Hajdúírtás,68 Hódmezővásárhe-
ly-Vásártér/Szabadságtér,69 Kunszentmárton-Habranyi telep,70 Makó-Mikócsa-halom,71 Mezőkovácsháza-Új
Alkotmány Tsz.,72 Öcsöd-MRT 96a,73 Szegvár-Sápoldal/1–2, Jószai Bálint tanya/7,74 Szentes-Dónát, Kórógypart,
Balogh J. földje,75 Tarhos-Tarhospuszta76). Lőrinczy assumed that such sites must have been used by small
communities. Since the archaeological finds from these sites indicated that a migration process took place in
59
H. Tóth 1980, 134, Abb. 9/4, Abb. 28/b.
60
Zamárdi-Rétiföldek graves 18, 348, 511, 580, 637, 663, 770, 828, 1003, and 1093: Bárdos – Garam 2009, 14, 55, Abb. 55, 75, 85, 92, 95,
107, 114, 142, Taf. 2/18: 3–4, Taf. 39/348: 2–5, Taf. 63/511: 1–11, Taf. 75/580: 3–12, Taf. 81/637: 1–6, Taf. 85/663: 7–13, Taf. 96/770: 1–3, 5–12,
Taf. 100/828: 1–4, Taf. 113/1003: 1–4, Taf. 124/1093: 7–45; Szegvár-Sápoldal: Bóna 1979, 5. kép 1–2.
61
Bárdos – Garam 2009, 104, Taf. 92/738: 2–4.
62
Somogyi 1997, 97–116, Abb. 1–6.
63
Lőrinczy 1998, 350, 14. kép.
64
Rosner 1999, 44, Abb. 6, Taf. 22/1, 5.
65
Lőrinczy 1998, 351–355.
66
Csallány 1968, 63.
67
Z. Rózsa’s excavation.
68
4 graves. Kovalovszki 1989, 130–131, 9–10. kép; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 114.
69
6+?+1 graves. Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 275–276, 10. kép 22, 18. kép 6; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 164–165.
70
10 graves. Csallány 1933, 1–55, Taf. I–VII; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 220.
71
251 graves. Balogh 2016b, 111.
72
16 graves. T. Juhász 1973, 101–108, II–V. táb.; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 239.
73
12 graves. ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 276; Madaras 2004, 339–363.
74
1+9 graves. Bóna 1979, 3–32; Bóna 1980, 31–95; Lőrinczy 1994, 328; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 338.
75
12 graves and possibly another 7 graves: Csallány 1900, 393–398; Hampel 1905, Vol. II: 753–757, Vol. III: Taf. 447; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 353.
76
6 (?) graves. ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 371.
24
the late 6th and early 7th centuries, Lőrinczy also argued that these communities have used one area at a time for
no longer than 5–15 years.77
The two points do not necessarily contradict each other. Small communities – each comprising just a few
people78 – could, however, form larger groups/communities, and DNA tests could perhaps confirm, if they had
biological (genetic) connections, which would point to the problem of their kinship (its social context).79 To
this date, however, no genetic tests were carried out, and we have to leave this question open.
Based on the analysis of burial practices and grave finds, two suggestions can be made:
1.) There were various social and economic differences among these individuals and communities.
2.) Variations in the funerary rituals of these communities can be explained by differences of their horizon-
tal identities.
In the author’s opinion, the first point is more feasible, since burials from the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region
have many common characteristics, despite that there is also a certain degree of heterogeneity. Most graves
are simple or niche graves, and there are also burials with horses. However, the furnishing of the graves –
the quantity and quality of grave finds – reflect striking differences in terms of social status. Burial grounds
consisting of only a few graves usually included male graves furnished with remarkable weapons (e.g. in
Békéssámson, Kunszentmárton-Habranyi telep, Szegvár-Sápoldal). Clearly, certain individuals must have had
very transparent vertical identities.80
Burials from different burial grounds also show considerable differences. There are horse burials and
goldsmiths’ burials in Békéssámson, Kunszentmárton-Habranyi telep, Makó-Mikócsa-halom, and burials
with swords were found in Hódmezővásárhely-Vásártér/Szabadságtér, Öcsöd-MRT 96a, Tarhos-Tarhospuszta.
These were definitely people whose social status was special within their communities. In these areas/commu-
nities, however, community identity might have been stronger than e.g. in Doboz-Hajdúirtás, or Nădlac, where
scarcely any grave was furnished with grave goods. On the other hand, poorly furnished or empty graves were
found almost everywhere. One may conclude with L. M. Friedmann’s observation,81 that grave goods rather
reflect the variety of social layers, than the materialisation of horizontal identities.
3.2. Site 3M-S

Sites excavated in the area of the access road to the Nădlac–Pecica highway date from different periods,
between the Bronze Age and the Middle Ages. Site 3M-S (excavated in the summer of 2014) is dated to the Late
Avar Period, and it is situated north-east of present-day Nădlac. It is the most important among the three sites
discussed here, as it consists of 72 graves (with 73 skeletons) in total. The site plan shows that the burial ground
was almost completely excavated – its boundaries were identified to the south, east, and west (Pl. 10–12), only
at the northern limit of excavation did it extend beyond that. To the north, judging from the topographical fea-
tures of the area, some graves might have remained underground, but their number must be small. Therefore,
the site can be considered mostly excavated.
As has been already described, there was also an N–S oriented ditch (Cx220–221) observed 10 meters to the
west of the burial ground and east of the stream Blezanyica-ere (Pl. 10). It was possibly a feature associated
with the burial ground, but this could not be confirmed during the excavation, as there were no finds in the fill
of the ditch (Pl. 1–2; pl. 10–12).
3.2.1. The graves

Grave 135 (Pl. 13; pl. 137)
Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (298°). At the identification, the grave pit had a rectangular shape. Dimensions
of the pit: 220 × 83–77 cm. Depth: 66 cm.
77
Lőrinczy 1996, 185. See also Annex 1 and Map 1.
78
G. Lőrinczy’s argument is not clear in this case, but he most likely thought of small families of people. Lőrinczy 1996, 185.
79
The concept of kinship is mainly sociological and not biological construct, as illustrated perfectly by a proverb: “Meeting once is
only a meeting, the second meeting is friendship, the third meeting is kinship.” (told by A. Kanaev, Deputy Chief Prefect of Neftekumsk
Oblast, Russia, October 29, 2016, Caucasian Archaeological Expedition: Gabriella Lezsák, Dávid Kara Somfai, Ákos Avar, Erwin Gáll).
The problem has been extensively researched in anthropological literatures, however, it has not been mentioned in reference to Avar
Period societies.
80
Notably, L. M. Friedman argues that social relations and identities in traditional societies were strictly layered, therefore, horizontal
identities must have been very volatile and relative. Social systems were vertically “constructed” in the 6th and 7th centuries. Friedmann
1999, 11–12.
81
Friedmann 1999, 11–12.
25
The mature skeleton is in anatomical position, lying on its back. The arms of the skeleton, which is in an out-
stretched position, are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: approximately 161.0 cm.
Sex: male. Age: 30–40 years old (maturus I).
Inventories:
1. Fragmented iron knife on the left costal cartilage and true ribs, almost at the scapula. Length of the blade: 6.0 cm;
width of the blade: 1.7 cm (Pl. 13/1).
2. Trapeze shaped iron buckle on the right-hand side right next to the skull. Diameters: 3.3 × 2.9 cm (Pl. 13/2).
3. The fragment of an iron knife next to the left femur, with its edge directed towards the pelvis. Length of the blade:
13.3 cm; width: 1.9 cm (Pl. 13/3).
Grave 136
Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (292°). The shape of the pit: rounded quadrant, narrowing, and shortening.
Dimensions: 151 × 64 cm.
20 centimetres deep from the layer covered by humus, on the NW side of the pit, a few bones belonging to a child
skeleton could be identified. 55 centimetres deep, there is a child skull. Probably the rest of the bones were absorbed.
Sex: indeterminable. Age: 2–4 years old (infans I).
The grave pit interfered with an object from the Sarmatian age.
Grave 137A–B (Pl. 14; pl. 138)

Double grave. Orientation: WNW–ESE (300°). At the identification, the grave pit had a rectangular shape. Dimen-
sions of the pit: 240 × 99 cm. Depth: 60 cm.
Skeleton B was placed in an opposite orientation above skeleton A which was buried in E–W direction. In our
opinion, the burials took place on two different occasions, as it can be clearly seen that the WNW–ESE orientated
skeleton has interfered with and affected the ESE–WNW orientated skeleton. The left hand of skeleton B is stretched
beside his body, while his right hand is bent in a 45 degrees angle on the pelvis. The positioning of the hand bones
of skeleton A – due to the interference – cannot be documented. Length of the Skeleton B: 174.3 cm.
Inventories:
Skeleton A
Sex: indeterminable. Age: 15–20 years old (juvenis).
1. Square-shaped iron buckle at the lower part of the skeleton’s pelvis. Diameters: 2.7 × 2.7 cm (Pl. 14/1).
Skeleton B
Sex: male. Age: 35–45 years old (maturus I–II).
1. Rectangle shaped iron buckle was found on the lower part of the skeleton’s spine, at the right-hand side. Diame-
ters: 2.4 × 2.1 cm (Pl. 14/2).
2. Trapeze shaped iron buckle at the lower part of the skeletons pelvis, between the two ilia. Diameters: 4.0 × 3.2 cm
(Pl. 14/3).
3. Unshaped, amorphous iron fragment right next to the right pelvis. Length: 3.0 cm (Pl. 14/4).
Grave 138 (Pl. 15; pl. 139)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (300°). The shape of the grave: rounded quadrant, narrowing and shortening
downwards. Dimensions of the grave pit: 252 × 90 cm. Depth: 80–84 cm.
The skull of the skeleton laid on his back fell at the right-hand side, his hands were stretched alongside his body. The
skull fell forwards slightly to the north. Length of the skeleton: 156.9 cm.
Sex: male. Age: 25–35 years old (adultus–maturus I).
Inventories:
1. Fragmented disc-shaped bronze mount between the two pelvic wings. Probably it ornamented the belt. Diameter:
2.2 cm. Weight: 0.43 g (Pl. 16/1).
2. A fragmentary bronze strap end right next to the metacarpals of the right hand. It has been part of the belt. Diam-
eters: 1.3 × 1.2 cm (Pl. 16/2; pl. 230/1).
3. Smooth, trapezoidal, fragmented steel iron buckles with pins between the two ilia. Diameters: 3.5 × 2.8 cm (Pl. 16/3).
4. An iron knife, together with the wooden scabbard right next to the left femur and in front of the pelvis. The traces
of the wood fibres can be clearly seen. Length: 19.7 cm; length of the blade: 15.0 cm; width of the blade: 2.5–0.9 cm
(Pl. 16/4).
5. Fragmented piece of iron right next to the iron knife. Length: 4.3 cm; width: 2.4 cm (Pl. 16/5).
Grave 139 (Pl. 17; pl. 140)

Inhumation. Orientation: NW–SE (303°). At its identification, the grave pit’s shape was rectangular. The biggest
dimensions of the pit: 242 × 113 cm. Depth: 40–61 cm.
26
The final shape of the grave pit was a result of two steps: at the first step, a larger pit was dug (40 centimetres) which
was deepened further (61 cm) from two lengthwise berms. The lowest level of the pit has an uneven rectangular
shape, but in a form that widens around the skull. The skull of the skeleton laid on his back fell at the left-hand side,
the hands were stretched alongside his body. Length of the skeleton: 166.1 cm.
Sex: male. Age: 45–55 years old (maturus II–senilis).
Inventory:
1. A fragment of an iron object between the right humerus and the south part of the grave pit. It is not excluded that
it was a fragment of a buckle.
Grave 140 (Pl. 18)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (298°). At the identification, the shape of grave pit was rectangular. On its two
longitudinal sides, there were formed berms, one in both sides. Dimensions of the pit: 244 × 125 cm. Depth: 116 cm.
The skull of the supine-laid skeleton fell to the right, his hands were laid beside the body, but his feet were placed
on each other, in a way that the right leg crossed the left leg from above. Based on the position of the skeleton, it was
wrapped in some kind of organic matter. Length of the skeleton: 159.1 cm.
Animal sacrifice, symbolic role, and food offering:
1. At the end of legs, on an upper layer than the layer of the skeleton, depth 87 cm, animal bones.82
1.a. A quasi-complete sheep (Ovis aries) skeleton of a young individual (<8 months). The missing elements consist of
the left pelvis, left ulna, and several phalanges. Butchery marks are present, indicating beheading, dismembering
and defleshing of the carcass.
1.b–c. In the same place were also found a sheep or goat (Ovis aries/Capra) radius and a cattle cranial fragment dis-
playing a different taphonomical stage, most probably not related with the sheep deposition event.
Inventories:
1.1–7. A string of beads around the neck:
1.1. Globular, black bead (I/1–1). Diameter: 0.3 cm (Pl. 18/1; pl. 230/1).
1.2–3. Two globular brownish beads (I/1–1). Diameters: 0.7 × 0.6 cm (Pl. 18/2; pl. 230/2).
1.4–5. Two cylindric, spindle-shaped black beads (II/3–1). Diameters: 0.8 × 0.5 cm (Pl. 18/3; pl. 230/3).
1.6. Cylindric, spindle-shaped bead with corrugated decoration (II/4–2). Diameters: 0.7 × 0.6 cm (Pl. 18/4; pl. 230/4).
1.7. A fragmentary melon seed-shaped white bronze tubular bead.
Grave 141 (Pl. 19; pl. 141)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (290°). The shape of the grave pit: small, rounded rectangle. Dimensions:
147 × 75 cm.
Sintered skeleton laid on its left side. Length of the skeleton: approximately 158.0 cm.
Grave 142 (Pl. 19; pl. 141)

Inhumation. Orientation: NW–SE (323°). The shape of the grave pit: small, rounded rectangle. Dimensions:
147 × 75 cm.
Sintered skeleton laid on its right side. Length of the skeleton: 150.1 cm.
Sex: female. Age: 20–23 years old (adultus).
Food offering:
1. Bones of a bos taurus (one adult individual, >2.5 years old) at the tibia.
Grave 143 (Pl. 19; pl. 141)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (296°). The shape of the grave pit: at the identification, the shape of the grave
was rectangular, widening at the legs. Dimensions: 180 × 69 cm.
The skull of the supine-laid skeleton fell to the right. The arms of the skeleton, which were in an outstretched posi-
tion, are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: approximately 108.0 cm.
82
A rodent skull was also recovered, better preserved then the other bones, possibly with a post-depositional origin, from animal intru-
sive activities.
27
Grave 144 (Pl. 19)
Orientation: WNW–ESE (291°). Dimensions: of the pit: 80 × 50 cm. At the identification the shape of the grave was
rectangular.
Without skeleton. Perhaps a symbolic burial?83
Grave 145 (Pl. 20; pl. 142)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (293°). At the identification, the shape of the grave was rectangular and grad-
ually narrowed. Dimensions: 215 × 62 cm. Depth: 36 cm.
The skull of the supine-laid, outstretched skeleton fell forwards. Based on its position, initially it may have been
supported by some kind of an organic material – a pillow maybe? The right arms of the skeleton are lying alongside
the body in an outstretched position. The left hand is missing, along with several ribs. Similarly, the leg bones and
the phalanges are also missing. Length of the skeleton: 159.6 cm.
Animal sacrifice:
1. Parts from the skull, mandible, a left metacarpal, and two phalanxes 1 from a young sheep (Ovis aries).
Inventory:
1. Curved iron sickle placed on the lower part of the right hand, right next to the pelvis. Length: 30.0 cm; width:
2.8–2.3 cm (Pl. 21/1).
Grave 146 (Pl. 22; pl. 143)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (294°). At the identification, the shape of the grave was rectangular and grad-
ually narrowed. Dimensions: 318 × 100 cm. Depth: 70–52 cm.
The traces of the coffin – mostly its wooden fibres – could be identified in a smaller part of the grave, a surface of a
220 × 60 cm quadrilateral. The skull of the supine-laid, outstretched skeleton fell forwards, the jaw moved out of its
place. The right arms of the skeleton are lying alongside the body in an outstretched position. Length of the skeleton:
161.0 cm.
Animal sacrifice:
1. The head (skull and mandibles) and elements of distal limbs (metacarpals, metatarsals and phalanxes, except
phalanx 3) of a young sheep (Ovis aries) in an upper layer of the grave.
Inventory:
1. Fragmentary iron knife right of the right arm. Length of the fragmentary blade: 6.0 cm; width: 2.0–1.0 cm (Pl. 22/1).
Grave 147 (Pl. 23; pl. 144–146)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (296°). Niche grave. The grave widens in the shape of a pear and after 70 cm, it
begins to deepen at an angle of 18–19°. Size of the grave: 450 cm. The grave widens from 72 cm to as far as 228 cm of
length, and then it becomes wider (it is the widest, 228 cm, at the length of 330 cm), but as it deepens, it is becoming
narrower and narrower. Depth: 40–62 cm (pit), 120–170–196 cm (niche).
The skeleton was placed on the last section of the steep niche of the grave at an angle of 45°, stretched out. The skull
of the skeleton slightly fell forward, the arms were stretched out alongside the body. As the legs were registered
tightly alongside each other, it cannot be excluded that the corpse was rolled in some organic material, or its legs
were tied together. Length of the skeleton: approximately 169.1 cm.
Food/drink offering:
1. Fragmentary brick-red clay pot, approximately 55 cm away from the skull, at an angle of 45°, which fell with its
mouth pointing towards the skull. It has a grained material with mica and a rough surface. Its body was decorated
with wavy lines. Height: 17.2 cm; diameter of the mouth: 5.1 cm; diameter of its belly: 11.8 cm; bottom diameter:
8.0 cm (Pl. 24/1; pl. 230/1).
Inventory:
1. A square-shaped iron buckle without a spike. Diameters: 3.2 × 3.1 cm (Pl. 24/2).
Grave 148 (Pl. 25; pl. 147–148)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (296°). A long square-shaped niche grave. The grave was deepened at an angle
of 20°, and the deceased person was placed at its lowest point, the niche. In the niche, a hole was dug. Length of the
grave: 414 cm; width of the grave: 108–110 cm. Depth: 30–45 cm (pit), 135–140 cm (niche).
Coffin burial. 1. U-shaped iron coffin clamp next to the right shin bone, at the knee. Length: 9.5–2.5 cm; width: 2.2 cm
(Pl. 26/5); 2. The fragments of an iron coffin clamp behind the skull. Length: 5.0 cm; width: 2.0 cm (Pl. 26/6); 3. An
It cannot be excluded that it was the grave of a child whose bones have not been preserved, and who had no teeth.
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iron coffin clamp behind the skull, to the left. Diameters: 6.5 × 4.6 cm (Pl. 26/7); 4. U-shaped iron coffin clamp next to
the right shin bone. Length: 6.5 cm; width: 1.6 cm (Pl. 27/8); 5. L-shaped iron coffin clamp at the end of the left foot.
Length: 4.5–4.1 cm; width: 1.8 cm (Pl. 27/9); 6. L-shaped arched iron coffin clamp next to the left shin bone, at the
edge of the grave. Length: 6.5–2.8 cm; width: 1.7 cm (Pl. 27/10); 7. The fragments of an iron coffin clamp, north-west
of the coffin, at the entrance of the niche. Width: 1.3 cm (Pl. 27/11).
The skull of the skeleton fell to the right, the arms were stretched out alongside its body. Length of the skeleton:
172.1 cm.
Symbolic role:
1. Right behind the skeleton, 5–6 cm to the north, a cluster of four juvenile sheep or goat vertebrae (under 2–3 years).
1. An elongated pot with reddish, brown and black spots, standing upright, north-west from the skull. Badly cre-
mated, feels rough when touched. Height: 17.9 cm; diameter of the mouth: 7.9 cm; diameter of its body: 10.8 cm;
bottom diameter: 7.5 cm (Pl. 28/13; pl. 232/1).
2. U-shaped mount of the porringer, made of a bronze strap behind the skull, approximately 10 cm to the west.
Originally, a flat pressed bronze plate was bent into a U-shape and the two ends of it were attached by two rivets.
In a secondary position, which leads us to suppose that the grave was disturbed partially. Diameters: 2.2 × 1.8 cm;
thickness: 0.6 cm; length of the rivets: 0.7 cm. Weight: 2.56 g (Pl. 25/1; pl. 231/1).
Inventories:
1. A bronze hole for the strap with curled end at the upper part of the left pelvic blade. Length: 2.6 cm; height: 0.9 cm.
Weight: 3.46 g (Pl. 25/2; pl. 231/2).
2. Trapeze-shaped bronze buckle at the end of the vertebrae, in the middle of the pelvic bone. Width: 2.6–2.2 cm;
length: 2.2 cm. Weight: 5.22 g (Pl. 25/3; pl. 231/3).
3. A small square-shaped bronze plate attached to an iron plate. In the middle of the small pressed bronze plate,
there is a square-shaped decoration, which is surrounded by small square-shaped decorations after being grooved.
The parameters of the iron plate: length: 5.1 cm; widest part: 3.8 cm. Weight: 14.50 g. Parameters of the bronze plate:
diameters: 1.9 × 1.5 cm. Weight: 0.48 g (Pl. 26/4; pl. 231/4).
4. A fragmentary iron buckle with a spike right next to the bronze buckle. Diameters: 3.5 × 3.5 cm (Pl. 28/12).
4. The fragment of a bronze object next to the right upper hand (14).
6. The fragment of a little bronze plate in front of the pelvic bone, in the middle (15).
7. The fragment of a little bronze plate between the right ribs (16).
Grave 149 (Pl. 19; pl. 141)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (302°). At the identification, the shape of the grave was oval-rectangular and
gradually narrowed. It slightly widened towards the leg bones. Dimensions of the pit: 148 × 58 cm. Depth: 25 cm.
Only the parts of the skeleton were found, the jawbone fell to north, the skull fell backwards. The right humerus,
both femora, and a few ribs and a vertebral bone are not in anatomical position either.
Inventory:
1. Iron knife at the right fragmentary femur, 15 centimetres higher than the bottom of the grave pit. Length: 10.8 cm;
length of the blade: 7.1 cm; width of the blade: 1.7–0.9 cm (Pl. 19/1).
Grave 150 (Pl. 29; pl. 149)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (292°). At the identification, the grave had a rectangular shape, which gradu-
ally narrowed. After the uneven digging, which can be traced back exactly, a ledge was created on the right side of
the grave. In our opinion, it cannot be explained with some kind of custom, it can be traced back to practical rea-
sons. Dimensions of the pit: 234 × 110 cm. Depth: 75–52 cm.
The skull of the skeleton lying on its back fell back, its jaw was displaced northward. The arms of the skeleton, which
is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: 173.2 cm.
Sex: male. Age: 40–50 years old (maturus II).
Animal sacrifice:
1. Below, next to the left femur, almost at the knee, the head (skull and mandibles) of a young sheep (>8 months),
and at the end of the left foot, on the left side, the elements of distal limbs (metacarpals, metatarsals and phalanxes).
Inventory:
1. A square-shaped bronze buckle with an iron spike, on the inner side of the left pelvic bone. Diameters: 2.7 × 2.7 cm;
length of the spike: 3.0 cm. Weight: 8.57 g (Pl. 29/1; pl. 232/1).
Grave 151 (Pl. 30; pl. 150–151)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (294°). At the identification, the shape of the grave was rectangular. After 20
29
centimetres of depth, there were formed berms at the two longitudinal sides and at the foot of the grave pit, and
after that, they dug a N–S orientated oval pit, for a part of a cattle. After this, they formed another berm, and after
that, they dug the final grave pit for the dead. Dimensions of the grave pit: 327 × 278, 210 × 70 cm. Depth: 100–70 cm.
The jawbone of the supine-laid outstretched skeleton fell forwards. The arms of the skeleton, in an outstretched
position. Length of the skeleton: approximately 160.0 cm.
Sex: female (?). Age: 18–20 years old (juvenis–adultus).
Animal sacrifice:
1. An adult cattle, at a depth of 20 cm, on the berm at the feet.
2. The head (skull and mandibles) and elements of distal limbs (a proximal radius, metacarpals, metatarsals and
phalanxes [except phalanx 3]) of a young sheep (6–8 months) were found under the bones of the cattle.
1. A yellow clay pot with a big diameter, 17 cm to the north-west of the skull. Its material is grainy with mica, it feels
rough. Its surface is made up of bunches of wavy lines. Height: 16.5 cm; diameter of mouth: 5.7 cm; diameter of body:
16.3 cm; bottom diameter: 7.5 cm (Pl. 31/5; pl. 233/3).
Inventories:
1. The fragment of an iron object 15 cm to the south-west of the skull. Its original function cannot be determined.
Length: 2.5 cm (Pl. 31/1.a–b).
2. A bronze earring between the pot and the coffin. The earring, which has been preserved only in fragments, was
decorated with small granulations followed by a globe and a bead ornamentation. The globe and the bead of the
fragmented earring were strung on a bronze wire. The big and the small beads were pierced when they were attached
to the object. Above the big sphere, a wire was put with beads in two braids illustrating pseudo-granulation. Two
beads were strung on a wire folded in two. The ring of the earring has a rhomboid cross section. The two paste beads
of different sizes at its end are brownish-greyish. Its parameters: Height: 3.1+0.8+0.95 cm; ring diameter: 2.2 cm;
diameter of the big bead: 1.6 cm; diameter of the small bead: 0.4 cm. Weight: 2.35 g (Pl. 31/2; pl. 233/1).
3. A bronze earring next to the right forearm. Only half of its lower bead and the bead holding it have been pre-
served. The brownish-black upper paste bead and half of the lower bead, which is also brownish-black, have been
preserved. Therefore, we managed to observe that the beads were pierced before they were strung and the bronze
wire strung on the ring of the earring was folded in half. A bronze wire was soldered above the upper bead to cover
the wire holding the beads. The ring of the earring has a rhomboid cross section. Height: 2.8 + 0.9 cm; ring diameter:
2.9 cm; diameter of the upper bead: 0.5 cm; diameter of the lower bead: 0.4 cm. Weight: 2.48 g (Pl. 31/3; pl. 233/2).
4.1–315. A string of beads around the neck: a string of beads consisting of globular, cylindrical, conical and melon
seed-type beads (Pl. 32/6.1–41; pl. 234/4.1–42; pl. 235).84
5. A small round bronze ornament, an ear of a piece, was soldered on its back, which span over the whole backside
of the object. It might have functioned as a button. Its position in the grave is near the wall of the grave pit. Diameter:
1.1 cm. Weight: 1.12 g (Pl. 31/4).
6. There is a small bronze ear among the beads which used to hold the bead that was pierced in the middle (7).
Grave 153 (Pl. 33; pl. 152)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (297°). The shape of the grave pit: was rectangular at its identification. Dimen-
sions of the grave pit: 210 × 63 cm. Depth: 44 cm.
The grave had been disturbed, a part of the skull could be identified from the skeleton, as well as the jaw bone, the
right tibia, respectively the coccyx. The skull was not in anatomical position.
Grave 154 (Pl. 33; pl. 152)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (301°). The shape of the grave pit was rectangular at its identification. Dimen-
sions of the grave pit: 206 × 78 cm. Depth: 20 cm.
The skull of the supine-laid, outstretched skeleton fell to the right, but based on its strange position (the legs were
slightly pulled up to the right) we must think that it was strongly wrapped in some kind of organic material. The right arm
bone was outstretched while the left arm bone was placed on the pelvis. Length of the skeleton: approximately 140.0 cm.
Grave 155 (Pl. 34; pl. 153)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (293°). The shape of the grave pit was rectangular at its identification. Dimen-
sions of the grave pit: 240 × 95 cm. Depth: 55–61 cm.
Beside these, in grave 151, a great number of bead fragments were documented. Altogether about 350 beads were in these graves.
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The legs of the supine-laid, outstretched skeleton were pulled up to left. Length of the skeleton: approximately
135.0 cm.
Animal sacrifice:
1. Parts of a young sheep at the end of the left leg: scapula, humerus and metatarsal, all from the right limb, with
filleting cut marks on the scapula. Four fragmented ribs, two of them exhibiting cut marks.
Inventories:
1. Fragmentary cast bronze earrings with a pendant forming a bunch of grapes were found near the right forearm.
Height: 2.2 cm; ring diameter: 2.0 cm; bunch of grapes height: 1.4 cm. Weight: 1.62 g (Pl. 34/1; pl. 236/1).
2.1–36. 36 pieces of globular, cylindric, prismatic and melon seed-shaped beads on the left chest bone together with
a little bronze pipe (Pl. 35/2.1–36; pl. 236/2.1–36).
3. A small bronze tube among the beads. Length: 0.8 cm; width: 0.3 cm.
Grave 157A–B
Grave 157A (Pl. 36; pl. 154)
Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (288°). The shape of the grave pit: was rectangular at its identification. The pit
was very large. There were formed a kind of small (3 to 20 cm wide) berms at the north, south, and west side of the
grave pit at the same level with the skeleton. Dimensions of the grave pit: 217 × 139 cm. Depth: 48–60 cm.
Almost the middle of the pit the traces of the coffin could be registered. The dimensions of the traces of the coffin is
about 180 × 75 cm. The lower jaw of the supine laid, outstretched skeleton has dropped. The arms of the skeleton are
lying alongside the body in an outstretched position. Length of the skeleton: 169.7 cm.
Animal sacrifice and symbolic role:
1. Parts of two juvenile sheep or goat (under one year old) under the human skeleton.
Inventory:
1. A fragmented iron knife in the eastern edge of the coffin. Length of the blade: 15.2 cm; width of the blade: 2.8 cm
(Pl. 37/1).
Grave 157B (Pl. 38; pl. 155–156)

Inhumation. Orientation: W–E (280°). Niche grave. The grave pit was registered under grave 157A, which was
dug on the former square shaped elongated niche grave. The grave was gradually dug at an angle of 20°, and the
deceased person was placed at its deepest point, the niche, in a tilted position. The dimensions of the grave pit:
386 × 70–100 cm. Depth: 24–39 cm (pit), 88–134 cm (niche).
The skeleton that was lying on its back fell to the right. The arms of the skeleton, which is in an outstretched posi-
tion, are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: approximately 154.0 cm.
Sex: indeterminable. Age: 13–16 years old (infans II–juvenis).
Animal sacrifice:
1. The head: fragmented skull (it preserves one of the horns) and mandibles of a juvenile sheep (over one year old).
The place where it was found is not documented.
Inventories:
1. The fragments of an iron knife at the end of the left hand, next to the left femur. Length: 13.1 cm; length of the
blade: 11.8 cm; width of the blade: 2.1–1.8 cm (Pl. 39/1).
2. A rectangular iron buckle next to the right femur. Diameters: 2.8 × 2.6 cm (Pl. 39/2).
3. The fragment of a massive iron object at the end of the vertebrae. Diameters: 4.0 × 3.6 cm (Pl. 39/3).
4. A small trapeze-shaped iron buckle. Diameters: 4.2 × 3.7 cm (Pl. 39/4).
5. Perhaps the fragments of the hinge of a wooden bucker. Length: 9.1 cm; width: 3.2 cm (Pl. 39/5).
Grave 158 (Pl. 40; pl. 157)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (296°). Niche grave. A square shaped elongated niche grave. The grave pit
was dug shallow, only 30 cm deep, then it was deepened below 90 cm at an angle of 18°, and the deceased person
was placed at the deepest point. Only the ends of the feet were in the niche. Dimensions of the grave: 427 × 130 cm.
Depth: 27 cm (pit), 75–124 cm (niche).
The grave was robbed, as the hole dug by the raiders was observed in the northern side of the grave (Object 159).
Only the knuckles of the left hand and the foot bones have been preserved of the skeleton, the upper part of the body
and the pelvis were lifted out (?) of the grave. Length of the femur and shin bones of the skeleton: 88 cm.
Grave 161 (Pl. 41; pl. 158)

Inhumation. Orientation: NW–SE (306°). The shape of the grave pit: was rectangular at its identification. A berm
31
was formed in the north, south, and west sides of the grave pit at the same level with the skeleton. Dimensions of
the grave pit: 242 × 118 cm. Depth: 71–97 cm.
The arms of the skeleton are lying alongside the body in an outstretched position. Length of the skeleton: 152.9 cm.
Symbolic role:
1. A nasal bone, the last lumbar vertebra, the sacrum, and a highly corroded metatarsal of an adult sheep in an upper
layer of the grave.
Inventories:
1.1–32. A string of beads around the neck: various melon seed shaped beads (Pl. 42/1.1–5; pl. 236/1.1–5).
2. An iron knife under the right arm. Length: 7.6 cm; length of the blade: 5.4; width: 1.1–1.6 cm (Pl. 42/2).
3. Fragments of a spindle whorl between the right ribs and the right elbow. Its surface is decorated in a zig-zag shape.
Height: 1.8 cm (Pl. 42/3).
Grave 162 (Pl. 43; pl. 159)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (292°). The grave pit has a rectangular shape at its identification. On the upper
level of the grave pit, approximately 15 centimetres deep, a berm had been formed. The dimensions of the grave pit:
319 × 177 cm. Depth: 32–76–116 cm.
The skeleton remains – mostly the bones of the bust – were found in very bad condition. The skull fell backwards.
The two hand bones somehow came under the pelvic bone. There are question marks whether this positioning is
because the skeleton was wrapped into organic matter. Length of the skeleton: 151.8 cm.
Symbolic role and food offering:
1. One radius and two vertebrae of an adult sheep in an upper layer of the grave.
2. A single tibia diaphysis of a goose in an upper layer of the grave.
Sex: female. Age: 25–35 years old (adultus–maturus I).
Inventory:
1. Trapezoid iron buckle from under the pelvis. Diameters: 3.2 × 2.2–2.0 cm (Pl. 43/1).
Grave 163 (Pl. 44; pl. 160)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (299°). The shape of the grave pit: was rectangular at its identification. On the
upper level of the grave pit, approximately 15 centimetres deep, a berm had been formed. The dimensions of the
grave pit: 250 × 95 cm. Depth: 63 cm.
The skeleton was laid supine, the skull forwards at the right-hand side. The arms of the outstretched skeleton were
outstretched alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: 158.9 cm.
Sex: female. Age: 40–50 years old (maturus II).
1. Animal bone parts above the skeleton, buried in a separately dug pit. The animal bones were registered above the
legs, at approximately 15 centimetres depth.
1.a. The mandibles of a juvenile sheep.
1.b. Forelimb elements of an adult sheep.
1.c. Right scapulae of a juvenile sheep.
1.d. Right scapulae of an adult sheep.
Inventories:
1. Fragments of a slightly curved iron object (hernia truss?), beside the left femur and the left pelvis headed towards
the bottom of the pit. Length: 26.0 cm; width.: 2.3 cm. (Pl. 45/3)
2. Trapezoid iron buckle with pin, between the femur and the left part of the pelvis. Diameters: 2.4 × 2.5 cm (Pl. 44/1).
3. Fragmented spindle whorl from the filling of the pit (Pl. 44/2).
Grave 164 (Pl. 46; pl. 161)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (294°). The shape of the grave pit: was rectangular at its identification, it grad-
ually narrowed. In the process of digging the pit it was gradually deepened (on the northern and western part of the
pit) but at the same time they narrowed the pit. The dimensions of the grave pit: 258 × 119 cm. Depth: 90 cm.
The skeleton was laid supine, the state of its maintenance is very poor. The right arm of the skeleton is lying along-
side the body in an outstretched position. The left arm bone is missing as well as a part of the ribs, the phalanges of
the right leg, and partially the phalanges of the left leg. Length of the skeleton: 159.5 cm.
Sex: indeterminable (probably woman). Age: 30–50 years old (maturus I–II).
Animal sacrifice and food offering:
1. Parts of animal bones above the skeleton, in the southeast part and in the top layer of the pit (10–12 cm deep).
1.a. The head (skull and mandibles fragments) and the forelimbs (one scapula, two humeri, two radii and two met-
acarpals) of a juvenile sheep.
32
1.b. One right humerus of an adult sheep.
1.c. One tibia of a chicken (Gallus domesticus).
Inventories:
1. Cast bronze earrings near the right leg. Height: 4.2 cm; diameter of the ring: 2,1 cm. Weight: 5.5 g (Pl. 46/1; pl. 236/1).
2. Fragmentary bronze object, unknown function, right beside the end of the right tibia. Diameters: 1.7 × 1.4 cm.
Weight: 0.63 g (Pl. 46/2).
Grave 165 (Pl. 47; pl. 162)

Inhumation. Orientation: W–E (280°). The shape of the grave pit: oval at its identification and it gradually narrowed
at its north, west, and south sides. The dimensions of the grave pit: 255 × 135 cm. The length of the bottom of the
grave: 215 cm. Depth: 90 cm.
The skeleton maintenance was poor, it was laid supine. The lower jaw fell forward. The arm bones were found only
partially (the right upper arm is missing, as well as one part of the humerus and the distal phalanges of the hand),
but it could be observed that the arms were outstretched alongside the body. Similarly, the ribs and a part of the
vertebrae are missing, as well as the breastbone. Also, the outstretched leg bones are incomplete: only fragments
have remained of the right femur, right tibia and fibula. The calcaneus, the tarsal, the metatarsal, the phalanges
are completely missing. The incomplete skeleton and the various positions in which the objects from the burial had
occurred, show that the grave was disturbed. Length of the skeleton: 158.1 cm.
Sex: male. Age: 55–60 years old (senilis).
Inventories:
1.a. The casted bronze buckle was found next to the left shin bone. The buckle has a trapezoid ring and rectangular
bronze folded sheet metal plate. The leather enclasped between the sheet plates was tightened (clamped) with five
rivets. The rectangular plates were cut from sheet metal. Length: 6.4 cm; length of the rectangular plate: 4.1 cm;
diameters of the trapezoidal buckle: 3.1 × 3.0 cm. Weight: 11.25 g (Pl. 48/1.1; pl. 237/1.1).
1.b. Plated bronze belt ornament on a strap. On both edges of the object there are traces of rivets which were used
to fix it to the strap. The rivet on the left side fell out. Diameters: 1.1 × 2.0 cm. Weight: 0.78 g (Pl. 48/1.2; pl. 237/1.2).
1.c. Plated bronze belt ornament on a strap. On both edges of the object there are traces of rivets which were used
to fix it to the strap. The two rivets were stabilized with two plates used as washers. Diameters: 1.3 × 0.7 cm. Weight:
0.65 g (Pl. 48/1.3; pl. 237/1.3).
1.d. A small rectangular bronze plate on a strap with two rivets. Diameters: 0.7 × 1.3 cm (Pl. 48/1.4; pl. 237/1.4).
2. Next to the buckle, there is a wide articulated cast shield-shaped/oval pendant made of copper alloy. Its pattern
has a flat surface. It is decorated with a simple palmette with diverging flat tendrils, in the middle of the ornament
a rhomboid decoration can be observed with a simple pending palmette with diverging motifs. There is a rivet hole
on either side of the ornament with a rivet in each. There is a low frame around the back side, the back side of the
ornament is flat. Height: 3.6 cm; width of the ornament: 2.5 cm; width of the pendant: 1.4 cm. Weight: 7.04 g (Pl. 48/2;
pl. 237/2).
3. Big strap end between the big femur and the northern side of the grave. The two plates were attached by rivets. The
frames are embossed rising from the field of the object. In the field of one plate, three animal figures can be seen:
a predator in the middle is chasing a rabbit, respectively the predator is followed by the other rabbit. On the other
plate, a dynamic flat half palmette was made by the goldsmith whose flowers cover the surface of the object. Length:
10.6 cm; width: 2.2 cm. Weight: 45.64 g (Pl. 48/3; pl. 239/7).
4. A small strap end next to buckle no. 1. The inside of the only cast item is hollow so that the strap could fit in. Part
of the opening for the strap leather is attached by a rivet. Between the two cast items, there is the end of the strap.
After the high frame of the item, there is a deep groove. This side rises from the field of the item with a decoration
in the middle. On the other side of the field, there is a dynamic S-shaped tendril ornament, at the end of the item a
bump-shaped ornament can be seen. Length: 3.7 cm; width: 1.2 cm. Weight: 7.13 g (Pl. 48/4; pl. 238/6).
5. Between the two pelvic blades, there is a rectangular bronze ornament with two rivets that are thick at the ends.
Diameters: 2.0 × 1.0 cm. Weight: 0.83 g (Pl. 48/5; pl. 237/1.5).
6. A corroded fragment of a round iron buckle on the right pelvic blade. Diameter: 3.0 cm (Pl. 49/6).
7. Between the right femur and the southern edge of the grave, there is a wide articulated shield-shaped/oval orna-
ment with a pendant cast of copper alloy. Its pattern is flat. It is decorated with a simple diverging palmette of flat
tendrils, in the middle of the ornament, a rhomboid decoration can be seen. On the pendant, there is a simple
diverging palmette. At each end of the ornament, there is a rivet. The backside is surrounded by a low frame, the
back of the ornament is flat. Height: 3.6 cm; width of the ornament: 2.5 cm; width of the pendant: 1.4 cm. Weight:
7.67 g (Pl. 49/7; pl. 238/3).
8. Between the right femur and the southern edge of the grave, next to the other ornament, there is a wide articulated
shield-shaped/oval ornament with a pendant cast of copper alloy. Its pattern is flat. It is decorated with a simple
diverging palmette of flat tendrils, in the middle of the ornament, a rhomboid decoration can be seen. On the pen-
dant, there is a simple diverging palmette. At each end of the ornament, there is a rivet. The backside is surrounded
33
by a low frame, the back of the ornament is flat. Height: 3.6 cm; width of the ornament: 2.5 cm; width of the pendant:
1.3 cm. Weight: 7.35 g (Pl. 49/8; pl. 238/4).
9. A long iron knife next to the right femur, almost at the knee. Length of the blade: 17.0 cm; width of the blade:
2.6–1.5 cm (Pl. 49/9).
10. There is a propeller-shaped cast ornament depicting the head of a predator at each end with a round hole in the
middle, in the northern part of the grave, opposite the left femur. Length: 4.6 cm; width in the middle: 1.1 cm; width
at the end (animal heads): 1.2 cm. Weight: 4.63 g (Pl. 49/10; pl. 238/5).
11.a. A round bronze ornament at the upper end of the left femur, next to the pelvis. Diameter: 1.0 cm. Weight: 0.21 g
(Pl. 49/11.2; pl. 237/1.7.a).
11.b. A fragmentary rectangular bronze ornament with two wide-headed rivets at the upper end of the left femur,
next to the round ornament. Diameters: 1.2 × 1.0 cm. Weight: 0.38 g (Pl. 49/11.1; pl. 237/1.6).
Grave 166 (Pl. 50; pl. 163)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (294°). The shape of the grave pit was rectangular at its identification, and
gradually narrowed at its west side. The dimensions of the grave pit: 135 × 57–59 cm. Depth: 60 cm.
Only a minor skull has been found at 55 cm depth.
Grave 167 (Pl. 50; pl. 163)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (294°). The shape of the grave pit was rectangular at its identification. The
western part of the grave pit was widened. The dimensions of the grave pit: 225 × 83 cm. Depth: 58 cm.
The weakly maintained skeleton was laid supine. The skeleton is fragmentary, the right humerus is missing, as well
as the clavicles and a part of the vertebrae and the ribs. Originally, the arms of the outstretched skeleton were out-
stretched alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: 143.4 cm.
Graves 168B/169 (Pl. 51; 164–166)

A double niche grave system forming a V-shape starting from the niches of the graves. Rectangular connected niche
graves, stretching in a long distance. The grave pits were dug gradually at an angle of 8°. In the niche of grave 169 a
big hole was dug. The burials must have taken place at different times, as the skeleton in grave 168B was buried in
a layer above the person in grave 169, and it was looted. The hole dug by the grave raiders can clearly be observed.
Perhaps that was the reason why the skeleton in the other grave was disturbed by the raiders.
Grave 168B: length of the grave pit: 482 cm; width of the grave: approximately 92 cm. Depth: 50 (pit); 110 cm (niche).
Grave 169: length of the grave: 458 cm; width of the grave: 90 cm. Depth: 50 (pit); 160 cm (niche).
Grave 168B (Pl. 51; pl. 164–165)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (298°). The grave was raided, and a considerable section of the upper part of
the skeleton is missing. Only a few ribs, a vertebra, the right radius and ulna, some knuckle bones from the right
hand, two from the left hand, and the fragments of the pelvis have been preserved. The raid is indicated by the fact
that some fragments of the ribs, a vertebra, and a radius were registered at the entrance of the niche. Length of the
skeleton: 157.9 cm.
Grave 169 (Pl. 51; pl. 164–166)

Inhumation. Orientation: W–E (272°). The skeleton is supine and relatively well preserved. The arms of the skeleton,
which is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. The knuckles on the hands and the right foot are
missing. Length of the skeleton: approximately 160.0 cm.
Food offering:
1. A complete humerus, a pelvis fragment, both from the right side, and two fragmented lumbar vertebrae of an adult
sheep on the left side of the skull (3.5–4 years).
Inventories:
1. An iron ring between the two femurs. 1. Diameters: 3.7 × 3.8 cm (Pl. 52/1).
2. The fragmented iron knife next to the upper part of the right femur. Only a small part of its sheath has been pre-
served. Length: 14.0 cm; length of the blade: 11.5 cm; width of the blade: 2.6–2.0–1.4 cm (Pl. 52/2).
3. A massive iron ring next to the end of the left femur. Diameters: 4.4 × 4.2 cm (Pl. 52/3).
34
4. A fragmentary rectangular iron buckle on the left wing of ilium. Diameters: 2.9 × 3.2 cm (Pl. 52/4).
5. The fragment of an iron object next to the lower part of the right femur (Pl. 52/5).
6. Iron fragments under the right wing of ilium. 1. Length: 3.0 cm; diameters: 2.2 × 1.4 cm (Pl. 52/6).
Grave 170 (Pl. 53; pl. 167)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (290°). The shape of the grave pit was rectangular at its identification and
it gradually narrowed. It slightly widens at its west side. The dimensions of the grave pit: 219 × 68–59 cm. Depth:
50 cm.
The child’s skeleton was laid supine, his skull tilted to the left. The skull was only partially preserved. A part of the
chest bones is missing. The arms of the outstretched skeleton are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton:
approximately 136.0 cm.
Inventory:
1. Simple earring or lock ring inside the skull. Metal components: Cu – 42.35%; Pb – 39.99%; Sn – 15.08%; Fe –
2.33%; Zn – 0.19%. Diameters: 1.9 × 1.8 cm (Pl. 53/1).
Grave 171 (Pl. 54; pl. 168–169)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (296°). Niche grave. At the end of the grave pit, where the niche of the grave
had been arranged, it widens in a pear-shape, respectively at the mouth of the niche it begins to deepen in a 15°
angle. The dimensions of the grave pit: 466 × 180–76 cm. The diameter of the niche: 200 cm. Depth: 40–60 cm (pit),
108–154 cm (niche).
The skeleton was laid outstretched on the steep berm of the niche in a 45° angle. The grave was robbed in such a
manner, that a part of the skeleton upper body was not preserved. On the level of the robber pit which overlapped
the grave pit, the clavicles, four vertebrae, a humerus, and a bone of the arm were found. Despite this, it was suc-
cessfully registered, that the arms were outstretched alongside the body. Length of the skeleton (without the skull):
Symbolic role:
1. The vertebrae of an adult sheep or goat (younger than four years old).
Inventories:
1. Large rectangular iron buckle, with pins next to the vertebrae at the upper part of the right ilium. Diameters:
4.9 × 4.5 cm (Pl. 55/1).
2. Small rectangular iron buckle at the lower part of the pelvis. Diameters: 3.2 × 3.0 cm. (Pl. 55/2)
3. Fragmented iron knife at the left ilium. Length of the blade: 11.2 cm; width of the blade: 2.0 cm (Pl. 55/3).
Grave 173 (Pl. 56; pl. 170)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (292°). Niche grave. At the end of the grave, where the niche was created, it
becomes wider, shaping a pear, and at the entrance of the niche, it starts to deepen at an angle of 17°. Dimensions of
the grave: 406 × 70 cm. Diameter of the grave: 193 cm. Depth: 60–80 cm (pit), 126–168 cm (niche).
The skeleton in the grave was raided and completely destroyed. A stone was also found in the grave, its function is
not clear. Length of the skeleton: 154.3 cm.
Animal sacrifice or symbolic role:
1. In the robber pit (cx174), one left side mandible of an adult Bos taurus (cow).
Inventory:
1. The fragment of a rectangular iron buckle among the bones. Diameters: 2.2 × 1.2 cm (Pl. 56/1).
Grave 176 (Pl. 57; pl. 171)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (297°). At the identification, the grave had a rectangular shape. Dimensions of
the pit: 250 × 105 cm. Depth: 51 cm.
The skeleton is lying on its back, relatively well preserved, the skull tilted to the right. The arms of the skeleton,
which is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. Some vertebrae are missing. Coffin burial: the
wooden parts of the coffin are partly preserved. Length of the skeleton: 164.8 cm.
Sex: male. Age: 25–30 years old (adultus).
1. Right at the end of the left foot, poultry bones were found: elements of the right foot (pelvis, femur and tibia) and
a rib fragment from one adult bird.
2.a. Hen eggshells at the right knee.
2.b. There are hen eggshells right next to the right knuckles.
35
Inventories:
1. An iron knife next to/below the right side of the abdomen and between it and the right arm. Length: 17.0 cm;
length of the blade: 13.0 cm; width of the blade: 2.5–0.8 cm (Pl. 58/1).
2. Shreds of an iron piece are next to the left femur. 1. Length: 6.0 cm; width: 3.0 cm; 2. Length: 6.0 cm; width: 3.5 cm
(Pl. 58/2).
Grave 177 (Pl. 59; pl. 172)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (295°). The shape of the grave pit: only its eastern part could be observed, as
pit 180 had been dug over it. The dimensions of the grave pit: 240 × 70–72 cm. Depth: 50.0 cm.
The skeleton is laid supine, its maintenance is good, the skull tilted to the right. The arms of the outstretched skel-
eton were outstretched alongside the body. The western part of the grave has disturbed the pit of object no. 180.
Length of the skeleton: 148.0 cm.
Food offering:
1. Between the wall of the grave pit and the left leg, an adult sheep’s bones: two elements from the forelimb, scapula
and humerus from the right side.
Inventory:
1. Rectangular steel iron buckle with pin, on the left ilium. Diameters: 3.4 × 2.9 cm (Pl. 59/1).
Grave 178 (Pl. 60; pl. 173)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (302°). The shape of the grave pit: it has rounded edges, it widens at the skull,
it narrows at the legs. The grave pit is very shallow, because it was covered with humus. The dimensions of the grave
pit: 190 × 70–55 cm. Depth: 20 cm.
Grave 179 (Pl. 61; pl. 173)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (300°). The grave pit had a rectangular shape at its identification, which grad-
ually narrowed. The dimensions of the grave pit: 191 × 69 cm. Depth: 57 cm. On its western side, the pit interfered
with the pit of grave 180.
The skeleton is laid supine, its maintenance is good, the skull fell forwards to the right. The arms of the outstretched
skeleton are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: approximately 150.0 cm.
Sex: female. Age: 38–40 years old (maturus I).
Animal sacrifice:
1. Right above the legs (depth: 10 cm), in an upper layer of the grave pit: a juvenile sheep’s skeletal parts.
Inventory:
1. Spindle whorl beside the left humerus. Diameter: 3.5 cm; height: 2.2 cm (Pl. 61/1).
Grave 183 (Pl. 60)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (300°). At the identification, the grave had a rectangular shape. Dimensions of
the pit: 200 × 80 cm. The grave cut through a house dating from the Sarmatian Age. Depth: 43 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, it has been well preserved, the skull was tilted to the right. The arms of the skele-
ton, which is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. Some of the knuckle bones are missing from
the left arm. Length of the skeleton: approximately 162.4 cm.
Symbolic role or food offering:
1. Eggshells under the body, near the chest.
Inventories:
1. Iron fragments between the right upper arm and the body. Their function cannot be defined. Perhaps they are the
fragments of a knife. One of them is rectangular. Diameters: 2.0 × 1.5 cm (Pl. 60/1).
2. A fragmented black bead in the shape of a melon seed near the neck. Height: 1.3 cm (Pl. 60/2).
3. Spindle whorl with zigzag decoration in the filling of the grave pit. Diameters: 1.9 × 2.4 cm (Pl. 60/3).
4.a–c. Three fragmentary pieces of iron with unknown function in the filling of the grave pit. 1. Diameters: 1.
1.6 × 1.6 cm; 2. 2.0 × 1.3 cm; 3. 2.0 × 1.5 cm (Pl. 60/4.a–c).
5. A round fragmentary iron awl, one end of it is pointed between the pelvis and the right forearm. Length: 9.1 cm;
width: 0.9 cm (Pl. 60/5).
6. A small, barrel-shaped black bead at the sixth vertebra. Diameters: 0.6 × 0.4 cm (6).
36
Grave 185 (Pl. 62; pl. 174)
Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (296°). At the identification, the grave had an elongated rectangular shape.
Dimensions of the grave: 300 × 87 cm. Depth: 44 cm.
The four rectangular holes under the skeleton are testimony to it being a burial with a coffin. The dimensions of the
holes: 1. 20 × 21 cm; 2. 38 × 20 cm; 3. 32 × 22 cm; 4. 35 × 22 cm. The big area behind the skull must have been dug so
that a coffin could be placed there. The skeleton was lying on its back, it is well preserved and the skull is tilted to the
right. The position of the arms, which were placed on the pelvis, seems to show that the person was probably rolled
in some organic material. Length of the skeleton: 152.6 cm.
Sex: female. Age: 35–45 years (maturus I–II).
Animal sacrifice:
1. Three fragments from the skull, pelvis, and metatarsal of an adult cattle (Bos taurus) on an upper layer than the
layer of the skeleton. The last two with carnivore tooth marks.
Inventories:
1. A spindle whorl on the right chest bone.
2. The fragments of two iron objects in the filling of the grave.
Grave 186 (Pl. 63; pl. 175–178)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (288°). Niche grave. Dimensions of the grave: 470 × 122 cm. Diameter of the
niche: 170 cm. Depth: 75–100 cm (pit), 118–196 cm (niche).
In the passage leaning towards the mouth of the niche, a horse skeleton was found orientated opposite to the human
skeleton. The horse was lying on its stomach, its hind legs were on either side of the pelvis, its leg bones were along-
side its spine and ribs on either side. The head of the horse was twisted in an unnatural way to the south-east. At the
end of the grave pit, where the niche was made, it slightly widens. After the mouth of the niche, it began to deepen
approximately at an angle of 18°. The skeleton in the grave was partly destroyed during a looting, or it must have
been thrown out of the grave. The skull, the jaws, the collarbones, the toe and finger knuckles, vertebrae and ribs
are missing. Length of the skeleton: 168.4 cm.
Horse burials, type V: a 3 years old stallion (Equus caballus) (Pl. 63; pl. 175; pl. 177–178).
Symbolic role:
1. A metacarpal and a phalanx 1 from an adult sheep.
Inventories:
1. On the inner side, next to the elbow, there is a shield-shaped belt end made by attaching two plates. The two
plates were attached by a rivet in the middle of the upper part of the object. The edges of both plates were bent at
90°. A striped rim ornament was attached to the upper rim of one of the plates. A shield shaped wooden object was
fitted between the two plates to stabilize them. Diameters of the plate: 3.9 × 2.6 cm; diameters of the wooden object:
2.6 × 1.9 cm (Pl. 64/1; pl. 240/1.1–4).
2. A pressed shield-shaped bronze strap end comprising several components next to the left shin bone of the ran-
sacked skeleton. The edge of the outer foreplate was bent at 90°, thus creating the space for the other big outer
plate. There is a round hole on the upper part of the outer foreplate, where it was attached to the other big outer
plate, on which the rivet can be observed. Small rivets were driven into the inner part of the object, and there is a
shield-shaped wooden object between them to stabilize the ornament. Diameters of the first outer plate of the strap
end: 4.8 × 3.1 cm; diameters of the second outer plate of the strap end: 4.7 × 2.9 cm; diameters of inner plate No. 1:
3.9 × 2.4 cm; diameters of inner plate No. 2: 3.7 × 2.4 cm; diameters of the wooden insert between the bronze plates:
3.2 × 2.1 cm. Total weight: 9.36 g (Pl. 64/2.1–6; pl. 240/2.1–5).
3. A pressed shield-shaped bronze strap end comprising several components next to the left shin bone of the ran-
sacked skeleton. The edge of the outer foreplate was bent at 90°, thus creating the space for the other big outer plate.
There is a round hole on the upper part of the outer foreplate, where it was attached to the other big outer plate, on
which the rivet can be observed. Inside the object, two plates were fitted with two shield-shaped wooden objects
between them for stabilization. Diameter of the outer plate of the strap end (fragmentary): 4.0 cm; diameters of outer
plate No. 1 of the strap end (fragmentary): 3.6 × 2.6 cm; diameters of outer plate No. 2 of the strap end (fragmentary):
3.9 × 2.5 cm; diameters of inner plate No. 1: 3.5 × 2.5 cm; diameters of insert bronze plate No. 2: 4.1 × 2.4 cm; diameters
of wooden insert No. 1: 2.9 × 1.7 cm; diameters of wooden insert No. 2: 2.5 × 1.5 cm. Total weight: 6.61 g (Pl. 65/3.1–3;
pl. 240/3.1–3; pl. 241/3.4–6).
4. A fragmentary rectangular pressed bad quality bronze mount. There are 5 round ornaments rising from the plane
of the object. Diameters: 2.8 × 2.6 cm. Total weight: 1.80 g (Pl. 65/4).
5. The fragments of an iron buckle around the ribs and the lower vertebrae. Diameters: 1. 1.0 × 1.5 cm; 2. 1.0 × 1.4 cm
(Pl. 66/5).
6. A square-shaped iron buckle, fragmentary, next to the left femur, inside. Diameters: 2.6 × 2.5 cm (Pl. 66/6).
37
7. A fragmentary iron knife next to the left shin bone. Length: 14.1 cm; length of the blade: 11.3 cm; width: 2.0–0.7 cm
(Pl. 66/7).
8. An unidentified iron object. Diameters: 6.7 × 4.2 cm (Pl. 66/8).
The inventories of the horse:
1.1–18. 18 round pressed gilded bronze rosettes. The surface of the convex objects was divided into two sections:
in the depression behind the bulging centre, there are 23 ornaments in bead string pattern, behind which 10 pet-
al-shaped sections were created by the goldsmith, which rise from the plane of the object forming its edge. There-
fore, it can be stated that the object shows a special structure: “hills” (central core and the 10 symbolic petals) and
“valleys” (23 decorations symbolizing rows of beads) are alternating. The objects were attached to the strap of the
harness by a twisted hook soldered to the back.
1.1.a. Gilded bronze, pressed strap end, decorated with striped grooved ornamentation, found on the right pelvic
bone of the horse skeleton along with the rosette. Widest part: 1.3 cm (Pl. 66/1.1.1; pl. 241/1.1.1).
1.1.b. A fragmentary rosette, 4 of the row of cells forming the edge of the object were broken. The ornament was
found in the right pelvic bone of the horse skeleton. Diameter: 2.1 cm. Weight: 0.45 g (Pl. 66/1.1.2; pl. 241/1.1.2).
1.2.a. Fragmentary rosette, found on the right side of the horse skull, along with two small ears. Diameter: 2.1 cm.
Weight: 0.48 g. Height of the ear: 0.8 cm (Pl. 66/1.2.1; pl. 241/1.2.1).
1.2.b. Gilded bronze, eight fragments of a pressed strap end, decorated with striped grooved ornamentation, found
on the right side of the horse skull. Widest point: 1.3 cm.
1.3.a. A rosette was found in the middle of the horse skull. Diameter: 2.1 cm. Weight: 0.41 g (Pl. 66/1.3.1; pl. 241/1.3.1).
1.3.b. A little more than half of the rosette has been preserved. It was found in the middle of the horse skull. Diame-
ter: 2.1 cm. Weight: 0.33 g (Pl. 66/1.3.2).
1.3.c. Fragmentary rosette. Diameter: 2.1 cm. Weight: 0.33 g (Pl. 66/1.3.3).
1.3.d. Fragmentary rosette. Diameter: 1.9 cm. Weight: 0.24 g (Pl. 66/1.3.4).
1.3.e. Fragmentary rosette. A little more than half of the rosette has been preserved. Diameter: 2.1 cm. Weight: 0.33 g
(Pl. 66/1.3.5).
1.4. A fragmentary rosette. It was found under the horse skeleton. Diameter: 2.2 cm. Weight: 0.65 g (Pl. 67/1.4;
pl. 241/1.4).
1.5.a. A fragmentary rosette found under the right foreleg of the horse. Diameter: 2.5 cm. Weight: 0.42 g (Pl. 67/1.5.1).
1.5.b. A rosette found under the right foreleg of the horse. Diameters: 1.2 × 1.0 cm. Weight: 0.10 g (Pl. 67/1.5.2).
1.6. A fragmentary rosette found under the horse skeleton. A little more than half of the object has been preserved.
Diameter: 2.1 cm. Weight: 0.21 g (Pl. 67/1.6).
1.7.a. A fragmentary rosette found under the horse skull, on the right side. Diameter: 2.2 cm. Weight: 0.38 g (Pl. 67/1.7.1).
1.7.b. A fragmentary rosette found under the horse skull, on the right side. Diameter: 2.2 cm. Weight: 0.28 g (Pl. 67/1.7.2).
1.8.a. A little fragmented rosette found under the horse skull, on the left side. Diameter: 2.2 cm. Weight: 0.46 g
(Pl. 67/1.8.1; pl. 241/1.5.1).
1.8.b.1–2. Two small ears under the horse skull, on the left side. Height: 0.8 cm (Pl. 67/1.8.2; pl. 241/1.5.2).
1.8.c. Fragments of a rosette under the horse skull, on the left side. Weight: 0.46 g.
1.9. A fragmentary gilded bronze strap end on the right scapula, next to the right femur. Width of the biggest frag-
ment: 1.5 cm (Pl. 67/1.9).
1.10. Fragmentary rosette. It was found under the horse skeleton. Diameter: 2.2 cm. Weight: 0.65 g (Pl. 67/1.10;
pl. 241/1.6).
1.11. A rosette from the grave. It was found under the horse skeleton. Diameter: 2.3 cm. Weight: 0.58 gram (Pl. 67/1.11).
1.12. A fragmentary rosette. It was found under the horse skeleton. Diameter: 2.3 cm. Weight: 0.37 g (Pl. 67/1.12;
pl. 241/1.7).
1.13. A fragmentary rosette. It was found under the horse skeleton. Diameter: 2.2 cm. Weight: 0.49 g (Pl. 67/1.13).
1.14. A little fragmented rosette from the grave. It was found under the horse skeleton. Diameters: 2.3 × 2.1 cm. Weight:
0.66 g (Pl. 67/1.14; pl. 241/1.8).
1.15.a. A fragmentary gilded bronze, pressed strap end, decorated with striped grooved ornamentation, found
approximately 50 cm away from the horse skull. Diameters: 3.6 × 2.0 cm. Weight: 0.43 g (Pl. 67/1.15.1; pl. 241/1.9).
1.15.b. Fragments of a rosette under the horse skull, on the left side (15.2).
1.16. Six fragments of a gilded bronze, pressed strap end decorated with striped grooved ornamentation. They were
found under the horse skeleton (16).
1.17. Six fragments of a gilded bronze, pressed strap end decorated with striped grooved ornamentation. They were
found under the horse skeleton (17).
1.18. Five fragments of a gilded bronze, pressed strap end decorated with striped grooved ornamentation. They were
found under the horse skeleton. Widest part: 1.1 cm (18).
2. The fragments of a colt bit in the mouth of the horse. Only one of the bit rings has been preserved. Length of the
bit parts: 1. 11.5 cm; 2. 8.5 cm; diameter of the bit ring: 5.0 cm (Pl. 68/2).
38
Grave 187 (Pl. 69; pl. 179)
Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (300°). The shape of the grave: at the identification, the grave had an elon-
gated rectangular shape. Dimensions of the grave: 218 × 80 cm. Depth: 20 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, it is well preserved, and the skull fell back. The position of the arms, which were
placed on the pelvis, seem to show that the person was probably rolled in some organic material. Length of the
skeleton: approximately 140.0 cm.
Inventory:
1. A fragmentary spindle whorl next to the left pelvic bone. Its surface was decorated with parallel incised zigzag
lines. Diameters: 3.2 × 4.1 cm (Pl. 69/1).
Grave 189 (Pl. 70; pl. 180)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (297°). Niche grave. A square-shaped elongated niche grave. The grave was
deepened at an angle of 17° and the deceased person was placed at its lowest point, the niche. The niche type grave
was created by digging at a point, and then a bigger cave was formed. Length of the grave pit: 243 cm; width of the
grave: 74; diameter of the grave: 120 cm. Depth: 19–23 cm (pit), 42–88 cm (niche).
The skull of the skeleton fell to the left, the arms were stretched out alongside the body. Length of the skeleton:
159.7 cm.
Sex: female. Age: 59–71 years old (senilis).
Symbolic role and/or food offering:
Animal bones in the grave (in an upper layer of the grave):
1.a. Adult cattle bone (two carpal bones and two phalanges).
1.b. Adult sheep (<3.5 years) bones (scapula, humerus, ribs, and vertebrae).
1.c. Gallus domesticus L. (poultry): one femur fragment.
Inventories:
1. A round-shaped bronze ornament on the upper part of the left side of the chest. A pressed round bronze ornament
with open-work in three places in the middle in small triangle forms. Its edge is broken. Diameter: 2.0 cm. Weight:
0.60 g (Pl. 71/1; pl. 242/1).
2. A fragmentary round, pressed bronze ornament, with open-work in the middle, at the bottom of the left ribs.
Diameter: 2.0 cm. Weight: 0.63 g (Pl. 71/2; pl. 242/2).
3. A round pressed bronze ornament pierced in the middle. It was in the pelvis, between the two pelvic blades. Diam-
eter: 2.0 cm. Weight: 0.64 g (Pl. 71/3; pl. 242/3).
4.1–3. Parts of a fragmentary iron buckle, on the last vertebra. It seems that a belt plate was attached to the buckle
ring. Diameters: 3.8 × 3.5 cm (Pl. 71/4.a–c).
5. A fragmented iron knife next to the left thigh bone. Length of the blade: 15.9 cm; width of the blade: 2.3–1.5 cm
(Pl. 71/5).
6. A bronze strap end was on the first vertebra towards the pelvis. The object was made by riveting three pressed
plates together. To stabilize it, two pressed plates with their edges bent at an angle of 90° were put together, and then
they were riveted together with a flat pressed plate at the straight edge of the objects. The foreground of the object
was decorated with a bronze cover embossed from the plane of the object. Diameters: 2.6 × 1.6 cm. Weight: 1.42 g
(Pl. 71/6; pl. 242/5).
7. A fragmentary round pressed bronze ornament, similar to the above-mentioned ones, probably belonged to this
grave. Diameters: 2.0 × 1.7 cm. Weight: 0.51 g (Pl. 71/7; pl. 242/4).
Graves 191/198 (Pl. 72; pl. 181–185)

Two niche graves.
Grave 191 (Pl. 72; pl. 181–184)
Niche grave. The grave was dug on the already existing niche of grave 198. Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE
(286°). Dimensions of the grave: 400 × 100 cm. Depth: 19–58 cm (pit), 84–90 cm (niche).
The skeleton lies on its back, well preserved, the skull fell to the right. The right arm is stretched alongside the body,
whereas the left fell to the right at 20°. Length of the skeleton: 152.9 cm.
Inventories:
1. An arched trapeze shaped iron buckle on the inner side of the right wing of the ilium. Diameters: 4.0 × 3.3 cm
(Pl. 72/1).
2.1–19. 19 beads at the neck: three globular ones, one consisting of two parts, a pressed globular shaped one, one
made of shell in the shape of a short corrugated cylinder, and a big irregular melon seed-shaped bead (Pl. 72/2.1–14;
pl. 73/2.15–19; pl. 243/1–6).
39
3. Fragmented earring inside the skull. Metal components: Ag – 90.77%; Au – 2.41%; Bi – 2.10%; Cu – 0.66%; Zn –
0.46%; Ni – 0.20%; Pb – 0.20%. Diameters: 2.1 × 2.0 cm (Pl. 73/3).
Grave 198 (Pl. 72; pl. 181–182; pl. 185)

Inhumation. Orientation: W–E (279°). Niche grave. After the upper layer of the soil was stripped, the shape of a
rounded rectangular pit was identified, and in its upper layer, an animal burial was registered. Grave 191 was dug in
the anterior section of the niche grave. A long rectangular niche grave. The pit was deepened at an angle of 25–30°
in a way that the dead person was placed at its lowest point, the niche. In the niche a bigger pit was dug. As the soil
is full of sand, the original length of the pit could not be detected, but it seems that the whole body was placed in the
grave (155 cm). Length of the grave: 329 cm; width of the grave: 72–76 cm. Depth: 84–100 cm (niche).
The skull fell forward, the arms were stretched alongside the body. The jaw was registered on the chest bone. The
legs were pulled up towards the right leg, placing the left leg on the right. Length of the skeleton: 153.2 cm.
Sex: female. Age: 59–71 years old (senilis).
Animal sacrifice:
1. A complete adult cattle (Bos taurus) was placed in the rectangular pit. Under the animal bones, a cattle’s skull was
placed along with the horns.
1. A small yellowish pot with an ear and a spout made of coarse material with big grains, 50 cm north-west of the
skull, at the entrance of the niche. Height: 11.6 cm; diameter of the pot: 12.5 cm; diameter of the belly: 13.8 cm; diam-
eter of the bottom: 8.2 cm; length of the spout: 4.3 cm (Pl. 73/1; pl. 243/1).
Inventories:
1. A rectangular iron buckle. Diameters: 2.5 × 2.2 cm (Pl. 73/2).
2. The parts of a wooden structure (?) next to the right femur (Pl. 73/3).
3. A black-greyish biconical spindle whorl from the filling of the grave. Diameters: 2.5–4.5 × 2.9 cm (Pl. 73/4).
4. An iron nail next to the right upper arm. Length: 2.2 cm.
Grave 193 (Pl. 74; pl. 186)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (301°). The shape of the grave: at the identification, the grave had a rectangular
shape. The dimensions of the grave pit: 223 × 82–80 cm. Depth: 50 cm.
The skeleton is lying on its back, well preserved, with its skull fallen to the right. The arms of the skeleton, which is
in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. The right femur has been moved from its original position.
1. In the upper layer, above the deceased person, there are animal bones of one or several animals, scattered around
on the whole surface of the grave.
1.a. An almost complete skeleton of an adult cattle (Bos taurus).
1.b.1. A metatarsus fragment of a juvenile sheep or goat (Ovis aries or Capra hircus).
1.b.2. Two vertebrae of a juvenile sheep or goat (Ovis aries or Capra hircus).
1.c. A humerus of an adult sheep or goat (Ovis aries or Capra hircus).
1.d. A fragment of the right maxilla and a tibia from a very young pig (new born) (Sus domesticus).
Grave 194 (Pl. 75; pl. 187)

Inhumation. Orientation: W–E (274°). Niche grave. A square-shaped elongated niche grave. The grave was deepened
at an angle of 13°, and the deceased person was placed in a tilted position at its lowest point, the niche. The niche
grave was created by digging at a point, and after 230 cm, a bigger cave was formed. The grave was completely
raided, and all that has been preserved of the skeleton are the leg bones from the knee. Various bone parts were
found in the filling of the raided grave. The dimensions of the grave pit: 233 × 100 cm. The robbers’ trench can be
seen quite clearly. Depth: 12–33–48 cm (pit), 50–66 cm (niche).
1. At the entrance of the niche, there are animal bones.
Inventory:
1. An iron unidentified object in the filling of the grave pit. Diameters: 1.6 × 1.5 cm (Pl. 75/1).
Grave 195 (Pl. 76–77; pl. 188–189)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (284°). Niche grave. A square-shaped elongated niche grave. The grave was
deepened at an angle of 18–19°, and the deceased person was placed in a tilted position at its lowest point, the niche.
40
The niche grave was created by digging at a point, and after 160 cm, a bigger cave was formed. Length of the grave:
290 cm; width of the grave: 91–132 cm; length of the pit of the niche: 226 cm. Depth: 28–57 cm (pit), 92–148 cm (niche).
The skeleton is lying on its back, it is well preserved, with its skull fallen to the right. The arms of the skeleton, which
is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: 150.2 cm.
1. The skull and the bones (the vertebral column, with heavy blade chop marks on the axis [beheading] and lumbar
region [reduction of the column]; numerous rib fragments; the forelimbs [one humerus, two radii, two metacarpals,
phalanxes]; the hind limbs [one pelvis, one femur, one tibia, two metatarsals and phalanges]) of an adult cattle in a
pit with the dimensions of 170 × 85 cm, which were documented in front of the niche.
2. In the same place, sheep (Ovis aries) bones from two individuals:
2.a. The head (skull and mandibles) and distal limbs (metacarpals, metatarsals, and four phalanxes 1) of a juvenile
sheep (<6 months).
2.b. Left humerus, two vertebrae (lumbar), and one metapodial fragment of an adult sheep.
Inventories:
1. The fragments of a rectangular iron buckle on the left side of the pelvis. Diameters: 3.1 × 2.5 cm (Pl. 77/1).
2. An iron knife with traces of wooden scabbard, under the right upper arm, towards the thigh bone. Length: 18.0 cm;
length of the blade: 15.1 cm; width: 2.0–1.1 cm (Pl. 77/2).
3. A fragmentary iron object next to the skull, on the right side. Its function is unknown. Diameters: 4.1 × 1.8 cm
(Pl. 77/3).
Grave 196 (Pl. 78; pl. 190)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (292°). Shape of the grave: at the identification, the grave had a rectangular
shape. The dimensions of the grave pit: 220 × 70 cm. Depth: 30–40 cm.
Coffin burial: in the layer below the skeleton, there are two rectangular pits of different sizes behind the skull, testi-
fying that it was a burial with a coffin. This assumption is confirmed by the two coffin clamps found at the end of the
left leg. Diameters: 1. 2.2 × 1.1 cm; 2. 3.0 × 1.0 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, well preserved, the skull leant to the left forward. The arms of the skeleton, which
is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. The knuckles, the chest bones, and some vertebrae are
missing. Length of the skeleton: approximately 160.0 cm.
Grave 197 (Pl. 78; pl. 191)

shape. The dimensions of the grave pit: 190 × 80 cm. Depth: 50 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, relatively well preserved, the skull leant back. The arms of the skeleton, which
is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. Some bones of the upper body have not been preserved.
Length of the skeleton: approximately 160.0 cm.
Inventory:
1. The fragment of an iron object on the left pelvic blade. Length: 2.9 cm (Pl. 78/1).
Grave 202 (Pl. 79; pl. 192)

shape, which gradually narrowed. The dimensions of the grave pit: 225 × 78–72 cm. Depth: 50–59 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, and was very well preserved. Both arm bones were on the pelvis, which might
indicate that the body was wrapped in some organic material. Length of the skeleton: 167.3 cm.
Sex: male. Age: 19–21 years old (juvenis–adultus).
Inventory:
1. A rectangular iron buckle with a spike. We have no data on its position in the grave. Diameters: 3.0 cm. (Pl. 79/1).
Grave 203 (Pl. 80; pl. 192)

shape, which gradually narrowed. Dimension of the grave pit: 198 × 72 cm. Depth: 35 cm.
Two ribs, the fragment of a humerus, and a shin bone were found.
Sex: indeterminable. Age: 8 years old (infans II).
41
Grave 204 (Pl. 80; pl. 192)
shape. Dimensions of the grave pit: 122 × 57 cm. A fragment of the skull, and some bits of the left and right thigh
bones were found. The infant skeleton was lying stretched.
Grave 205 (Pl. 80; pl. 193)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (293°). Shape of the grave: the rectangular, long grave is widening towards the
feet. Dimensions of the grave pit: 220 × 68 cm. In its eastern section, the grave disturbed pit house no. 217.
The skeleton was lying on its back, and was very well preserved. The arms of the skeleton, which is in an out-
stretched position, are lying alongside the body. The knuckles on the left hand and the bones of the sole are missing.
1. An egg next to the left femur.
Grave 209 (Pl. 81; pl. 194)

shape, which gradually narrowed. Dimensions of the grave pit: 188 × 65 cm. Depth: 42 cm.
The arms of the well-preserved skeleton were on the pelvis, its position leads us to think that it must have been
wrapped in some organic material. Length of the skeleton: approximately 170.0 cm.
Sex: indeterminable. Age: 18–20 years old (juvenis–adultus).
Grave 210 (Pl. 82; pl. 195)

Inhumation. Orientation: NW–SE (304°). Niche grave. A long rectangular niche grave. After 140 cm, the grave was
deepened at an angle of 28°, placing the body at its deepest part. The niche was created by digging a pit in the
ground after 344 cm. The robbers’ pit is a testimony to the fact that the grave was ransacked. Length of the grave:
400 cm; width of the grave: 90–95 cm. Depth: 63 cm (pit), 90–203 cm (niche).
The lower part of the skeleton, which was lying on its back, was disturbed, the legs were not found in their anatomi-
cal position. The robbers must have stopped digging, because no valuable items were found. The arms of the person
seem to have been stretched alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: 152.9 cm.
Food offering:
1–4. Skeletal elements from four fully grown sheep were recovered: a. four right side humeri; b. one right side scap-
ula; c. eight ribs.
Inventories:
1. A black spindle whorl in the place of the left pelvic blade. Its surface was decorated with zig-zagged ornamenta-
tion. Height: 2.7 cm; diameter: 3.6 cm (Pl. 82/1).
2. The fragment of a rectangular iron buckle in the place of the ribs. Diameters: 3.6 × 2.0 cm (Pl. 82/2).
In the upper layer of the grave, some human bones were found. They are not likely to have belonged to the Avar Age
burial ground.
Grave 211 (Pl. 81; pl. 196)

Inhumation. Orientation: NW–SE (306°). Shape of the grave: at the identification, the grave had a rectangular shape,
which gradually narrowed. Based upon the U-shaped coffin clamps found not far from the left knee, it must have
been a coffin burial. Length of the coffin clamp: 10.1 (4.7 and 5.4) cm; width: 1.3 cm (Pl. 81/3). Dimensions of the grave
pit: 274 × 75 cm. Depth: 30 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, it was relatively well-preserved. The arms were registered on the pelvis, which
leads us to assume that it was wrapped in some organic material. Length of the skeleton: 158.0 cm.
Inventories:
1. Fragments of an earring, which originally must have been cast, with white bead pendant next to the left knee.
Height: 3.2 cm; diameters of the ring: 2.2 × 2.3 cm (Pl. 81/1; pl. 243/1).
2. Fragmentary item, originally, it must have been an earring, found on the mouth. Only its ring part remained, and
the decoration strung on the ring. Diameters: 2.2 × 2.1 cm. Weight: 0.91 g (Pl. 81/2; pl. 243/2).
Grave 212 (Pl. 83; pl. 197)
42
Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (292°). Shape of the grave: widening rectangular. Dimensions of the grave:
200 × 65 cm. Depth: approximately 10 cm under the stripped layer of soil.
The skeleton was lying on its back, preserved in a very good condition, the skull leant towards the left. The arms of
the skeleton, which is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. The knuckles on the right hand and
the ends of the right legs are missing. Length of the skeleton: 168.9 cm.
Inventories:
1. The fragments of a small iron knife under the skeleton. Only a part of the hilt has been preserved. Length: 9.6 cm;
length of the blade: 8.3 cm; width: 1.7–1.3–0.6 cm (Pl. 83/1).
2. A distorted iron fragment under the skeleton. Its function is unknown. Length: 3.7 cm; width: 2.5 cm (Pl. 83/2).
The grave pit disturbed pit house 217 (Sarmatian/Post-Roman period).
Grave 219 (Pl. 83; pl. 197)

shape. Dimensions of the grave: 207 × 73 cm. Depth: 65–75 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, well preserved, its skull was leaning towards the left. The arms were registered
on the pelvis, which leads us to think that it may have been rolled in some organic material. It is the skeleton of a
child. Length of the skeleton: approximately 130.0 cm.
Inventory:
1. A rectangular iron buckle on the pelvis. Diameters: 3.3 × 3.0 cm (Pl. 83/1).
Grave 226 (Pl. 84; pl. 198)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (296°). It was registered in the filling of pit house no. 127. Shape of the grave:
cannot be identified.
The skeleton was lying on its back. The skull was destroyed when the upper layer of the soil was stripped. The arms
of the skeleton, which is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. Length of the fragmented skele-
ton: approximately 151.3 cm.
1. Fragmented elements from one adult cattle (Bos taurus): mandibles, atlas, four ribs, pelvis, ulna, and tibia. The
pelvis and tibia are affected by carnivores.
Grave 227 (Pl. 84; pl. 198)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (302°). The shape of the grave could not be identified.
The grave was disturbed, the bones have been preserved in a very bad condition. The biggest part of the skull and
a substantial part of the chest bones are missing, and the legs have also been dislocated. Length of the fragmented
skeleton: approximately 80.0 cm.
Grave 228 (Pl. 90; pl. 198)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (295°). Shape of the grave: the pit is rounded at the head, whereas it has a
rectangular shape at the feet. Dimensions of the grave: 170 × 60 cm. Depth: approximately 10 cm under the stripped
layer of soil.
The skeleton was lying on its back, it is well preserved, and its lower jaw fell forward. The arms of the skeleton,
which is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: approximately 152.0 cm.
Sex: indeterminable (juvenis).
Inventory:
1. Next to the right pelvic bone, there is a small iron knife with wooden handle. Length: 7.9 cm; length of the blade:
7.1 cm; width: 1.6–0.7 cm (Pl. 90/1).
Grave 229 (Pl. 85; pl. 199)

shape. Dimensions of the grave: 260 × 72–77 cm. Depth: 65–75 cm. Coffin burial. The skeleton was lying on its back,
it is well preserved, and the skull was leaning towards left. The arms of the skeleton, which is in an outstretched
position, are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: approximately 142.0 cm.
Sex: female. Age: 42–55 years old (maturus II–senilis).
43
Inventories:
1.1–7. Seven beads at the neck.
1.2. A brick-coloured long prismatic bead with a hexagonal cross section. Diameters: 1.0 × 0.4 cm (Pl. 86/1.1; pl. 243/1).
1.1. A ruby coloured long prismatic bead with a hexagonal cross section. Diameters: 0.9 × 0.3 cm (Pl. 86/1.2; pl. 243/2).
1.3. A small black barrel-shaped bead. Height: 0.4 cm (Pl. 86/1.3; pl. 243/3).
1.4. A cylindrical barrel-shaped brown bead. Height: 1.0 cm (Pl. 86/1.4).
1.5. A spindle-shaped cylindrical white bead. Height: 1.2 cm (Pl. 86/1.5; pl. 243/4).
1.6. A flat drop-like silver coloured bead in the shape of a melon seed. Height: 1.2 cm (Pl. 86/1.6; pl. 243/5).
1.7. A drop-like silver coloured bead in the shape of a melon seed. Height: 1.1 cm (Pl. 86/1.7; pl. 243/6).
2. A spindle whorl next to the right upper arm. Its surface was decorated with four deep lines. Height: 2.5 cm; diam-
eter: 4.4 cm (Pl. 86/2).
3. The fragments of a rectangular iron buckle with a spine. Diameter: 3.8 cm (Pl. 86/3).
Grave 230 (Pl. 87; pl. 200)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (294°). Shape of the grave: trapeze-shaped, narrower at the head, widening
towards the feet. Dimensions of the grave: 234 × 65–100 cm. Depth: 90 cm. The skeleton was lying on its back, well
preserved, the skull was leaning towards the right. The arms of the skeleton, which is in an outstretched position,
are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: approximately 138.0 cm.
Food offering:
1. Sus domesticus (one individual, older than 3.5 years): one humerus. The place where it was found is not documented.
2. Gallus domesticus: pelvis, lumbosacral, femur, and tibia from one chicken. The place where it was found is not
documented.
Inventory:
1. Rectangular iron buckle. Diameters: 2.9 × 2.4 cm (Pl. 87/1).
Grave 231 (Pl. 84; pl. 198)

Inhumation. Orientation: ENE–SWS (108°). Shape of the grave: at the identification, the grave had a rectangular
shape, which was gradually narrowing. Dimensions of the grave: 212 × 60 cm. Depth: 65–75 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, only its upper body has been preserved, without the pelvic and leg bones.
Inventory:
1. Fragmented iron knife near the right elbow. Length of the blade: 1.9 cm (Pl. 84/1).
Grave 233 (Pl. 88; pl. 201)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (302°). Shape of the grave: trapeze-shaped, narrow at the head and widening
towards the feet. The pit is gradually narrowing into the ground. Dimensions of the grave: 220 × 80–100 cm. Depth:
50 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, well preserved, and the skull was leaning to the right side. The arms of the skel-
eton, which is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: 149.9 cm.
Symbolic role:
1. Fragments of the skull, mandibles, and one phalanx of a juvenile sheep or goat in the north-eastern corner of the
grave, north of the left shin bone.
Inventory:
1. A greyish-black spindle whorl next to the left upper arm. Height: 2.0 cm; diameter: 2.6 cm (Pl. 88/1).
Grave 234 (Pl. 89; pl. 202)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (296°). Shape of the grave: trapeze-shaped, narrow at the head and widening
towards the feet. The bottom of the grave is uneven, and a digging can be observed at the skull, which makes us
think that it was a coffin burial. Dimensions of the grave: 260 × 74–88–94 cm. Depth: 45 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, well preserved. The arms were registered on the pelvis, which leads us to think
that it may have been rolled in some organic material. Length of the skeleton: approximately 170.0 cm.
Animal sacrifice and food offering:
1. Ovis/Capra (less than one year old) bones in the south-eastern corner of the grave, south of the right shin bone.
2. Chicken, adult hen bones in the south-eastern corner of the grave, south of the right shin bone.
44
Grave 235 (Pl. 90; pl. 203)
shape. The pit was gradually narrowing as it became deeper. The dimensions of the grave pit: 200 × 69–76 cm.
Depth: 42 cm.
The skeleton was disturbed. Originally, its arms were stretched out alongside the body.
Food offering:
1. Gallus domesticus (one adult individual): the right femur and tibia. The place where it was found is not documented.
Grave 236 (Pl. 90; pl. 200)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (283°). The shape of the grave cannot be identified.
The skeleton was lying on its back, only some parts of its upper body and the left thigh bone have been preserved. It
is the partially preserved skeleton of a child. Length of the fragmented skeleton: approximately 59.0 cm.
Sex: indeterminable. Age: 2–2.5 years old (infans I).
Grave 238 (Pl. 80; pl. 200)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (294°). The shape of the grave cannot be identified.
The skeleton was lying on its back, only parts of its upper body have been preserved. Length of the fragmented skel-
eton: approximately 98.0 cm.
Sex: male. Age: 54–64 years old (senilis).
Grave 240 (Pl. 91; pl. 204)

Inhumation. Orientation: WNW–ESE (300°). The shape of the grave cannot be identified, as it was dug in object no.
237. The dimensions of the grave pit: 153 cm. Depth: 35 cm.
The skeleton was lying on its back, only its upper body and the thigh bones have remained in their anatomical
positions. It has been preserved in a poor condition. It was disturbed by rodents. Length of the fragmented skeleton:
Inventory (?):
1. A rectangular iron buckle, approximately 25 cm away from the left shoulder, it is in doubt whether it belonged to
the grave. Diameters: 3.2 × 3.0 cm (Pl. 91/1).
3.2.2. Analysis of burial practices

3.2.2.1. The structure and size of the burial ground (Fig. 2; pl. 11–12)
The burial ground extended to about 130 meters in S–N direction, in the shape of a fan. Its eastern and
western parts have been excavated completely, and probably its southern section too. To the north, it extended
beyond the limit of excavation, but it is uncertain how far. The micro-topography of the area suggests that
presumably only a few graves remained. Graves were arranged in four irregular rows, each oriented N–S, and
there were altogether five clearly distinguishable grave groups:
Group 1: graves 135, 136, 137A–B, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 166, 167, 168B/169, 170, 171, 173, 176, 177, 178,
179, 183, 185, 186, 193, 229, 230, 231, 233, 234, 235, 236, 238, and 240. In this group, graves were arranged in
2–3–4 irregular rows, but graves 176, 177, 179, and 193 formed a smaller group. In one of the rows, there were
four niche graves, which were followed by graves 138, 140, and 236 to the north. Grave 186 was a niche grave,
(of a 30–50-year old man), in which a complete horse (a 3-year old stallion) was found (Type V according to
A. Kiss). In grave 193, the skull and the long bones of a cattle were found, scattered in the upper layer of the
grave, above the skeleton.
Group 2: graves 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 155, 157A–B, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 187, 202, 203, 204,
219, 226, and 228. These graves were arranged in three irregular rows, and in their southern sections, there were
three niche graves. In grave 151, there was a juvenile female with an almost complete skeleton of a cattle. Grave
165 (of a 55–60-year old man with a belt mount) also belongs to this group.
Group 3: graves 154, 205, 209, 210, 211, 212, and 227. This group was an irregular row of graves with grave 211
a little off the side (a stand-alone grave).
Group 4: graves 153 and 158. One of the two graves was a niche grave.
45
Figure 2. Grave groups (Nădlac-3M-S)
46
Group 5: graves 189, 191/198, 194, 195, 196, and 197. This was the southernmost line of graves, almost
straight. The first four graves in the list were all niche graves, lined up beside each other.
3.2.2.2. Grave robbings (Fig. 3)

(Graves 136, 143, 149, 153, 155, 158, 162, 164, 165, 167 [?], 168B, 169, 171, 173, 186, 189, 194, 198, 210, 231, 235, 240,)
Grave robbing seems to have occurred quite frequently in the Avar Period, particularly in its second half.85
This site is no exception to this either, as 21 or 22 graves were robbed altogether, out of the 72 (29.16% or
30.55%). As there were no signs of robber trenches, one may assume that graves could be still easily identified
when they were looted. Hypothetically, niche graves could remain identifiable for at least 100–150 years. They
were bigger than other graves, and they must have drawn the attention of grave robbers. Notably, only 4 out of
the 15 niche graves remained intact.
Most of the robbing pits were dug exactly on top of the graves (graves 136, 143, 149, 153, 155, 165, 186,
189, 194, 197, 198, 210, and 235). In case of graves 158, 168, 171, and 173, they were a little offside, not right
above them. The secondary position of human bones suggests that in some cases (graves 149, 153, and 155),
body parts (limbs) were still intact (i.e. they did not fully decompose), when they were removed from their
original position.86 In case of graves 158, 168, and 171, whole parts of the skeletal materials were thrown out
of the graves. These observations suggest that only a short time passed – perhaps only decades – until the
graves were robbed. As for grave 165, the position of the bones suggests that robbers were only concerned
about finding the waist of the body. Similarly, in case of grave 197, only the upper part of the body was
robbed.
In grave 165, the finds – a belt buckle with a bronze plate (?), a cast iron set of belt mounts, and a pro-
peller-shaped belt mount decorated with animal figures87 – could be dated to the middle of the 8th century or
later. On the other hand, niche graves usually represent the earliest phase (the late 7th and early 8th century)
of burial sites, as one can infer from – as has been revealed by earlier research (concerning the region of the
Mureș–Criș–Tisza), based on the topography of graves and the chronology of grave finds.88 In case of Site 3M-S,
this dating is confirmed e.g. by the pressed belt mounts found in grave 186, a niche grave, with a horse burial,
which was also robbed, most probably shortly after the grave was dug, and while the burial ground was still
in use.
The above described chronological differences imply that lootings did not take place at once, but some
graves were robbed much earlier than others,89 and probably by different groups or communities of people.
Perhaps the site was used by two different communities, who were not related, and those people who came
later, started looting those niche graves, which were still visible, while they were also using the place to bury
their own dead. Another possibility is that members of the same community robbed their own graves.
3.2.2.3. The orientation of graves (Fig. 4)

The orientation of graves is one of the most discussed topics in funerary archaeology. It is thought to have
been an important element of the ritual, reflecting the religious views of communities. When different orienta-
tions can be observed at one site, it is regarded as a proof of different funerary traditions.90
At this site, the orientation of graves was consistently W–E, W/NW–E/SE, and NW–SE, which hints on a
continuing tradition. There were five W–E oriented graves (graves 157B, 165, 169, 194, and 198), including grave
169, which was oriented exactly at 272°. NW–SE oriented graves formed a similarly small group, consisting of
only 4 graves (graves 142, 161, 210, and 211). As for W/NW–E/SE oriented graves, there were 62 of them in total,
and their orientation varied on a broad scale, between 272°–323°. Most of them were oriented at 282–303°, and
the orientation of 32 graves fell between 290°–296°, i.e. the mean value. In summary, WSW orientation was not
85
The lengthy literature of grave raids was summarized by K. Bakay more than 40 years ago (Bakay 1973, 35, 38, 43, 51, 53–55, 58–61,
72–82, 84–85). The last analyses of this kind were carried out by Cs. Szalontai, A. Benedek, L. Károly, and A. Samu with Cs. Szalontai.
Szalontai – Benedek – Károly 2014, 170–173; Samu – Szalontai 2016, 763–811.
86
The bones usually fall apart in five years. Bakay 1973, 78.
87
The belt mounts represent Szenthe’s “Geometrical Circular Lobe Style”, which corresponds to Zábojník’s Phase SSIII. Zábojník 1991,
Abb. 1; Szenthe 2013, 314, 316, Fig. 3. However, the cast bronze buckle found in Nădlac is known for example from grave 236 in Szék-
kutas-Kápolnadűlő, where it was found together with much earlier mounts (the so called “Late Avar Animal Style” or SSI). Szalontai
classified them into “the group of graves dating from the early phase of the Late Avar Age”. Szalontai 2003, 400. Therefore, the Nădlac
items can be classified into the category of the transitional age, when cast and plated objects were used together.
88
For example: Bende 2003a, 322; Bende 2017, 270–274.
89
Juhász 1995b, 426.
90
On grave orientations, see: Kovrig 1963, 89–102; Szatmári 1969, 166; Tomka 1975, 5–90; Lőrinczy 1987–1989, 161–171.
47
Figure 3. The distribution of robbed graves (Nădlac-3M-S)
48
documented at this site. The sex and age of the individuals did not seem to be connected with the orientation
of graves. Although W–E orientation was common in the second half of the Late Avar Period, WNW–ESE ori-
entation was more characteristic in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region.91
272° 274° 279°

WNW‒ESE
5
W‒E
2 1 1 1 1 5
1 1 2
1 1 280° 282° 283°
4 NW‒SE
1
1
2 3 284° 286° 288°
6 3 290° 291° 292°
1
293° 294° 295°
2
7 296° 297° 298°
5
299° 300° 301° 61
3
3
302° 303° 304°
7
9
2 306° 323°
Figure 4/A–C. The orientation of graves (Nădlac-3M-S)
Reverse orientation
Graves 137A and 231, however, had reverse, ENE–WSW and ESE–WNW orientations. Reverse oriented
graves have been surveyed by L. Bende, who collected altogether 3 ENE–WSW, 2 E–W, 3 ESE–WNW, 7 SE–
NW, and 3 SSE–NNW oriented ones in this region.92 She underlined that W–E, NW–SE orientations were
common in the second half of the Avar Period in the area east of the Tisza. The E–W orientation of this grave
was clearly exceptional, which could be explained probably by the age of the individual (11–13 years old,
infans II).93
3.2.2.4. The form, size, and depth of graves

There were 15 niche graves at the site, and 57 simple graves – some of which were stepped (see next
subchapter). Most grave pits were of sub-rectangular shape, as is common throughout the whole Avar Period
(graves 135, 137A–B, 138, 139, 140, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157A, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 176,
177, 179, 183, 185, 187, 193, 195, 196, 197, 202, 203, 204, 205, 209, 211, 218, 219, 227, 229, 231, 233, 234, 235, and 240),
and there were a few, where the line of the pit tapered towards the head of the skeleton (graves 136, 143, 212,
226, and 230), or towards the feet (graves 170, 178, and 228). Others had trapezoid or oval shapes (graves 141,
142, and 144). Grave 191 cut grave 198.
The depth of simple graves ranged between 30 and 116 cm (below surface),94 whereas the depth of niche
graves was between 12–100 (pit) and 42–203 cm (niche). Some pits were gradually narrowing downwards.
Niche graves were of 4.8–2.95 meters long and almost 2 meters wide (measured on the surface). Simple pits
were 0.80–3.19 m long. Apparently, smaller pits were dug for infants and juveniles. Where the length of graves
was above average, such as in case of grave 162 (length: 319 cm) and grave 185 (length: 295 cm), the individuals
were not only adults, but in grave 185, there was also a coffin, and grave 162 was a stepped grave.
3.2.2.4.1. Stepped graves (Fig. 5)

(Graves 139, 140, 150, 151, 161, 162, 163, 164, 183, 209 [?], 219 [?], 233, 234) (Pl. 17; pl. 18; pl. 29–30; pl. 41; pl. 43–44;
pl. 46; pl. 60; pl. 81; pl. 83; pl. 88–89; pl. 140; pl. 149–151; pl. 158–161; pl. 194; pl. 197; pl. 201–202)
As for graves 139, 140, 150, 151, 161, and 163, steps could be observed on both sides. A small step was
observed on the right side in grave 209. There was a head niche in grave 233, and there were coffins docu-
mented in graves 139, 150, and 234. In graves 140, 150, 151, and 163, there were animal bones, and in grave 151
a piece of earthenware was found, as well as cattle bones, which were placed above the skeleton, arranged
91
Bende 2017, 250–251.
92
Bende 2017, 253, 2. táblázat.
93
Here, we do not intend to analyse the problem why reverse orientations were wrongly interpreted in terms of their ethnicity or their
lower social statuses. Kovrig 1963, 94–97. Nevertheless, J. Gy. Szabó is very careful with this problem, and in his paper, he classifies
these graves into the category of “deviant”. Szabó 1966, 47–48, note 28. S. Trugly, when he touches upon this issue, does not give a clear
opinion: Trugly 2008, 79. On the archaeological finds and the question of “ethnicity”, see the relevant section of Chapter 4.
94
Graves 141, 142, 143, 149, 154, 178, 187, 204, 205, 212, 226, 227, 228, 236, and 238 have not been taken into account as their depths are 10
and 25 cm respectively, they are not the real depths, which may be due to the fact that the upper layer of the soil was stripped.
49
Figure 5. Stepped graves (Nădlac-3M-S)
50
along an N–S axis. Although the furnishing of niche graves was generally very poor at the site, grave 151 was
exceptionally rich: the two earrings with pendants composed of beads are important for the chronology of the
site, as they can be dated to the middle of (or the second half of) the 8th century.
Graves 139, 140, and 234 belong to Group 1. They were situated in the northern section of the burial ground,
but separately from the niche graves. Graves 150, 161, 162, 163, and 164 belong to Group 2 and represent another
chronological phase. At this site, stepped graves were also topographically separate from niche graves, which
confirms that topographical separation may reflect chronological separation as well, so they can be of later
date, as suggested by L. Bende.95 Stepped graves are usually dated to the second half of the Late Avar Period.
E.g. in Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő, no stepped graves were found together with niche graves, so they were clearly
representing a later phase, which is important from a chronological point of view.96
Altogether 57 examples (of stepped graves) are known in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region. Most of them had
steps on both sides, and in 66% of them, there were jugs placed next to the dead.97 This rate was lower at Năd-
lac (see below).
3.2.2.4.2. Niche graves (Fig. 6)

(Graves 147, 148, 157B, 158, 168B, 169, 171, 173, 186, 189, 191, 194, 195, 198, 210) (Pl. 23; pl. 25; pl. 38; pl. 40; pl. 51;
pl. 54; pl. 56; pl. 63; pl. 70; pl. 72; pl. 75–76; pl. 82; pl. 144–145; pl. 147–148; pl. 155; pl. 157; pl. 164; pl. 168; pl. 170;
pl. 175; pl. 180–182; pl. 187; pl. 189; pl. 195)
Niche graves formed a characteristic group, as in these graves there was an adjacent niche to the rectan-
gularly shaped grave pit on one side – in most of them, it is situated at one end of the pit.98 There were alto-
gether 15 niche graves at the site, which lined up approximately in one row, in NE–SW direction. This line of
niche graves had three sections: in the southern section, there were graves 189, 191, 194, 195, and 198 (all in
Group 5), grave 210 (Group 3), and grave 158 (Group 4). In the middle section, there were graves 147, 148, and
157B (Group 2), and in the northern section, there were graves 168B, 169, 171, 173, and 186 (Group 1). There is
no evidence of the relationship of individuals buried in these graves, but we know at least that they were all
adults.
Graves 194 and 195 were smaller, whereas graves 147, 148, 157B, 158, 168B, 169, 171, 173, 186, 191, 198, and
210 were larger, however, the size of niche graves was generally larger than that of other graves, except for
grave 195, where both the pit and the niche were smaller than in case of other graves. Their size was usually
not much longer than the size of the skeletons, so it is mostly only the outline of the niches (and not the whole
pits) that remained. (In other words: there was usually little indication of the original size of the pits above the
niches). The bottom of the graves was sloping at about various angles – 8° (graves 168B and 169), 13° (grave
194), 15° (grave 171), 17° (graves 173 and 189), 18° (graves 158 and 186), 18–19° (graves 147 and 195), 20° (graves
148, 157B, 191, and 198), and 28° (grave 210). In steeper graves, bodies were placed in an almost sitting position
(e.g. grave 210).
Most niche graves were shallow, however, the original depth of the pits remains uncertain, as a considera-
ble amount of topsoil was removed (approximately 25–40 cm). Counting with this, the original depth of niche
graves could have ranged between 90 cm (grave 195) and 203 cm (grave 210). The graves had usually elongated
rectangular shapes. Three of them were barrel-shaped (graves 147, 171, and 173).
As has been mentioned, 11 of them were looted, on the other hand, the lack of datable finds makes it dif-
ficult to date them. In grave 186, a complete horse skeleton was found with bits and harness mounts. In the
region of the Mureș–Criș–Tisza, there are only 4 examples of graves with horse skeletons: in Pitvaros (graves
51 and 205),99 Székkutas-Káponadűlő (grave 129),100 Szentes-Kaján (grave 384).101
In grave 195, fragmented (butchered) animal bones – parts of the skeleton of a cattle – were identified.
Some animal bones were also found in graves 148 and 198.
Potteries were found in graves 147, 148, and 198, which must have contained food and drink. In five graves
(graves 157B, 169, 171, 189, and 195), there were knives, and in graves 148, 157B, 169, 171, 189, and 195, there
were square-shaped buckles. In grave 210, there was a spindle whorl, and in grave 189, there were round-
shaped, pressed mounts.
95
Bende 2017, 323–324.
96
Bende 2003a, 307, 313.
97
Bende 2017, 257–260.
98
Lőrinczy 1994, 317; Bende 2003a, 307.
99
Bende 2017, 84, 115, 23. kép, 98. kép, 112. kép 7–9.
100
B. Nagy 2003, 31, 54. kép.
101
Bende 2017, 192.
51
Figure 6. Niche graves (Nădlac-3M-S)
52
All the above-mentioned finds are, however, not datable, so they are not indicative of the chronology of
niche graves. It is only the pressed rosettes, and belt ends of the harness in grave 186, which could be dated
more precisely, namely to the second half, or the last third of the 7th century (the Middle Avar Period).102 This
seems to support the assumption that niche graves can be dated to the second half or last third of the 7th cen-
tury and the early 8th century, as suggested also by L. Bende, based on finds from other sites.103
In case of Groups 1, 2, 4, and 5, the burial custom of niche graves seems to be closely related to the Early
Avar Period – a chronological issue to be discussed further below. In each group, niche graves formed a clearly
distinctive subgroup – as has been said above, they line up in a row, with separate sections, which makes one
think that they belong to the same lineage, but different families – smaller or larger. A DNA analysis could
confirm their genetic relationship. Interestingly, Bende also noted that niche graves often form a row or a line
(e.g. at Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő, Szarvas-Grexa-téglagyár, Szeged-Makkoserdő) just like at our site. This reflects
their central importance for the community.104
3.2.2.5. On the position of the body in the graves

3.2.2.5.1. The use of coffins and the wrapping of bodies (Fig. 7)
(Graves 146, 148, 157A, 176, 185, 196, 211, 229, 234) (Pl. 22; pl. 25; pl. 36; pl. 57; pl. 62; pl. 78; pl. 81; pl. 85; pl. 89;
pl. 143; pl. 148; pl. 154; pl. 171; pl. 174; pl. 190; pl. 196; pl. 199; pl. 202)
The use of coffins was widespread in the Late Avar Period – there was a large variety of them document-
ed.105 At this site, coffins could be identified on 8 occasions, based on their remaining wood and metal parts, or
on the discoloration of soil.106 It is generally believed that their use was even more widespread than the scant
evidence suggests. The frequency of occurrence at this site is approximately what one finds on a regional scale
as well.
In grave 146, wooden fibres were found in one large piece (220 × 60 cm), and the thick backfill under the
skeleton indicated that the coffin might have been placed on a raised platform. In grave 148, seven pieces of
cramp irons were found, three around the skull and four around the feet – 2 on the right side, and 2 on the left
side. They were likely fitted to the ends of the coffin lid. A similar piece of iron was found in grave 211, which
also indicates a coffin or a wooden casket. It must be noted, however, that only in grave 148 is the evidence
absolutely clear on the fact that there was a coffin in the grave.
In grave 157A, the discoloration of the soil indicated a square-shaped feature, which can also be interpreted
as a coffin. This could be inferred also in case of grave 176.
In grave 185, there were four holes in the ground, perhaps the feet of a casket or platform holding a coffin.107
The space behind the skull was quite large, perhaps because this way the coffin could be more easily placed in
the grave, probably together with the “St. Michael’s horse”.
In grave 196, there is depression behind the skull, and the texture of the backfill and the cramp iron found
at the end of the left leg also indicate that there was a coffin in the grave. In grave 234, there is a similar a
depression in the ground, right at the skull, which may indicate the same type of coffin.
In summary, there are various archaeological traces of coffins.108 In case of graves 185, 196, and 234, raised
platforms (on four legs), i.e. pairs of holes (4 or 2 holes) were documented. Clasps and cramp irons may repre-
sent another type of coffin in graves 148, 196, and 211 (7, and 1 in each were found respectively). In case of grave
196, there was an iron cramp and the legs of the coffin were documented as well. In graves 146, 157A, 176, and
234 perhaps a third type of coffin was used, as there was no sign of legs, and metal parts were not found either.
In contrast to niche graves, coffined graves do not seem to have formed a clearly distinctive group. Partly
because there were different types of coffins, and partly because their chronology is uncertain. It is, however,
102
Szalontai 2003, 400.
103
E.g. Szarvas-Grexa-téglagyár: second half of the 7th century–early 8th century; Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő: second half of the 7th century–
early 8th century; Szeged-Makkoserdő, Rákóczifalva: the last third of the 7th century. Bende 2003a, 310; Bende 2017, 272.
104
Bende 2017, 270–271.
105
On the use of coffins in the Avar Age, see: Tomka 1977–1978, 77, 81–82; Wicker 1990, 49; Kiss 1990, 409; Garam 1995, 165; Bende
2003a, 310–313; Bende 2017, 275–281. There is also a typology concerning the positioning of coffin clasps in graves, compiled by É.
Garam, which is particularly important. Garam 1995, 168, Abb. 78.
106
Tomka 1977–1978, 48–52.
107
On this problem, with a concise historiography of research, see: Bende 2003a, 311–312. “St Michael’s horse” was a wooden platform
equipped with four legs/arms, used for carrying the dead to the grave. It was carried by four people on their shoulders, and at the funeral,
it could be placed in the grave together with the coffin. St. Michael was the patron saint of cemeteries and funerals in the Early Middle
Ages. Formerly, funerary carts could serve the same function. Takács 1979.
108
K. Csilléry 1951, 231–284.
53
Figure 7. Graves with coffins (Nădlac-3M-S)
54
uncertain, whether there was a chronological difference between different types or not. At this point, the question
is rather rhetorical, as the few examples do not allow it to be answered. Perhaps different types of coffins were in
use throughout the whole period, but two of them (148 and 211) were niche graves, which could have belonged to
the early phase of the site. Grave 196 also belonged to this period. In summary, one may hypothetically argue that
those coffins, which were fitted with clasps were rather used during the early phase of the site, however, grave 20
at Site 7M (3.5 km away from here) exemplifies that such clasps were still in use in the 9th century.109
There is a good number of coffined graves known from the second half of the Avar Period in the Mureș–
Criș–Tisza region,110 and this site perfectly fits into the wider picture.
3.2.2.5.2. The position of the dead

The dead were buried supine, in extended position, with arms and legs typically laid alongside the body.
Sometimes one or both arms were laid on the pelvis, or underneath it (graves 135, 137B, 140, 157A, 162, 176, 177,
178, 185, 187, 191, 202, 203, 209, 219, and 234). This was maybe done because the coffins were narrow, or the
bodies were wrapped in cloths.
However, many of the graves were robbed (21 or 22 graves), as one could observe during excavation, so the
position of the arms was often not in situ; when both were found on the pelvis, it is more probable that they
were left in their original positions (e.g. graves 140 and 234). In some cases, the position of the legs suggests
that they were tied (e.g. grave 140). Sometimes one of the legs was slightly pulled aside or pulled up, or the feet
were pressed together (graves 147, 168, 171, 176, 185, 196, and 209).
3.2.2.5.3. Unusual burials (Fig. 8)

3.2.2.5.3.1. Contracted burials
(Graves 141, 142) (Pl. 19; pl. 141)
Contracted burials were not unusual in the Late Avar Period, but their rate of occurrence is low.111 The two
contracted graves at this site had no furnishings, but their orientation suggests that they were Late Avar graves.
Their location fits with that of other graves. The sitemap reveals that they were very close to each other, in
the same row of graves, at the northern perimeters of the burial ground, forming a group separately from the
southern row of graves, where there were 15 niche graves found. Their marginal position may reflect marginal
status within the community (not necessarily social status, but maybe associated with temporary conditions,
such as illnesses etc).
3.2.2.5.3.2. Subsequent burials (Nachbestattung) and superpositions

(Graves 137A–B, 157A–B) (Pl. 14; pl. 36; pl. 38; pl. 154–155)
In grave 137, two individuals were buried. Skeleton A was buried earlier, oriented E–W (reversed orienta-
tion), and it was disturbed by Skeleton B, oriented W–E. It is necessary to distinguish between subsequent
burials (Nachbestattung),112 like this example, and double burials (Doppelgrab). There was no DNA analysis
carried out, but their positions and orientations suggest that the two individuals could be related in some ways
(sociologically, or biologically). Situated in the northern part of the burial ground, they clearly belong to the
later phase.
Another example of superpositions is grave 157B, a niche grave, superposed by grave 157A, a small, stepped
grave with a coffin. This context is important, as it demonstrates that niche graves can be generally earlier than
stepped graves.
3.2.2.6. Animal burials (Fig. 9–12)

According to a 2012 database, which was in fact compiled in 2005, there could be 726 Avar burials collected
in the area between the rivers Mureș–Criș–Tisza, which had animal bones in them.113 They make up 22% of the
total number of burials known in this region.
Since 2012, further examples were documented at Nădlac-7M,114 as well as at this site. Animal burials were
109
Cociș et al. 2016, 1–76.
110
Bende 2017, 280–281.
111
Bende 2003a, 313.
112
Tomka 2003, 14.
113
Bende 2012, 651.
114
Cociș et al. 2016, 42–48.
55
Figure 8. Contracted burials, subsequent burials (Nachbestattung), and sickle in the grave (Nădlac-3M-S)
56
Figure 9. Animal burials (including the horse burial, eggshells, graves with
potteries, and a grave with a food container – a wood porringer)
57
characteristic for these communities. Whole animals could be placed in the graves to “accompany” their mas-
ters. In other instances, only certain parts were put in the grave, the purpose of which was maybe completely
different.
At this site, animal bones were found in 33 graves altogether, and eggshells were identified in 3 graves.
3.2.2.6.1. Horse burial (Fig. 9; fig. 11)

(Grave 186) (Pl. 63; pl. 175; pl. 177–178)
There was only one example of horse burial at this site, grave 186, which was a niche grave in Group 1,
dating from the earliest phase of the site. The animal was a 3-year old horse, buried with its harness (bits and
decorated pressed mounts).115 It was oriented in the opposite direction to the 40–50 years old man (maturus
II) it was buried with. Interestingly, only the bits and the bridle of the horse were buried, but not the stirrups.
This indicates that the saddle was not put on the horse, but the crupper – decorated with mounts – was on it.
The anthropological and archaeozoological analyses clarified that the horse was also a male, but of a compar-
atively younger category of age than his master. Another important observation is that after the man was put
in the grave, the horse was led to the niche, and its skull was shattered with a hatchet on the left side (Pl. 178).
Analysing horse burials, A. Kiss classified this type as Type V.116 From the region of the Mureș–Criș–Tisza,
similar examples – where complete horses were placed in the graves, aligned on an axis, and with reverse ori-
entation – were known from Pitvaros (graves 51 and 205), Szentes-Kaján (grave 384) – where the horse is laid
on its right side –,117 Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (grave 129) – where the horse is laid on its left side.118 The example
from Pitvaros (grave 51) is the closest to the Nădlac burial, as the horse was laid similarly on its belly. Nonethe-
less, examples collected by Kiss were all dated to the Early Avar Period,119 whereas the Nădlac finds testify to
the continuing importance of this tradition into the Late Avar Period.
According to the aforementioned 2012 (2005) database,120 altogether 56 examples of horse burials could be
found in Late Avar graves in the surrounding region. Since that time, there have been other examples found,
with different characteristics, representing different types, e.g. in Bélmegyer-Csömöki Hill,121 Hódmezővásárhe-
ly-Koppáncs II,122 Hódmezővásárhely-Koppáncs III. Kishomok,123 Nădlac-7M,124 Pecica,125 Makó-Innenső Jángor
3,126 Mártély-Csanyi-Hill,127 and Socodor.128 Concerning the classification of the Nădlac finds into Type V, more
detailed observations would be possible only after a comparative analysis with these examples. As a working
hypothesis, one may raise the question whether this ritual is connected to clans or extended families (biolog-
ical or cultural connections)?
3.2.2.6.2. Animal sacrifices, symbolic role, and food offerings? (Fig. 9–12)

(Graves 140, 142, 145, 146, 148, 150, 151, 155, 157A–B, 161, 162, 163, 164, 169, 171, 173, 176, 177, 179, 185, 186, 189, 193,
194, 195, 198, 210, 226, 230, 233, 234, 235) (Pl. 18–20; pl. 22; pl. 25; pl. 29–30; pl. 34; pl. 36; pl. 38; pl. 41; pl. 43–44;
pl. 46; pl. 51; pl. 54; pl. 56–57; pl. 59; pl. 61–63; pl. 70; pl. 72; 74–76; pl. 82; pl. 84; pl. 87–90; pl. 141–143; pl. 148–151;
pl. 153–155; pl. 158–161; pl. 165; pl. 169–178; pl. 180; pl. 182; pl. 186–188; pl. 195; pl. 198; pl. 200–203)
Complete animal burials (apart from horse burials129) are usually considered animal sacrifices in the litera-
ture.130 Interpreting partial animal burials is even more complicated.
115
This horse is smaller than a horse of average stature. For this, see: Chapter 8.1.
116
Kiss 1962, 154. Here, it must be noted that grave 384 in Szentes-Kaján, which was dated to the Early Avar Age, can be dated to the Late
Avar Age.
117
Bende 2017, 84, 115, 192, 23. kép, 98. kép, 112. kép 7–9.
118
B. Nagy 2003, 31, 210. kép 2–3.
119
Kiss 1962, 154; Lőrinczy 1995, 402; Némethi – Klima 1987–1989, 178, 199–203, 219, 221, 226, 4. kép.
120
Bende 2012, 2. táblázat.
121
Medgyesi 1984–1985, 241–256.
122
Herendi 2012a, 91–92; Herendi 2014.
123
Bácsmegi 2012, 92.
124
Cociș et al. 2016, 42–43, Pl. 13.
125
Information from Mihály Huba K. Hőgyes.
126
Hargitai – Sóskuti 2012, 93; Hargitai 2012, 363–388.
127
ADAM 2002, 235.
128
The horse seems to have been buried together with its “owner”: Popescu 1956, 80, Fig. 39–40.
129
Tóth 2012, 532.
130
Some exceptions from the Avar Period are listed by Z. Tóth: Tóth 2012, 532.
58
There were animal bones discovered in about 33 graves (in 45.83% of the graves!). Following Z. Tóth’s typo-
logical classification,131 these finds could be classified into three categories (symbolic, sacrificial, food).
In the above chart (Fig. 9), we included not only graves with animal bones, but also other graves, where
eggshells or potteries were found. The one with a wooden porringer – i.e. container of processed food – was
also included. A symbolic role was ascribed to them only when respective parts of animals could be interpreted
as symbolizing certain attributes of the animals. When simply placed in the graves, they were considered sac-
rifices, and they were interpreted as “food offerings”, when there has been meat on the bones (e.g. femurs).
Animal skulls and legs found in graves 140, 145, 146, 151, 155, 157A–B, 163, 164, 179, 185, 193, 195, 198, and
234 were probably also for sacrificial purposes, and not food, as they must have been buried in their skins.
Although this system of classification can be problematic in many aspects – e.g. food offerings might have left
no archaeological trace at all –, it is certainly instructive to think about the different possibilities.
Graves Anthropologycal analy- Animals (and potteries) Interpretations

ses (sex, age) Symbolic role Sacrifice Food/drink
offering
Grave 140/1 female, 33–42 sheep/juvenile •
Grave 140/2 female, 33–42 sheep or goat/? •
Grave 140/3 female, 33–42 cattle/? •
Grave 142 female, 20–23 cattle/adult •
Grave 145 female, 30–50 sheep/juvenile •
Grave 146 male, 26–36 sheep/juvenile •
Grave 147 male, 25–35 pottery •
Grave 148/1 male, 30–50 sheep or goat/juvenile •
(under 2–3 years)
Grave 148/2 male, 30–50 pottery •
Grave 148/3 male, 30–50 wooden porringer •
Grave 150 male, 40–50 sheep/juvenile •
Grave 151/1 female, 18–20 cattle/adult •
Grave 151/3 female, 18–20 pottery •
Grave 157A/1 male, 40–50 sheep or goat/juvenile •
Grave 157A/2 male, 40–50 sheep or goat/juvenile •
Grave 157B indeterminable, 13–16 sheep/juvenile •
Grave 161 female, 25–30 sheep/adult •
Grave 162/1 female, 25–35 goose/adult •
Grave 162/2 female, 25–35 sheep/adult •
Grave 164/1 indeterminable, 30–50 sheep/juvenile •
Grave 164/2 indeterminable, 30–50 sheep/adult •
Grave 164/3 indeterminable, 30–50 chicken/? •
Grave 169 male, 33–42 sheep/adult •
Grave 171 indeterminable, 14–15 sheep or goat/adult •
Grave 173 indeterminable, 30–50 cattle/adult ? ?
Grave 176/1 male, 25–30 poultry/adult •
Grave 176/2 male, 25–30 egg •
Grave 176/3 male, 25–30 egg •
Grave 177 female, 40–50 sheep/adult •
Grave 183 male, 25–35 egg ? ?
Grave 185 female, 35–45 cattle/adult •
Grave 186 male, 40–50 sheep/adult •
Grave 189/1 female, 59–71 cattle (cow)/adult ? ?
Tóth 2012, 536–537, 1. kép. It was I. Vörös, who first suggested that animal bones found in graves should be classified into categories
131
such as with “sacrificial function” or as “food offering”. Vörös 1999, 43–58.
59
Graves Anthropologycal analy- Animals (and potteries) Interpretations
ses (sex, age) Symbolic role Sacrifice Food/drink
offering
Grave 189/3 female, 59–71 poultry/adult •
Grave 193/1 male, 45–55 cattle/adult •
Grave 193/3 male, 45–55 sheep or goat/adult •
Grave 193/4 male, 45–55 pig/juvenile •
Grave 194 female, 35–45 animal (?)/? ? ?
Grave 195/1 male, 35–45 cattle/adult •
Grave 195/2 male, 35–45 sheep/juvenile •
Grave 195/3 male, 35–45 sheep/adult •
Grave 198/1 female, 59–71 cattle/adult •
Grave 198/2 female, 59–71 pottery •
Grave 205 indeterminable, 14–15 egg ? ?
Grave 226 female, 20–30 cattle/adult ? ?
Grave 230/1 indeterminable, 33–42 pig/adult •
Grave 230/2 indeterminable, 33–42 chicken/? •
Grave 233 female, 33–42 sheep or goat/juvenile •
Grave 234/2 male, 35–45 chicken-hen/adult •
Grave 235 indeterminable, 13–15 chicken-hen/adult •
Figure 10. Animal burials (complete or partial) and their functions (Nădlac-3M-S)
The position of animal bones indicated that they could be deposited in the graves at different stages of the
ritual, which provides an insight into the complexity or heterogeneity of burial rites.
Based on partial animal sacrifices, three different trends could be observed:
1.) The bones were above the body, in an upper layer of the fill (graves 140, 145, 146, 151, 161, 162, 163, 164,
179, 189, 193, 203, and 234).
1.a.) They were placed in a separate pit, at the entrance of the niche (graves 171, 194, 195, and 198).
2.) They were found in the grave pit, near or on the body (graves 142, 148, 155, 176, 177, and 233).
3.) They were found under the body (graves 150 and 157A).
When different animal parts were found in different parts of the grave, it seems certain that different rituals
were carried out during the funeral. Different positions of the bones might have had different symbolic mean-
ings, which are now, of course, impossible to “decipher”. Apart from the position of the bones, the sex and age
of slaughtered animals could be also significant.
Animal species and Interpretations Sex and age of the skeletons
their ages Symbolic role Sacrifice Food/drink Female Male Indetermin-
offering able
Sheep/juvenile 163/3 140/1 140 (33–42) 146 (26–36) 157B (13–16)
145 145 (30–50) 150 (40–50) 164 (30–50)
146 151 (18–20) 195 (35–45)
150 155 (30–50)
151/2 163 (40–50)
155 179 (38–40)
157B
163/1
164/1
179
195/2
Sheep/adult 161 163/2 161 (25–30) 169 (33–42) 164 (30–50)
162/2 164/2 162 (25–35) 186 (40–50)
163/4 169 163 (40–50) 195 (35–45)
186 177 177 (40–50)
195/3 189/2 189 (59–71)
210/1–4 210 (40–50)
60
Figure 11. Animals species documented at the site (Nădlac-3M-S)
61
Sheep or goat/juvenile 148/1 157A/1 233 (33–42) 148 (30–50)
157A/2 234/1 157A (40–50)
193/2 193 (45–55)
233 234 (35–45)
Sheep or goat/adult 171 193/3 193 (45–55) 171 (14–15)
Sheep or goat/? 140/2 140 (33–42)
Cattle/adult 173 (?) 151/1 142 142 (20–23) 193 (45–55) 173 (30–50)
189/1 (?) 173 (?) 189/1 (?) 151 (18–20) 195 (35–45)
226 (?) 185 226 (?) 185 (35–45)
193/1 189 (59–71)
195/1 198 (59–71)
198/1 226 (20–30)
Cattle/? 140/3 140 (33–42)
Goose 162/1 162 (25–35)
Chicken/hen/poultry 164/3 189 (59–71) 176 (25–30) 164 (30–50)
176/1 234 (35–45) 230 (33–42)
189/3 235 (13–15)
230/2
234/2
235
Pig/juvenile 193/4 193 (45–55)
Pig/adult 230/1 230 (33–42)
Animal (?) 194 (?) 194 (?) 194 (35–45)
Egg 176/2–3 183 (?) 176 (25–30) 205 (14–15)
183 (?) 205? 183 (25–35)
205 (?)
Pottery 147 151 (18–20) 147 (25–35)
148/2 198 (59–71) 148 (30–50)
148/3
151/3
198/2
Legend
140/1 – no. of grave and no. of cases
Figure 12. Animal species, their kill-off age, and the age and sex of the buried individuals (Nădlac-3M-S)
The above presented evidence does not allow us to draw general conclusions, but it reveals a few important
tendencies:
1.) Body parts of young sheep could be used as sacrifices in all documented cases (as their heads or other
parts were placed in the graves probably in their skins), regardless of the age or sex of the deceased person.
2.) Mostly animals of young age were slaughtered. Mostly young sheep and adult cattle were sacrificed. The
use of juvenile animals for sacrifices must have been a custom, however, this requires more research and the
analysis of a larger sample of animal bones.132
3.) The age of animals was not in correlation with the age of the deceased persons.
4.) The variety of species (sheep, goat, poultry, goose, cattle, horse) illustrates what types of animals were
farmed by the community.
3.2.2.6.3. Eggs (Fig. 9)

(Graves 176, 183, 205) (Pl. 57; pl. 60; pl. 80; 171; pl. 193)
Generally, egg remains can be interpreted as food offerings, but sometimes they must have had symbolic
functions. The following possibilities can be considered:
1.) They were food offerings (e.g. when there was also a wing bone found in the grave).133
2.) They had a symbolic-protective role.134
3.) They were used as a symbol of birth/death/embryonic existence/resurrection.135
In grave 176, eggshells were found close to the right femur and to the right knee. In grave 185, they were
found under the body, around the chest, and in grave 205, they were found next to the left femur. The remains
from grave 176 were analysed (see also Chapter 8.2). In two of these graves, there were adult males (aged
132
For the archaeozoological analysis of the Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő finds, see: Kőrösi 2005, 229–276.
133
Bende 2012, 669; Bende 2017, 322.
134
Vörös 2008, 230.
135
László 1944, 87; Jankovics 1988, 221.
62
25–35), and in the third one, there was a 14–15-year old juvenile person, whose sex could not be identified. The
eggs found in grave 20 at Nădlac-7M and in grave 176 at this site were hatched, which may point to the third
function as described above. Whether these communities believed in resurrection, remains to be answered.
There are 157 graves from 19 sites (among the total of 86 sites known in this region), where eggs were
documented.136 In fact, 120 graves were from just 5 sites, and really just two, Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (57) and
Pitvaros (17)137 represent the bulk of the examples. These two sites are only 42 km and 16 km north and north-
east of Nădlac. Among the 157 graves, only 40 were males138 in addition to female and juvenile graves, never-
theless, examples from Nădlac were all males. A senilis (45–55 years old) in grave 20 at Nădlac-7M is a very rare
occurrence according to L. Bende.139 Furthermore, there were two adultus–maturus I in graves 176 and 183 at
Nădlac-3M-S. Bende’s results have also shown that 85% of the sample were chicken (as in case of grave 176 at
this site), and 15% of them were geese (as in grave 20 at Nădlac-7M).
From the broader region, further examples are known from Mindszent-Bozó, Ambrus Károly tanya (graves
II and VII),140 Pitvaros (graves 11 and 127),141 Szentes-Kaján (grave 40),142 and Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (graves 2,
474, and 539).143 The age and sex of individuals were various. There were infans II individuals at Nădlac-3M-S
(grave 205) and Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (grave 474). There were maturus females at Pitvaros (grave 127), Szék-
kutas-Kápolnadűlő (grave 2), and Szentes-Kaján (grave 40). Finally, there were adultus–maturus I males at
Nădlac-3M-S (graves 176 and 183), maturus males at Pitvaros (grave 11), Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (grave 539),
and there was a maturus II-senilis male at Nădlac-7M (grave 20).
From a chronological point of view, this custom was practiced in this region from the mid–7th century to
the Late Avar Period. Belt mounts, characteristic of the second part of the 7th century, were found in grave 539
at Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő.144 On the other hand, the earring with cast pearl pendant found in grave 127 at Pit-
varos, and the Hohenberg type belt found in a female grave (grave 2) at Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő were dated to
the last phase of the Late Avar Period.145
3.2.2.7. Summary
Funerary customs evidenced at this site fit well into the general picture of the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region in
the Late Avar Period. The horse burial found in a niche grave (grave 186),146 the deposition of sheep vertebrae
(graves 148 and 171), partial animal sacrifices (graves 140, 145, 146, 151, 155, 157A–B, 163, 164, 179, 185, 193, 195,
198, and 234), niche graves (graves 147, 148, 157B, 158, 168B, 169, 171, 173, 186, 189, 191, 194, 195, 198, and 210),
stepped graves (graves 139, 140, 150, 151, 161, 162, 163, 164, 183, 233, 234, 209 [?], and 219 [?]), as well as potteries
placed next to heads (graves 147, 148, 151, and 198) were all typical. These elements show a close resemblance
to funerary customs observed in the Late Avar Period in the region east of the Tisza.
Taking into account that most burial grounds known to us in this area date from the Late Avar Period
(e.g. in Csárdaszállás, Gerla, Nagykamarás, Pitvaros, Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár, Szarvas-Horváthpuszta, Szék-
kutas-Kápolnadűlő, Székkutas-Új Élet Tsz, Szentes-Berekhát Farkas tanya I), L. Bende pointed to a possible
continuity between Early and Late Avar populations inhabiting these two regions.147 On the other hand, the
practice of depositing eggs in the graves seems to indicate a certain level of discontinuity,148 as before the sec-
ond half of the 7th century, examples of this practice are almost completely unknown in this region (see also
Chapter 8.2), and could have developed only in the 8th century. This has not been sufficiently explained by
L. Bende,149 and remains to be answered. One may hypothesize that perhaps the belief in resurrection became
more widespread, maybe as part of Christian teachings.
136
L. Bende collected examples from 15 sites. Bende 2012, 669. Other sites to be added are: Makó-Innenső Jángor grave 83, Maroslele-Fea-
ture 29, furthermore Nădlac-7M (grave 20), and this site.
137
B. Nagy 2003, 16–73; Bende 2017, 66–121; Kőrösi 2005, 229–276.
138
Bende 2012, 669. Four other male graves can be added to L. Bende’s collection (36 graves): Makó-Innenső Jángor 3 grave 83, Năd-
lac-7M grave 20, Nădlac-3M-S graves 176 and 183.
139
Bende 2012, 669; Bende 2017, 322.
140
Bende 2017, 35–36.
141
Bende 2017, 67, 97.
142
Bende 2017, 176.
143
Kőrösi 2005, 229, 240–241.
144
B. Nagy 2003, 190–191. kép; Szalontai 2003, 381, 400.
145
B. Nagy 2003, 2. kép; Szalontai 2003, 394–395.
146
But no partial horse burial is known in the burial ground. On this, see: Bende 2017, 323.
147
Bende 2017, 323–324.
148
The analysis of the egg furnishings found in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, see: Bende 2012, 669; Bende 2017, 321–322.
149
Bende 2017, 323–324.
63
If one accepts Bende’s argument concerning the possible continuity between Early and Late Avar popu-
lations (in the light of funerary archaeology), then one should be able to answer when and why the E–W and
NE–SW150 orientation of graves was changed to W–E, WNW–ESE, and NW–SE151 orientation. This picture is
underpinned by Cs. Balogh’s studies, which demonstrated that from the middle of the 7th century, NW–SE
orientation became more common than W–E orientation, which was typical in the Early Avar Period. In our
opinion, there are two possible explanations of this:
1.) As the Khaganate “functioned” as a cultural “melting pot” (see more on this in Chapter 4), grave orien-
tations gradually became uniform in the second half of the 7th century. The latest researches show that in the
first part of the Avar Age, the W–E and NW–SE orientated graves were overrepresented (52%) not only in the
Transdanubian region, but also in the Danube–Tisza Interfluve.152
2.) Changes might have been due to migrating populations. What demographic pressures or other reasons
could have resulted in migration cannot be answered at the moment.

With one exception, the graves were poorly furnished – niche graves included. However, one must also
note that many graves were robbed. 48 out of the total of 72 (66.66%) had some grave goods – mostly unchar-
acteristic objects. A great number of belt buckles and iron knives were found. Earrings, mounts (decorating
dresses or belts), harness ornaments and harnesses (bits) occurred less frequently. A few potteries were also
found, which must have contained drinks and food. Sickle was placed in the grave, perhaps as working tool.
There was a great number of unidentified fragments too.
3.2.3.1. Earrings (Fig. 13–14)

(Graves 151, 155, 164, 170, 191, 211) (Pl. 31/2–3; pl. 34/1; pl. 46/1; pl. 53/1; pl. 73/3; pl. 81/1–2; pl. 233/1–2; pl. 236/155/1;
pl. 236/164/1; pl. 243/1–2)
Cast bronze earrings and simple earrings were found in six graves. These were all female graves, except for
grave 211.153 It is important to note that there is at least one example of them in each distinctive grave group. In
a niche grave (191), an earring fragment was found, which originally had a glass bead pendant. In graves 151
and 211, two earrings were found in each, and in graves 155, 164, 170, and 191, there was one in each.
Figure 13. Types of earrings (Nădlac-3M-S)
In the Late Avar Period, the most common types of earrings were those with bead pendants. The ones with
capped bead pendants were chronologically the earliest. Unfortunately, most of our finds preserved in very
bad condition – only fragmentarily and in secondary position. There was one better-preserved example found
next to the left knee in grave 164, and there was another one, of which only the ring remained, found exactly
on the mouth of the individual, which is unusual. As these graves do not seem to have been robbed, nor were
they disturbed (by animals), the positions of the finds are particularly important.
According to I. Kovrig, capped bead pendants with round rings154 appear as mass products in the Avar Kha-
ganate at the end of the 7th century, and start to occur less frequently after the first quarter of the 8th century.155
The dating of this type of earring was also studied by J. Gy. Szabó, who set up two chronological groups, based
on the diameter measurements of the bead pendants and the length of the cylindrical cap. According to his
150
Lőrinczy 1987–1989, 161–171.
151
According to L. Bende’s calculations, the three orientations make up 84.5% present (2666) of the 3148 graves collected by her. Bende
2017, 251, 1. táblázat.
152
Lőrinczy 1987–1989, 164; Balogh 2016a, 42.
153
A lot fewer earrings are known from Late Avar Age male graves in the region of the Mureș–Criș–Tisza. As is indicated by the graves at
Nădlac-3M-S, these jewels were female accessories. Bende 2017, 292–293, 8. táblázat.
154
For a brief research history, see: Balogh 2010, 245–246.
155
Kovrig 1975, 230.
64
Figure 14. Graves with earrings (Nădlac-3M-S)
65
analysis, the ones with short caps date from later: they appear only around the end of the 7th century and before
the middle of the 8th century.156 The earring found in grave 211 seems to have belonged to this type, so this burial
can be dated to the first half of the 8th century.
In grave 151, two earrings with bead pendants and round rings were found. The earrings were in secondary
position. There were also animal remains found in the grave, as well as a string of beads, and a pot, decorated
with wavy lines. One earring was found near the right upper arm, and the other was placed behind the skull,
on its left side, not far from the jug. It seems that each bronze wire was decorated with a black bead, which
were of different size. The other two pairs of small beads must have been attached to the inner side, or to the
upper part of the ring. These earrings belong to the earlier period of the Late Avar Age: according to Cs. Balogh,
they appear at the same time when the later type with capped bead pendants, and they must have originated
from them.157 Analysing the burial ground in Leobersdorf, F. Daim dated this type to the Spa II phase.158
Grave 155 was disturbed. The fragment of an earring was found in secondary position, next to the right
hand of the skeleton. Based on its shape, it can be categorized as a variant of the earrings with bead pendants
(made completely of bronze). According to Z. Čilinská’s typological system, it can be classified as Type X, and
it is dated to the 8th century (most probably to the second half of the century).159
With regard to the site at Felgyő-Ürmös, Cs. Balogh described this as Type 6f,160 and similarly dated it to the
end of the Avar Period, i.e. the second half of the 8th century. F. Daim dated a similar piece of jewellery from
grave 91 in Leobersdorf to the same period (Spa IIIa phase).161 According to E. Breuer’s typology, this earring
classifies as Type 11, and can be dated roughly to the period covered by the Spa II–Spa IV phases.162
In grave 164, there was similarly only one earring. This was probably a grave of a female person, but it was
robbed, and the earring was found at the end of the right leg.163 The ring was oval, and it had a cast prism-
shaped pendant. This type was characteristic of the very end of the Avar Period – it is not yet present in the
middle of the 8th century.164 It can be classified as Type 10 (Breuer), dated broadly to the Spa II–Spa IV phases.165
In grave 191 (of a 33–46 years old individual), the earring type could not be identified due to its bad preser-
vation, however, there was a cast piece in the middle of it, which may indicate that it had a bead pendant. Like
another single earring in grave 170, it was found inside the skull, so its original position in the grave remains
unknown. From the point of view of dating, such fragmentary pieces are unfortunately of little value.166
If one accepts the type-chronology suggested in the available literature, then some of the earrings can be
dated to the first half of the 8th century (graves 151 and 211), others to the second half of the century (graves 155
and 164). This would imply that the burial ground was used for several decades. The fragmented piece in grave
191 – dated to the first quarter of the 8th century –, could have been worn by its owner (born in the last quarter
of the 7th century) for several decades before it was put in the grave. The similarity of earrings in graves 151 and
155 (a juvenis and a maturus female) suggests that this kind of jewellery could have been a popular fashion
item. It should be emphasized that when attributing dates to any piece of jewellery, a detailed typo-chrono-
logical analysis of them should be carried focusing on (micro-) regional scales as well, because these types
of objects (more precisely their variants) could have spread into different regions at different times. This note
concerns particularly the earrings with capped bead pendants and pearl pendants, as fashion trends in the
Carpathian Basin could have influenced their distribution patterns differently.
3.2.3.2. Beads (Fig. 15–19)

(Graves 140, 151, 155, 161, 183, 191, 229) (Pl. 18/1–4; pl. 32/6.1–41; pl. 35/2.1–36; pl. 42/1.1–5; pl. 60/2; pl. 72/2.1–14;
pl. 73/2.15–19; pl. 86/1.1–7; pl. 230/1–4; pl. 234/4.1–42; pl. 235; pl. 236/155/2.1–36; pl. 236/161/1.1–5; pl. 243/191/1–6;
pl. 243/229/1–6)
There were altogether 421 beads found in 7 graves. In graves 140, 155, 161, 183, 191, and 229, adults were
buried. Most graves were simple (graves 140, 155, 183, 191, and 229), and there were two stepped graves (151
and 161), and one niche grave (grave 191) among them. A. Pásztor observed that beads rarely occur in niche
156
Szabó 1975, 267.
157
Balogh 2010, 246.
158
Daim 1987, Abb. 28, 243, Taf. 75/1/1–2.
159
Čilinská 1975, 80–81, Abb. 6.
160
Balogh 2010, 246.
161
Daim 1987, Abb. 28.
162
Breuer 2005, Abb. 3, 13, 22, 23.
163
Its exact analogue is known from grave 342 at Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő. B. Nagy 2003, 117. kép: Grave 342/3.
164
Balogh 2010, 246.
165
Breuer 2005, Abb. 3, 13, 22, 23.
166
Balogh 2010, 243.
66
graves at Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő.167 At Nădlac, all female niche graves were looted, so it is uncertain, whether
there were beads in them. Graves 140, 151, and 155 belonged to high status individuals, as indicated by animal
parts/animals buried with them and by the number of their beads. The juvenis female in grave 151 was buried
with a complete skeleton of a cattle, and in graves 151 and 155, we find the highest number of beads. 315 beads
were found in grave 151 (of a juvenis girl/female), and 39 beads were found in grave 155 (of a woman aged
30–50). There was also a considerable number of beads (32) in grave 161 (a 25–30-year-old woman). In grave
191 (a 25–35-year-old woman), 19 beads, in grave 140 (a 33–42-year-old woman), 7 beads, and in grave 229 (a
42–55-year-old woman), 7 beads (Fig. 15) were found.
The beads were apparently parts of necklaces, worn on strings around the neck (graves 140, 151, 155, 161,
191, and 229). The cylinder-shaped and the melon seed-shaped beads, found in grave 183 (a 25–30-year-old
man), must have been worn rather as amulets.168 The number of beads found in female graves does not seem
to reflect the age of the individuals.
Figure 15. Numbers of beads (Nădlac-3M-S)
Figure 16. The main types and variants of beads (Nădlac-3M-S)

167
Pásztor 2003, 331.
168
Kovrig 1957, 122–123; Bóna 1979, 27–28.
67
The classification of their shapes, presented below, is based on A. Pásztor’s system,169 and it is comple-
mented with data on their colour. Most beads were made of glass (either transparent/translucent or not), and
some were made of precious stones (carnelian). There were 5 Types/categories (I: Globular; II. Cylindrical;
III. Cone-shaped; IV. Prism-shaped; V. Melon seed-shaped), each with different variants (Fig. 16).
Graves Types Subtype Colour (item/items)

Grave 140: 7 items
Grave 140 Globular (I) Globular (1) (Pl. 18/1) Black/1 (1 item)
Grave 140 Globular (I) Globular (1) (Pl. 18/2) Brown/4 (2 items)
Grave 140 Cylindrical (II) Barrel shaped (3-1) (Pl. 18/3) Black/1 (2)
Grave 140 Cylindrical (II) Spindle shaped with ribbed ornaments (4-2) (Pl. 18/4) White/2 (1)
Grave 140 Melon seed-shaped (V) Very fragmentary, therefore not classified, originally melon Black/1 (1)
seed-shaped – with a bronze tube
Grave 151: 315 and other fragmented items
Grave 151 Globular (I) Globular (1) Black/1 (27)
Grave 151 Globular (I) Globular (1) White/2 (1)
Grave 151 Globular (I) Globular, big sized (1-a) (Pl. 32/6.1–2) White/2 (1)
Grave 151 Globular (I) Globular (1) Blue/3 (1)
Grave 151 Globular (I) Flat globular (2) (Pl. 32/6.3) Black/1 (40)
Grave 151 Globular (I) Flat globular (2) White/2 (1)
Grave 151 Globular (I) Flat globular (2) Green/5 (2)
Grave 151 Globular (I) Flat globular (2) Grey/7 (1)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Long cylindrical (1-1) (Pl. 32/6.4–5) Grey-white/6 (3)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Long cylindrical (1-1) Black/1 (4)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Long cylindrical with a bronze tube (1-2) (Pl. 32/6.6) Grey-white /6 (5)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Long cylindrical with a bronze tube (1-2) Greenish-whitish /8
(1)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Long cylindrical, with ribs (1-3) (Pl. 32/6.7) Grey-white/6 (1)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Short cylindrical (2-1) (Pl. 32/6.8) Black/1 (83)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Short cylindrical (2-1) White/2 (8)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Short cylindrical (2-1) Brown/4 (1)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Short cylindrical (2-1) Grey/7 (4)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Barrel-shaped (3-1) (Pl. 32/6.9) Black/1 (10)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Barrel-shaped, decorated, one-piece (3-2) (Pl. 32/6.10–11) Black/1 (2)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Barrel-shaped, decorated, one-piece (3-2) (Pl. 32/6.12) Black, decorated
with red stripes, big
sized/1-a (1)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Spindle-shaped, with ribbed decoration (4-2) (Pl. 32/6.13–16) White/2 (9)
Grave 151 Cylindrical (II) Spindle-shaped, ribbed, with poured ornamentation (4-3) White/2 (1)
(Pl. 32/6.17–19)
Grave 151 Conical (III) Undecorated biconical (1) (Pl. 32/6.20–23) Black/1 (5)
Grave 151 Conical (III) Undecorated biconical (1) (Pl. 32/6.24–26) Black/1 (2)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Regular drop-shaped (1-1) (Pl. 32/6.27–31) Blackish-green/9 (4)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Regular drop-shaped (1-1) (Pl. 32/6.27–31) Grey-white/6 (1)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Regular drop-shaped, with a bronze tube (1-2) (Pl. 32/6.32) Blackish-green/9 (2)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Flat drop-like, melon seed-shaped (2) (Pl. 32/6.33–34) Black/1 (7)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Flat drop-like, melon seed-shaped (2) (Pl. 32/6.33–34) Bluish-black/10 (1)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Elongated drop-like, melon seed-shaped (3-1) (Pl. 32/6.35) Bluish-black/10 (1)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Pressed on one side, elongated drop-like (3-2) (Pl. 32/6.36) Black/1 (1)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Pressed on one side, elongated drop-like (3-2) (Pl. 32/6.37) Bluish-black/10 (1)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Short body, melon seed-shaped (4-1) (Pl. 32/6.38) Black/1 (1)
Grave 151 Melon seed-shaped (V) Short body, melon seed-shaped, with poured ornamentation Black/1 (1)
(4-2) (Pl. 32/6.39)
seed-shaped
Grave 151 Very fragmentary, therefore not classified Black/1 (27)
Grave 151 Very fragmentary, therefore not classified, with a bronze tube White /2 (9)
Pásztor 2003, 331–370.

169
68
Graves Types Subtype Colour (item/items)
Grave 151 Not classified White/2 (4)
Grave 151 Shell (2) (Pl. 32/6.40–41)
Grave 155: 39 items
Grave 155 Globular (I) Globular (1) White/2 (2)
Grave 155 Globular (I) Globular (1) Blue/3 (1)
Grave 155 Globular (I) Globular (1) Brown/4 (4)
Grave 155 Globular (I) Globular (1) Lemon yellow/11 (1)
Grave 155 Globular (I) Flat globular (2) Black/1 (1)
Grave 155 Globular (I) Flat globular (2) Lemon yellow/11 (3)
Grave 155 Globular (I) Two-piece, flat globular (3) (Pl. 35/2.32) Blue/3 (1)
Grave 155 Cylindrical (II) Short cylindrical (2-1) Black/1 (2)
Grave 155 Cylindrical (II) Short cylindrical (2-1) Brown/4 (10)
Grave 155 Cylindrical (II) Barrel-shaped (3-1) Black-brown/1-b (1)
Grave 155 Cylindrical (II) Barrel-shaped (3-1) Black/1 (1)
Grave 155 Cylindrical (II) Spindle-shaped (4-1) White/2 (2)
Grave 155 Cylindrical (II) Spindle-shaped, with ribbed decoration (4-2) White/2 (1)
Grave 155 Conical (III) Undecorated biconical (1) Black/1 (1)
Grave 155 Prism (IV) Long prismatic, with square-shaped cross section (1) Blue/3 (1)
(Pl. 35/2.33)
Grave 155 Prism (IV) Long prismatic, with hexagonal cross section (2) (Pl. 35/2.34) Green/5 (1)
Grave 155 Melon seed-shaped (V) Flat drop-like, melon seed-shaped (2) (Pl. 35/2.35) Black/1 (1)
Grave 155 Melon seed-shaped (V) Flat drop-like, melon seed-shaped (2) (Pl. 35/2.36) Blue-green/13 (1)
seed-shaped
Grave 161: 32 items
Grave 161 Cylindrical (II) Long cylindrical (1-1) Black/1 (1)
Grave 161 Melon seed-shaped (V) Regular drop-shaped (1-1) (Pl. 42/1.1) Black/1 (1)
Grave 161 Melon seed-shaped (V) Flat drop-like, melon seed-shaped (2) (Pl. 42/1.3) Black/1 (2)
Grave 161 Melon seed-shaped (V) Flat drop-like, melon seed-shaped (2) (Pl. 42/1.4) Green/5 (3)
Grave 161 Melon seed-shaped (V) Flat drop-like, melon seed-shaped (2) (Pl. 42/1.5) Blue/3 (2)
Grave 161 Melon seed-shaped (V) Flat drop-like, melon seed-shaped (2) Bluish-black/10 (2)
Grave 161 Melon seed-shaped (V) Big, oval (6) (Pl. 35/1.2) (Pl. 42/1.2) Black/1 (1)
Grave 161 Melon seed-shaped (V) Very fragmentary, therefore not classified, originally melon Black/1 (2o)
seed-shaped
Grave 183: 2 items
Grave 183 Cylindrical (II) Barrel-shaped (3-1) Black/1 (1)
Grave 183 Melon seed-shaped (V) Elongated drop-like, melon seed-shaped (3-1) Black/1 (1)
Grave 191: 19 items
Grave 191 Globular (I) Globular (1) Yellow/12 (3)
Grave 191 Globular (I) Globular (1) (Pl. 72/2.1–3) Brown/4 (4)
Grave 191 Globular (I) Two-piece, flat globular (3) (Pl. 72/2.5) Brown/4 (1)
Grave 191 Cylindrical (II) Short cylindrical ribbed (made of shell) (2-3) (Pl. 72/2.6) White/2 (1)
Grave 191 Melon seed-shaped (V) Big, irregular, melon seed-shaped (7) (Pl. 72/2.4) Yellow/12 (1)
Grave 191 Not classified Yellow/12 (1)
Grave 229: 7 items
Grave 229 Globular (I) Globular (1) (Pl. 86/1.3) Black/1 (1)
Grave 229 Cylindrical (II) Barrel-shaped (3-1) (Pl. 86/1.4) Black/1 (1)
Grave 229 Cylindrical (II) Spindle-shaped (4-1) (Pl. 86/1.5) White/2 (1)
Grave 229 Prism (IV) Long prismatic, with hexagonal cross section (2) (Pl. 86/1.1) Ruby/14 (1)
Grave 229 Prism (IV) Long prismatic, with hexagonal cross section (2) (Pl. 86/1.2) Orange/15 (1)
Grave 229 Melon seed-shaped (V) Flat drop-like, melon seed-shaped (2) (Pl. 86/1.6) Argent/16 (1)
Grave 229 Melon seed-shaped (V) Ribbed on one side, elongated drop-like (5) (Pl. 86/1.7) Argent/16 (1)
Figure 17. Numbers of beads according to types and type-variants (Nădlac-3M-S)
69
70
Figure 18. Numbers of beads according to types and type-variants (Nădlac-3M-S)
As for the position of these graves, one finds that the most prestigious ones were all situated in the
middle of the burial ground (graves 151, 155, and 161), whereas the ones with just a few beads were near
the northern edge of the site (graves 140, 183, 191, and 229). Chronologically, the graves with earrings can
be dated precisely: grave 151 is dated to the first decades of the 8th century, whereas the earrings found in
grave 155 could have been more common in the second half of the 8th century. Although the dating of other
finds is doubtful, the classification of beads could provide chronological clues too. At Székkutas-Kápolna,
A. Pásztor observed that melon seed-shaped beads could not be dated to the early phase, but only to later
phases of the burial ground.170 This may apply also to this site: grave 151, in which there was a large number
of melon seed-shaped beads, could be dated, indeed, to the first decades of the 8th century (based on the
earrings). Grave 229, which contained two prism-shaped carnelian beads, could be dated to the middle of
the century.171
3.2.3.3. Spindle whorls (Fig. 19)

(Graves 161, 163 [?], 179, 183, 185, 187, 198 [?], 210, 229, 233) (Pl. 42/3; pl. 44/2; pl. 60/3; pl. 61/1; pl. 69/1; pl. 73/4;
pl. 82/1; pl. 86/2; pl. 88/1)
Spindle whorls were found in 10 graves. As for graves 163 and 198, it is uncertain whether they belong
among the grave goods, although they were found in the pit fill. In graves 179 and 233, they were placed next
to the left humeral, in grave 229, next to the right humeral, whereas in graves 185 and 187, they were found on
the right side of the breastbone (sternum).172 These two examples raise the question, whether they were placed
in the graves as tools or they had a ritual-symbolic role.
Spindle whorls occur almost always in female graves (graves 161, 163, 179, 185, 187, 198, 210, 229, and 233),
the only male grave was grave 183, where a 25–35-year-old man was buried. It seems, that similarly to bronze
earrings, this type of object also drew a line between male and female graves. On the other hand, funerary cul-
ture may also overwrite biological realities sometimes. L. Bende found 38 graves with spindle whorls among
the 432 in total in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region.173 This is approximately 10% – similarly to what we have at this
site (10.95%).
3.2.3.4. Dress or belt mounts (?)

(Grave 189) (Pl. 71/1–3, 7; pl. 242/1–4)
In grave 189 (of a female individual), round-shaped dress or belt mounts were discovered. Two of them
were found on the chest, the third was found inside the pelvis. They were attached either to a dress in a vertical
line, or to a belt, which was placed on the body in a vertical position.
The three round-shaped ones, were open-works, and they were found on the chest, forming a triangle.
Similar artefacts (made of iron) were found in grave 426 at Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő.174 This grave was probably
also a female grave, and the pieces were used as belt mounts. They were decorated with bronze rivets, similarly
to two other bronze belt mounts found in grave 101 (of an adult female) at Szegvár-Szőlőkalja.175 From these
examples, one may infer that round belt mounts – made of different materials – could be used by women either
decorating their dresses, or their belts.
3.2.3.5. Belts (Fig. 20–25)

(Graves 135, 137A–B, 138, 139 (?), 147, 148, 150, 157B, 162, 163, 165, 169, 171, 173, 177, 186, 189, 191, 195, 198, 202, 210,
219, 229, 230, 240)
Avar belts were usually made of leather,176 and one may assume that also in case of the Nădlac examples.
Metal parts of belts were found in 26 graves (with 27 skeletons), out of the 48 (54.16% or 56.25%), in which there
were grave finds (36.11% of the 72 graves excavated in total). Most of them were belt buckles. Three belts with
mounts were found (graves 148, 165, and 186), and there were strap ends in four graves (graves 138, 165, 186,
and 189). The iron ring found in grave 169 near the waist probably belonged to a belt too. In case of grave 240,
it is not certain whether the buckle belonged in the grave. These items were all made by pressing (Preßblech
170
Pásztor 2003, 353–354.
171
Füleki 2016, 746.
172
For a similar observation, see: Lőrinczy – Rácz 2014, 179.
173
Bende 2017, 295.
174
B. Nagy 2003, 58, 149. kép 10–11.
175
Bende 2005, Vol. I: 58, Vol. II: 133. kép 5–6.
176
71
Figure 19. Spindle whorls and beads (Nădlac-3M-S)
72
technique177), or casting. Casting was a basic technique, which required relatively little time to learn, compared
to other metal working techniques.178
3.2.3.5.1. Buckles (Fig. 20–21)

(Graves 135, 137A–B [3 pcs], 138, 139 [?], 147, 148 [2 pcs], 150, 157B [2 pcs], 162, 163, 165 [2 pcs], 169, 171 [2 pcs], 173,
177, 186 [2 pcs], 189, 191, 195, 198, 202, 210, 219, 229, 230, 240) (Pl. 13/2; pl. 14/1–3; pl. 16/3; pl. 24/2; pl. 25/3; pl. 28/12;
pl. 29/1; pl. 39/2, 4; pl. 43/1; pl. 44/1; pl. 48/1.1; pl. 49/6; pl. 52/4; pl. 55/1–2; pl. 56/1; pl. 59/1; pl. 66/5–6; pl. 71/4.a–c;
pl. 72/1; pl. 73/2; pl. 77/1; pl. 79/1; pl. 82/2; pl. 83/1; pl. 86/3; pl. 87/1; pl. 91/1; pl. 231/3; pl. 232/1; pl. 237/1.1)
There were many different types of buckles found. They could be square-shaped, trapezoid, rectangular or
round-shaped (Fig. 20). Most of them were made of iron, only three were made of bronze (graves 148, 150, and
165). Most of them belonged to belts.
In graves 137B, 148, 165, 171, 186, and 189 there were two buckles in each, but this was not uncommon in
the Late Avar Period.179 In grave 165 and 171, there were also iron knives, which could be associated with one
of the belts. Since both of these graves were raided, there could also be other items.180 In the other four graves,
the two buckles clearly indicated two belts. All in all, there were only 6 graves (out of 72), with two belts, which
means that the rate of occurrence of graves with two belts was comparable to what we have at Székkutas (45
graves out of 555).181
Graves Type Material

Grave 135 Trapezoid ( ) Fe
Grave 137A Square-shaped (■) Fe
Grave 137B Rectangular (▄) Fe
Grave 137B Trapezoid Fe
Grave 138 Trapezoid Fe
Grave 139 (?) Unknown Fe
Grave 147 Square-shaped Fe
Grave 148/1 Trapezoid Bronze
Grave 148/2 Unknown Fe
Grave 150 Square-shaped Bronze
Grave 157B/1 Rectangular Fe
Grave 157B/2 Trapezoid Fe
Grave 165/1 Buckle with trapezoid loop and rectangular plate Bronze
Grave 165/2 Round (●) Fe
Grave 169 Rectangular Fe
Grave 171/1 Rectangular Fe
Grave 171/2 Rectangular Fe
Grave 186/1 Unknown Fe
Grave 186/2 Square-shaped Fe
Grave 189 Buckle with oval loop and rectangular plate Fe
177
Armbruster 2003, 409–413; Bálint 2010, 147.
178
As demonstrated by experiments: Bíró–Szenthe 2011, 155–174.
179
Balogh 2010, 247; Szalontai 2003, 373.
180
One belt must have been part of the garment, and the other, the so-called weapon belt was intended to hold tools, items.
181
73
Graves Type Material
Figure 20. Buckle types (Nădlac-3M-S)
Among our finds, the most interesting piece was unfortunately found in secondary position, in grave 165 (of
an old man [senilis]). This was a cast bronze buckle with a strap retainer, classified as Type 130 by J. Zábojník,
who comprehensively analysed different types of belt components. He established a chronological system,
according to which this type represents Phase SSI, i.e. the first phase of the Late Avar Period (ca. 700–720).182
According to E. Breuer’s typology, this buckle was a Type 2A. Breuer also conducted a seriation analysis, and
demonstrated that this is found exclusively together with pressed metal items (which were made with Preß-
blech technique), and can be dated to Horizont 4 according to his chronological system.183
The relative chronology of belts found at the above-mentioned Székkutas site was also analysed with simi-
lar methods, and finds from there are very relevant for the chronology of our site, as there were similar types of
buckles found (9 cases), and there were also pressed items among the finds, found together with cast buckles.
Namely, in graves 38, 70, and 236 at Székkutas, cast bronze buckles were found together with pressed strap
retainers, either with large strap ends, decorated with animal motifs, or small strap ends, decorated with ten-
dril motifs.184
The cast bronze buckle in grave 165 was also accompanied by pressed items.
3.2.3.5.2. Belt mounts, strap retainers, and belt hole guards (Fig. 22–23)
(Graves 138, 148, 165, 186) (Pl. 16/1; pl. 25/2; pl. 26/4; pl. 48/1.2–4, 2, 5; pl. 49/7–8, 10, 11.1–2; pl. 65/4; pl. 230/1;
pl. 231/2, 4; pl. 237/1.2–7.a, 2; pl. 238/3–5)
Belt components – other than buckles, i.e. mounts, or strap retainers etc. – were found in four graves.
In grave 138, a round-shaped belt mount (disc) was found, which could have functioned also as a belt
hole guard. As a sheet metal object, it must have belonged to the early phase of the site, but this is uncertain
(Pl. 16/1).
The iron belt mount covered with bronze sheet in grave 148 was made with a technique, which could also
be evidenced in grave 426 at Székkutas. That item was classified by Cs. Szalontai as a sheet metal belt mount,
and dated to the earliest period of the site.185 Iron components were used as belt decorations since the Middle
Avar Period.186 This iron belt mount, partially covered with bronze sheet, clearly dates this object to the early
phase of the site (Pl. 26/4; pl. 231/4).
A bronze belt retainer with a curved end was also found in grave 148 (Pl. 25/2; pl. 231/2).
In grave 165, there was not only the above-mentioned buckle, but also other belt parts: five belt hole guards,
three belt mounts with pendants, and a propeller-shaped mount, decorated with a bird head. They were all
found in secondary position.
The five belt hole guards belong to Type 187 in Zábojník’s system (Pl. 48/1.2–4, 5; pl. 49/11.1–2; pl. 237/1.2–
7.a) (dated to Phase SSI; ca. 700–720).187 The three belt mounts with pendants were cast pieces – the so called
“Geometrical Circular Lobe Style” according to G. Szenthe (Pl. 48/2; pl. 49/7–8; pl. 237/2; pl. 238/3–4).188 They
are classified as Type 245 (dated to Phase SSIII; ca. 720–750 according to Zábojník).189
The propeller-shaped belt mount, however, was dated to an earlier phase (Type 159, Phase SSII; ca. 720–
750).190 Its shape closely resembles that of a ribbed item found in grave 197 at Pilismarót-Basaharc,191 but the
head and the beak of the bird on the propeller-shaped mount look different. The species of the prey bird could
not be identified – it was maybe white-tailed eagle (Haliaeetus albicilla).192 The closest parallel of this figure
is known from Tiszafüred-Majoros (grave 945),193 but the position of the eagle head is much lower in that case
182
Zábojník 1991, Abb. 1, Taf. 26/12.
183
Breuer 2005, Abb. 19.
184
Szalontai 2003, 4. táblázat; B. Nagy 2003, 21, 24–25, 39, 13. kép, 32–33. kép, 81. kép.
185
186
Lőrinczy 1992, 81–124; Szalontai 2003, 378.
187
188
Szenthe 2013, 314, 316, Fig. 3.
189
Zábojník 1991, Abb. 1, Taf. 40/1–2.
190
191
Fettich 1965, Abb. 114/2; Kiss 1998, 3. kép 1.
192
White-tailed eagles are typical species in flood plain forests. Probst – Gaborik 2011.
193
Garam 1995, Abb. 102/5/95, Taf. 134, 945/13; Kiss 1998, 3. kép 7.
74
Figure 21. Belt buckles (Nădlac-3M-S)
75
Figure 22. Belt components – belt mounts, belt hole guards, small, and big strap ends (Nădlac-3M-S)
76
than on the Nădlac find, where it looks more raised, staring ahead. G. Kiss could only collect five examples of
similar, propeller-shaped mounts.194 They were mostly from the northern part of the Carpathian Basin, and the
Middle Tisza Region (Alatyán-Tulát grave 170, Kaba-Bitózug grave 87, Tiszafüred-Majoros graves 474, 692, 945,
and 1019), and in the Little Plain (Edelstal A grave 38, Šal’a I Veča grave 50).195 There is also another example
from Pitvaros (grave 5),196 which is, to this date, the southernmost one in the Carpathian Basin (Fig. 23). There
is maybe also a chronological aspect to this north-south divide. According to the dates suggested by G. Kiss
concerning the finds from Alatyán, Edelstal, Kaba, Šal’a, and Tiszafüred-Majoros,197 there is a discrepancy in
the chronology of the Late Avar Period in different regions, as the SpaI–III phases are only roughly equivalent
to the SSI–SSIII phases established by Zábojník.198 Also, if we apply Zábojník’s dates to grave 165, we find e.g.
three objects dated to three different phases (SSI, SSII, SIII), within a period between 700 and 780), as described
below. This raises methodological problems, to which we will return at the end of our discussion on belt com-
ponents (Pl. 49/10; pl. 238/5).
In grave 186, an iron belt mount was found. It is Type 186 according to Zábojník, dated to the early phase
of the Middle Avar Period (MS).199 G. Szenthe, who also analysed rectangular and square-shaped belt mounts
from the Middle Avar Period (including those made of iron), classified the embossed form of the Nădlac belt
mount as Type V,200 and similarly dated this to the Middle Avar Period (Pl. 65/4).201
Figure 23. Propeller-shaped mounts decorated with animal head in the Carpathian Basin: 1. Nădlac-
3M-S grave 165; 2. Pitvaros grave 5; 3. Alatyán-Tulát grave 170; 4. Edelstal; 5. Kaba; 6. Šala I. Veča; 7.
Pilismarót-Basaharc grave 197; 8–11. Tiszafüred-Majoros graves 474, 692, 945, and 1019
194
Kiss 1998, 462.
195
Kiss 1998, 14. kép.
196
Bende 2017, 66, 4. kép 10.
197
Kiss 1998, 1. táblázat.
198
199
Zábojník 1991, Abb. 1, Taf. 34/20. Its parallels: Szentes-Kaján grave 277: Korek 1943, XXVII/11–17.
200
Szenthe describes two subcategories of this type: those cut out of plates (Category “A”), and the embossed (cast) ones (Category “B”).
Szenthe 2012a, 521, 524, 5. kép.
201
77
3.2.3.5.3. Strap ends (Fig. 22)
(Graves 138, 165 [2 pcs], 186, 189) (Pl. 16/2; pl. 48/3–4; pl. 64/1–2; pl. 65/3.1–3; pl. 71/6; pl. 230/1; pl. 238/6; pl. 239/7;
pl. 240/1–3; pl. 241/3.4–6; pl. 242/5)
Five strap ends were found in four graves (in grave 165, there were two of them). In three graves (graves 138,
186, and 189) were pressed pieces, and in one grave were two cast strap ends (grave 165). Three of them were
found in secondary position.
The two strap ends (one large and one small) found in grave 165 date from different periods. The small one
can be categorised as Type 91 according to Zábojník, and it is dated to Phase SSII,202 which is identical to the
“Late Antique Horizon”, as mentioned by G. Szenthe (Pl. 48/4; pl. 238/6).203
As for the larger strap end, one of its sides is decorated with fighting animal figures, which is unique, as it
has no parallels among the Late Avar finds,204 and on the other side, there is a tendril pattern. This find cannot
be classified into any of the types described by Zábojník, but Szenthe described the style as “Late Avar Animal
Style”, and as chronologically equivalent to Zábojník’s Phase SSI.205 This means that the two strap-ends found
in this grave date from two different phases when using Zábojník’s typology (SSI, SSII) (Pl. 48/3; pl. 239/7).
Grave 186, a niche grave, was disturbed, but an iron belt mount and four large strap ends were found in the
fill. The one found next to the left leg was large, and it was found in secondary position, and there were two
smaller strap ends found next to the right arm bone and the left leg. They are Type 588 according to Zábojník’s
typology, from the so-called Phase FS, the Early Avar Period, i.e. before 650.206 The fourth one was a very tiny one,
and it is classified as Type 559 (Pl. 64/1–2; pl. 65/3–4; pl. 240/1–3; pl. 241/3.4–6), and dated to the same period.207
The small strap end in grave 138 (Pl. 16/2; pl. 230/1) was made e.g. this way, and it could not be dated more
precisely based on its parallel (Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 271208).
3.2.3.5.4. On the types of belts

Based on the number and decoration of belts, three groups could be distinguished.209 Twenty-one graves
(graves 135, 137A, 138, 139, 147, 150, 162, 163, 169, 173, 177, 189, 191, 195, 198, 202, 210, 219, 229, 230, and 240)
belong to Group 1, where there was only one buckle in each grave and nothing else. These belts must have
been undecorated. Group 2 includes graves 148, 165, and 186, where there were two belts. One of them was
decorated and the other was undecorated. Graves 137B, 157B, and 171 belong to the third group, where both
belts were undecorated.
3.2.3.5.5. On the dating of belts: methodological observations concerning J. Zábojník’s

chronological system and its relevance for the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region (Fig. 24–25)
Based on the seriation of grave assemblages in Austria and Slovakia, J. Zábojník argued that the Middle
Avar Period divides into two chronological phases (MS I and MS II, 650–675, 675–710), and the Late Avar Period
into four phases (SSI–SSIV).210 In contrast to Phase MS II, MS I was characterised by high quality finds, as most
belt mounts were made from precious metals (silver).211
As for the Late Avar Period, the four chronological phases created by Zábojník seem consistent, elaborate,
and convincing, but raised criticism as well.212 The chronological phases were by and large adopted by G. Szen-
the,213 nonetheless, our observations concerning grave 15, at Nădlac 7M, suggest that the chronology of graves
in which belt mounts were found, should be revised with regard to the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region. Belt mounts
(the exact number is unknown) were found at 55 sites in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, out of these we have
analysed 59 graves from 11 funerary sites.214
202
203
Szenthe 2013, 314, Fig. 3. It has been pointed out that this motive was common from the Near East to as far as China. Hayashi 2012, 49–64.
204
Fancsalszky 2007, 69–78.
205
Zábojník 1991, Abb. 1.
206
207
208
B. Nagy 2003, 95. kép: Grave 271/12–13.
209
Szalontai 2003, 375–376.
210
Zábojník 1991, 219–321.
211
Zábojník 1991, 235.
212
Szőke 2001, 106; Furthermore, Szenthe 2012a, 538.
213
Szenthe 2013, 310, 313–314, 316: “Late Avar Animal Style” = SSI-SSII; “Late Antique Horizon” = SSIIb; “Geometrical Circular Lobe
Style” = SSIII; “Ornaments of the Fin-Avar Phase” = SSIV.
214
Literature on the sites: Bende 2003b, 189–210; Bende 2017, 287–289, 7. táblázat; Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 271–272, 7. kép; Juhász
1995a; Juhász 2004; Juhász 2006a, 99–110; Cociș et al. 2016, 1–76.
78
Burial grounds/graves The components of the belts
Apátfalva-Vámház grave 8 Buckle: type 138 – SSII; belt mount: type 170 – SSIII
Endrőd-Kecskészug Buckle: type 122 – MS; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; belt mount: type 239 – SSI; belt mount:
grave 14 type 205 – SSII; propeller shaped mount: type 164 – SSII; big strap end: type 052 – SSII; small
strap end: type 105 – SSII
Nădlac-7M grave 3 Belt mount: type 168 – SSIII; belt mount: type 211 – SSIII; big strap end: type 050 – SSIII; small
strap end: type 097 – SSIII; propeller shaped mount: type 050 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount: type
168 – SSIII-SSIV
Nădlac-7M grave 15 Belt mount: type 205 – SSII; big strap end: type 057 – SSIII; small strap end: type 113 – SSI-
II-SSIV
Nădlac-7M grave 20 Buckle: type 132 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount: type 234 – SSIII-SSIV; belt hole guard: type 172 –
SSIV; big strap end: type 052 – SSIII; small strap end: type 536 – SSII
Nădlac-3M-S grave 165 Buckle: type 130 – SSI; belt mounts: type 245 – SSIII; propeller belt mount: type 159 – SSIII;
belt hole guards: type 187 – SSI; big strap end: -; small strap end: type 91 – SSII
Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár grave 3 Belt mount with pendant: type 229 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount: type 229 – SSIII-SSIV; belt
mount: type 170 – SSIII; small strap end: type 113 – SSIII-SSIV; big strap end: type 057 – SSIII
Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár grave Propeller belt mount: type 157 – SSIII; small strap end: type 113 – SSIII-SSIV
31
Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár gr. 56 Buckle: type 119 – SSI-SSII; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; belt mount: type 237 – SSII; belt
mount with pendant: type 241 – SSII; small strap end: type 092 – SSII; big strap end: type
030 – SSII
Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár grave Buckle: type 119 – SSI-SSII; belt mount: type 187 – SSI
59
Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár grave Buckle: type 138 – SSII-SSIII; propeller-shaped mount: type 157 – SSIII; small strap end: type
61 092 – SSII; small strap end: type 091 – SSII
Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár grave Buckle: type 138 – SSII; belt mount: 187 – SSI; belt mount with pendant: type 241 – SSII; small
62 strap end: type 092 – SSII; propeller-shaped mount: type 159 – SSII-SSIII
Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár grave Small strap end: type 057 – SSIII; belt mount: type 170 – SSIII
225
Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár grave Buckle: type 132 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount: type 170 – SSIII; belt mount with pendant: 245 –
D SSIII; big strap end: type 057 – SSIII
Orosháza-Béke Tsz. grave 82 Belt-hole guard: type 172 – SSIV; belt mount: 337 – SSIV; belt mount with pendant: 258 –
SSIV; small strap end: 099 – SSIV; big strap end: type 061 – SSIV
Orosháza-Béke Tsz. grave 104 Belt mount with pendant: type 267 – SSIII; belt mount: type 167 – SSIV; small strap end: type
107 – SSIV; big strap end: type 048 – SSIV
Orosháza-Béke Tsz. grave 142 Buckle: type 129 – SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 234 – SSIV; big strap end: type 061 –
SSIV; belt-hole guard: type 172 – SSIV; small strap end: type 113 – SSIII-SSIV
Orosháza-Béke Tsz. grave 150 Buckle: type 143 – SSII; belt-hole guard: type 166 – SSII-SSIII; small strap end: type 113 – SSI-
II-SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 172 – SSIV
Örménykút- Hidróglóbusz grave 10 Belt mount: type 188 – SSI; big strap end: 016 – SSI-SSII; small strap end: type 113 – SSII
Pitvaros grave 19 Small strap end: type 055 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 245 – SSIII; big strap
end: 036 – SSII
Pitvaros grave 50 Buckle: type 132 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount: type 172 – SSIV; belt-hole guard: type 172 – SSIV;
big strap end: type 050 – SSIII; small strap end: type 113 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount with pen-
dant: type 234 – SSIV
Pitvaros grave 51 Buckle: type 143 – SSII; buckle: type 131 – MS-SSI; belt mount with pendant: type 248 – SSIII;
strap end: type 107 – SSIV
Pitvaros grave 53 Buckle: 122 – MS; belt mount with pendant: type 239 – SSII; propeller-shaped mount: type
157 – SSIII; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; small strap end: type 97 – SSIII
Pitvaros grave 147 Buckle: type 132 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount: type 357 – SSIV; big strap end: type 057 – SSIII
Pitvaros grave 167 Buckle: type 149 – SSIII; belt-hole guard: type 166 – SSI; belt mount: type 168 – SSIII; big
strap end: type 047 – SSII-SSIII; small strap end: type 090 – SSIII
Pitvaros grave 198 Buckle: type 119 – SSI-SSII; belt mount: 187 – SSI; belt mount with pendant: 241 – SSII; belt-
hole guard: type 190 – MS-SSI
Pitvaros grave 200 Buckle: type 145 – SSI-SSII; belt mount: 187 – SSI; belt mount with pendant: – SSII (?); big
strap end: type 014 – SSII
Pitvaros grave 215 Buckle: type 145 – SSI-SSII; belt mount with ring: 224 – SSI; big strap end: type 043 – SSII;
belt mount: 187 – SSI; propeller-shaped mount: type 154 – MS
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 64 Buckle: type 143 – SSII; belt-hole guard: type 166 – SSII-SSIII
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 78 Buckle: type 138 – SSII; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; belt mount: 207 – SSI
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 83 Buckle: type 126 – SSIII-SSIV; belt-hole guard: type 166 – SSII-SSIII; belt mount with pendant:
type 239 – SSII; big strap end: type 036/? – SSII/?
79
Burial grounds/graves The components of the belts
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 87 Buckle: type 138 – SSII; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; belt mount with pendant: type 248 –
SSIII; big strap end: type 036/? – SSII/?
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 230 Buckle: type 126 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount with ring: type 224 – SSI; small strap end: type 091
– SSII
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 266 Belt hole guard: type 172 – SSIV; belt mount: 172 – SSIV; belt mount with pendant: 234 –
SSIV; small strap end: 113 – SSIII-SSIV; big strap end: type 057 – SSIII
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 318 Buckle: type 132 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; belt mount: type 337 – SSIV; small
strap end: type 113 – SSIII-SSIV
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 349 Belt mount: type 187 – SSI; belt mount: type 205 – SSII; belt mount: type 101 – SSII; prope-
ller-shaped mount: type 159 – SSII-SSIII; big strap end: type 030/016 – SSII/SSI-SSII
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 375 Buckle: type 132 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 229 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount:
type 170 – SSIII; small strap end: 113 – SSIII-SSIV; big strap end: type 050 – SSIII
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 390 Buckle: type 129 – SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 267 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount: type 167
– SSIV; belt-hole guard: type 167 – SSIV; big strap end: type 048 – SSIV
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 416 Buckle: 119 – SSI-SSII; unknown type of object: type 271 – ?; belt mount: 187 – SSI; belt
mount with pendant: type 248 – SSIII; big strap end: type 585/036 – SSII/SSII
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 418 Buckle: type 129 – SSIV; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; small strap end: type 110 – SSII-SIII; big
strap end: type 585/037 – SSII/SSII-SSIII
Szegvár-Szőlőkalja grave 129 Belt mount: type 179 – MS; small strap end: type 101 – MS-SSI
Szegvár- Szőlőkalja grave 135 Belt mount: type 86 – MS; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; big strap end: type 558 – FS; small
strap end: type 070 – MS-SSI
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 3 Belt mount: 172 – SSIV; small strap end: 048 – SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 234 –
SSIV; big strap end: type 048 – SSIV
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 31 Buckle: type 119 – SSI-SSII; belt mount with ring: type 224 – SSI; small strap end: types 105/?
– SSII/?
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 38 Buckle: type 119 – SSI-SSII; belt mount: type 237 – SSII; belt mount: type 241 – SSII
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 54 Belt mount: type 172 – SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 269 – SSIV
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 70 Buckle: type 119 – SSI-SSII; belt mount: type 225 – SSI-SSII; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; small
strap end: type 105 – SSII; big strap end: type 24/16 – SSII/SSI-SSII
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 96 Buckle: type 122 – MS; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; propeller shaped mount: type 163 – SSI-
SSII; small strap end: type 101 – SSII-SSIII
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 119 Buckle (without precise analogy, but with animal symbol): type 138 – SSII; belt mount with
pendant: 229? or 245 – SSIII-SSIV or SSIII; belt mount: 173 – SSIII; big strap end: 050 – SSIII
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 191 Big strap end: type 050 – SSIII; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; small strap end: type 098 – SSII-
SSIII
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 201 Buckle: 132 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 249 – SSIII; belt mount: type 173 –
SSIII; small strap end: type 113 – SSIII-SSIV; big strap end: type 057 – SSIII
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 236 Buckle: type 130 – SSI; big strap end: type 014 – SSII; belt mount: type 205 – SSII; small strap
end: type 91 – SSII
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 279 Buckle: type 129 – SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 267 – SSIII; belt mount: type 167 –
SSIV; big strap end: type 050 – SSIII; small strap end: type 113 – SSIII-SSIV
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 329 Buckle: type 130 – SSII; big strap end: type 566 – SSII; small strap end: type 536 – SSII; belt
mount: type 187 – SSI
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 369 Buckle: type 129 – SSIV; belt mount with pendant: type 258 – SSIV; propeller shaped mount:
type 156 – SSIII-SSIV
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 382 Buckle: type 129 – SSIV; small strap end: type 113 – SSIII-SSIV; belt mount: type 167 – SSIV
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 388 Buckle: type 122 – MS; belt mount: type 187 – SSI; belt-hole guard: 166 – SSII-SSIII; propeller
shaped mount: type 156 – MS-SSI
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 416 Buckle: 129 – SSIV; belt mount: type 172 – SSIV; belt mount: type 267– SSIII; big strap end:
type 051 – SSIV
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 491 Buckle: type 132 – SSIII-SSIV; small strap end: type 113 – SSIII-SSIV; big strap end: type 050
– SSIII; belt mount with pendant: type 247 – SSII; propeller shaped mount: type 156 – SSI-
II-SSIV
Legend215
FS – Frühstufe (= early phase) MS – Mittelstufe (= middle phase) SS – Spätstufe (= last phase)
Figure 24. The metal parts of the belts from the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region according to J. Zábojník’s typology
After: Zábojník 1991, 233–244, Abb. 1.

215
80
6
4 4
3 3 3 3
2 2 2
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Figure 25. The association of the metal parts of the belts according to
Zábojník’s typochronology in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region
Based on Fig. 24–25, it should be underlined that Zábojník’s chronology cannot be applied to the Late Avar
Period of the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region. Types of finds dated by Zábojník to different phases (SSI, SSII, SSIII
or SSIV) appear in the assemblages in this region quite mixed. When looking at the furnishings of individual
graves, there are only 4 exceptions when they do not. On the one hand, SSI and SSII, on the other hand, SSIII
and SSIV seem to form two distinctive groups, yet, there are still some objects dated to Phase SSII, which occur
sometimes together with other finds dated to Phase SSIV, found in the same graves. The dating, however, could
be flawed, as resulting from statistical mathematical methods applied by Zábojník, as finds are analysed only
from a typological point of view, and types and sub-types are arbitrarily derived from sequencing them based
on forms and other metrics, which can be very subjective.216 A seriation chart does not take into account e.g.
nuances of technological solutions, the varying periods of use, or the fact that fashion was always subject to
choices of individuals and social-psychological circumstances.217
In short: mathematical seriation models have their limitations, and the seriation method may lead to incor-
rect dating. They may reveal general trends, which do not necessarily apply to a particular region, such as e.g.
the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region.218 When dating objects, one has to consider that each object had an individual
“life span”: they were manufactured somewhere, then acquired by someone, and they could also be passed on
to different owners, before they were buried.219 It is possible that we see different finds chronologically mixed,
because their “life-span” had different dynamics. It is also possible that there were regional differences, as
objects were manufactured at one place, were traded, and travelled to other regions and places in different
times, which could have prolonged their life span throughout the Late Avar Period. At this site, for example,
mounted belt sets were found in three graves (grave 148, of a maturus I–II person, grave 165, of a senilis, and
186, of a maturus II person). Since young boys could have been invested with belts at the age of 14–16,220 or 20,221
it may well be that the belts were buried just after several decades of use, unless the originals were replaced
with ones, specifically intended for burials.
In conclusion, the chronological system that works for the north-western part of the Avar Khaganate cannot
216
From this point of view, see e.g.: Mannheim 1995, 31–34, 44–46.
217
The experimental analysis of this problem clarified it, as the objects analysed by them directly were made using different techniques.
Bíró – Szenthe 2011, 155–174.
218
However, based upon some other examples, we consider it necessary to research the graves containing belts with mounts with simi-
lar methods in other micro-regions too. We try to demonstrate this with two cases. Object types from belt sets dated to Phases SSI (Type
130), SSII (Type 092), and SSII–SSIII (Type 159) were found in Szeged-Fehértó grave 292, whereas in Zamárdi-Rétiföldek grave 122 objects
(Types 122 and 187) dated to Phase SSI were found together with items dated to Phase SSII (Types 036, 237, 240). The items found in grave
805 can be dated to Phases SSII (036), SSIII-SSIV (113, 132), and SSIV (172, 258). Madaras 1981, 7. táb.: grave 292; Bárdos – Garam 2009,
Taf. 77/Grab 612, Taf. 98/Grab 805.
219
On this issue see e.g.: Steuer 1977, 379–402; Medgyesi 1987–1989, 255–258; Langó 2007, 217–221, 130., 132. kép.
220
Medgyesi 1987–1989, 255.
221
Stadler 1985, 98. Quoted here: Medgyesi 1987–1989, 255.
81
be applied to finds from this region.222 In our opinion, the most important consequence is that no macro-re-
gional chronological system can be set up for the Avar Age finds in the Carpathian Basin, and the social-psy-
chological observation that fashion is/was mainly regulated by individual attitudes, is proven again.223
3.2.3.6. Knives (Fig. 26–27)

(Graves 135 [2 knives], 138, 146, 149, 157A, 157B, 161, 165, 169, 171, 176, 183, 186, 189, 195, 212, 228, 231) (Pl. 13/1, 3;
pl. 16/4; pl. 19/1; pl. 22/1; pl. 37/1; pl. 39/1; pl. 42/2; pl. 49/9; pl. 52/2; pl. 55/3; pl. 58/1; pl. 60/1; pl. 66/7; pl. 71/5;
pl. 77/2; pl. 83/1; pl. 84/1; pl. 90/1)
Fragments of iron knives were identified in 18 graves. They were the most frequently found items in Late
Avar graves, typically small sized, and had narrow blades. They were common parts of the garment. According
to P. Tomka, they were typically found on the right side of male skeletons and were associated with belts.224
These points were refined by L. Bende, as regards the Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő site.225
3.2.3.6.1. On the position of knives in the graves (Fig. 26)

At this site, knives were found in various positions in the graves. Sometimes it is uncertain what functions
can be attributed to them (practical or symbolic). In case of grave 135, for example, there were two knives. The
one on the left side of the sternum could be an amulet, whereas the other one next to the left femur was rather
used as an everyday tool.226
In grave 195, a knife was placed on the right upper arm, which had most probably symbolic function.
Such objects were intended to protect the soul of the departed against evil spirits and/or to prevent them from
haunting this world. (This is a very common superstition with regard to iron objects,227 as iron was thought to
be effective against evil spirits.228)
However, most knives were found in a position – typically at the left or right sides of the pelvis (right:
graves 146, 149, 165, 169, 176, 183, and 231; left: graves 135, 138, 157B, 171, and 189), or at the lower arms and
hands, next to the femur (right: graves 146, 149, 165, 169, and 176; at the right elbow: graves 183 and 231; left:
graves 135, 138, 157B, 171, and 189) –, which suggests the materialistic interpretation, i.e. that they were used as
tools. Whether on the left or on the right side, there was no tendency to observe.
The case of grave 157A is particularly interesting, as fragments of a knife were found at the end of the left
leg, in the north-east corner of the coffin, together with a juvenile sheep bone. It was clearly intended as an
object to eat with.
3.2.3.6.2. On the length of knives (Fig. 27)

Some knives were very fragmentary. Since their wooden hilts were not preserved, and the ends of the
blades fitted in the hilt were also fragmentarily preserved, their original lengths could not be assessed. On the
other hand, blades preserved in full length, so their dimensions can be compared, as presented in the table
below. The comparison reveals the following points:
1.) There were three distinct lengths/sizes:229 A. Long blades were 14.0–17.0 cm (graves 138, 157A, 165, 189,
and 195); B. Medium length blades were 10.5–13.3 cm (graves 135/2, 157B, 169, 171, and 176); C. Short blades
were 5.5–8.3 cm long (graves 135/1, 146, 149, 161, 212, and 228). These types were maybe used for different tasks.
222
From a slightly different point of view, B. M. Szőke also criticised chronological systems based on mathematical seriation: “Úgy látszik
tehát, elegendő egyetlen verettípust kiválasztani, s rendszerbeli helyére, relatív kronológiai viszonyaira rákérdezni, hogy meggyőződjünk e
rendszerek nagyon is sérülékeny voltáról. Sérülékenyek, mert a rendszeralkotást nem előzte meg olyan elméleti előkészítés, ami egy követ-
kezetesen végiggondolt, egységes szempontok szerint meghatározott kategóriákra épülő tipológiai váz szerkesztését jelenti… A hagyomán-
yos tipológiai rendszerezést azonban nem helyettesítheti a matematikai statisztika és a szériációs módszer alkalmazása…” (“It seems
sufficient to choose one type of mount and to inquire into its position in the system, and its relative chronology, to see that these systems
are very vulnerable. They are vulnerable, since their creation was not preceded by theoretical preparations, setting up a typological
framework, based on categories defined by uniform criteria… Traditional typological classification cannot be replaced by mathematical
statistics and the seriation method…”) Szőke 2001, 105.
223
Lengyel 1997, 185–202.
224
Tomka 1972, 68.
225
Bende 2003a, 315.
226
L. Bende collected 37 graves in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region (grave 135 in Nădlac-3M-S 135 is included), in which two knives were
found. They were almost exclusively in men’s graves (Bende 2017, 289–290) The exact position of knives has not been always docu-
mented, which would be advisable in the future.
227
Somogyi 1982, 191.
228
Solymossy 1933, 115–116.
229
Based on 17 examples. The one in grave 183 was too fragmented and was not considered.
82
Figure 26. Knives found in graves (Nădlac-3M-S)
83
2.) Knives belong predominantly to men (11). Age was also an important factor: 14 individuals were adults
(adultus/maturus/senilis), and only 4 were juvenis (one was an infans I).
3.) H. Härke’s point – which he illustrated on Anglo-Saxon finds –, that dimensions of knives (length,
width) were in close connection with the sex and age of individuals,230 could not be confirmed on the example
of this site.
Graves Sex and age of the skeletons Length of the blade Total length
Grave 135/1 male, 30–40 6.0 cm -
Grave 135/2 male, 30–40 13.3 cm -
Grave 138 male, 25–35 15.0 cm 19.7 cm
Grave 146 male, 26–36 6.0 cm -
Grave 149 indeterminable, 2–3 7.1 cm 10.8 cm
Grave 157A male, 40–50 15.2 cm ?
Grave 157B indeterminable, 13–16 11.8 cm 13.1 cm
Grave 161 female, 25–30 5.4 cm 7.6 cm
Grave 165 male, 55–60 17.0 cm -
Grave 169 male, 33–42 11.5 cm 14.0 cm
Grave 171 indeterminable, 13–15 11.2 cm -
Grave 176 male, 25–30 13.0 cm 17.0 cm
Grave 183 male, 25–35 - -
Grave 186 male, 40–50 11.3 cm 14.1 cm
Grave 189 female, 59–71 15.9 cm -
Grave 195 male, 35–45 15.1 cm 18.0 cm
Grave 212 male, 39–41 8.3 cm 9.6 cm
Grave 228 indeterminable, 14–20 7.1 cm 7.9 cm
Grave 231 indeterminable, 14–20 - -
Figure 27. Dimensions of knives (Nădlac-3M-S)
3.2.3.6.3. Burials with knives in a regional and macro-regional perspective

The relatively frequent occurrence of knives among grave finds in the area of the Little Plain (30–50%),231
i.e. the north-western part of present day Hungary and the south-eastern part of present day Slovakia, seems
to be a distinctive regional feature, in comparison to other sites and regions. For instance, at Székkutas-Kápol-
nadűlő, not far from Nădlac, this percentage was only 26%.232 L. Bende collected 814 graves with iron knives
in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, which make up approximately 25% of the total number of graves known.233 At
our site, the percentage is similar to this (18/19 graves out of 72; 25.0–26.38%).
3.2.3.7. Iron rings

(Grave 169) (Pl. 52/1, 3)
The function of iron rings remains unclear. Two such items were found in grave 169, which was a niche
grave. One of the rings was found next to the left iliac bone, and it was clearly part of a belt. The other one was
found between the two femurs, and could have been a suspensor ring of the knife found next to it.234
3.2.3.8. Iron awl

(Grave 183) (Fig. 28–30; pl. 60/5)
Iron awls could get damaged quite easily, and were also heavily affected by corrosion, so they were usually
found fragmented into several pieces. Often, they are difficult to notice, due to bad preservation. In grave 183
(of an adultus–maturus I male), an iron awl was found between the pelvis and the right forearm. The position
of the object does not suggest symbolic function. It was probably kept in a sabretache. A fragment found
between the ribs may support this idea.
230
Härke 1989, 144–148.
231
Tomka 1972, 68.
232
Bende 2003a, 315.
233
Bende 2017, 290.
234
In the three graves at Székkutas (graves 311, 339, and 400), various iron rings were found next to the skeletons, together with knives
and belt buckles. The rings must have been used to fasten the belt components and to attach tools to the belt. Szalontai 2003, 375.
84
Iron awls can be found in men’s graves throughout the whole Avar Period, however, there has been no syn-
thesis written on this subject so far.235 Below there is a list of sites (from the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region), where
iron awls were found.
Site Grave Position of the find

Endrőd-Kecskészug Grave 12 (male) the inner side of the right forearm1
Gerla-Szakácsföld Grave 5 (male) the lower end of the spine2
Nagykamarás Grave 4 (female, juvenis) between the legs3
Nagymágocs-Ótompa Grave 10 (sex unknown) unknown4
Grave 91 (male) near the finger bones of the left hand5
Nădlac-3M-S Grave 183 (male, adultus–maturus I, 25–35 between the pelvis and the right forearm
years)
Pitvaros-Víztárazó Grave 86? (male, maturus/senilis, 40–60 years) behind the skull, probably a bone awl (?) made from
a canine ulna6
Grave 92 (male, adultus, 25–30 years) in place of the finger bones of the right hand7
Grave 113 (male, adultus, 25–30 years) below the right ribs8
Grave 198 (male, maturus I, 35–40 years) lying perpendicularly on the right femur9
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár Grave 139 near the left knee10
(juvenis)
Grave 176 (male, adultus) around the chest11
Grave 302 (male, senilis) near the left forearm (in a leather bag, also con-
taining an iron strike-a-light, flints, a piece of glass,
bronze fragments and a bronze wire)12
Szarvas-Rózsás-halom Grave 32 (female) between the ankles13
Szegvár-Szőlőkalja Grave 73 (male) an iron awl under the phalanges of the right hand14
Grave 103 (male, senilis) the left side of the skull15
Grave 120 (male, maturus) unknown16
Grave 135 (male) under the pelvis17
Balogh 2016a, 267.

235
85
Site Grave Position of the find
Szentes-Kaján Grave 194 (male) near the right femur (together with an iron knife)18
Grave 276 (male) unknown19
Grave 330 (male adultus, 25–30 years) next to the right hand20
Grave 406 (sex and age unknown) unknown21
Grave 419 (male, maturus I, 35–40 years) one awl inside the pelvis, another to the right of the
shin bone22
Grave 432 (male) next to the left side of the pelvis23
Szentes-Nagyhegy, Musa Grave 24 (child, infans) near the right hand24
János 99. Szőlője (1931)
Szentes-Nagyhegy, Musa Grave 236 (male) unknown25
János 99. Szőlője (1929)
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő Grave 35 (male, maturus) under the left side of the pelvis26
Grave 206 (male, maturus) near the left hand27
Grave 236 (male, adultus) above the skeleton, among the coffin clasps28
Grave 325 (female, adultus) unknown29
Grave 369 (male – based on the grave goods) unknown30
Grave 464 (male, adultus) 2 or 3 iron awls inside the pelvis31
Grave 539 (male, maturus) position unknown32
Figure 28/A–B. Late Avar graves with iron awls in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region (the
numbering of the sites corresponds to the catalogue entries in Annex 2)
1
Bende 2017, 22. 11
Juhász 2004, 34, Taf. XXIII/176/4. 22
Bende 2017, 193.
2
Bende 2017, 24. 12
Juhász 2004, 49–50, Taf. XXIII/302/4. 23
Bende 2017, 194.
3
Bende 2017, 37. 13
Bende 2017, 32. 24
Bende 2017, 205.
4
Bende 2017, 39. 14
Bende 2005, Vol. I: 159, Vol. II: 120. kép 4. 25
Bende 2017, 203.
5
Bende 2017, 42. 15
B. Nagy 2003, 20, 14. kép 7.
6
Bende 2017, 90, 43. kép 6. 16
B. Nagy 2003, 37, 74. kép 4.
7
Bende 2017, 90, 45. kép 1–2. 17
B. Nagy 2003, 39, 81. kép 16.
8
Bende 2017, 94, 49. kép 1, 6. 18
Bende 2017, 183. 29
B. Nagy 2003, 49, 109. kép 6.
9
Bende 2017, 111–112, 86. kép 1, 88. kép 19
Bende 2017, 187. 30
B. Nagy 2003, 53, 129. kép 7.
1–2. 20
Bende 2017, 189–190. 31
B. Nagy 2003, 62, 159. kép 13–15.
10
Juhász 2004, 27, Taf. XVII/139/1. 21
Bende 2017, 193. 32
B. Nagy 2003, 71, 190. kép 6.
There were altogether 35 or 36 iron awls found in 33 graves (from 12 sites, out of the 87 in total). 7 of them
were found at Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő, and there are 5 sites, where only one such object was found. Most of
them were in found in men’s graves, as is also the case at our site.
As for their positions in the graves, they were usually found at the right side of the skeletons, near the right
hand (9 cases).236 In 5 cases they, were on the left side, near the hand.237 Some examples show that they could
have symbolic functions too: e.g. when placed behind the skull,238 next to the skull (on the left side),239 or on/
near the chest.240 When they were found “in the pelvis”,241 “under the pelvis”,242 or “at the lower end of the
spinal column”,243 they are likely to be interpreted differently.
Female graves (3 examples altogether) are interesting, as in one case, the awl was placed between the two
shin bones, and in another, between the two ankles,244 which suggests symbolic role.
236
Endrőd-Kecskészug grave 12, Nădlac-3M-S grave 183, Pitvaros-Víztárazó graves 92, 113, and 198, Szegvár-Szőlőkalja grave 73,
Szentes-Kaján graves 194, 330, and 419.
237
Nagymágocs-Ótompa grave 91, Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 302, Szentes-Kaján grave 432, Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő graves 35 and
206. In Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 302, the iron awl was found next to the left forearm and was placed in a sabretache (together with
strike-a-lights, flints, glass and bronze sherds and bronze wires), so they must have also functioned as tools.
238
Pitvaros-Víztárazó grave 86.
239
Szegvár-Szőlőkalja grave 103.
240
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 176.
241
Szentes-Kaján grave 419; Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 464.
242
Szegvár-Szőlőkalja grave 135.
243
Gerla-Szakácsföld grave 5.
244
Nagykamarás grave 4, Szarvas-Rózsás-halom grave 32.
86
Figure 29. The sex and age of the skeletons buried with iron awl(s) in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region
In one of the two children’s graves, the object was found near at the right hand of the skeleton,245 and in the
other (juvenis) the left knee.246 This position hints on the practical use of the object.
Figure 30. The positions of awls in the graves (Mureș–Criș–Tisza region)
In many cases, we have no information concerning their positions in the graves,247 but in general, there was
no rule where they had to be placed. At Pitvaros, they were found on the right side of the skeletons (3 graves
245
Szentes-Nagyhegy grave 24.
246
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 139.
247
Male graves: Szegvár-Szőlőkalja grave 120, Szentes-Kaján grave 276, Szentes-Nagyhegy, Musa János szőlője (1929) grave 236, Székku-
tas-Kápolnadűlő graves 369 and 539; female grave: Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő grave 325. In two cases, the sex of the skeletons is not known:
Nagymágocs-Ótompa grave 10, Szentes-Kaján grave 406.
87
– except for the one grave also containing a bone awl). At Szarvas, they were in various positions, whereas at
Székkutas, they were typically on the left side of skeletons.
The one find from this site (grave 183) was 9.1 cm long, that is considerably longer than other examples
listed above. The lengths of iron awls (considering altogether 20 cases from 18 graves) ranged between 2.7
and 13.0 cm. Small ones (2.7–4.0 cm) are known from Szarvas (grave 176: 2.7 cm; grave 139: 3.0 cm), Székku-
tas-Kápolnadűlő (grave 325: 3.8 cm, grave 464: a 2.4-cm-long fragment, but it is problematic), medium sized
ones (4.1–6.9 cm) were found at Pitvaros-Víztárazó (grave 198: 4.2 cm; grave 92: 4.3 cm), Szegvár-Szőlőkalja
(grave 120: 4.7 cm), Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (grave 35: 4.7 cm; grave 539: 6.0 cm; grave 206: 6.5 cm; grave 236:
6.7 cm), and Szegvár-Szőlőkalja (grave 103: 5.1 cm). There were only a few long ones found at Nădlac-3M-S
(grave 183: 9.1 cm), Pitvaros-Víztárazó (grave 113: 7.3 cm), Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (grave 369: 7.7 cm), Szeg-
vár-Szőlőkalja (grave 73: 13.0 cm; grave 135: 8.0 cm).
Similarly to knives, different size categories could serve for different functions. Notably, those which
were small (e.g. Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár graves 139 and 176) could have symbolic (apotropaic) functions.
In case of the two finds from female graves, their positions imply that they could function as talismans.
In most cases, however, these objects could be used as simple tools, i.e. for punching holes in leather
(belts, harness straps). They were found mostly in men’s graves (78.78%, not including two unidenti-
fied examples), however, this does not mean that they were predominantly used by men elsewhere. Cs.
Balogh’s collection revealed that in the Early Avar Period, more iron awls were found in female graves
(in the area of the Danube–Tisza Interfluve),248 and this applies also to the period of the Hungarian
conquest.249
3.2.3.9. Horse accessories

3.2.3.9.1. Harness ornaments
(Grave 186) (Pl. 66/1.1.1.–1.3.5; pl. 67/1.4–15.1; pl. 241/1.1–9)
In grave 186, there were altogether 19 items found on the horse – all decorated with rosettes –, which could
be supposedly attached to the bridle and also, to other parts of the straps. As the grave was looted, there were
signs of disturbance around the right hind leg of the horse, and some of the nearby finds were in secondary
positions. As most of these ornaments/strap mounts were found on the skull of the horse, they could originally
decorate the crupper.
The whole set was made of pressed gilded bronze and represents a rare assemblage in the Late Avar Period.
Thus far, only 10 examples are known from 8 sites – from men’s graves. Other finds from the second half of
the Avar Period show that this type of decoration was used on other items too (quivers,250 mounts attached to
belts,251 or clothes,252 etc.).
Examples of harness mounts decorated with flat rosettes were first collected by G. Kiss (about two dec-
ades ago), namely from Budakalász-Dunapart (grave 93), Devinská Nová Ves (graves 524 and 804), Komar-
no-J. Varadiho (grave 6), Keszthely-Városi temető, Szentes, Vasasszonyfa (stray find from 1928), and Zitavská
Tân (graves 29 and 33).253 Since all these places were located north of the Danube, Kiss concluded that there
was a workshop operating in the region between the Morava and Žitava Rivers, where such finds occurred
frequently.254 Since then, however, there were similar harness ornaments found at Apostag-Céklatermelőhely
B. terület (grave 13A),255 Budapest-District III-Pusztadombi út (grave 1),256 Budapest-District III-Szőlő köz (grave
49),257 Tiszafüred (grave 1062),258 and Zamárdi-Rétiföldek (grave 186).259 Although there is no comprehensive
survey of them, it is clear that their geographical distribution extends to a much larger area than suggested by
Kiss, which disproves his point. Furthermore, G. Szenthe argued that the influence of “workshops” is not to be
248
42 were found in male graves, 24 in female graves, and 2 in children’s graves. Balogh 2016a, 267.
249
Gáll 2013a, Vol. I: 758, 762, 251. kép.
250
For example: Zamárdi graves 225, 250/a 349, 663, 948, and 1020. Bárdos – Garam 2009, 41, 43–44, 56, 95, 126, 133, Taf. 27/3–6,
Taf. 31/27–34, Taf. 40/4–12, Taf. 85/24–29, Taf. 110/13–28, Taf. 110/24–30.
251
Zamárdi grave 581. Bárdos – Garam 2009, 86, Taf. 75/4–9; Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő graves 191 and 237. B. Nagy 2003, 35, 69. kép 8–13,
83 kép 5–6, 10–11.
252
Zamárdi grave 1192. Bárdos – Garam 2009, 156, Taf. 135/Grab 1192: 1.
253
Kiss 1993, 201 with further literature.
254
Kiss 1993, 201–202.
255
Balogh 2009, 5. kép 3–18.
256
Nagy 1998, Vol. I: 24, Abb.8/1, Vol. II: Taf. 31/B/4–13.
257
Nagy 1998, Vol. I: 49, Vol. II: Taf. 43/8–11.
258
Garam 1995, 125, Abb. 216, Taf. 187/10–13.
259
Bárdos – Garam 2009, 36, Taf. 22/1–14.
88
considered in geographical terms (as a distinctive area), but rather in terms of personal networks (of masters
and apprentices).260 Consequently, products may “travel” to different parts of the territory controlled by the
Khaganate, without being associated with migration (of communities).
On the other hand, Kiss’ conclusion concerning the chronology of such finds, remains well-grounded.
Tables 7–9 demonstrate that horse harnesses decorated with flat rosettes can be dated to the first half of the
Late Avar Period (according to Kiss, SPA I–II, that is equivalent to Zábojník’s SSI and SSII261 phases).262 This
dating fits the Nădlac finds as well.
The two strap ends (the bridle) on the horse skeleton were decorated with a braided pattern in a serrated
frame. This, and the decoration of the pressed strap end found on the human skeleton, indicate that this find is
among the earliest ones known to this date. Similar strap ends decorated with braided ornaments263 were typ-
ically found together with flat and hemispherical mounts decorated with rosettes. They decorated harnesses
or parts of belt sets, e.g. Zamárdi-Rétiföldek grave 340.264 Grave 12 at Hajdúnánás, with hemispherical shaped
harness mounts, was dated to the second half of the 7th century by the coins of Constans II and Constantinus
IV, minted in 662/663.265 Despite the fairly early dating of these harness mounts (decorated with rosettes), in
case of the Nădlac find, the archaeological context of the burial (within the burial ground) suggests that they
date from later (i.e. the end of the 7th century or early decades of the 8th century).
3.2.3.9.2. Horse bit

(Grave 186) (Pl. 68/2)
Bits with small, forged rings were common artefacts in the Avar Period according to the testimony of grave
finds. However, this type of object cannot be dated precisely.266 In our case, it seems that the bridle and also
other parts of the harness were placed in the grave, but not the saddle – unless the robbers took the stirrups,
which were most likely made of iron. (Chances are low that they decomposed because they were made of wood).
3.2.3.9.3. Unknown iron object (bridle buckle?)

(Grave 186)
A fragment of an iron object was found next to the horse skull. Its shape is not recognizable, but it could be
an iron buckle attached to the bridle.
3.2.3.10. Sickle (Fig. 31–33)

(Grave 145) (Pl. 21/1)
In grave 145 (of a female), an iron sickle was found on the right lower arm, next to the pelvis. Its hilt is
almost at the right elbow. Its form was common throughout the Early Middle Ages, from the Avar Period to the
Hungarian conquest, up until the Árpád Period.267 Its type is classified as Type C/1 of “arched sickles”,268 which
were in use for several centuries, during the Avar Period as well.
Despite the relative easiness of typological classification, the symbolic function of these objects remains
less well-understood. There have been numerous theories about sickles found in graves: they have been inter-
preted as practical tools, weapons, or signs of vampire-graves.269 According to P. Somogyi – author of the very
last synthesis in the Hungarian literature on this subject –, sickles were placed on different body parts (chest,
belly, shin bone), and in most cases, they were intended to protect the dead against evil. Ethnographers also
observed this ritual practice and interpreted sickles as apotropaic objects protecting the dead against evil (or
preventing them from coming back). Such beliefs are naturally associated to those concerning iron tools.270
260
Szenthe 2012b, 57–75.
261
Zábojník 1991, Abb. 1.
262
Kiss 1993, 209–211: 7–9. táblázat.
263
For a list of relevant sites, see: Rácz 2014, 205. At Peregu Mare, there was a similar harness mount found, which also had braided
decoration (Pl. 254/6).
264
Bárdos – Garam 2009, 54, Taf. 38/Grab 34/4.
265
The authors conducted a 14C analysis, and came to the conclusion that the person in grave 12 was buried between 662/663 and 685.
Rácz – Szenthe 2009, 327–329. In general, hemispherical shaped harness mounts decorated with rosettes were older. Bóna 1970, 256–257.
266
Garam 1995, 356, 358.
267
Parádi 1976, 180; Müller 2014, 7–8, 8. kép.
268
Müller 2014, 8. kép.
269
Concerning the function of sickles in graves, see: Slivenská 2004, 10–11. See also: Härke 2014, 11.
270
Somogyi 1982, 191.
89
Pointed or sharp iron tools (such as sickles, scissors, and razors)271 were thought to be effective weapons against
evil spirits.272 Thus, both archaeology and ethnography support the assumption that in most cases sickles were
placed in graves to protect the dead against evil.
On the other hand, Somogyi notes that if they were found next to the hands, they could be interpreted as
simple tools.273 The sickle in grave 145 had an arched blade, and it was placed on the right lower arm bone,
reaching up to the elbow. Was it simply a “tool” or a protective object? It was neither on the chest bone, the
belly or the shin bone, nor in the hand. The interpretation of the object is, thus, uncertain. In the Carpathian
Basin,274 however, and especially in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, sickles are very rarely found in the hands,
when they would be interpreted simply as practical tools,275 but most of the time, they were placed on the belly
of the dead.
As for the Carpathian Basin, except for the area of present day Slovakia, there has been no survey con-
ducted on sickles.276 It is certain, however, that they were very rare finds in the Avar Period. According to Som-
ogyi, the use of sickles in burial context can be connected to changing beliefs and superstitions about iron in
the last third of the 7th century, or later.277 Earlier finds could be more likely interpreted as tools.278 As for the
Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, the custom becomes more common in the second half of the Avar Period, as demon-
strated by L. Bende, who has found 21 of such graves from 11 sites.279 Below, we present data from her survey,
as well as other finds.
Sites Graves Position of the find

Bélmegyer-Csömöki domb1 grave 1 (male) on the abdomen
grave 109 (male) on the abdomen
grave 182 (female) on the abdomen
Bélmegyer-Telekmegyer2 grave no. unknown (sex and age unknown) no data
Endrőd-Bacsa-lapos, Szigetvári-tanya, grave 7 (child) on the left shin bone
MRT 8, site 3/1573
Gerla-Szakácsföld, MRT 10, site 5/164 grave 5 (male) at the lower end of the spinal column
Gyula-Szabadka5 grave 1 (sex and age unknown) no data
Kunszentmárton-Jaksor (érpart), grave 16 (sex and age unknown) no data
Kettőshalom6
Nagymágocs-Ótompa7 grave 11 (female) no data
grave 21(female) on the left shin bone
grave 116 (female) on the pelvis
Nădlac-3M-S grave 145 (female, maturus I–II) near the right hand
Orosháza-Béke Tsz homokbánya8 grave 105 (male) on the abdomen
Pecica9 grave 297 (sex and age unknown) on the abdomen
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár, MRT 8, site grave 59 (male, maturus) on the abdomen
8/6810
Szarvas-Kákapuszta, Kettőshalmi dűlő, grave 44 (male, maturus) on the left side of the pelvis
MRT 8, site 8/10811
Szegvár-Kórógyszentgyörgy-Gorkij grave A (sex and age unknown) no data
Tsz.12
Szentes-Alsórét 256. sz. tanya13 grave 1 (sex and age unknown) no data
Szentes-Berekhát, Dr. Matolcsy Pálné grave 11 (male) on the left femur
földje14
Szentes-Hékéd, Felsőcsordajárás, Koba grave 44/a (sex and age unknown) no data
M. telke15
Szentes-Kaján16 grave 123 (sex and age unknown) on the abdomen
271
Somogyi 1982, 191.
272
Solymossy 1933, 115–116.
273
Somogyi 1982, 193.
274
P. Somogyi could list only a few finds. Somogyi 1982, 193, note 20.
275
Bende 2017, 296.
276
In a 2004 collection, Z. Slivenská listed 44 Avar sickles from 16 sites from present day Slovakia. Unfortunately, the sites have not been
mentioned by name. Slivenská 2004, 7.
277
Somogyi 1982, 194.
278
See P. Somogyi’s list: Somogyi 1982, 193–194. Other Early Avar finds: Lőrinczy 1998, 10. kép; Balogh 2016a, 269–271.
279
Bende 2017, 295–296.
90
Sites Graves Position of the find
grave 77 (male) on the abdomen, toward the left elbow
453 (male; the lower part of the pelvis,
toward the left elbow)
grave 79 (male) beside the upper arm
grave 209 (male) near the right hand
grave 213 (male) on the pelvis
grave 453 (male) the lower part of the pelvis, toward the
left elbow
Szentes-Nagyhegy17 grave 8 (male) on the pelvis
grave 15 (male) on the chest
grave 60 (female) near the thigh bone, in the direction of
the pelvis
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő18 grave 129 (female, maturus) across the legs
grave 183 (female, senilis) on the right side of the pelvis
Figure 31/A. The graves with sickles in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, in the second part of the Avar Age
1
Medgyesi 1984–1985, 241–256. 8
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 272; Bende 2017, 49. 15
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 354; Bende 2005, Vol.
2
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 55. 9
Information from M. H. K. Hőgyes. I: note 321.
3
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 128; Bende 2017, 19. Unpublished. 16
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 354; Bende 2017, 178,
4
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 144–145; Bende 2017, 10
Juhász 2004, 19, Taf. VIII/4; Bende 2017, 184, 195.
24. 126. 17
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 356; Bende 2017,
5
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 153. 11
Bende 2017, 153. 204–205.
6
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 220. 12
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 344; Bende 2017, 161. 18
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 359; B. Nagy 2003, 31,
7
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 253; Bende 2017, 39, 13
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 351. 35, 54. kép 6, 67. kép 4; Bende 2017, 218,
43. 14
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 352; Bende 2017, 169. 221.
Figure 31/B. The distribution of graves with sickles in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, in the second part
of the Avar Age (the numbering of the sites corresponds to the catalogue entries in Annex 2)
91
Figure 31/C. The distribution of graves with sickles in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, in the second part
of the Avar Age (the numbering of the sites corresponds to the catalogue entries in Annex 2)
According to the literature, gender or age distribution cannot explain the rarity of these finds, as they
could be found in graves of males, females and children alike (Fig. 32).280 Based on our database, however,
two times as many sickles were found in graves of men, than in graves of women, and were almost absent in
children’s graves.281 Clearly, there was an age factor, and also sex/gender roles played a part. In some com-
munities, sickles were found only in female graves – e.g. in Nagymágocs-Ótompa (graves 11, 21, and 116) and
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (graves 129 and 183) –,282 whereas in Szentes-Kaján (graves 77, 79, 81, 209, 213, and
453), only in male graves. At other sites (Bélmegyer-Csömöki domb, Szentes-Nagyhegy), such patterns were
not observed.
As has been mentioned already, it is important to consider their positions in the graves too. The collected
examples show that sickles were placed typically on top of the dead bodies. The question remains the same as
above: were they intended to function as working tools or protective objects against evil? As for the above listed
examples, sickles were mainly found in male graves (16 out of 33) and they were placed on the belly, the ster-
num, or on the upper arm. This certainly implies protective function. In female graves, their positions varied.
There are half as many examples of them in female graves, but and they were placed either on the belly (2), at
the right hand (1), the right side (1) or left side (1) of the pelvis (within reach). Other examples, when sickles
were found in the shin bones, across the legs, are difficult to interpret. Almost all of these graves belonged
to females or children. It would be unreasonable to make conclusions based on a few finds, as regards to
future excavations, however, but one should underline the importance of recording the exact positions of these
objects in the future.
280
Somogyi 1982, 193; Bende 2017, 296.
281
Unfortunately, we do not have information about the length of the skeleton in grave 7 at Endrőd-Bacsa-lapos, although it would be
important to know whether it was a child (infans I or II). Children aged 7–14 could help in agricultural works, so the position of the tool
in the grave may reveal, if it was intended for symbolic or practical purposes.
282
Whether or not the geographical proximity of the two burial grounds played a role, remains an issue.
92
Figure 32/A–B. Age and sex of distribution of graves with sickles in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region
Figure 33. The position of the sickles in the graves registered in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region
93
Coming back to P. Somogyi’s points concerning the symbolic function of iron objects, he argued that such
beliefs originate from the east, more precisely from the area of the Kuban River. In connection to this, I. Bóna
put forward a theory283 that there were certain tribes – “Kuber’s people”, i.e. led by Kuber –, which sought
the protection of the Khaganate, and fled to the Carpathian Basin following the fall of the Great Bulgarian
Empire.284 This was refuted by Cs. Bálint,285 who did not exclude the possibility of people migrating here from
there, but he argued that they were only “military escorts”, whose number was not relevant from a demo-
graphical point of view, and not the whole population of a tribe. Furthermore, Bálint disagreed with Bóna,
that this took place between 670–680, since the Middle Avar Period started earlier.286 On the other hand, recent
investigations in climatic changes revealed abrupt cooling in Asia in the 6th–7th centuries,287 which may support
theories concerning large scale migration as advocated by I. Bóna. Nonetheless, we think that at the present
state of research, the following critical remarks are appropriate:
1.) According to Somogyi, sickles appear in graves and become common in the Carpathian Basin in the
last third of the 7th century.288 However, he did not assume any connection between the spread of this custom
and migration. From an archaeological point of view, it must be noted that Hungarian archaeologist investi-
gated only one burial ground in the Kuban region (in Novorossijsk-Djurso), and Somogyi relied only on writ-
ten records, when stating that peoples migrated from Great Bulgaria to the Carpathian Basin.289 According to
B. Gulyás, who knows the eastern finds very well, sickles are completely absent in 6th–7th century graves, in the
region east of the River Kuban. In our opinion, the migration theory has not been sufficiently proven yet, but
it is not Somogyi’s fault.290 Papers discussing Somogyi’s findings did not consider that since the publication of
his article in 1982, a lot more sickles were found in Avar graves in the Carpathian Basin, and his findings should
be therefore revisited, and regional patterns should be assessed where relevant.291 At the moment, it would be
unfounded to date the spread of sickles strictly to the last third of the 7th century.
2.) On the other hand, the question whether the spread of this custom was associated with new people migrating
to the Carpathian Basin or not – as noted by Cs. Bálint –, should be left unanswered.292 Interpreting changes of funer-
ary customs should avoid using outdated ideas of 19th century archaeology, seeking always cultural identification
and explaining archaeological data in the light of historical accounts. Such changes might not be associated with
large scale cultural changes and migration at all.293 Apparently, “migration” is a problematic concept itself,294 which
has not been thoroughly studied from a theoretical point of view in the literature concerning the Avar Period.295
It is certainly beyond the scope of this study to address this problem, there are, however, the following
interpretations of the said custom:
1.) It was the result of a long-range migration:296
1.1.) Of a whole population group: according to Cs. Bálint, there could have been only small groups of peo-
ple coming from the east at that time, i.e. the 6th–7th centuries. S. Burmeister argued that the whole population
of a region would not migrate under normal circumstances,297 however, volcanic eruptions in Middle Asia
283
Bóna 1970, 260.
284
Somogyi 1982, 195.
285
Bálint 2003, 35–65.
286
Bálint 2003, 42, 55.
287
Büntgen et al. 2016, 231–236.
288
This observation was made by P. Somogyi, and evidence from Hajdúnánás-Fürjhalom (grave 4) may confirm this, where a sickle was
placed on the belly of the dead person. The site could be dated to the last third of the 7th century based on finds in grave 12 (coins minted
in Rome in 662/663, in the time of Constans II and Constantine IV), as well as 14C dates. Rácz – Szenthe 2009, 325, 329.
289
Somogyi 1982, 194–195.
290
Somogyi 1982, 194–195.
291
Balogh 2016a, 271.
292
Bálint 2003, 56.
293
Brather 2004, 521; Brather 2006, 26, 27: 1. ábra.
294
Migration as a sociological phenomenon is as old as humankind itself (Hautzinger – Hegedüs – Klenner 2014, 5, 18), however
the notion was generally adopted as a topic of investigations by historians from representatives of the German classical studies school
(hence the term “Völkerwanderung”). The investigation of the phenomenon was for a long time profoundly influenced by the frame of
mind of Romanticism, prompting S. Burmeister to assert that “A striking gap is revealed here between archaeological research and that
of the other social sciences” (Burmeister 2000, 539). Consequently, it can be said that the phenomenon of migration is atemporal, as it
periodically crops up being fuelled by external factors and the predilection for mobility of human communities. Among the most com-
mon external factors that drive migration, the following stand out: 1.) Existential hardship; 2.) Natural and political calamities; 3.) The
drive for conquest, usually on the part of the elites.
295
Interpretive problems concerning migration and archaeology are analysed in detail by Burmeister 2000, 539–553.
296
Notwithstanding the relative nature of the notion, in terms of the geographical distances involved, three categories can be deter-
mined: 1.) Short-range; 2.) Mid-range; 3.) Long-range migration.
297
Burmeister 2000, 543.
94
could have severely influence 6th–7th century climate, generating pandemics, leading to migrations.298 Thus,
the possibility that there was a large population group coming to the Carpathian Basin, cannot be excluded.
1.2.) Of a group that can be characterized as “military escort”: what would be the archaeological trace of
coming to the Carpathian Basin? Although such groups could have controlled a significant part of the Car-
pathian Basin, there is no indication whatsoever where this group could have appeared, and which region it
spread from, taking over other regions.
1.3.) Of small micro-groups: there is no concrete evidence on this either.
2.) It was the result of cultural contacts between the east (in this case the area of the Kuban River) and the
Carpathian Basin:
2.1.) The Khaganate had contacts with Byzantium and the Merovingian rulers. The possibility of contacts
with the “East” has been neglected thus far, and the scale or intensity of such contacts is unknown.
2.2.) The spread of this particular custom was maybe related to the cultural impact of a single community, which
– through arbitrary networks – could induce a chain reaction on a regional level, passing on this custom, and the
cultural value or technological knowledge related to it. To explore this phenomenon, one should have a much better
coverage of the archaeology of different communities between the Kuban and the Carpathian Basin. However, we
took note of these possibilities only to remind ourselves of the uncertainties of archaeological research and to draw
attention to the importance of eastern contacts, which have remained unexplored despite recent advancements of
research. Graves and grave furnishings should be analysed from multiple aspects, including typo-chronology, com-
parative anthropology and scientific analysis of human bone materials, particularly strontium isotope analysis.
3.2.3.11. Ceramic vessels (Fig. 9)

(Graves 147, 148, 151, 198) (Pl. 24/1; pl. 28/13; pl. 31/5; pl. 73/1; pl. 230/1; pl. 232/1; pl. 233/3; pl. 243/1)
Ceramic vessels were found in 4 graves (5.55% of the total).299 The pot found at the left leg in grave 240 did
not actually belong to that grave. Vessels possibly contained food and drinks, but it was not possible to sample
their content due to practical issues, and it is unfortunately not possible to carry out analysis on archaeobotan-
ical remains. The sex and age of the individuals did not seem to influence this custom in any ways: in graves
147 and 148, adult males were buried, and there were a young and an old woman in graves 151 and 198. On the
other hand, the position and type of the graves are interesting, as graves 147, 148, and 151 were situated next
to one another, and graves 147, 148, and 198 were niche graves. They could belong to the same family, but this
could be verified through archaeogenetic investigations.
Two of the four vessels were jugs (graves 147 and 151), and the other two were a simple mug (grave 148), and
a spouted vessel (grave 198). Each was placed to the left of the skull. In grave 151, however, the vessel was right
next to the skull,300 while in the other three graves, they were approximately 40–50 cm away from it, outside of
the niche. This clearly shows that certain members of the community had a common system of beliefs and tra-
ditions. Grave 198 was looted, but in the other three graves, other finds could be identified. In grave 151, there
was a string of beads (composed of 315 pieces) and earrings. In grave 147, an iron buckle was found, while in
grave 148, there were poorly decorated belt straps.
The vessels were made of the same material (yellowish-reddish clay), and due to the cremation process,
some parts were burnt black (see in graves 147, 148, and 151). The two jugs were slow wheel-turned, while the
other two vessels (graves 148 and 198) were hand shaped. One jug (grave 151) was well cremated, but the other
was poorly cremated (grave 147). The elongated mug (grave 148) was relatively well fired, whereas the one with
ears and spout was poorly cremated (grave 198). This latter was made of a very coarse material that contained
a lot of small pebbles. The tempering material used for hand-shaped vessels was sand (from the River Mureș),
which sometimes contained small pebbles (with an average diameter larger than 2 mm). The white pebbles
are clearly visible on the spouted vessel. The clay material and the technique (slow-wheel) is characteristic of
the Late Avar Period. Slow-wheels were used already in the Early Avar Period. The jugs, decorated with wavy
lines were classified as Type II A/g by T. Vida.301 Vida also points out that the form of the spouted vessel has its
origins in the Balkans.302 It remained the same throughout the whole Avar Period, which can be demonstrated
not only by this pot, but also by another one found in Városföld.303 Generally, the site is dated to the 1st half of
298
Büntgen et al. 2016, 231.
299
As for the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, 286 pots were found at the respective sites, collected by L. Bende, representing around 9% of the
graves. Bende 2017, 298.
300
A similar tendency could be observed in Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő. Bende 2003a, 317.
301
Vida 1999, 108, Abb. 35/II A/g, 109–110.
302
Vida 1999, 100, Abb. 30, 102: Abb. 32/II A/g, 103–106.
303
Balogh – Pintér 1998, 117–118.
95
the 8th century, and since niche graves belong to the earliest phase, the jug found in grave 151 possibly dates
from this period, or a little later, i.e. the second quarter of the 8th century.
3.2.3.12. Brim mount of a wooden porringer (Fig. 34)

(Grave 148) (Pl. 25/1; pl. 231/1)
A pressed bronze plate bent in U-shape, and with two rivets pierced in its lower ends, was found behind the
skull in grave 148. It is identified as a brim mount of a vessel – a wooden porringer,304 or a wooden cup.305 The
shape of the bronze plate indicates that the sides of the vessel were straight. The sheep vertebrae found near
the mount shows that there were also food offerings in the grave.
Artefacts from Zamárdi (graves 253, 367, and 2308) published by É. Garam have an almost identical shape,
although their ornaments are different from that of the Nădlac find.306 They were dated to the Early Avar
Period.307
Figure 34. The possible position of the mount on the wooden cup (reconstruction: M. Urák)
Although finds from Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (graves 350 and 372) (situated near Nădlac) have a little dif-
ferent shape, their function is similar (they were found in graves) and they were also dated to the second half
of the Avar Period.308
L. Bende found altogether 11 graves with similar objects from 6 sites,309 however, until there is no com-
prehensive analysis available on these finds, it remains unclear how local finds (from the Mureș–Criș–Tisza
region) can be contextualized in a regional perspective – whether they appear as a result of migration (of peo-
ple coming from the Transdanubian region) or of cultural transfer from the former Pannonia.310
304
Porringers were shallow dishes with a diameter larger than ca. 20 cm. Garam 2009, 81.
305
A 4–6 cm shallow, high or hemispherical shaped drinking vessel, with a diameter of 10–12 cm, so that it could be held easily in the
hand. Garam 2009, 81.
306
Garam 2009, 7. kép/3–5.
307
Garam 2009, 83.
308
B. Nagy 2003, 121. kép/1.
309
Bende 2017, 300.
310
“Az azonban biztos, hogy az egykori Pannonia déli részén lakó, a keleti, a késő antik, a bizánci és a germán összetevőkből magas szín-
vonalú, csak e területre jellemző sajátos kultúrát kialakító népesség a 7–8. században többféle faedényt készített, használt és javított.”
96
The manufacturing techniques were known also in regions east of the Carpathian Basin, since much ear-
lier times – as evidenced e.g. in case of 6th–9th century catacombe graves found in Dargavs311 –, which under-
lines that technology transfer should not be interpreted from an evolutionist point of view.
3.2.3.13. Iron rim of a wooden bucket

(Grave 157B) (Pl. 39/5)
The fragment of an iron strap was found in grave 157B. Its exact position has not been documented prop-
erly, but it could be part of the rim of a wooden bucket. Similar finds, dating from the Early Avar Period, are
known from the north-western part of Transdanubia, and from other regions of the Carpathian Basin.312 In the
Mureș–Criș–Tisza region, 15 examples (graves) are known from 8 sites.313
3.2.3.14. Hernia truss (?)

(Grave 163) (Pl. 45/3)
In grave 163 (of an adultus–maturus I woman), iron fragments were found. Their positions and forms sug-
gest an object identified by T. Anda as hernia truss, based on grave finds from Kunszentmárton-Jaksor (graves
28 and 29).314 A similar object – dating from the Early Avar Period – was found in grave 181 at the Kölked-Feket-
ekapu B site.315 There are a lot of similar finds from the Late Avar Period as well, including our region or that of
the Danube–Tisza Interfluve.
Based on finds from Öcsöd-Büdöshalom (grave 39), L. Madaras argued that these straps, together with the
“iron crown” found in the grave – are proof of shamanistic practices.316
Apart from the aforementioned male and female graves at Kunszentmárton-Jaksor (grave 28 and 29), objects
that can be identified as hernia trusses were found in six other cases among Late Avar graves in the Mureș–
Criș–Tisza region: Orosháza-Béke Tsz. homokbánya grave 119,317 Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő graves 320 and 526,318
Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár graves 267, 277, and 301.319 It was registered only in one male grave (Orosháza-Béke Tsz.
homokbánya grave 301), in the other cases they were found in adult–mature female graves, and what is more,
in Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár grave 267, it was registered on the skeleton of a pregnant woman. This quite clear
tendency raises the question concerning the function of the object: is it sure that it was used exclusively as a
hernia truss?
3.2.3.15. Fragments of unidentified objects

(Graves 137B, 138, 151, 164, 169, 183, 197) (Pl. 14/4; pl. 16/5; pl. 31/4; pl. 46/2; pl. 52/5–6; pl. 60/4; pl. 78/1)
Various fragments of unidentified iron objects were found in 7 graves. Their function remains problematic.
3.2.4. Summary
3.2.4.1. The incidence of grave goods; age and sex patterns (Fig. 35–37)
Connections between sex, age, and the furnishing of graves is often a contradictory topic in the literature,
due to the complexity of interpretations.320 The sex and age distribution of graves, with regard to each object
category/type, is presented below in Fig. 35-37.
Based on this data, the following observations can be made:
1.) Fig. 35 shows that from a quantitative point of view, only belts, knives, earrings, beads, and spindle
whorls can be interpreted. Earrings, beads, and spindle whorls were mostly found in female graves, whereas
knives are mainly characteristic of male graves.
2.) Belts were used by males and females of all ages, except infants.
(“However, it is certain that the people living in the southern part of the former Pannonia created a distinct culture from eastern, late
antique, Byzantine and Germanic elements, characteristic of this region.”) Garam 2009, 86.
311
Catacomb graves no. 1, 8, 16, 76. Dzattiaty 2014, 9–10, 11–12, Tab. VII/22, Tab. XXIII/8, Tab. XXX/4, Tab. CLXXX/1, Tab. CLXXXVII/1.
312
Szatmári 1980, 102–116; Cs. Sós – Salamon 1995, 82–83; Garam 2009, 85.
313
Bende 2017, 300.
314
Anda 1952, 47–49.
315
Kiss 2001, Vol. I: 80–81, Abb. 28, Vol. II: Taf. 52/1.
316
Madaras 1999b, 34.
317
Juhász 1995a, 86, Taf. XX/Grab 119.
318
B. Nagy 2003, 48, 69, 108. kép 5–11, 185. kép 5–7.
319
Juhász 2004, 46, 49, Taf. XXXII/Grab 267, Taf. XXXIII/Grab 267: 3, Taf. XXXVI/Grab 301: 2.
320
Bollók 2015, 115–117; Gáll 2013a, Vol. I: 818–819, 286–287. kép.
97
98
8
Earrings
Beads
Spindle whorls
7
7
Dress or belt mounts (?)
Belts
Belts with mounts

6
6
Knives
Awl
Sickle 5
5
Harness
Horse bit
Ceramic vessels 4
4
Brim mount of a wooden
porringer
Iron rim of a wooden bucket
3 3 3
3
2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
2
1 1 1 11 1 1 1 11 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11 1 1 1 1 11 11 1 111
1
0
Female, Female, adultus Female, Female, maturus Female, maturus Female, senilis Infans Infans II‒juvenis Juvenis, 14‒18 Indeterminable, Male, Male, adultus Male, Male, maturus Male, maturus Male, senilis
juvenis‒adultus adultus‒maturus I II‒senilis maturus juvenis‒adultus adultus‒maturus I II‒senilis
Figure 35/A. Provision of grave goods by age and sex (Nădlac-3M-S)

Earrings
Beads
Spindle whorls
5
Dress or belt mounts (?)
Belts
Belts with mounts

4
Knives
Awl
3 3
Sickle
Ceramic vessels
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Female, juvenis‒adultus Female, adultus Female, adultus‒maturus I Female, maturus Female, maturus II‒senilis Female, senilis
Figure 35/B. Provision of grave goods by age and sex (Nădlac-3M-S)
99
8
Earrings
Beads
7
7 Spindle whorls
Belts
Belts with mounts 6

6
Knives
Awl
5
Harness
Horse bit
Ceramic vessels
4
Brim mount of a
wooden porringer
3
3
2 2
2
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
1
0
Male, juvenis‒adultus Male, adultus Male, adultus‒maturus I Male, maturus Male, maturus II‒senilis Male, senilis
Figure 35/C. Provision of grave goods by age and sex (Nădlac-3M-S)
Female Infans Infans II‒Juvenis Juvenis Indeterminable, maturus Male
12
11
4 4
2 22 22 2 2 2
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Earrings Beads Spindle Dress or belt Belts Belts with Knives Awl Sickle Harness Horse bit Ceramic Brim mount Iron rim of a
whorls mounts (?) mounts vessels of a wooden wooden
porringer bucket
Figure 36. Connections between the sex distribution and the furnishing of graves (Nădlac-3M-S)
100
14
12
Female
12 11
Male
10
8
8 7
6
6
4 4
4
2 2 2
2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
14
12
12 11
10
8
8 7
6
6
4 4
4
2 2 2
2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
0
Female Male
Earrings Beads Spindle whorls
Dress or belt mounts (?) Belts Belts with mounts
Knives Awl Sickle
Harness Horse bit Ceramic vessels
Brim mount of a wooden porringer
Figure 37/A–B. A quantitative comparison of the furnishings of male and female graves (Nădlac-3M-S)
3.) Knives were found also in graves of infants, so there is more variation in the age distribution of individ-
uals buried with knives.
4.) Mounted belts were found only in graves of maturus (grave 186) and senilis (grave 165) men. If men were,
indeed, girdled at the age of 14–16321 or around 20, as has been assumed,322 then these finds must have been worn by
their owners for some decades before they were buried, unless they were replaced by new ones specifically for this
purpose. The buckle in grave 165 was found among cast artefacts, which may indicate that this type of buckle (com-
mon in the 7th century) and the belt mounts, as well as its big strap end, were obtained by their owner separately.
3.2.4.2. The chronology of the burial ground (Fig. 38–45)

10 of the 72 graves contained datable finds, i.e. earrings, belt mounts, strap ends and harness mounts.
As a general rule, niche graves could be the oldest, as in the region east of the Tisza they could not be dated
later than the turn of the 8th century.323
At our site, grave 186, a niche grave, seems to be the oldest. The harness and the strap ends were all made
by using the pressblech technique. Such belt sets – decorated by plates made by using the so-called pressblech
321
Medgyesi 1987–1989, 255.
322
Stadler 1985, 98. Quoted here: Medgyesi 1987–1989, 255.
323
Bende 2003a, 310.
101
technique, i.e. pressing and stamping – are characteristic of the region of the Tisza in the second half of the 7th cen-
tury.324 In Nădlac, however, such finds were accompanied by others, dated to much later (the middle or the second
half of the 8th century). Thus, grave 186 can be most likely dated to a later period, probably to the early 8th century.
Figure 38. The chronology of graves with datable finds (Nădlac-3M-S)
Similarly, graves 138 and 148, although they should have been also among the early graves, could be dated
to the end of the 7th century or the early 8th century, based on the small strap end, made of a bent bronze plate,
and on the plate mounted to the wooden porringer. Graves 147 and 198 were also niche graves, which could be
dated similarly to the first half of the 8th century.
The four graves in which earrings with capped bead pendants or pseudo-prism-shaped bead pendants
were found, could be dated to the second half of the Avar Period. The finds in graves 151 and 211 could be dated
to the first half of the 8th century, and the earrings in graves 155 and 164, to the middle of the 8th century, or to
the first decades of the second half of the century. The dating of finds in grave 165 is more complicated. Accord-
ing to J. Zábojník’s system, they date from Phase SSI–SSIII (i.e. the period between 700–780), which is roughly
similar to the dating of the above-mentioned graves.
Summing up these observations, it seems certain that the burial ground was used for decades. Its horizon
dates somewhere between the last third of the 7th century–beginning of the 8th century (niche graves) and
the middle of the 8th century (cast oval shaped earrings imitating pseudo-prism-shaped bead pendants), so
between approximately 710/720 and 750/760. Since all five groups have some datable graves, it is also possible
to outline the chronology of grave groups, which can be further enhanced by the relative chronology of differ-
ent grave types (i.e. stepped graves are later than niche graves).
A. Group 1
In Group 1, it is possible to separate two phases, based partly on dated finds and partly on grave types.
Phase I (niche graves) Phase II (stepped graves)
Graves 138, 168B/169, 171, 173, 186 Graves 139, 140, 183, 233, 234, 240
Figure 39. The relative chronology of datable graves in Group 1
Most graves in this group could not be dated precisely (graves 135, 136, 137A–B, 141, 142, 143, 166, 167, 170, 176,
177, 178, 179, 193, 229, 230, 231, 235, 236, and 238), as there were no datable finds in them, or there was no evidence
of any characteristic funerary custom. These are, however, situated in an area, which lies west to those mentioned
above, and this suggests that their topographical relationship reflects the chronological evolution of the group.
Phase I Phase II Phase III
Graves 168B/169, 171, 173, 186 Graves 136, 137A–B, 138, 139, 140, 141, 166, Graves 135, 142, 143, 170, 177, 178, 179, 229,
167, 176, 183, 185, 193, 233, 234, 235, 236, 240 230, 231, 238
Figure 40. The reconstructed phases (subgroups) of Group 1
Szenthe 2012a, 538.
324
102
The three phases should be regarded as arbitrary categories and not as generations (in a biological sense).
Except for grave 186, none of the graves had finds, and so the separation of these phases (subgroups) rests pri-
marily on the assumption that different grave types and topographical groups can be interpreted as chronolog-
ically separate. The finds in grave 186, however, suggest a terminus ante quem around the end of the 7th century.
B. Group 2
Group 2 consists of four distinctive and irregular rows of graves, except for grave 165, which belongs to the
first row, but it lies a little further away.
At one end of the first two rows of graves there is a double niche grave (graves 147 and 148), and a niche
grave (grave 157B). The superposition of grave 147A makes one think that the first row chronologically follows
the period characterized by niche graves, especially if one takes into consideration the dating of the earrings in
graves 155 and 164. Unfortunately, neither grave finds, nor the forms of graves provide solid evidence to prove
that the four rows are chronologically sequential.
Early graves can be found not only in the first and the second row, but also in the third and the fourth.
Among those graves, which could be dated in this group, three phases could be distinguished based on the
superpositions, the burial customs, and the finds.
Phase I (niche graves) Phase II (stepped graves) Phase III (earrings and belt with mounts)
Graves 147, 148, 157B Graves 150, 151, 161, 162, 163 Graves 144, 155, 157A, 164, 165
Figure 41. The relative chronology of datable graves in Group 2
There were no finds in graves 145, 146, 149, 162, 187, 202, 203, 204, 219, 226, and 228, so their dating is uncer-
tain, however, based on their locations, graves 145, 146, 149, 162, 202, and 219 probably belong to the second
phase, while graves 187, 203, 204, 226, and 227 represents the third phase.
Phase I Phase II Phase III
Graves 147, 148, 157B Graves 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 161, 162, 163, 202, 219 Graves 144, 155, 157A, 164, 165, 187, 203, 204, 226, 228
Figure 42. The reconstructed phases (subgroups) of Group 2
C. Group 3
There are only 6 graves in Group 3, so it would be unrealistic to split it up into phases.
Grave 210 was a niche grave, which shows that this area was already used in the early phase of the burial ground.
The capped bead pendant in grave 211 could be also dated to the first half of the 8th century. The other five
graves could not be dated, but graves 154 and 209 could be connected to grave 210 based on their positions,
whereas graves 205, 212, and 227 might represent a later period.
The almost identical orientation of graves 210 and 211 seems to indicate that they could have been dug
approximately at the same time.
D. Group 4
There is only one grave in this “group”, a niche grave, one of the two similarly oriented graves, which date
from the first phase of the burial ground (graves 153 and 158).
E. Group 5
This is the southernmost, almost straight row of graves (graves 189, 191/198, 194, 195, 196, and 197). The first
four graves are niche graves, situated next to one another. Graves 196 and 197 both have the same orientation,
but different from the other ones, so they were likely interred approximately at the same time (probably Phase I).
Groups of graves Phase I Phase II Phase III

Group 1 Graves 168B/169, 171, 173, 186 Graves 136, 137A–B, 138, 139, 140, Graves 135, 142, 143, 170, 177, 178,
141, 166, 167, 176, 183, 185, 193, 233, 179, 229, 230, 231, 238
234, 235, 236, 240
Group 2 Graves 147, 148, 157B Graves 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 161, Graves 144, 155, 157A, 164, 165,
162, 163, 202, 219 187, 203, 204, 226, 228
Group 3 Graves 210, 211 Graves 154, 205, 209, 212, 227
Group 4 Graves 153, 158
Group 5 Graves 189, 191/198, 194, 195, 196, 197
Figure 43/A. The reconstructed grave groups and chronological phases (Nădlac-3M-S)
103
Figure 43/B. The reconstructed grave groups and chronological phases (Nădlac-3M-S)
104
Figure 44/A–C. The reconstructed grave groups and chronological phases (Nădlac-3M-S)
105
Fig. 43–44 summarize the different phases or generations with respect to the five grave groups.325 The five
– spatially distinctive – groups, on the other hand, may represent different families. In case of each group,
Phase I is represented by niche graves. Comparative DNA analyses would be required to detect whether they
were members of the same family. Another important aspect is the “evolution” of burial practices during later
phases. Although in Groups 1 and 2, three phases could be detected with more or less certainty, this did not
apply to Groups 3, 4, and 5 – it seems that in these groups, there were no graves from later periods. The dating
of graves 154, 205, 209, and 212 in Group 3 remains, however, very much unclear. Perhaps this is, again, the sign
of mobility, as certain groups could have left the community, moving elsewhere.
Grave group 1 Grave group 2 Grave group 3 Grave group 4 Grave group 5
Phase I Phase I Phase I Phase I Phase I
Grave group 2 Grave group 2 Grave group 3

Phase II Phase II Phase II (?)/III (?)
Grave group 1 Grave group 2

Phase III Phase III
Figure 45. The reconstructed chronological phases (Nădlac-3M-S)
However, this burial ground cannot be dated to the second half of the 7th century, as other examples of Late
Avar burial sites, but to the early 8th century.
L. Bende observed a contrast between the Early and Late Avar Periods with regard to the character of the
settlement network along the Tisza. In the Early Avar Period, settlements were concentrated along the river,
while in the Late Avar Period, they are more dispersed.326 It is maybe in connection to this mobility pattern,
where evidence from this burial site becomes particularly interesting, as this phenomenon might explain the
chronological evolution of grave groups as represented hereby.
3.2.4.3. Demographic aspects (Fig. 46/A–B)

Among the 72 graves (with 73 skeletons), there are all age categories represented, male and female alike.
As shown in Fig. 46/A–B, maturus skeletons were found in highest numbers, which indicates the average life
expectancy in the Early Middle Ages. The mortality of infants and children could be documented only with a
few examples (graves 136, 149, 166, 236, and 240 were aged 0–6).
Sex Biological ages Graves – years old

Female juvenis–adultus Grave 151 (18–20)
Female adultus Graves 142 (20–23), 161 (25–30), 167 (19–24), 226 (20–30)
325
In the Hungarian literature on the Migration Period, the archaeological finds (mainly the grave inventories) were often divided accord-
ing to social and/or biological features. As a result, there emerged a concept separating the first and the later generations. However, in
connection with this problem, we have to emphasize a sociological-demographic aspect too. Any human community is made up of vari-
ous generations from a biological point of view: i.e. the representatives of various generations lived together in the society from the infans
to those in senilis age, so in each case, one can talk about a society with several generations. On this see e.g.: Gáll 2013a, Vol. I: 804–805.
326
Bende 2017, 323.
106
Figure 46/A. The sex and age distribution of the population (Nădlac-3M-S)
107
Female adultus–maturus I Grave 162 (25–35)
Female maturus I–II Graves 140 (33–42), 141 (30–50), 143 (30–50), 145 (30–50), 154 (30–50), 155 (30–50), 163
(40–50), 164 (30–50) (?), 168B (30–50), 177 (40–50), 179 (38–40), 185 (35–45), 187 (40–50), 191
(33–46), 194 (35–45), 210 (40–50), 233 (33–42)
Female maturus II-senilis Grave 197 (48–55), 229 (42–55)
Female senilis Graves 189 (59–71), 198 (59–71)
Male juvenis–adultus Grave 202 (19–21)

Male adultus Graves 176 (25–30)
Male adultus–maturus I Graves 138 (25–35), 146 (26–36), 147 (25–35), 183 (25–35)
Male maturus I–II Graves 135 (30–40), 137B (35–45), 148 (30–50), 150 (40–50), 157A (40–50), 169 (33–42), 178
(35–45), 186 (40–50), 195 (35–45), 211 (39–41), 212 (39–41), 234 (35–45)
Male maturus II-senilis Graves 139 (45–55), 193 (45–55), 196 (43–55)
Male senilis Graves 165 (55–60), 238 (54–64)
Indeterminable infans I Graves 136 (2–4), 149 (2–3), 166 (4–6), 236 (2–2.5), 240 (4–5)
Indeterminable infans II Graves 203 (8), 219 (12–14), 231 (11–13)
Indeterminable infans II–juvenis Graves 157B (13–16), 235 (13–15)
Indeterminable juvenis Graves 137A (15–20), 170 (14–18), 171 (14–15), 205 (14–15), 228 (without data)
Indeterminable juvenis–adultus Grave 209 (18–20)
Indeterminable maturus I–II Grave 153 (30–50), 173 (30–50), 227 (30–50), 230 (33–42)
Figure 46/B. The sex and age distribution of the population (Nădlac-3M-S)
3.2.4.4. Observations concerning the social stratification of the micro-community

Micro-communities, as primary groups,327 such as the one at this site, can be described by the relationships
of its members and their cooperation.
The Nădlac community was maybe composed of small families, as indicated by the five grave groups. Such
groups could have maintained their own funerary traditions, and they did not necessarily influence one anoth-
er’s. There could have been a representational competition between them, expressed also in funerary context. For
example, there were two individuals buried with horse (grave 186) and cow (grave 198) in Group 1 and Group 5
(Phase I). In Phase II (grave groups 1–3), there was also one individual buried with a cow in Group 1 and Group 2.
In contrast to this, the scarce presence of animal sacrifices found in Phase III, which may illustrate that the
community was impoverished. In Phase III, there remained only two grave groups (grave groups 1–2), which
may hint at substantial changes in the life of the community. These changes could have involved migration
and/or economic problems, as reflected by the poor furnishings of the graves and the scarce presence of animal
sacrifices (see Fig. 43/B).
3.3. Site 3M-N

In 2014, a large area was excavated at the 3M-N site, covering a part of the burial ground. Altogether 24
graves were unearthed, which were dating in the Avar Period. Avar Age burials were found in the southern
section of the 3M-N site.
The excavated part of the burial ground was an approximately 55-m-long stretch of land in W–E direction.
The burials continued further to the west, but there was no excavation in that area, as the construction of the
access road to the motorway did not extend that far. Due to this, the western boundary of the site is unclear,
but the boundaries to the north, south, and east were found. Apparently, it remains also unclear how many of
the graves remained unexcavated. The topography suggests that only a few might have been left. Other parts
of the site were fully excavated (Pl. 92–93).
3.3.1. The graves

Grave 328 (Pl. 95; pl. 205)
Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (96°). Rounded rectangular wide grave. Dimensions: 202 × 125 cm. Depth: 30 cm.
The grave was completely raided, a few bones were found in the north-western corner of the grave.
Cooley 1909, 23.

327
108
Grave 329 (Pl. 96; pl. 206)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (96°). A square shaped, elongated niche grave, which was created by digging on a point
and then boring a big cave. The grave was deepened at a tilt of 11°, and the deceased person was placed at the deepest
point of it, in the niche, lying in a tilted position. As the whole grave was raided, only a few human bones were found
together with the animal bones placed in the foreground of the niche. Length of the grave: 370 cm; width of the grave:
62–140 cm. Length of the niche: 210 cm; width of the niche: 140 cm. Depth: 23–39 cm (pit), 45–94 cm (niche).
The upper part of the body of the person buried in the grave has been destroyed completely so the parts of the skel-
eton also perished. Only the leg bones remained in their anatomical positions. Length of the fragmented skeleton:
1.a–b. Parts of the animals were buried above the niche, which was raided by the robbers: an adult/senile cattle and
a juvenile cattle.
1.c. One lower third molar of a sheep or goat in the filling of the grave.
Inventories:
1. Spindle whorl approximately 18–20 cm away from the feet. Diameters: 3.6 × 3.7 cm (Pl. 96/1).
2. Iron shards on the left side of the skeleton. Diameters: 1.6 × 1.3 cm (Pl. 96/2).
Grave 333 (Pl. 97; pl. 207)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (106°). At the identification, the grave form had a rectangular shape. At the
feet, the pit widens. Dimensions: 210 × 60–100 cm. Depth: 70 cm.
The skeleton is lying on its back, the skull fell forward. The arms of the skeleton, which is in an outstretched posi-
tion, are lying alongside the body. Length of the skeleton: 165.1 cm.
1. A hand-built grey clay pot next to the skull, on the right side. Height: 15.7 cm; width: 11.8 cm (Pl. 98/1; pl. 244/1).
Grave 347 (Pl. 99; pl. 208)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (90°). A square shaped, elongated niche grave. The grave was deepened at a tilt of
7°, and the deceased person was placed at the deepest point of it, in the niche, lying in a tilted position. Length of
the grave: 428 cm; length of the niche: 223 cm; width of the niche: 70–100 cm. Depth: 75 cm (pit), 77–105 cm (niche).
The whole grave was raided. The skeleton is lying on its back with its skull fallen forward and tipped to the right, the
lower jaw is disjointed. The arms of the skeleton, which is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body.
Sex: female. Age: 30–32 years old (maturus I).
1. Cattle jaw and other bones (juvenile) in the eastern side of the grave, outside the niche.
2. Sheep or goat bones (adult) in the eastern side of the grave, outside the niche.
Grave 349 (Pl. 100; pl. 209)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (105°). Shape of the grave: oval. Dimensions: 188 × 50–60 cm. Depth: 18 cm
from the layer stripped off.
The skeleton is lying on its back, its skull fell to the left. The right arm is stretched alongside the body, the left hand
is slightly placed on the pelvis. Its legs are stretched, the leg bones fell slightly to the left. Length of the skeleton:
Sex: young girl. Age: 14–16 years old (juvenis).
Food offering:
1. One tibia of a juvenile cattle (less than two years old) in the filling of the grave.
1. A clay pot next to the skull, on the right side. Height: 12.9 cm; width (with handle): 14.0 cm; width (without the
handle): 11.8 cm (Pl. 102/4; pl. 245/1).
Inventories:
1.1–10. Ten pieces of unevenly rectangular gilt bronze ornaments on the skull. The four convex rims of the objects
were pierced. The pressed fragmentary ornaments are rectangular, braided with a human head depicted in the
109
middle. The zig-zagged decoration following the carved ornamentation on the edge of the object is followed by the
anthropomorphic representation. The age of the human head rising from the plane of the object indicates a child.
The clothes on its body were depicted by seven carved incisions. The back sides of the objects are tinned.
1.1. An unevenly rectangular shaped gilt bronze ornament. Slightly fragmented. Diameters: 1.8 × 1.8 cm. Weight:
0.48 g (Pl. 100/1.1; pl. 245/2).
1.2. An unevenly rectangular shaped gilt bronze ornament. In a corner on the inside of the pierced object, a rivet can
be observed. Diameters: 1.9 × 1.7 cm. Weight: 0.62 g (Pl. 100/1.2; pl. 245/3).
1.3. Fragmentary gilt bronze ornament. Width: 1.9 cm. Weight: 0.23 g (Pl. 100/1.3).
1.4. Two fragmentary gilt bronze ornaments. Diameter: 1.3 and 1.1 cm. Weight: 0.58 g (Pl. 100/1.4).
1.5. Fragmentary gilt bronze ornament. Diameter: 1.8 cm. Weight: 0.11 g (Pl. 100/1.5; pl. 245/4).
1.6. Fragment of a gilt bronze ornament. Width: 1.3 cm. Weight: 0.15 g (Pl. 100/1.6).
1.7. Gilt bronze ornament. Diameters: 1.7 × 1.8 cm (Pl. 101/1.7; pl. 245/5).
1.8. Fragmentary gilt bronze ornament. Diameters: 1.8 × 1.7 cm. Weight: 0.45 g (Pl. 101/1.8; pl. 246/6).
1.9. Fragmentary gilt bronze ornament. Diameters: 1.8 × 1.7 cm. Weight: 0.45 g (Pl. 101/1.9; pl. 246/7).
1.10. Fragmentary gilt bronze ornament. Diameters: 1.8 × 1.7 cm. Weight: 0.49 g (Pl. 101/1.10).
2–3. Pieces of a beauty kit:
2. A brush holding tube with a suspension ring on its top under the left arm bone, near the elbow. The pear-shaped
suspending ring of the cylinder-shaped object was welded to the cover of it, which was made of sheet metal. Either
end of the cylinder-shaped object is held by a metal strap. The upper strap is decorated with a string of half globes,
whereas the lower strap is decorated with two strings of them. The ear which was used to hang it was attached to the
top. Length: 8.0 cm; diameter: 1.4 cm. Weight: 8.0 g (Pl. 101/2; pl. 246/8).
3. A strainer-spoon made of bad quality silver under the left arm bone, near the elbow, together with the brush hold-
ing tube. The flat stem of the spoon is slightly tapering towards the handle. The lower part of its handle has a flat
cross section with a loop-shaped end, which was bent backwards towards the handle. The pear-shaped sheet metal
head was hammered flat. There are seven small holes in the middle of the convex head. Total length: 16.9 cm; length
of the sheet metal head: 4.7 cm; width of the sheet metal head: 4.1 cm. Weight: 9.86 g (Pl. 101/3; pl. 247/9).
4. A round shaped bronze ornament with a small ear. Diameter: 1.6 cm. Weight: 0.5 g.
Grave 350 (Pl. 103; pl. 210)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (90°). A wide square shaped grave pit. Dimensions: 252 × 135 cm. Depth: 10 cm deep
from the stripped off layer.
A totally raided and destroyed grave. The hole dug by the raiders cannot be observed as the whole grave was
destroyed. The bones lay scattered around in the grave.
Partial horse burial?
1. Among the scattered human bones, horse bones (jaw and other parts of a horse) were registered too.
A ceramic shard dating from the 3rd or 4th century from the filling of the grave.
Grave 351 (Pl. 104; pl. 211–214)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (90°). Unevenly rectangular with slanting walls. Dimensions: 224 × 95 cm. Depth:
54 cm.
The skeleton is lying on its back with its lower jaw fallen forward. The arms of the skeleton, which is in an out-
stretched position, are lying alongside the body. The legs are also stretched in a similar way. Length of the skeleton:
Partial horse burial. The skull and four shin bones of a horse (8–10 years old) about 25 cm above the skeleton, ori-
ented in the opposite direction (W–E). The shin bone of a horse next to the skull, at the western end of the grave and
three horse shin bones at the eastern end of the grave (Pl. 104; pl. 211–212).
1. A cattle skull and jaw from the grave under the horse skull.
2.An adult sheep's or goat's shin bones on the horse skull, near the horse bit.
Inventories:
1. Small, shapeless iron fragments near the lowest right rib. Their function cannot be defined. Among the three iron
fragments the diameters of the biggest one is: 1.5 × 1.0 cm (Pl. 104/1).
2.a–b. Two shapeless iron fragments near the right upper arm. Length: 1. 2.3 cm; 2. 2.1 cm (Pl. 104/2.a–b).
3. An originally U-shaped fastening strap, not far from the skull, on the right side. One end of the object was wid-
ened. Length: 2.8 cm (Pl. 104/3; pl. 248/5).
4. Fragments of a U-shaped iron fastening strap near the right forearm. 1. Length: 2.1 cm; diameter: 1.2 cm; 2. Length:
2.0 cm; diameter: 0.8 cm (Pl. 105/4.a–d).
110
5. U-shaped iron fastening strap under the right forearm. Diameters: 3.7 × 0.3 cm (Pl. 105/5).
6. An iron ring with widening ends near the right foot. Diameters: 2.2 × 1.9 cm. Weight: 5.0 g (Pl. 105/6; pl. 248/8).
7. U-shaped iron fastening strap near the end of the right foot. Length: 3.6 cm. Weight: 1.0 g (Pl. 105/7; pl. 248/7).
8. A fragmentary, lyre shaped bronze buckle at the end of the right ribs. Diameters: 3.4 × 2.5 cm. Weight: 11.0 g
(Pl. 105/8; pl. 248/4).
9. The fragment of a pressed bronze strap end with serrated edge on the left side of the pelvis. Diameters: 1.3 × 0.9 cm
(Pl. 105/9).
10.1. Two big strap ends with fitted side sticks, cut out of an undecorated bronze plate at the end of the left ribs.
The two plates were fitted with the two rivets at each end of the object. Length: 7.94 cm; width: 2.78 cm (Pl. 105/10.1;
pl. 248/1–3).
10.2. A fragment of a pressed bronze strap end. Diameters: 2.6 × 2.1 cm (Pl. 105/10.2).
11. A fragmentary iron knife between the sword and the left femur. A small part of its handle has been preserved.
Length: 13.0 cm; length of the blade: 11.5 cm; width of the blade: 1.9–1.9–1.0 cm (Pl. 105/11).
12. The fragment of a small pressed round-shaped ornament next to U-shaped iron strap No. 4. Its function is
unknown. Diameters: 1. 0.8 × 1.3 cm; 2. 0.7 × 1.0 cm (Pl. 105/12.a–b).
13. The U-shaped fragment of perhaps a small iron strap end. A rivet on either end of it, whose wide iron applications
have been preserved on both parts. Diameters: 3.0 × 2.3 cm (Pl. 105/13).
14. A single-edged sword with wooden sheath to the left of the skeleton, under its left arm. The sword has been pre-
served in bad condition, partly due to the poor quality of its iron, and it was broken due to the pressure made by the
skeleton and the ground. Its handle has not been preserved, but its traces are visible. Its length: 80.0 cm; width of
the blade: 3.2–3.1–2.8–2.3 cm. Weight: 807.0 g (Pl. 106/14; pl. 249/1.a–d).
14.1. A small oval shaped bronze buckle belonging to the kit of the sword, under the weapon, at its upper part. Diam-
eter: 2.1 × 1.7 cm. Weight: 5.92 g (Pl. 106/14.1).
14.2. A rectangular iron buckle from the lower half of the sword. Diameters: 3.2 × 2.7 cm (Pl. 107/14.2).
15. A rectangular iron buckle from the skull of the horse. Diameter: 3.2 × 2.5 cm (Pl. 107/15).
16. A stirrup with knurled foot plate, with arches with square-shaped cross section and a strap loop near the 3 horse
shin bones, in the southern part of the grave. Height: 15.1 cm; width of the ear: 5.2 cm; widest part of the stirrup:
12.5 cm; width of the foot plate: 2.3 cm (Pl. 107/16).
17. An asymmetric iron bit in the mouth of the horse skull. Total length: 21.5 cm; length of the bit: 1. 11.0 cm; 2.
10.5 cm; diameter of the bit rings: 1. 4.0 × 3.6 cm; 2. 3.5 × 3.6 cm (Pl. 108/17).
18. A bronze object that may have belonged to the belt. The place where it was found is not documented. Length:
2.4 cm; width: 0.8 cm (Pl. 108/18; pl. 248/6).
Grave 356 (Pl. 109; pl. 215–216)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (110°). Shape of the grave: at the identification, the grave form had a rectangu-
lar shape. A little ledge was left around the skeleton all around the grave. Dimensions: 233 × 80 cm. Depth: 53 cm.
The skeleton is lying on its back, its skull is fallen to the right. The right arm has not been preserved, the left arm is
stretched alongside the body. The legs are stretched. Length of the skeleton: approximately 163.0 cm.
Animal sacrifice:
1. To the left of the skull, the jaw, metapodial, and a phalanx 2 of a juvenile pig.
Inventories:
1. A bronze object with unknown function to the right of the skull. The object is made up of a knob and a wire which
was cast together with it and made flat. The knob was pierced in the middle. Total length: 3.3 cm; diameter: 1.5 cm.
Weight: 11.68 g (Pl. 110/1; pl. 247/2).
2. Probably a single-edged sword, to the right of the skeleton, approximately from the shoulder to the middle of the
femur. Due to technical mistakes made when it was taken out, the highly corroded weapon fell apart, therefore its
exact size cannot be defined. Its relative length: 89.0 cm; width (together with the wooden sheath): 3.5 cm; width of
the blade: 2.0–2.5 cm (Pl. 110/2; pl. 247/1).
3. A massive, rectangular iron buckle with a spike under the middle part of the sword. Diameters: 5.5 × 3.3 cm
(Pl. 110/2.1).
4.1–2. Two dark blue beads with bronze ears in front of the pelvis, right at the end of the left femur. (the remains of
an earring with small globular sheet and bead pendants in another function?)
4.1. A dark blue glass bead next to the pelvis. It was pierced in the middle, and must have been fastened to the belt
with a hammered bronze wire. Diameters: 1.0 × 0.9 cm. Weight: 0.84 g (Pl. 110/3.1; pl. 250/1).
4.2. Dark blue glass bead, half preserved, near the pelvis. The middle was pierced, and it could have been fastened to
another object with a hammered bronze wire. Diameters: 1.0 × 0.9 cm; wire length: 0.6 cm. Weight: 0.63 g (Pl. 110/3.2;
pl. 250/2).
5. A fragmented big iron knife near the left femur. Length of the blade: 15.5 cm; width of the blade: 1.9 cm (Pl. 110/4).
111
6. The fragments of a massive three-edged iron arrowhead near the left side of the pelvis. Another one is corroded on
it. Length: 7.0 cm; widest part: 3.6 cm (Pl. 111/5.a–b).
7. A three-edged iron arrowhead near the left side of the pelvis. Length: 4.3–3.1 cm; widest part: 2.2 cm; length of the
pin: 3.6 cm (Pl. 111/6).
8. Probably a three-edged iron arrowhead on the left femur. Length: 4.9 cm; widest part: 1.9 cm; length of the pin:
2.5 and 2.4 cm (Pl. 111/7).
9. A massive iron piece under the left femur. Its function is unknown. Length: 12.0 cm; width: 3.4 cm.
Grave 357 (Pl. 112; pl. 217)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (102°). Shape of the grave: at the identification, the grave had a rectangular
shape. Dimensions: 192 × 68 cm. Depth: 24 cm.
The skeleton is lying on its back, its skull has fallen to the right. The right arm is stretched alongside the body,
whereas the left arm ended up under the pelvic bone. Length of the skeleton: 166.4 cm.
Sex: male. Age: 30–32 years old (maturus I).
Inventory:
1. A rectangular iron buckle with a spike, next to the last 4–5 vertebrae, on the left side. Diameters: 3.3 × 2.6 cm
(Pl. 112/1).
Grave 358 (Pl. 113; pl. 218)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (104°). Shape of the grave: at the identification, the grave form had a rectangu-
lar shape. Dimensions: 170 × 63 cm. Depth: 24 cm.
The skeleton is lying on its back, its skull has fallen to the right. The right arm is stretched alongside the body, the
left arm was placed on the stomach at 90°. Length of the skeleton: 165.1 cm.
Grave 360 (Pl. 114; pl. 218)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (92°). A long, rectangular niche grave. The niche grave was created by digging at a
point, and then, a bigger cave was formed. After that, it was deepened at a tilt of 10°, and the deceased person was
placed at the deepest point of it, in the niche, lying in a tilted position. Dimensions: 430 × 80 cm. Depth: 14–45 cm
(pit), 46–110 cm (niche).
The grave was totally ransacked, only some parts of the skeleton have been preserved together with the left leg.
Grave 363 (Pl. 113; pl. 219)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (95°). At the identification, the grave had a rectangular shape. Dimensions:
170 × 63 cm. Depth: 24 cm.
The skeleton was laid on its back, from the position of its skull, one might infer that it was propped. The arms of
the skeleton, which is in an outstretched position, are lying alongside the body. The legs were similarly stretched.
1. The mandibles and one isolated upper tooth, the forelimbs (one metacarpal), the hind limbs (tibiae, astragali,
calcanei and metatarsals) of a juvenile cattle at the end of the left leg, in an upper layer.
2. Together with the jaws of juvenile cattle, an adult sheep or goat jaw and a shin bone.
Inventories:
1.1–12. String of beads around the neck: eleven paste beads and a fragmentary piece of iron (Pl. 113/1.1–12).
2. A small bronze object (clothes ornament?) under the left upper arm. It has been lost.
Grave 364 (Pl. 115; pl. 218)

The grave was totally ransacked, only a few bones have remained from the skeleton.
Inventories:
1. The fragmentary small, globular pendant of an earring from among the scattered bones. The upper part of the
neck of the round pendant was pierced. Diameters: 1.7 × 1.4 cm. Weight: 1.27 g. The surface of the metal according to
the XRF analysis: Au – 16.73%; Ag – 78.347%; Bi – 2.4%; Ni – 0.26%; Zu – 0.087% (Pl. 116/1; pl. 248/1).
112
2. The fragments of an iron strap end from among the scattered bones. Width: 3.2 cm (Pl. 116/2.a–g).
3. The fragments of a rectangular iron buckle. The two fragments were found in the middle of the grave. Diameter:
2.6 cm (Pl. 116/3).
Grave 365 (Pl. 117; pl. 220)

Inhumation. Orientation: ESE–WNW (114°). A long, square-shaped niche grave. The grave was deepened at a tilt of
23–24°, and the deceased person was placed at the deepest point of it, in the niche, lying in a tilted position. After
digging a hole at a point, a bigger cave was formed. Dimensions: 410 × 98 cm. Depth: 20–32 cm (pit), 34–175 cm
(niche).
The grave was totally raided, only two shin bones have remained from the skeleton.
Animal sacrifice:
1. Some cattle bones (skull and shin bones), have been preserved in the eastern half of the grave.
Inventories:
1.1–3. 3 gold plated bronze ornaments in the filling of the grave. The pressed, or partially pressed ornaments are
rectangular with hatching, with a human head depicted in the middle of the ornament.
1.1. Fragments of a gold-plated bronze ornament. Pierced in two corners. Width: 1.9 cm. Weight: 0.24 g (Pl. 117/1).
1.2. Fragments of a gold-plated bronze ornament. Pierced in two corners. Width: 1.9 cm. Weight: 0.28 g (Pl. 117/2).
1.3. Fragments of a gold-plated bronze ornament. Pierced in its edge. Width: 0.9 cm. Weight: 0.05 g (Pl. 117/3).
2. Fragmentary half globe, its function is unknown. Its upper part is pierced. Height: 0.6 cm; diameter: 1.5 cm. The
XRF analysis of the metal surface: Au – 7.797%; Ag – 89.533%; Cu – 0.525% (Pl. 117/4).
3. A square-shaped iron buckle. Its position in the grave is unknown. Diameters: 2.7 × 2.7 cm (Pl. 117/5).
4. Iron plate ornament. Its function and its position in the grave is unknown. Fragmented.
Grave 369 (Pl. 118; pl. 221)

Inhumation. Orientation: ENE–WSW (107°). Shape of the grave: slanting oval. Dimensions: 200 × 103 cm. Depth:
48 cm.
The grave has been totally raided, only two shin bones have remained from the skeleton.
Symbolic role:
1–2. Mature cattle jaw bones and the first tibia of a mature sheep or goat from the ransacked grave.
Inventories:
1. Fragments of a bronze chain. Length: 7.3 cm. Weight: 4.13 g. The XRF analysis of the metal surface: Cu – 77.312%;
Pb – 6.015%; Zu – 12.657%; Fe – 0.606% (Pl. 118/1; pl. 248/1.1–1.2).
2. A round bone object on the bronze chain. Either end was decorated with 3 incised lines. Diameter: 1.2 cm; length:
2.1 cm (Pl. 118/2).
Grave 371 (Pl. 119; pl. 221)

Inhumation. Orientation: ENE–WSW (102°). Shape of the grave: slanting oval. Dimensions: 150 × 58 cm. Depth:
10 cm.
The right upper arm bone of the stretched skeleton was missing, the left arm bone was stretched alongside the body.
Length of the skeleton: approximately 135.0 cm.
Inventories:
1.a. Silver ring as part of an earring. Diameters: 1.9 × 1.9 cm. Weight: 3.0 g. Metal components: Ag – 90.624%; Au –
3.722; Cu – 3.8%; Fe – 0.904%; Pb – 0.184%; Ni – 0.076% (Pl. 119/1; pl. 250/1).
1.b. In the same place, a translucent bluish glass bead with a bronze ear, it could have been a bead of the earring.
Diameters: 1.1 × 0.9 cm. Weight: 1.18 g (Pl. 119/2; pl. 250/2).
2. Bronze earring. Diameters: 1.5 × 1.3 cm. Weight: 0.47 g (Pl. 119/3; pl. 248/1).
Grave 372 (Pl. 120; pl. 221)

Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (98°). Shape of the grave: rounded rectangular. Dimensions: 165 × 50–60 cm. Depth:
22 cm.
The grave was totally raided, the bones of the skeleton were scattered all around in the grave. Its skull was among
the femurs.
Symbolic role:
1. The jaw and other bones of an adult cattle in the eastern section of the grave.
113
Grave 377 (Pl. 121; pl. 222)
195 × 85 cm. Depth: 55 cm.
The skeleton is lying on its back with its lower jaw fallen forward. The arms of the skeleton, which is in an out-
stretched position, are lying alongside the body. The legs are stretched in the same way. The pelvis is completely
missing. Length of the skeleton: approximately 145 cm.
Inventories:
1.1–3. Three beads under the skull.
1.1. Dark reddish-brown paste bead with eyes, with four whitish-grey bulging eyes and four whitish-yellow loop-
shaped striped ornamentations. Diameters: 1.1 × 0.7 cm (Pl. 121/1; pl. 250/1).
1.2. Dark reddish-brown paste bead with eyes, with four black bulging eyes and with whitish-yellow loop-shaped
striped ornamentations. Diameters: 1.2 × 0.8 cm (Pl. 121/2; pl. 250/2).
1.3. Dark reddish-brown paste bead with eyes, with five white bulging eyes and whitish loop-shaped striped orna-
mentations. Diameters: 1.2 × 0.8 cm (Pl. 121/3; pl. 250/3).
2. The fragments of an iron knife in the place of the pelvis. Length of the fragmentary blade: 7.0 cm; width of the
blade: 1.8 cm. Other fragments have been preserved too (Pl. 122/4).
3. Iron knife next to the right femur. Length: 17.0 cm; length of the blade: 12.5 cm; width of the blade: 1.9–1.7–1.4–
0.9 cm (Pl. 122/5).
4. In the same place, a small iron plate with some remains indicating the presence of textile. Its function is unknown.
Diameters: 2.6 × 1.6 cm.
5. A fragmentary rectangular buckle. The place where it was found is not indicated in the documentation. Diame-
ters: 3.0 × 3.6 cm (Pl. 122/6).
Grave 378 (Pl. 123; pl. 221)

290 × 100 cm. Depth: 82 cm.
The grave was utterly ransacked, only a left thigh and shin bone and a right shin bone have been preserved.
Symbolic role, animal sacrifice, or food offering (?):
1–2. In the filling of the grave, the jaw of an adult cattle and a shin bone of an adult sheep or goat were found.
Grave 379 (Pl. 124; pl. 223)

The skeleton is lying on its back with its lower jaw fallen forward. The bones of the lower arms have not been preserved
from the two stretched arms. The legs were stretched in the same way. Length of the skeleton: approximately 164 cm.
Food offering:
1. In an upper layer, next to the skull, there is the thigh bone of a cattle.
Inventories:
1. A belt end with two components, made of pressed bronze, in front of the pelvis. The upper plate is decorated, and
the edges are convex. The two plates have been attached by a rivet. Length: 6.4 cm; width: 2.5 cm. The weight of the
decorated plate: 3.0 g; weight of the back plate: 5.0 g. (Pl. 124/1; pl. 250/1–2).
2. A bronze fastening strap at the end of the left elbow. Length: 4.1 cm; width: 0.4 cm. Weight: 1.91 g (Pl. 125/2;
pl. 247/1).
3. A bronze fastening strap among the ribs, on the left side. Length: 3.6 cm; width: 0.6 cm. Weight: 1.90 g (Pl. 125/3;
pl. 247/2).
4. A bronze object, that may have belonged to the belt. Length: 1.0 cm (Pl. 125/4).
5. The fragment of an iron ring on the left side of the pelvis. Diameter: 3.5 cm (Pl. 125/5).
6. The fragment of a medium-sized iron knife with the remains of a wooden sheath, placed across under the right
femur. A little part of the handle has been preserved. Length: 13.3 cm; length of the blade: 9.4 cm; width of the blade:
2.0–1.7 cm (Pl. 125/6).
7. The tang of a three-edged iron arrowhead near the left side of the femur. The biggest part of the body of the arrow-
head has not been preserved. Length: 5.6 cm (Pl. 125/7).
8. The fragment of a round iron ring with a spike near the knife. Diameter: 4.3 cm (Pl. 125/8).
9. Bronze plate on the left side of the pelvis.
114
Grave 389 (Pl. 126; pl. 224)
Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (90°). A shapeless grave pit. The ground around the skeleton, which is discoloured
brownish-blackish, probably indicates a burial with a coffin. The length of the grave pit: 218 cm. Depth: 30 cm.
The skeleton was laid on its back, and according to the position of its arms, which were placed slightly on the pelvis,
one may think of a narrow coffin. Length of the skeleton: approximately 137 cm.
Inventories:
1. Near the right side of the skull, an earring with small globes and beads pendants.
1.1. The ring of an oval earring made of bronze. It is fragmentary, as the globe soldered to the earring has been dis-
lodged. Diameters: 1.7 × 1.4 cm. 0.52 g (Pl. 126/1.1; pl. 248/1).
1.2. A fragmentary silver globe of an earring. Diameter: 1.5 cm. According to the XFR analysis of the surface: Au –
1.723%; Ag – 95.729%; Cu – 1.103%; Fe – 0.578%; Pb – 0.491% (Pl. 126/1.2; pl. 251/2).
1.3. A small fragmentary silver globe of an earring. Among the small fragments, its knurled ear was identified. Diam-
eters: 1.7 × 1.4 cm (Pl. 126/1.3).
1.4. Two green glass beads cut in half, with bronze ears belonging to the earring. The bronze ear, which was soldered
to the silver globe, was applied between the two glass beads cut in half. Diameters: 1.4 × 1.1 cm (Pl. 126/1.4; pl. 251/1).
1.5. A small fragmentary silver globe of an earring. Diameters: 1.2 × 1.1 cm (Pl. 126/1.5).
2.1–13. Thirteen beads under the skull.
2.1. A big, barrel-shaped, melon seed type brownish-black bead. Diameters: 1.5 × 1.3 cm; width: 0.8 cm; width of the
hole: 0.3 cm (Pl. 127/2.1; pl. 251/3).
2.2. Round yellow bead. Diameters: 0.9 × 0.9 cm; width: 0.5 cm; width of the hole: 0.3 cm (Pl. 127/2.2; pl. 251/4).
2.3. A drop-shaped melon seed type bead. Diameters: 0.7 × 0.6 cm; width: 0.2 cm (Pl. 127/2.3).
2.4. The fragment of a bead. Diameters: 0.5 × 0.6 cm (Pl. 127/2.4).
2.5. Round brown bead. Diameters: 0.9 × 0.6 cm; width of the hole: 0.3 cm (Pl. 127/2.5; pl. 251/5).
2.6. A big, irregular shaped, melon seed type brownish-black bead. Diameters: 1.5 × 1.4 cm; width: 0.7 cm; width of
the hole: 0.23 × 0.3 cm (Pl. 127/2.6).
2.7. A big, drop-shaped, melon seed type brownish-black bead. Diameters: 1.4 × 1.2 cm; width: 1.2 cm; width of the
hole: 0.3 × 0.27 cm (Pl. 127/2.7; pl. 251/6).
2.8. Round yellow bead. Diameters: 1.1 × 1.1 cm; width: 0.52 cm; width of the hole: 0.38 cm (Pl. 127/2.8; pl. 251/7).
2.9. Round yellow bead. Diameters: 1.2 × 1.1 cm; width: 0.55 cm; the width of the hole: 0.34 cm (Pl. 127/2.9; pl. 251/8).
2.10. Biconical bead, brown and yellow. Diam.: 1.05 × 1.06 cm; width: 0.62 cm; the width of the hole: 0.34 × 0.36 cm
(Pl. 127/2.10).
2.11. A big, fragmentary drop-shaped, melon seed type brownish-black bead. Diameters: 1.3 × 1.3 cm; width:
0.6 × 0.4 cm; width of the hole: 0.3 × 0.27 cm (Pl. 127/2.11; pl. 251/9).
2.12. Round yellow bead. Diameters: 1.04 × 1.04 cm; width: 0.55 cm; width of the hole: 0.38 × 0.36 cm (Pl. 127/2.12;
pl. 251/10).
2.13. Round brown bead. Diameters: 1.04 × 1.04 cm; width: 0.55 cm; width of the hole: 0.36 cm (Pl. 127/2.13; pl. 251/11).
3. Perhaps the fragments of an iron buckle from the left knee. Length: 2.0 cm. The second is an arched iron object.
Diameter: 2.2 cm (Pl. 127/3).
Grave 395 (Pl. 128; pl. 225)

Inhumation. Orientation: ENE–WSW (104°). A long, square-shaped niche grave. The niche grave was created by
digging at a point, and then a bigger cave was formed. After that, it was deepened at a tilt of 21°, and the deceased
person was placed at the deepest point of it, in the niche, lying in a slanting position. Length of the grave: 188 cm;
width of the grave: 50 cm. Depth: 35 cm (pit), 38–62 cm (niche).
The grave was raided, only the pelvis, two thigh bones, and some fragments of the ribs have been preserved.
Symbolic role (?):
1. In the filling of the grave, a cattle bone was found.
Inventories:
1. The blade of an iron knife with the remnants of a wooden sheath on the left side of the pelvis. Length of the blade:
9.5 cm; width of the blade: 1.8–1.6–0.9 cm (Pl. 129/1).
2. Spindle-whorl at the end of the right thigh bone (2).
3. A square-shaped iron buckle with a spike. Diameters: 3.0 × 2.8 cm (Pl. 129/2).
4. The fragment of a rectangular iron buckle with the remains of textile on it, in the filling of the grave. Diameters:
3.0 × 2.3 cm (Pl. 129/3).
5. The fragment of an iron ring. Diameter: 4.0 cm (Pl. 129/4).
6. A cylindrical turned bone object with unknown function. It was found in the filling of the grave. Length: 0.8 cm;
diameter: 0.5 cm (Pl. 129/5).
115
Grave 396 (Pl. 130; pl. 226)
Inhumation. Orientation: E–W (94°). A long, square shaped niche grave. The niche grave was created by digging at
a point, and then a bigger cave was formed. After that, it was deepened at a tilt of 18–20°, and the deceased person
was placed at the deepest point of it, in the niche, lying in a slanting position. Length of the grave: 199 cm; width of
the grave: 94 cm. Depth: 28–36 cm (pit), 39–78 cm (niche).
The grave was utterly ransacked, only some fragments of the two leg bones have been preserved.
Sex: indeterminable. Age: 6–8 years old (infans I–II).
Partial horse burial?
1. Outside the niche pit, a horse jaw bone and some shin bones.
Grave 405 (Pl. 131; pl. 227)

170 × 58 cm. Depth: 12 cm.
The grave was raided, only the leg bones remained in anatomical position.
3.3.2. Analysis of burial practices

3.3.2.1. The site of the burial ground and grave groups (Fig. 47; Pl. 92–94)
The burials divide into seven, roughly distinguishable groups:
Group 1: graves 347, 349, 350, 351, 360, 363, 395, and 405. Half of the graves are concentrated in the south-
ern part of the burial ground, including three niche graves. It is the richest group in terms of grave goods.
Especially graves 349 and 351 are remarkable.
Group 2: graves 377 and 378.
Group 3: graves 371, 379, 389, and 396. This group is concentrated in the eastern part of the burial ground,
forming a more or less irregular line. Grave 396 was a niche grave.
Group 4: graves 356, 357, and 358.
Single grave: 333.
3.3.2.2. Grave robbings (Fig. 48)

(Graves 328, 329, 347, 350, 356, 360, 364, 365, 369, 371, 372, 377, 378, 379, 395, 396, 405)
There were 17 looted graves – i.e. approx. 70% of the total.
The looters did not seem to bother with digging too many trenches, which suggests that the graves were
still visible on the surface when they were robbed. As the graves date from the 7th century, they were most
probably looted in the 8th century. Notably, all niche graves were looted, and some of them more heavily, as
hardly anything remained of the skeletons (graves 329, 350, 360, 364, 365, 369, 378, 395, and 396). Why niche
graves were “preferred” can be explained probably by their larger size, which could have drawn the attention
of grave robbers. This also suggests that only a short time (some years or decades) could have passed between
the period when the graves were established and their looting. Apparently, we have no knowledge of how these
graves might have looked like on the surface, but the soil coming out from the grave pits and from the extra
niche, had to be placed most probably on top of the graves or around them, so they were visible, giving them
away to looters.328 The locations of robbing trenches mostly coincide spot on with the graves. The locations of
robbing trenches were mostly spot on – right at the graves.
The bones were usually found completely disarticulated – the muscles and soft tissues probably did not
hold them together anymore when the graves were robbed.329 This can be seen in graves 347, 371, and 372,
where the bones were found completely disarticulated. In some graves, the looters must have thrown out some
body parts, as they were missing (graves 328, 329, 350, 360, 364, 365,369, 378, 395, and 396). In grave 377, the
looters were only concerned to get to the parts around the pelvis. In grave 405, they have “targeted” only the
upper body parts, and in grave 356 and 379 only the right side of the upper body. These patterns suggest that
If the place of the grave is to be seen after 10 years, a grave sign must be used.
328
The skeletons usually fall apart after five years. Bakay 1973, 78.
329
116
Figure 47. Grave groups (Nădlac-3M-N)
117
Figure 48. The distribution of robbed graves (Nădlac-3M-N)
118
lootings could occur at different times (like in case of the 3M-S site). One may hypothetically argue that the
perpetrators were most likely strangers to these communities, they had no detailed knowledge of the burials,
as they looted mostly niche graves,330 and ignored for example grave 349 and 351, which were smaller.
3.3.2.3. The orientation of graves (Fig. 49)

The orientation of the graves may reflect different concepts of the otherworld. Various orientations could
be documented in Nădlac, but the graves at this site – all 24 of them (!) – had similar orientations: either E–W
(13 cases) or ESE–WNW (11 cases). This can be interpreted as proof of a consequent tradition, demonstrating at
once that the orientation of the graves was regarded as an important element of burial customs. When looking
at individual measurements, there were of course differences: they fall between 88°–98° for those oriented E–W,
and between 102°–117° for the ESE–WNW oriented ones. Only two graves were oriented at less than 90 degrees.
1 2 88° 90°
2
92° 94°
1
4
1 95° 96°
1 98° 102°
1 1 104° 105°
106° 107°
2 2
110° 114°
1
2 117°
1 2
11
13
88°‒98°
102°‒117°
Figure 49/A–C. E–W and ESE–WNW oriented graves (Nădlac-3M-N)
Thus, the E–W orientation was slightly more typical than the ESE–WNW (which was approximately
between 99–119°). Orientations did not seem to correlate in any ways with gender, age or social status (with
regard to graves 351 and 356 for instance). According to G. Lőrinczy, the Early Avar Period in the region of the
Mureș–Criș–Tisza was characterised by E–W and NE–SW oriented graves.331 As for the latter, there were only
few of them at this site. As has been said above, two graves were oriented at 88° (i.e. E–W), and the others were
also either E–W (90–98°) or ESE–WNW (102–117°) oriented.
3.3.2.4. The shape, size, and depth of the graves

Most grave pits were sub-rectangular – as this was common in the Avar Period. Except niche graves (6), all
graves had simple pits (18), most of which had also sub-rectangular shapes (graves 328, 350, 356, 357, 364, 377,
378, and 379).
On this question, see also: Juhász 1995b, 426.
330
Lőrinczy 1987–1989, 165; Lőrinczy 1998, 351.

331
119
Only a few of them were trapezoid ones, either tapering towards the upper part of the body (graves 333, 351,
and 363), or towards the feet (graves 349, 358, 371, 372, and 405).
There was a nearly oval shaped grave (grave 369) and also an irregular one (grave 389). Some graves were
almost square-shaped (graves 328, 350, 364, 377), which is, however, atypical, and reflect a completely oppo-
site tendency of what we know in the Late Avar Period.332 Why this trend was later abandoned remains obscure,
but illustrates well the changes in funerary practices.
The length of simple grave pits varied between 150 and 266 cm, and their width between 50 and 139 cm.
Their depth range was between 40 and 100 cm.333 In case of niche graves, the depth varies between 14–75 (pit)
and 34–175 cm (niche). Graves 329, 347, 360, 365, 395, and 396 were the largest niche graves – their lengths var-
ied between 188 and 480 cm, and their width between 80 and 102 cm (measured from the surface of the grave).
This difference may have been the result of the fact that some pits were dug deeper. There was a considerable
difference in this respect between the Early and Late Avar Periods.334
3.3.2.4.1. Niche graves (Fig. 50)

(Graves 329, 347, 360, 365, 395, 396) (Pl. 96; pl. 99; pl. 114; pl. 117; pl. 128; pl. 130; pl. 206; pl. 208; pl. 220; pl. 225;
pl. 226)
Complex graves were all niche graves, as this is also characteristic of the whole region of the Mureș–Criș–
Tisza in the 7th century.335 There are only 6 examples of them at this site, and they were situated in different
parts of the excavated area – with 1 or 2 of them in each grave group.
In Group 1, no. 347 (female, 30–32 years old), 360 (juvenile, 15–17 years old), and 395 (infans II, 9–10 years
old), in Group 3, grave 396 (infans I–II, 6–8 years old), in Group 6, grave 365 (juvenile, 15–20 years old), in
Group 7, grave 329 (female, 30–50 years old) were niche graves. In the other grave groups (2, 4, and 5) there
were none.
The presence of niche graves reflects perhaps the wealth and status of the groups. The richest graves were
found in Group 1, which also had the highest number of niche graves. Interestingly, from a gender perspective,
only females (2), juveniles (2) and young children (2) were buried in these graves.
Overall, the size and the shape of niche graves were similar to the ones found at the 3M-S burial ground
(Late Avar Period), except for the elongated, widening, barrel-shaped forms, which could be evidenced only
there. The position of the niches inside the pits was sometimes more accurately levelled (compared to the pits).
In graves 329, 347, and 360, there was a 7°, 10°, and 11° difference between the bottom of the pit and the posi-
tion of the skeleton, the latter being almost horizontal. In graves 395 and 396, the niches tilted at 18–20°, 21°,
respectively. In grave 365, there was an even more considerable difference (23–24°). This illustrates that there
was no strict tradition as to how to make these graves, but the practice must have been widespread.336
As has been mentioned, all of them were looted, which, however, did not concern much the animal bone
remains in them. Animal bones were found in graves 329, 347, and 365. Graves 360, 395, and 396 were so heavily
disturbed, that only some fragments of the skeletons preserved. Although no animal bones were found during
excavation, the possibility that there were food offerings cannot be ruled out. Grave goods were few, and they
were found usually in secondary position: in grave 329, there was a spindle whorl, and also an unrecognisa-
ble iron fragment. In grave 395, an iron knife, an iron buckle and an iron ring were found. The most lavishly
furnished grave was 365, but all the objects were in secondary position: there were three ornaments, depicting
a child’s head, and this did not differ much chronologically from grave 349, in which there was a similar find.
Unfortunately, the dating of niche graves remains very much problematic – as it has been already argued a
long time ago, that such graves could date from the Early to the Late Avar Period.337
3.3.2.4.2. The problem of grave 333 (Pl. 97; pl. 207)

In grave 333, there was a juvenis–adultus male, aged 17–21. Around the upper part of the skeleton, the
side walls of the grave were stepped.338 Whether this one can be classified as a “stepped grave”, remains
questionable.
332
Bende 2003a, 307.
333
Unfortunately, we could not take into consideration graves 349, 350, 357, 358, 363, 371, 372, 389 and 405, as their registered depths of
10, 12, 18, 22, 24, 28 and 30 cm are not realistic, it is due to the harm done when the upper layer of the soil was stripped.
334
On the proportions of the graves, see also: Lőrinczy – Rácz 2014, 172.
335
Lőrinczy 1994, 317; Bende 2003a, 307.
336
It is similarly interpreted by G. Lőrinczy too. Lőrinczy 1995, 401.
337
Lőrinczy 1995, 402, 6–7. kép.
338
Lőrinczy – Straub 2006, 279–316.
120
Figure 50. Niche graves (Nădlac-3M-N)
121
3.3.2.5. On the position of the body in the graves
3.3.2.5.1. Wrapping the deceased person
In contrast to the Nădlac-3M-S site, there were no traces of coffins or receptacles found here (probably
except the grave 389). However, it would not make sense to make a point on this, as 17 out of 24 graves were
disturbed. In 4 out of the 7 graves, which have not been robbed (graves 349, 357, 358, and 389), the bodies were
most likely wrapped in a cloth made of some organic material. At least, this can be inferred from the position
of the bodies, since the arms rested either next to the pelvis (graves 349, 357, and 389, or the left arm on the
pelvis in grave 358 was bent at 90°).
L. Bende assumed that the arms were arranged this way primarily, because there was not enough space
next to the bodies,339 the latter case, however, could also have ritual significance (a different practice, which
became more common later on?). Generally, the use of a coffin cannot be ruled out either, although there were
no soil marks indicating this.
3.3.2.6. Animal burials (Fig. 51–54)

One characteristic feature of the graves was the burial of animal parts. Animal bones were identified in
altogether 14 graves.
3.3.2.6.1. Horse burials (Fig. 52, 54)

(Graves 350, 351, 396) (Pl. 103–104; pl. 130; pl. 210–212; pl. 226)
There is only one example of partial horse burial on the site: a man, aged 26–32, was buried together with
an 8–10 years old horse (grave 351). In grave 351, there was a partial horse burial, which cannot be dated
clearly, as the one-edged sword, as well as the stirrups with loop-ears were very common from the Early Avar
Age on.340
Apart from this grave, horse bones were also found in graves 396 (infans II, 6–8 years old) and 350 (without
anthropological data), but since these graves were looted, the original context cannot be assessed.
A. Kiss has established six categories in his analysis of partial horse burials. Grave 351 falls in Type 4,341
which is dated primarily to the Early Avar Period, but there are also later examples. Overall, this burial type
was not too common in the Early Avar Period either.342
The origins of this custom are unclear. Its spread was mainly explained with the migration of new ethnic
groups, which was suggested first by D. Csallány, who argued that the custom of horse was related to the Kutur-
gur-Bulgarians originating from the steppe region of South Russia.343 In line with this (based on finds of partial
animal burials), P. Somogyi and G. Lőrinczy also pointed to the steppe origin of Early Avar Period population
in the region surrounded by the Mureș–Criș–Tisza.344 While G. Lőrinczy’s theory is derived from quantitative
observations345 concerning the known occurrences of different aspects of burial customs, it does not take into
account the socio-political context – i.e. the power network of the Avar Khaganate, decisions made by the elite
concerning mutual marriages, mobilizing small and big communities, mixing of people –, as formative forces
of social coherence. In this respect, I. Bóna refers to the “Avars” in a more general sense – as one group of
people,346 and we support the underlying opinion that the abovementioned differences and patterns of burial
customs cannot be used to draw “ethnic” maps.347
Besides migration, intensification of cultural contacts – following the Avar conquest – could also have
brought new burial customs into the Carpathian Basin. All in all, the appearance of partial horse burials in
339
Bende 2003a, 313.
340
On the spread of the partial horse burials, see: Némethi – Klima 1987–1989, 177–178, 3. kép.
341
Kiss 1962, 158.
342
Balogh 2016a, 52.
343
Csallány 1933–1934a, 211–212.
344
Somogyi 1987, 121–154; Lőrinczy 1998, 343–372.
345
The number of the occurrences of particular burial customs (niche graves, partial animal burials, and E–W orientations) examined
by him is limited to a region, the region east of the Tisza and these are known in a bigger number here than in other regions. However,
it begs the question as to how one can interpret the niche graves, partial horse burials, and E–W orientations found in other regions of
the Carpathian Basin.
346
Bóna 1979, 18–21; Bóna 1990, 113–124.
347
Cs. Balogh’s work written in 2016 makes it even clearer. Balogh 2016a, 51–52. On the problem of “ethnic” concept see: Chapter 4.
122
this region was likely related to the cultural outreach of the Khaganate, but migration and “foreign” influence
cannot be excluded either.
3.3.2.6.2. Animal sacrifices, symbolic role, and food offerings? (Fig. 51–54)

(Graves 329, 347, 349, 351, 356, 363, 365, 369, 372, 378, 379, 395) (Pl. 96; pl. 99–100; pl. 104; pl. 109; pl. 113; pl. 117–118;
pl. 120; pl. 123–124; pl. 128; pl. 206; pl. 208–209; pl. 211–212; pl. 215–216; pl. 219–221; pl. 223; pl. 225)
Animal bones were identified in 12 graves out of the 24, and this 50% ratio is quite significant. Following
Z. Tóth’s system of description,348 animal remains could be classified into three functional categories: “sym-
bolic”, “sacrificial”, and “food offering”. A “symbolic role” can be attributed to certain parts of their bodies
placed in the graves as pars pro toto. Other body parts can be considered as “sacrifices”, and, finally, they can
be interpreted as “food offerings”, when the bones (e.g. femurs) indicate that they still had meat on them,
when they had been placed in the graves.349 Ceramic vessels – possibly containing cooked meal or drink – were
also considered as “offerings”, and these are included in the figures presented below.
Graves Anthropologycal analyses Animals (and pot- Interpretations

(sex, age) teries)
Symbolic role Sacrifice Food offering
Grave 329/1 female, 30–50 cattle/adult–senile •
Grave 329/2 female, 30–50 cattle/juvenile •
Grave 329/3 female, 30–50 sheep or goat •
tooth/?
Grave 333 male, 17–21 pottery •
Grave 347/2 female, 30–32 sheep or goat/adult •
Grave 349/1 young girl, juvenis, 14–16 cattle/juvenile •
Grave 349/2 young girl, juvenis, 14–16 pottery •
Grave 351/1 male, 26–32 cattle/? •
Grave 351/2 male, 26–32 sheep or goat/adult •
Grave 356 male, 43–55 pig/juvenile •
Grave 363/2 female, 20–23 sheep or goat/adult •
Grave 365 indeterminable, 15–20 cattle/adult •
Grave 369/1 indeterminable, 14–16 cattle/adult •
Grave 369/2 indeterminable, 14–16 sheep or goat/adult •
Grave 372 indeterminable, 13–15 cattle/adult •
Grave 378/1 indeterminable, 30–50 cattle/adult ? ? ?
Grave 378/2 indeterminable, 30–50 sheep or goat /adult ? ?
Grave 379 male, 17–20 cattle/adult •
Grave 395 indeterminable, 9–10 cattle/adult • (?)
Figure 51. Animal bones, animal parts found in the graves and their functions (Nădlac-3M-N)
In some cases, animal remains were identified as sacrifices, in other cases, their role could be symbolic
(perhaps this is the case with the horses too?). Notably, animals were buried in at least one grave in each grave
group.
A considerable part of the finds were cattle bones (representing 12 animals in 11 graves) and sheep or goat
bones (6 animals in 6 graves) (cf. Chapter 8.1). In grave 356, a mandible fragment, a metapodial and a phalanx
from a young domestic pig (Sus domesticus) were found next to the skull of a male. This rare case raises the
questions whether pigs occurred typically in domestic context in mobile communities in the Early Avar Period,
and whether the local community was sedentary. Although pigs can be very rarely evidenced, similar cases are
known from women’s graves in Szegvár-Oromdűlő (graves 105 and 136), dating from the Early Avar Period.350
In terms of domestic species and their kill-off patterns, the picture is quite homogeneous, as most of the
finds were cattle. Although bones of various other animals could be identified, there is no particular pattern to
be observed as regards the age and sex of the individuals, with whom they were buried.
348
Tóth 2012, 536–537, 1. kép.
349
It also has to be noted that some food offerings placed in the grave might not have left any trace, e.g. meat without bones.
350
Bartosiewicz 2016.
123
Figure 52. Animal bones and partial horse burials (Nădlac-3M-N)
124
Animal species Interpretations Sex and age of the skeletons
and Symbolic Sacrifice Food/drink Female Male Indeterminable
their ages role offering
Cattle/juvenile 329/2 363/1 349/1 329 (30–50)
347/1 347 (30–32)
349 (14–16)
363 (20–23)
Cattle/adult 369/1 365 378/1 (?) 379 (17–20) 365 (15–20)
372 378/1 (?) 379 369 (14–16)
378/1 (?) 372 (13–15)
395 (?) 378 (30–50)
395 (9–10)
Cattle/adult-senile 329/1 329 (30–50)
Cattle/? 351/1 351 (26–32)
Sheep or goat/ 351/2 347/2 347 (30–32) 351 (26–32) 369 (14–16)
adult 363/2 378/2 (?) 363 (20–23) 378 (30–50)
369/2
378/2 (?)
Pig/juvenile 356 356 (43–55)
Sheep or goat/ 329/3 329 (30–50)
tooth
Pottery 333 349 (14–16) 333 (17–21)
349/2
Legend
329/1 – no. of grave and no. of cases
Figure 53. Animal species, their kill-off age, and the age and sex of the buried individuals (Nădlac-3M-N)
The data allow the following (very general) conclusions:

1.) As regards the species of buried animals, there was no particular pattern observable, except that cattle
was present in the greatest number.
2.) As for the age of the animals, adult cattle was clearly dominant.
3.) As for the sex and age of the individuals buried with animal remains, there were 4 male and 4 female
graves, one infans (II) and 3 juvenis. Thus, this burial rite was surely not age-specific.
4.) Typically, bones of adult cattle were placed in the infans II and juvenile graves (in 4 cases), which might
be a significant trend.
5.) The partial animal burials found at Nădlac fit into the general picture, in as much as there are relatively
many examples of such burials known from the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region.351 One should note, however, that
any observation concerning burial practices and the history of this region reflects our current knowledge of its
archaeology, and further analysis is needed to understand practices and trends in the Early Avar Period.
3.3.2.7. Summary
Burial patterns observed at this site fit into what we know so far about burial practices in the region of the
Mureș–Criș–Tisza. There were partial animal burials, partial horse burials, the skeletons of the buried individ-
uals were mostly E–W and NE–SW oriented,352 vessels with food offerings were put in the graves (next to the
skull), which all seem be common characteristics of other burials and burial grounds in the region east of the
Tisza.353
The population was considered as having an “Eastern-European steppe” origin, who arrived at the end
of the 6th century.354 However, the burials in Nădlac do not provide evidence to underpin the starting date of
this migration (i.e. the beginning of the Early Avar Period).355 According to G. Lőrinczy, in the early 7th century,
new people arrived and settled down north of the River Criș and east of the River Tisza (as far as the line of the
Csörsz ditch).356
Theoretically, the group of people at Nădlac might belong to this population, but it cannot be ascertained
yet. Some burials reflect the same customs as observed by G. Lőrinczy, however, there are also differences. The
351
352
According to B. Gulyás, orientation was not “a very relevant element of the rite” (translated by the author). Gulyás 2015a, 503.
353
354
355
At the same time, it must be noted that an unknown number of graves have remained under the ground.
356
125
Figure 54. Animals species documented at the site (Nădlac-3M-N)
126
harnesses found next to the partial skeleton of a horse in grave 351 seem to illustrate the point that the pic-
ture drawn up by Lőrinczy could be more complex, as such finds may be seen as proof of social mobility, and
instead of static, immobile groups of people, communication and cultural contacts could have remained an
important factor also in the 7th century.

There were altogether 15 graves out of 24 (62.5%) with some kind of furnishing, and there was a great vari-
ety of finds in the graves – mostly dating from the first part of the Avar Period.
As mentioned above, the six niche graves were looted, so it remains unfortunately unclear whether the
furnishing of these graves reflected the status of these members of the community. Among the 15 graves, none
of the finds appear to be more numerous than the others, but they are rather varied.
In contrast to the other two burial grounds, a more considerable number of earrings and pressed belts dec-
orated with ornaments was found here, as well as a harness (bit and stirrup). There were two pole weapons (in
two graves) and four arrowheads (in two graves). The fact that weapons were not deposited frequently might
show that they were not considered especially valuable according to the standards of the Nădlac community.
Iron knifes were the most common objects. Ceramic vessels carrying food or drink were deposited in two cases,
and there was a number of fragments with unknown functions.
3.3.3.1. Rectangular mounts (Fig. 55–56)

(Graves 349, 365) (Pl. 100/1.1–6; pl. 101/1.7–10; pl. 117/1–3; pl. 245/2–5; pl. 246/6–7)
In graves 349 (young girl, 14–16 years old) and 365 (unidentifiable, 15–20 years old) identical mounts of
rectangular shape were found, which were most likely used as decoration on a band or strap. Since grave 365
was robbed, the original position of the mount remains unknown, in the other grave, however, it was found on
the skull, which suggests that it was part of a headband. Among the dress accessories known from this region,
there are only a few headgears known from women’s graves.357 There is no way to tell whether such accessories
were fashionable or popular, as it was probably not customary to put them in graves. It is also possible that
such accessories were only rarely decorated with metal parts – which would be the only parts to have pre-
served from them.
Despite that the position of the mount/headband could be identified, the exact function of the mount
remains uncertain. É. Garam argued that “...it is not clear whether the metal ornaments found near the skull
decorated a head bow, a high head-gear or a cap rim that was pressed to the head, or the chains connecting
the earrings were decorations without function, or they were used to press down the hair net/veil.”358 Where
the mount remained intact, we could observe that it was pierced along the edges, indicating that they were
knitted onto some organic material. This supports the last option suggested by É. Garam, i.e. the mounts most
likely decorated the rim of a cap, a headgear, or a diadem. B. M. Szőke also observed that in the Early Middle
Ages such decorations or diadems were made of straps attached to headgears/headbands.359 The patterns dec-
orating the mounts – especially the bead frames and the zigzag ornaments – are known from other sites.360
An exactly similar pattern of frame is known from Romonya (I) grave 57.361 What is different in case of this
Transdanubian find is, however, that in the middle of the mount there is no human face carved, as is on both
mounts from Nădlac. The faces are identical, both round headed, the hair, the neck and the ears are missing.
Conspicuously, they have no beard and moustache either, which are otherwise typical for depictions of human
faces in this period (Paks-Gyapa site 15, Rákóczifalva-Bagi-föld site 8/A, Hajdúdorog grave A).362
In the Early Middle Ages, such anthropomorphic and zoomorphic depictions363 are known from many
regions of Europe – including e.g. Italy,364 the Dalmatian coast, the Balkans, the Carpathian Basin, the Dneper,
and even the Caucasian Mountains.365 It is, therefore, quite complicated to find the origins of this motif, and
357
É. Garam’s list was completed by G. Lőrinczy and P. Straub. Lőrinczy–Straub 2005, 128.
358
Garam 2005, 169.
359
Szőke 2012, 296.
360
The list of some ornaments fastened to straps or diadems: Garam 2005, 176, 3. kép.
361
Kiss 1977, 113, Pl. XLVII. Its reconstruction: Garam 2005, 3. kép 7. According to G. Lőrinczy and P. Straub, Garam’s reconstruction
cannot be accepted: Lőrinczy – Straub 2005, 132, Note 29.
362
Rácz 2012, 2. kép 2–3; Kralovánszky 1989–1990, 10. ábra 8.
363
It also has to be mentioned that in the 4th–6th centuries, human faces were mainly depicted on shields and harness ornaments. Rácz
2012, 421–422 (with further literature).
364
de Vingo – De Marchi 2016, 131, Fig. 14/1–4.
365
Dzattiaty 2014, Tab. XXXII/90–98, Tab. LXVII/55.
127
Figure 55. Rectangular mounts with depictions of human (Nădlac grave 349 and three analogue
finds from the Early Avar Period (after Rácz 2012, 2. kép 2–3; László 2015, Taf. 10/111/7)
some observations still reflect the 18th–19th century evolutionist approach. Regarding the Sarmatian and Hun
periods, E. Istvánovits and V. Kulcsár argued that anthropomorphic decorations have originated from the
128
east.366 So the motif might have a Eurasian origin, which may go back – beyond doubt – to ancient times. As
for the Nădlac finds, the technique applied on the frames (around the faces) point to the Avar Khaganate as a
possible place of origin. Another possibility is that these objects were imported from Byzantine provinces, as
this motif occurs several times also in Byzantine and Germanic contexts.367 In context of Avar period burials,
however, the Nădlac finds are unique in two aspects:
1.) This type of decoration on rectangular mounts (applied to straps or headgears) is evidenced only here.368
2.) Other known depictions of human faces369 feature the hair, the beard, and the moustache.
Altogether, the design of the faces may give the impression that these were children’s portrays, which could
be connected to the young age of the two female (juvenis) individuals. The other accessories found in grave 349
include a brush holder with a cap and a suspension ring, and a straining spoon, which are also known from
other sites (Halimba grave 165,370 Iregszemcse-Felsőireg,371 Kiszombor E grave 17372), on the basis of which one
may suggest two points:
1.) These finds possibly reflect a local burial- or fashion-trend for young adults, of which the brush holders,
filtering spoons, headgears, and straps were common elements.
2.) Since the above referred finds come from different parts of the Carpathian Basin, this trend might have
been relevant on a macro-level.
As grave 349 is situated at the southern edge of the excavated area, it likely does not belong to the earliest
phase of the site. As similar finds are dated to a relatively long period (in the 7th century), they surely did not
represent the earliest chronological phase of the Avar Period.
3.3.3.2. Earrings (Fig. 56)

(Graves 356 [?], 371, 389) (Pl. 110/3.1–2; pl. 119/1–3; pl. 126/1.1–5; pl. 248/371/1; pl. 248/389/1; pl. 250/356/1–2;
pl. 250/371/1–2; pl. 251/1–2)
Earrings are known from graves 371 (unidentifiable, 11–12 years old) and 389 (female, 30–50 years old). The
bronze wire found between two, dark blue glass beads in grave 356 (male, 30–50 years old) seems to also be
an earring, however, based on its position, it was placed in the grave with a different purpose. There was also
a single-edged sword in this grave, and both graves belonged to the same group or cluster of graves, right in
the middle of the burial ground.
In grave 371, the silver earring (Ag: 90.624%) was decorated with an unknown number of spherical plates,
with a pendant, composed of a short cylindrical part (the surface of which was corrugated) and with a light
blue glass bead. The bead was once attached to the unknown number of spherical plates. Since the plates were
thin, they perished, but they were also likely made of high quality silver. There were also bronze alloy rings
found in this grave.
In grave 389, a spherical plate made of silver and two glass beads were found next to a bronze ring, and
these can be identified as parts of a pair of earrings with bead pendants. As in grave 356, the beads preserved
well, indicating that there were originally two earrings with pendants composed of spherical plates and beads.
According to Cs. Balogh,373 earrings with small spherical plates, and with a short cylindrical piece (with
corrugated surface) cannot be dated to earlier than the second quarter of the 7th century. This seems to be in
accordance with the findings presented here. Although the jewelleries decorated with spherical plates and
beads can be, indeed, dated to the Early Avar Period, the toiletry set with the filtering spoon might be of a later
date (first half of the 7th century).374 All in all, objects from these graves (356, 371, and 389) seem to date from
the first part of the Avar Period.
3.3.3.3. Beads (Fig. 56)

(Graves 363, 364, 377, 389) (Pl. 113/1.1–12; pl. 116/1; pl. 121/1–3; pl. 127/2.1–13; pl. 250/1–3; pl. 251/3–11)
One fragmented small bead was found in grave 364 (maturus male), three beads under the skull of a juvenilis
366
Istvánovits – Kulcsár 1997, 160.
367
Rácz 2012, 426.
368
Cf. the decorations of other rectangular mounts: Cikó graves 301 and 307; Halimba grave 62; Iregszemcse-Felsőireg; Kiskőrös-Vágóhíd
grave LXXI; Romonya I grave 57; Szeged-Kundomb grave 281. Garam 2005, 176 (with bibliography).
369
Rácz 2012, 11–12. kép.
370
Török 1998, 230, Taf. 63/1.
371
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 170.
372
Lőrinczy 1994, 323–324.
373
Balogh 2016a, 152–153.
374
Lőrinczy–Straub 2005, 130.
129
person in grave 377, eleven beads in grave 363 (adultus female), and thirteen beads in grave 389 (maturus
female).
As for the beads in grave 377, one was flat, globular and ornamented, and two were larger, had five bumps,
and were decorated with an applied pattern of loop-slips.375 Based on the analysis of finds from Székkutas,
A. Pásztor argued that beads larger than 1 cm (in diameter) date from the last third of the 7th century.376
The beads in grave 389 were melon seed-shaped. Among the finds evaluated by Pásztor, there were two
roughly manufactured, melon seed-shaped beads,377 and they are particularly interesting from a chronologi-
cal point of view, as they were not dated to the first half of the 7th century, but to the second half of the cen-
tury.378 One of them was prism-shaped, and had a wide hole. Despite its similar colour, this does not fit with
beads characteristic to the Early Avar Period.379 There were also six large, white (whitish-yellowish or yellow-
ish-brownish) coloured, globular, pressed beads, which are characteristic for the Avar Period.380
In grave 363, there were 11 globular beads found.
Although grave 364 (male, 30–50 years old) was looted, a spherical silver plate was found together with a
short cylindrical piece, the surface of which was corrugated. These pieces were originally attached to a silver
bead, but that is all what has remained of what was once most probably a necklace.381
The above finds illustrate that beads were worn in different ways: the bumped beads in grave 377 were most
probably twisted in the hair, while the eleven beads in grave 363 and the thirteen beads in grave 389 could have
been worn on a necklace.
3.3.3.4. Spindle whorls (Fig. 56)

(Graves 329, 395) (Pl. 96/1)
Spindle whorls are characteristic grave goods of the Early Avar Period,382 and they can be found almost
exclusively in graves of females. They can be considered as work tools, as they had practical purpose. There
were two of them found at the site, in graves 329 (female, 30–50 years old) and 395 (indeterminable, 9–10 years
old). In grave 329, it was in a secondary position, and in grave 395, it was placed next to the right hand, at the
end of the thigh bone. Interestingly, both graves were niche graves.
3.3.3.5. Straining spoon (Fig. 56)

(Grave 349) (Pl. 101/3; pl. 247/9)
A straining spoon was found in grave 349 (young girl, 14–16 years old), next to the left arm of the skeleton,
together with another item from a toiletry set, i.e. a brush holding tube with a suspension ring on its top.
The straining spoon cannot be classified into any of the types/variants established by B. Tobias,383 but its
shape shows great resemblance to Variant A of Type D.384 The head is blunt, and it has the shape of an elon-
gated drop, so it can be categorized as Variant B of Type D according to the typology set out by G. Lőrinczy and
P. Straub, based on a seriation analysis of graves with straining spoons.385 The closest parallel to this object was
found in Szegvár-Oromdűlő (grave 126),386 but that one had only three holes, while this one has seven.
Straining spoons are proof of cultural transfers and economic connections to the East. They were in com-
mon use in the 5th–6th centuries in the area to the north of the Caucasus, (Mokraja Balka, Tyrnyauz), and
according to A. Mastykova, they already appeared there sometime in the 2nd–4th centuries.387
375
Pásztor 2003, 335.
376
Pásztor 2003, 351.
377
Pásztor 2003, 340–341, 7. táblázat.
378
Pásztor 2003, 347, note 11.
379
Pásztor 2003, 347.
380
Pásztor 2003, 343.
381
Lőrinczy – Rácz 2014, 155–156.
382
See e.g. Cs. Balogh’s statistics. Balogh 2016a, 267.
383
Tobias 2001, 161–182. The lists in his article were completed, and his theory was criticized by G. Lőrinczy and P. Straub. Lőrinczy –
Straub 2003, 171–187; Lőrinczy – Straub 2004, 305–337; Lőrinczy – Straub 2005, 127–145.
384
Tobias 2001, 172, 174, Abb. 7/1, 4.
385
The graves in which the items of this type were found: Balatonfűzfő-Szalmássy telep grave 55, Szentes-Fertő 21, Szeged-Fehértó A
grave 50, Szekszárd-Bogyiszlói út grave 108, Szekszárd-Mocfacsárda, Gyula-Dobos 1 utca, Csengele-Feketahalom grave 96, Szegvár-Oro-
mdűlő graves 126, 704. Their list with literature: Lőrinczy – Straub 2005, 135.
386
Lőrinczy – Straub 2004, 5., 11. kép; Lőrinczy – Straub 2005, 135.
387
Mastykova 2009, 88, Ris. 100/1–4, ris. 101/1–5, ris. 102/1–3, ris. 103/1–3. Straining spoons have been found in burial grounds dating
from the 6th–9th centuries in Northern Osetia (e. g. Dargavs catacombe graves 1, 16, 27, 28, 59: Dzattiaty 2014, Tab. VII/20, Tab. XXX/66,
Tab. LVI/21, Tab. LVI/21, Tab. LXVII/31, Tab. CXVII/4–5). Other sites – yet unpublished – are e.g. Gundelen, Nalchik-Kenje, dating from
130
As has been said above, grave 349 was situated at the southern edge of the excavated area, and it likely
belonged to the last phase of the site. The typological classification of the spoon seems to support this assump-
tion. According to G. Lőrinczy and P. Straub, this type of spoon was characteristic for the end of that period, i.e.
the early decades of the second half of the 7th century.388 One should note, however, that the dating technique
itself (based on the results of seriation analysis) can be problematic. Seriation applies a linear ordering princi-
ple and with certain objects (or types), it does not seem valid to assume that they were worn out in the course
of short periods (say every 20–30 years). 389
3.3.3.6. Cylinder brush holder (Fig. 56)

(Grave 349) (Pl. 101/2; pl. 246/8)
In addition to the straining spoon, there was also a brush holder among the toiletries placed next to the left
arm of the young girl. This context complies with observations made elsewhere.390
This type of object is usually interpreted as a brush holder in the literature,391 which could be fully con-
firmed on the basis of the Nădlac find, as there were remains of hair found in the tube, apparently coming
from the head of a brush. The metal straps at the two ends of the cylinder were decorated with strings in a
semi-spherical form. Its exact parallel was found 18 km away, in Makó-Mikócsa-halom, in another Avar Period
burial ground (see also Annex 1 and Map 1).392 A similar item, but without metal straps decorated with strings,
was found in Gátér-Kun-Kisszállás (grave 203).393
From among the 24 brush holders collected by B. Tóbiás in his 2007 survey, only 5 pieces were from the
region of the Mureș–Criș–Tisza – from two sites: at Szegvár-Oromdűlő (graves 126, 829, 881, and 915), four such
objects were found, and one was from Kevermes-Homokbánya.394 This may indicate that such finds were not
widely used in the 7th century.
On the other hand, the fact that the item found in Nădlac has only one parallel, and that similar finds with
cylindrical shape also appear in the region of the Caucasus,395 indicate economic connections and cultural
transfer – it does not seem likely that a population group (also including young people, like the one in the
grave) would have migrated here from the Caucasus.
As for the distribution pattern of such objects, the following – hypothetical – points can be suggested:
1.) The distribution pattern is the result of a macro-regional cultural and commercial transfer within the
Carpathian Basin.
2.) These objects arrived from the Caucasus to the Carpathian Basin through a successive series of migra-
tions (of micro-groups), the details of which cannot be reconstructed.
3.) The direction of cultural transfer could have been the opposite (i.e. from the Carpathian Basin to the
Caucasus).
The young age of individuals buried with such objects suggests that this could be a “fashion trend” adopted
by young women. It would be interesting to study human bone materials from these graves using scientific
methods (e.g. strontium isotope and DNA analyses) to find out more about the origins of these people and
their genetic connections, whether this phenomenon was a passing fad ending after a short period of time,
and whether it was concerning a specific group of women.396 These objects might be representative of their age
group, and maybe also of their horizontal identity (brides?).
3.3.3.7. Chain (Fig. 56)

(Grave 369) (Pl. 118/1; pl. 248/1.1–2)
In grave 369 (unidentifiable, 14–16 years old), which was looted, and almost completely disturbed, a
the 6th–7th centuries. (Similar finds were documented during the Caucasus Archaeological Expedition by G. Lezsák, Á. Avar, D. Somfai
Kara, E. Gáll.) Straining spoons are also well-known in Dagestan and Chechnya too: Mastykova 2009, 88 (with bibliography). For further
literature on the research history of straining spoons see: Lőrinczy – Straub 2004, 129–130.
388
Lőrinczy – Straub 2005, 130.
389
Péter Langó has already drawn attention to this problem in connection to 10th century finds. Langó 2007, 218–221.
390
Tóbiás 2007, 333.
391
Tóbiás 2007, 333.
392
Hereby, we express our gratitude to Cs. Balogh for her kind help.
393
Kada 1906, 212. Its exact parallel: Dargavs grave 71. Dzattiaty 2014, Tab. CLIII/13.
394
Tóbiás 2007, 336–337, Abb. 7 (with bibliography).
395
Dzattiaty 2014, Tab. IV/36, Tab. CLIII/13.
396
We can set up a working hypothesis: is it possible that in the first phase, it caught on among the young women of a clan, and it was
distributed further through various channels?
131
bronze chain was found. The long chain was made of links, each formed in the shape of an eight. It was found
in secondary position. The alloy was composed of copper (77.312%), zinc (12.657%), lead (6.015%), and iron
(0.606%), and the chain might have been a device for hanging-up, as bronze and iron rings were attached to
its end.397
As argued by É. Garam, the use of such chains can be traced back to the Late Antique Period, and particu-
larly to Early Byzantine cultural circles.398 T. Vida also noted that their use could be transmitted to the Avars
through Germanic-Merovingian “influences”.399
Since this type of find was already present in the material culture of the Caucasus in the 4th–6th centuries,400
the theory of diffusion (starting from the area north of the Caucasus, where such finds date from the 4th–9th
centuries) seems to contradict this, and in this case, the diffusionist approach does not seem to hold.
The only similar find from the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region is a chain from an Early Avar Period grave in Oro-
sháza-Dénes téglagyár.401 Such chains can be dated to the first half of the 7th century.402 As the Nădlac burial
ground was only partially excavated, the horizontal stratigraphy of the site is incomplete, however, the E–W ori-
ented grave (369) was most probably earlier than the last phase. Based on the finds from the excavated graves in
the respective section of the burial ground, this grave can be dated most likely to the decades following 650 A.D.
3.3.3.8. A cylindrical bone object (Fig. 56)

(Grave 369) (Pl. 118/2)
There are several possible interpretations concerning the function of the turned bone cylinder found in
grave 369. It might have been a pin sheath or a clip of a pouch. Since the aforementioned chain had also a sim-
ilar pin holder,403 it might have been a customary decorative or practical part of these chains.
3.3.3.9. Pendant (?) (Fig. 56)

(Grave 365) (Pl. 117/4)
Hemispherical object with a wide hole. Found in grave 365 (unidentifiable, 15–20 years old). The grave was
robbed, and the function of the object remains unclear – probably a pendant. It was made of quality silver
(89.533%).
3.3.3.10. Belts (Fig. 57)

(Graves 351, 357, 364, 377, 379, 389, 395)
In 7 graves out of the 24 (29.16%), different parts of belts could be documented. Belt buckles were the most
frequent among them (graves 351, 357, 364, 377, 389, and 395 – one in each). Mounts were found in 1 grave (364)
and strap ends were documented in three graves (351, 357, and 379 – one in each). The iron rings in graves 379
and 395 could also have been parts of belts, as they were found around the waist. Most items were cast and
pressed, only buckles were wrought or cast.
3.3.3.10.1. Buckles (Fig. 57)

(Graves 351, 357, 364, 377, 389, 395) (Pl. 105/8; pl. 112/1; pl. 116/3; pl. 122/6; pl. 127/3; pl. 129/2; pl. 248/4)
The 6 buckles were of different types. Five of them were made of iron (graves 357 [male, 30–32 years old],
364 [male, 30–50 years old], 377 [juvenile, 15–20 years old], 389 [female, 30–50 years old], 395 [infans II, 9–10
years old]), and one was made of bronze (grave 351, [male, 26–32 years old]). Unfortunately, only the bronze
one, and one iron buckle preserved. In graves 357 and 377, the shapes of the buckles were unrecognisable, and
two others were already very fragmented.
However, the bronze one (with an iron prong) was a so-called lyre-shaped buckle – a frequent type among
Avar Period dress accessories in the Carpathian Basin. A common feature of these buckles is the ovalish shape
of the frame, with a groove on one side for the prong.404 The type could have come directly from the Balkans,
nevertheless, a Caucasus – Carpathian Basin route cannot be ruled out either, as demonstrated above on the
397
Garam 2002, 161.
398
Garam 2002, 164–165 (with bibliography).
399
Vida 2000, 374–375.
400
Mastykova 2009, Ris. 104/1–10, ris. 105/1–8; Dzattiaty 2014, Tab. XXXI/65–67, Tab. CLIII/2, 18.
401
Bóna 1965, 122, II. táb. 3; Garam 2002, 160.
402
Garam 2002, 163.
403
László 1941, 186–191; Balogh 2016a, 264.
404
Balogh 2004, 245.
132
Figure 56. Finds from the site: clothes and accessories (Nădlac-3M-N)
133
example of some other finds. In the Caucasus, lyre-shaped buckles were most common in the 6th–7th centuries,
but they were present also in the 8th–9th centuries.405 This does not necessarily mean, however, that they were
brought to the Carpathian Basin from there.
Based on finds from Tiszafüred, É. Garam dated lyre-shaped buckles to the last third of the 7th century,
although using a different terminology (“profiled type” instead of “lyre-shaped type”).406
3.3.3.10.2. U-shaped fastening straps (Fig. 57)

(Graves 351, 379) (Pl. 104/3; pl. 105/4–5, 7; pl. 108/18; pl. 125/2–3; pl. 247/1–2; pl. 248/5–7)
The U-shaped fastening straps from grave 351 were part of a belt, and similar pieces were found also in
Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (grave 51),407 where a pressed mount was also found, i.e. proof of the use of Preßblech
technique408 in the Early Avar Period. There were two bronze straps in grave 379, which can be dated to the
same period.409
3.3.3.10.3. Strap ends (Fig. 57)

(Graves 351, 364, 379) (Pl. 105/9–10, 13; pl. 116/2; pl. 124/1; pl. 248/1–3; pl. 250/1–2)
Strap ends were found in three graves, and all of them were made by pressed technique. The large strap
end with side rod in grave 351 (male, 26–32 years old) can be dated to the second third of the 7th century. A
small, decorated, Pancsova-type strap end with serrated edge was found in grave 351, which dates from the
second third of the 7th century.410 The decorated, Tarnaméra-type411 strap end in grave 379 (male, 17–20 years
old) dates from the middle (or the second half) of the 7th century.
This dating is confirmed by the relative chronology of the graves found in Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő and in
Tiszafüred.412 According to Zábojník’s typological system, Type no. 558 is dated to Phase FS (before 650), and
Type no. 002 to the MSI phase (650–675).413
The only iron strap end was found in a looted grave (grave 364; male, 30–50 years old). These were com-
mon finds also in the eastern part of the Transdanubian region.414
3.3.3.11. Single-edged swords without crossguards (Fig. 59)

(Graves 351, 356) (Pl. 106/14, 14.1; pl. 107/14.2; pl. 110/2; pl. 247/1; pl. 249/1)
Two single-edged swords with lens-shaped cross section were found in two adult graves.
The one in grave 351 (male, 26–32 years old) was placed in the grave in a wooden sheath. It was found on the
left side of the skeleton, and it was badly preserved. As the blade and the sheath corroded together, the width of
the blade could not be measured – together with the sheath, it was 3.2–3.1–2.8–2.3 cm. Neither this sword, nor
the other had crossguards, and the hilts could not be identified either. As the length measured approximately
80 cm, it was clearly a single-edged sword. According to G. Csiky’s typology, it belongs to group E.II/A.415
As for grave 356 (male, 43–55 years old), it was even more difficult to identify the remains of a sword due
to corrosion and technical conditions. Only some fragments were recovered, and the full length of the weapon
can only be estimated, based on the plan of the grave. One of the pieces, however, had a triangle shaped cross
section, characteristic of single-edged swords. Unfortunately, its weight could not be measured, but – as Csiky
observed – these swords were narrow and light, produced from a small amount of material.416 The blade was
2.0–2.2–2.5 cm wide, which perfectly fits into the width range of 2.0–3.5 cm, as measured by Csiky.417 This
weapon can also be categorized into Group E.II/A to Csiky’s typology.418
405
Kovalevskaâ 1979, 33–35.
406
Garam 1995, 224, 397–400.
407
408
Armbruster 2003, 409–413; Bálint 2010, 147.
409
Two fastening straps were found also in Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (grave 51). Szalontai 2003, 380.
410
“Diese Garnituren waren im zweiten Drittel und die spätesten um die Mitte des 7. Jahrhunderts in Gebrauch bzw. kamen damals in die
Erde.“ Garam 2001, 148, Taf. 108–110. See also: H. Tóth 1981, 151; Szenthe 2015, 343–378.
411
Garam 2001, 141–146, Taf. 104–105.
412
Szalontai 2003, 380; Garam 1995, 397–400.
413
Zábojník 1991, Abb. 1, Taf. 1/1, Taf. 2/1–2.
414
Lőrinczy 1992, 81–124; Balogh 2016a, 218.
415
Csiky 2015, 173–181, Fig. 11, 64–68, Map 30. On the dating of Early Avar swords see also: Simon 1991, 263–346.
416
Csiky 2015, 173.
417
Csiky 2015, 179.
418
Csiky 2015, 173–181, Fig. 64–68, Map 30.
134
Figure 57. Buckles, belt hole guards, and strap ends (Nădlac-3M-N)
135
As both weapons preserved in very bad condition, they were most likely made of low quality, local iron ore,
which could be extracted nearby in the Bihor Mountains.419 Due to their bad state of preservation, one can only
speculate about the technique of production – whether they were made in a similar way, or by the same master.
Altogether 135 examples of this type of weapon were collected by Csiky, most of which date from the Early
Avar Period. (Some were dated to the Middle and the Late Avar Periods420 – given that conventional chronolog-
ical boundaries apply.421) Now, this list can be completed with examples discussed hereby. The Nădlac finds
fit perfectly into the picture regarding the southern part of the Great Plain. The distribution pattern raises the
question whether this type of sword was a typical weapon used predominantly in this region, or the pattern
concerns only funeral practices. It seems likely though that these objects were not simply weapons, but there
was also a strong symbolic meaning to them.
3.3.3.12. Arrowheads (Fig. 59)

(Graves 356, 379) (Pl. 111/5–7; pl. 125/7)
Arrowheads were found in two graves. There were three fragmented pieces found in grave 356 (male, 43–55
years old), two of which were three-edged.422 Their positions within the grave suggest that only two of them
were actually from weapons (those found next to the left iliac blade), whereas the third one placed on the
femur could be an amulet.
In grave 379 (male, 17–20 years old), a long tang of an arrowhead was found, although in a very corroded
state. Perhaps this was an amulet too. As much as it can be inferred from the positions of arrowheads, these
items could have functioned in different ways as grave goods: both as weapons, and as well as bearing a more
symbolic meaning.
3.3.3.13. Knives (Fig. 59)

(Graves 351, 356, 377 [2 knives], 379, 395) (Pl. 105/11; pl. 110/4; pl. 122/4–5; pl. 125/6; pl. 129/1)
There were altogether 6 iron knives (fragments) found: in graves 351 (male, 26–32 years old), 356 (male,
43–55 years old), 377 (juvenile, 15–20 years old) [2 knives], 379 (male, 17–20 years old), and 395 (infans II, 9–10
years old). Most likely these were all graves of men (i.e. including young boys).
The position of the knives varied: in three cases, they were found at the left side of the body (graves 351,
356, and 395), and one was next to the right femur (grave 377). The knife fragment found in place of the pelvis
was in secondary position (grave 377). In grave 379, the knife was placed across the right femur, and this may
imply that it was not simply put there as a tool, but rather as an amulet against evil.
3.3.3.13.1. On the size of knives

As some of the knives were fragmented, there is little evidence to determine their size. Their handles were
made of wood, but they have not been preserved, so the original lengths and other dimensions could be only
estimated (see the chart below). The data presented hereby need to be treated with reservations, as only frag-
ments of the tangs remained in most cases, while blades remained more intact. Data from the chart clearly
show that blades represent three different sizes: 1. large size: 14.5 – 17.0 cm (graves 356 and 377); 2. middle size:
11 – 13.5 cm (graves 351 and 379); 3. small size: 5.5 – 9.5 cm (grave 395).
Graves Length of the blade Total length

Grave 351 11.5 cm 13.0 cm
Grave 356 15.5 cm -
Grave 377/1 7.0 cm (fragmentary) -
Grave 377/2 12.5 cm 17.0 cm
Grave 379 9.4 cm 13.3 cm
Grave 395 9.5 cm -
Figure 58. Dimensions of the knives found at the site (Nădlac-3M-N)
419
Thiele 2009, 4. ábra.
420
Csiky 2015, 174.
421
Csiky 2015, Map 30. Unfortunately, Csiky did not provide a chronological chart for these finds (whether they date from the Early,
Middle or Late Avar Periods, or first or second half of the Avar Period).
422
Kalmár 1944–1945, 283–294. J. Kalmár’s typology might seem outdated, but there has been no new work done on the subject since
then.
136
3.3.3.13.2. On the number of graves with knives
Graves furnished with knives (5 graves [6 knives] out of 24) make up approximately 20.83–25.00% of the
total sample. Notably, a similar rate applies for the whole Mureș–Criș–Tisza region.
3.3.3.14. Stirrup (Fig. 59)

(Grave 351) (Pl. 107/16)
The 6th century invention of the stirrup is considered the most significant technical advancement of the Avar
Period, which substantially transformed the tactics of warfare, making it possible for riders to stand up in the
saddle while fighting. A significant number of stirrups were found in the Carpathian Basin dating from the 7th–8th
centuries.423 Apart from some elaborate items,424 however, they were not subject to comprehensive analysis.
The stirrup in grave 351 is badly preserved, it was found in a much-corroded state. Its position in the grave
– not far from the shin bone of the horse – raises the question whether it was placed there with the saddle,
or without it. Since it had no pair, it was probably put in the grave without the saddle.425 It has symmetrically
arched side bars, a strap loop, and its tread is not curved, neither completely flat, but a “transitional” type.
I. Bóna argued that partial horse burials became common around the turn of the 7th and 8th centuries.426
Thus, the mid-7th century is a likely date for this grave – together with grave 349, they are situated at the south-
ern edge of the burial ground –, as well as for the grave goods, including this stirrup and also a single-edged
sword.
3.3.3.15. Horse bit (Fig. 59)

(Grave 351) (Pl. 108/17)
Grave 351 is a partial horse burial, oriented west, in the mouth of which there was a horse bit found, with
small rings attached.427 This type of object is very common for horse burials in the Avar Period, but it does not
provide chronological clue.428
3.3.3.16. Girth buckle (Fig. 59)

(Grave 351) (Pl. 107/15)
There was also an iron girth buckle found next to the horse’s skull in grave 351. It was used to fix the bridle
strap.
3.3.3.17. Ceramic vessels (Fig. 51–52)

(Graves 333, 349) (Pl. 98/1; pl. 102/4; pl. 244/1; pl. 245/1)
Vessels were found only in two graves (2 out of 24, 8.33%). They must have contained food and/or drink as
offerings to the otherworld.429
One of them was a jug (grave 349, young girl, aged 14–16), and the other was a simple mug (grave 333,
young man/boy, aged 17–21). Both were placed near the head: in grave 349, it was found behind the skull, on
the left side, in the upper layer of the fill, and in grave 333, it was also behind the skull, but on the right side.
Their position in the grave reflects the same trend as observed at other sites (Nădlac-9M, 3M-S, and 7M).430
What is interesting here, however, is that both individuals were of young age. The mug was hand-built, and
had an elongated shape. Its shoulder was asymmetrical and bulging, and the rim was straight. According to
the typology suggested by T. Vida, it can be classified into Category IIID2/f1.431 Such vessels seem to have been
very common throughout the Early and the Late Avar Periods,432 and they cannot be dated with precision.
423
However, no comprehensive paper has been written on stirrups. The one dating from the Early Avar Period was collected by I. Kovrig.
Kovrig 1955a, 30–44; Kovrig 1955b, 163–192. Kovrig’s theory has been criticized by Cs. Bálint. Bálint 1995, 258–260.
424
Kovrig 1955a, 30.
425
For further information on the position of the harness, see: Lőrinczy – Rácz 2014, 174; Lőrinczy 2015, 159–161. However, the posi-
tions of the stirrups have not been addressed in detail. In many cases, it is problematic to tell whether stirrups were put in graves with
or without saddles.
426
According to I. Bóna, the development of this funerary right is primarily due to religious beliefs. Bóna 1979, 18–21.
427
These could be parts of the harness. For more on this: Lőrinczy – Rácz 2014, 174; Lőrinczy 2015, 159–161.
428
Garam 1995, 356, 358. At present, there is no comprehensive study on this object type.
429
Unfortunately, the content of the pottery has not been analysed by us.
430
Cociș et al. 2016, 7, 26, Pl. 4, pl. 14.
431
Vida 1999, Abb. 58.
432
Vida 1999, 143, Taf. 175.
137
Figure 59. Weapons, knives, and harnesses (Nădlac-3M-N)
138
On the other hand, the other vessel could be dated to the middle of the 7th century – based on other finds in
the grave. It was a small sized, yellowish-red, hand-built jug with ears, and the body was decorated with four
strap-bundles. Although this kind of decoration remains unparalleled in the Carpathian Basin, the colour and
material were similar to that of another vessel found in Mezőfalva-Vasútállomás (grave 223). This find – from
the Transdanubian region – was classified as Type IFf,433 and interpreted by T. Vida as evidence of cultural
“influence” from Byzantium and the Balkans.434
3.3.3.18. Fragments of unidentified objects

(Graves 329, 351, 377) (Pl. 96/2; pl. 104/1–2; pl. 105/6, 12)
Iron objects were found in four graves, but their various functions remain unknown. The fragment of a
plate found in grave 377 preserved the imprint of a piece of textile. The iron fragments found in grave 351, next
to the upper arm bone, may have been components of a belt. The small cylindrical object found in grave 389
was not a pin holder.
3.3.4. Summary
3.3.4.1. The chronology of the burial ground (Fig. 60–61)
Altogether approximately 10 out of the 24 graves contained furnishings, which provide solid basis for site
chronology. Based on typo-chronological observations, three groups – as well as three chronological phases
– can be established:
Group 1 (graves 351, 356, 360, 369, and 377), dating from the first half (or the second third) of the 7th century.435
Group 2 (graves 349, 364, and 371), dating from the second third of the 7th century.
Group 3 (graves 379 and 389), dating from the second half of the 7th century. This dating is suggested par-
ticularly because of the decorated belt mount and a melon seed-shaped bead.
Figure 60. The chronology of graves with datable finds (Nădlac-3M-N)
Since the burial ground was not completely excavated – and it is theoretically possible that there were
other graves dating from before or after the abovementioned periods –, it is uncertain whether the use of the
site actually started and ended within the above set chronological frames (i.e. the second third of the 7th cen-
tury and the second half of the 7th century).
Statistically speaking, group 2 represents the relevance, and one may also suggest that this dating (the sec-
ond third of the 7th century) could apply for the burial ground as a whole (as it is unlikely that the small group
of 24 individuals would have used the site for a period substantially longer than a couple of decades). Never-
theless, the graves in the first two groups are definitely earlier than the two graves in group 3, which, however,
date from the second half of the 7th century.
433
Vida 1999, 245, Taf. 126/4.
434
Vida 1999, 97. However, T. Vida did not elaborate on the concept of “influence”.
435
Grave 350 was dug on top of grave 360, so the latter one is older.
139
Figure 61. The distribution of graves with datable finds (Nădlac-3M-N)
140
3.3.4.2. Demographic aspects (Fig. 62–63)
Age categories and sexes could not be determined for each of the 24 graves (in total) excavated at Năd-
lac. There are, however, some interesting patterns. For example, there was no senilis individual found among
females. According to Fig. 62/A–B, maturus skeletons (males and females) were found in the greatest numbers
(7), which indicates that this was the average life expectancy. The number of juvenilis and infans skeletons
was also considerable (9 out of 24 – 37.5%), but their sex is undeterminable. The question remains, why the
certainly high death rate of infans I remains underrepresented, as there was only one case (grave 396, a little
child aged about 6–8).

Female juvenis 349 (14–16)
Female adultus 363 (20–23)
Female maturus I–II 329 (30–50), 347 (30–32), 358 (30–50), 389 (30–50)
Male juvenis–adultus 333 (17–21), 379 (17–20)

Male adultus–maturus I 351 (26–32)
Male maturus I–II 357 (30–32), 364 (30–50)
Male maturus II–senilis 356 (43–55)
Indeterminable infans I–II 396 (6–8)

Indeterminable infans II 328 (11–13), 371 (11–12), 395 (9–10)
Indeterminable infans II–juvenis 372 (13–15)
Indeterminable juvenis 360 (15–17), 365 (15–20), 369 (14–16), 377 (15–20)
Indeterminable maturus I–II 378 (30–50), 405 (30–50)
Figure 62/A. The sex and age distribution of the population (Nădlac-3M-N)
3.3.4.3. Some thoughts on the evolution of the micro-community in Nădlac-3M-N

Within the past two decades, our knowledge has advanced significantly regarding the funerary archaeol-
ogy of the communities inhabiting the region east of the Tisza. However, no attempt has been made to analyse
and interpret the socio-historical context, partly because of objective reasons (i.e. little evidence), but also
because of prevailing traditions of research, which did not consider the various groups as heterogeneous,
but rather as a uniform population. The excavations carried out at different burial grounds, however, could
demonstrate the various traditions and identities of members of these communities.
Weapons were found at this site only in three graves, so they are clearly underrepresented (3 out of 24 –
12.5%). As the tong of an arrowhead found in grave 379 (17–20-year-old, young male) was rather a symbolic
object (like an iron sickle), there were, in fact, only two individuals (351 and 356 – a man aged 26–32, in the
other a 30–50-year-old man was lying), who had been – strictly speaking – buried with weapons. It is impossi-
ble to tell whether they were “warriors”.
The data collected by G. Lőrinczy include single- and double-edged swords from 46 sites, which show that
such weapons were typically present in graves in the area east of the Tisza,436 contrasting other regions, like
the Transylvanian Basin.437
A few questions arise concerning the cultural origins and horizontal identities of people in this section
of the burial ground. Although the characteristic customs identified by G. Lőrinczy can be also found in Năd-
lac (e.g. burials with parts of horses and harnesses),438 some other customs (exemplified by grave 349) show
that the Nădlac-3M-N community must have cultivated contacts (commercial and other) with a wide net-
work – apart from the burials of the well-known Sivashovka horizon,439 similar funerary customs were docu-
mented in Bulgaria.440 What exactly was the nature of these contacts, reaching beyond the geographical area
of the Carpathian Basin, cannot be answered when relying only on archaeological sources. P. Somogyi and
G. Lőrinczy argued that the similarity between Early Avar funerary customs documented in the region east of
436
437
Dobos 2015, 57–88.
438
439
Somogyi 1987, 145–147; Lőrinczy 1998, 355.
440
Doncheva-Petkova 2014, 21–22.
141
Figure 62/B. The sex and age distribution of the population (Nădlac-3M-N)
142
the Tisza as well as outside of the Carpathians, is the result of an East→West migration, whereas B. Gulyás
explained this with the common origins of these populations.441 If we take into consideration the observations
made by L. Doncheva-Petkova (regarding similar burials in Bulgaria dating from little later), then we have
similar funerary customs from three different regions, dating approximately from the same period. This could
strengthen Gulyás’s theory, that these were indeed populations with common origins.
Although this opinion represents a considerable turn in the analysis of this problem, we do not fully agree
with the conclusion mainly because of methodological and socio-psychological concerns. According to this
theory, different fragments of a population group – going separate – were to continue using “old” funerary
customs, which represent a model they just – perhaps voluntarily – went separate from. Nevertheless, as the
socio-economic situations of such groups were constantly and perhaps rapidly changing (due to migration),
a dynamic fluctuation of customs was more likely to happen, which would prevent the development of any
long-term trend, and rather result in the parallel use of various different customs, which appear and disappear
at the same time in response to cultural-sociological changes. On the other hand, archaeologists also have to
face a methodological challenge to grasp the dynamic reality of changing practices through the static picture
of burial assemblages – a problem, which inevitably skews and limits interpretations.
It is a trivial sociological observation that contemporaries have more things in common with one another,
than they have with their ancestors. This makes one think that the similarities of funerary customs docu-
mented in the above said three macro-regions (namely, the regions to the north-east of the Black Sea, in the
Carpathian Basin and in Bulgaria) are rather the results of cultural transfers among these populations. At
present, archaeological sources do not provide enough foundation – in our opinion – to come to decisive con-
clusions in this study.
Gulyás 2015a, 505–506.

441
143
CHAPTER 4.
Conclusions
T
he three burial grounds at Nădlac represent a small, but illustrative
sample of the archaeology of the region. From the 6th to the 8/9th cen-
tury, the micro-regions in the Carpathian Basin – from the Vienna
Basin to the eastern part of the Transylvanian Basin442 – were inhabited by a col-
ourful network of micro-communities, both sedentary and mobile, under the rule
of the khagan. How exactly their web of connections looked like, is impossible to
reconstruct, but there are hints that the so called “conic-vertical clan system”443
established by the Khaganate in the Early Avar Period was re-structured in the 8th
century, due perhaps to western influence.
4.1. The chronology of the three sites (Fig. 63)

Before summarizing our findings, some methodological reflections will be in
order. A common methodological problem of archaeological studies, is the unre-
flective use of written sources, which creates sometimes arbitrary and extremely
unlikely points of connection between historical and archaeological materials.
Early medieval archaeology does not seem to be able to do away with the use of
historical evidence, although the dangers of the methodology described by J. Wer-
ner as “mixed argumentation” (Gemischte Argumentation) are well-known. Histor-
ical reports were created usually hundreds or thousands of kilometres away from
the archaeological evidence they relate to. Their intentionality and their biased,
stereotypical views cannot serve as an integrative tool for the interpretation of
material evidence (artefacts), let alone funerary customs.
Chronological periodization inevitably fell victim to this problem. Assuming,
for instance, that the “Early Avar Period” starts from 568 A.D. does not seem to
be fully justified in the light of archaeological evidence.444 Twenty years ago, Cs.
Bálint rightly pointed to problems concerning the chronology of Early Avar finds,
but his methodological concerns failed to disqualify the whole system of dating
for the almost 300 years long Avar Period (with fixed boundaries in 650, 700, 820
A.D.). Studies generally apply this tight and uniform periodization for the whole
macro-geographical area, but it just does not seem feasible considering the multi-
faceted regional differences within the Carpathian Basin.
442
ADAM 2002, Maps 3–5. For a list of Avar Period sites in the Banat, see: Gáll – Romát 2016, Map
1–4, Appendix 2. As for the Transylvanian Basin, see: Harhoiu 2016, List 1, Map 1. For Avar Period
sites in the north-western part of the Carpathian Basin, see: Zábojník 2010, 192–199.
443
Somfai Kara 2017, u. pr.
444
For example, would not it be possible to talk about the migration of the Avar population before
the “magical” year of 568, as indicated by archaeological evidence found at the burial ground in
Makó-Mikócsa-halom? Balogh 2016b, 109–120.
Yet another problem is that archaeological studies imply a horizontal “uniformity” for different micro-re-
gions and population groups within the khaganate. “Unity” and “uniformity” are concepts characteristic of
the political thinking in the 19th century, which inseminated contemporary science (including the discipline of
archaeology) as well. Due to the educational system that developed later in Central-Eastern European coun-
tries, these concepts still play a central role.445 This is also reflected in the discussions about “archaeological
cultures”, as they are typically interpreted as “uniform” entities – exactly how the concept of “culture” was
understood in the 18th and 19th centuries.446 Modern views on the uniform character of cultures are further
strengthened by how we experience “identity” and “authority”, which became more “horizontally” defined
in modern societies, than they had been before, in traditional societies. This means that people are now more
equal when choosing who they want to be. Mass media – television in particular – breaks down the isolation of
traditional life, and allows individuals to connect with like-minded others across barriers of space and time.447
Besides these methodological and conceptual problems, archaeologists in Central-Eastern Europe seldom
take into account demographical or sociological findings based on complex analytical methods. Most experts
refer to chronological phases as if they were absolute, and based on rigorously collected data. However,
they only rarely make observations (or come up with theories) concerning radical and large-scale settlement
changes induced by regional migration. This is because site-based analysis usually does not provide perspec-
tives on macro-regional phenomena. Archaeological reports, studies discussing individual sites automatically
aim to integrate their findings with a chronological system applied uniformly for a large geographical area (e.
g. the Carpathian Basin), and do not consider the possibility of separate (parallel) chronologies.
The most significant asset of micro-regional studies, of which the present research is an example, is that
they are able to point to the fallacious use of uniform, macro-regional chronological schemes (see particularly
in Chapter 3.2, in connection to belt mounts). Regarding the three sites/burial grounds in Nădlac, it was appar-
ently difficult to integrate chronological observations, even if only this small micro-regional context is con-
cerned (the Mureș–Criș–Tisza area). Because of the mobility of communities, one has to keep in mind the pos-
sibility of running into mistakes when drawing a static picture of them based on material evidence. To avoid
this, we have paid attention to the find context, in particular, when dating individual artefacts, and we have
collected all known parallel finds from the micro-region. One should note, however, that this is not without
problems either, as similar objects may be separated in time, due to various social historical events, or because
of socio-psychological reasons. (This issue has been mentioned in Chapter 3.2 in connection to belt mounts.)
Thus, when dating the three sites, we have not imposed a common, uniform chronological framework, but
treated the sites separately. At the same time, we have attempted to identify common threads, suggesting a
micro-regional chronological context, where applicable.
As for Site 9M, the only item that could be used for precise dating was the earring with a pendant (late 6th–
early 7th centuries). This find clearly shows that the site was used as a burial ground in this time, but the differ-
ent orientation of grave groups (graves 1–2: N–S, graves 3–5: E–W, and graves 7–11: SE–NW oriented) indicate
subsequent chronological phases, the sequence of which we were not able to define. The genetic or sociological
relationship of these grave groups and individuals remain also uncertain. The small communities of people
they represent, lived maybe at the same time, when those who were buried in E–W orientated graves at Site
3M-N and Site 1M. This is, however, problematic and might be solved only through the analysis of 14C samples.
With regard to the 24 individuals buried at Site 3M-N, the dating may not fit with the generally applied
chronology. The graves and the finds represent only an incomplete picture of the site, as it was only partially
excavated. There is no clue when exactly the use of the site started, and when it was abandoned. As has been
mentioned, three graves could be dated to the second third of the 7th century, and two other graves to the
second half of the 7th century. This dating gives a relative and preliminary date for the whole burial ground
(approx. second third of the 7th century).
In case of Site 3M-S, a more exact dating was put forward. The first chronological phase is that of niche
graves (present in each group of graves), which never date later than the early 8th century. The latest (third)
phase is characterised by earrings dating from the second half of the 8th century. Thus, the use of the burial
ground must have started in the early decades of the 8th century (between 710/720) and ended around 750/760
A.D.
445
Nationalism as a political principle considers that the political and the national unit should be identical. Everyone is required to have
common education and to have a similar cultural background. Gellner 1983.
446
Gellner 1983, 6; Boia 1999, 157. This is reflected in archaeology by the constant tendency of homogenisation in the interpretation of
the finds assemblages in keeping with the sovereign territories of modern nation-states. This is closely linked with the concept that views
the archaeological cultures as ethnically homogenous communities.
447
146
Integrating the chronology of the three burial places into a uniform scheme (Early, Middle, and Late Avar
Period) that would apply for the whole micro-region or the larger geographical area, is highly problematic from
a sociological point of view. Regarding this period, social mobility is typically an undetectable or unexplain-
able sociological and demographical phenomenon. It is impossible to know why the population buried in the
earliest group of graves seem to disappear, whether they migrated somewhere else, or not, or what reasons led
to the “appearance” of E–W oriented graves, furnished with weapons at Site 3M-N. Similarly, it is not possible
to tell whether the almost completely excavated Site 3M-S is likely to have come to exist at the turn of the 7th–8th
centuries. Maybe it was a response to social or economic changes, but there is no historical information to
explain this process. However, not taking mobility into consideration only conserves the use of a static chron-
ological system, as well as a certain type of thinking in archaeology, which will not help in more accurately
reconstructing 7th–8th century social phenomena.
It is beyond the scope of the present study to review the dating of Site 7M,448 situated in the floodplain of
the Mureș, 4.5 km away from the above discussed three sites. However, if we were to apply the “established”
chronological system – as criticized above –, the dating of this site could be connected to the abandonment
of Site 3M-S. As has been mentioned, Site 3M-S can be approximately dated, as only the outer section of the
burial ground was excavated. In comparison to the unexcavated part, these graves were dug most probably
later. Based on our present knowledge, it would be unfounded to suggest any connection between the two
sites.
Summing up the chronological analysis, the following points can be underlined:
1.) The earliest section of Site 9M was used for a relatively long period of time.
2.) The dating of Site 3M-N is preliminary, as only a section of it was excavated. More precise dating can
be obtained only when excavating the site to the full extent. Its western boundary remains uncertain for now.
3.) Site 3M-S was almost completely excavated, but there were only a few graves. Its possible dating does
not seem to coincide precisely with the appearance of Late Avar finds from elsewhere, which makes us believe
that the appearance of this community in this micro-region was not connected to any significant political or
military changes, but can be explained rather by the mobility of micro-groups.
Based on these chronological observations, the following diagram can be drawn:
600 650 700 750 800 850

Site 9M
600 650 700 750 800 850

Site 3M-N
600 650 700 750 800 850

Site 3M-S
600 650 700 750 800 850

Site 7M
Figure 63. The chronology of the burial grounds in Nădlac: Sites 3M-N, 3M-S, 7M, and 9M
4.2. Anthropological and archaeozoological observations concerning lifestyle (Fig. 64)

The micro-communities in Nădlac can be described as “primary groups” – defined by the relations of its
members and their cooperation.449 The concept of “primary group” is in close relation to a community’s life-
style and social organization at a micro-community level. Since the settlements, to which the three burial
grounds belonged to, remain unknown to us, and scientific investigations have not yet been carried out at the
sites to study the past environment, it is only from the anthropological and archaeozoological data, that we are
able to reflect on the lifestyle of these communities. Comparing the 7th century (Site 3M-N) with the 8th century
(Site 3M-S), there are also similarities and considerable differences. The latter might be explained either by
changes in funerary customs and lifestyle or by the arrival of new population groups.
Published by Cocis et al. 2016, 1–76.

448
For the definition of “primary group”, see: Cooley 1909, 23.

449
147
Animal species Burial ground 3M-N Burial ground 3M-S
Sheep 26 (in 18 graves)
Sheep or goat/? 6 (in 6 graves) 9 (in 7 graves)
Cattle 12 (in 11 graves) 10 (in 10 graves)
Pig 1 (in 1 grave) 2 (in 2 graves)
Goose 1 (in 1 grave)
Poultry 2 (in 2 graves)
Chicken-hen 4 (in 4 graves)
Hen egg 1 (in 1 grave)
Egg 3 (in 2 graves)
Figure 64. Animal bones found at the two sites (Nădlac-3M-N and 3M-S)
Fig. 64 shows a big difference between the two sites in terms of the number of cattle bones – this is even
more striking when considering that the area of Site 3M-S with less bones was much larger. The high occur-
rence of cattle bones would show that the respective community either had a lot more cattle, or had different
funerary customs. Pig bones were found in one (3M-N), respectively two graves (3M-S). This may indicate that
pig husbandry did not play a significant role, and there were perhaps no differences between 7th and 8th century
practices. Poultry and egg remains were found only in 8th century graves (Site 3M-S), which may reflect that
husbandry practices were diversifying. These observations are confirmed by anthropological data, as more
pathological lesions were observed on the skeletons buried at this site, but they were absent at Site 3M-N. In
particular, Schmorl’s nodes (7 male and 6 female skeletons), and entesopatie injuries (altogether 21 skeletons
with 16 males among them) occurred, both of which can be connected to heavy physical work (see Chapter 7).
This remarkable difference between 7th and 8th century communities are also supported by complex envi-
ronmental investigations, conducted by P. Sümegi and his team (Department of Geology and Paleontology at
the University of Szeged) along the River Mureș, between Sânnicolau Mare and Szeged (where the Mureș joins
the Tisza).450 The results indicated that the intensity of human activity decreased in the Migration Period, and
its emphasis shifted from crop production to animal husbandry. The pollen record has shown the rise of certain
taxa (e.g. weeds indicating pasture grazing) in comparison to Roman times, when the ratio of pollens associ-
ated with crop farming was more significant.
Nevertheless, crop cultivation did not seem to have disappeared entirely during the Migration Period.451 Signs of
physical work on some skeletons found at the Sites 3M-S and 7M452 can be associated with agricultural work and sup-
port observations that both crop farming and animal husbandry were practiced in the Late Avar Period. Furthermore,
some pathological lesions (osteorarthritis and entesopatie) indicated that people regularly carried heavy weights on
their shoulders, from where one can speculate whether this activity was related to heavy agricultural work.
4.3. The settlement network and the landscape context

As for the Early Avar Period (with regard to our two sites, 9M and 3M-N), the lower catchment of the River
Mureș does not have a rich archaeology.
Looking at the micro-region as a whole, situated north of the river, it was only recently that new sites were
discovered, notably Kövegy-Nagy-földek,453 Makó-Mikócsa-halom,454 Nădlac-1M,455 Pecica-Smart Diesel,456 and
Pecica.457 There areal so some stray finds known from before, including Apátfalva,458 Magyarcsanád-Bökény,459
Pecica,460 and Peregu Mare (Pl. 252–254).461 As stirrups, horse bits, and harness mounts were found at all of
450
Scientific investigations were carried out prior to the construction of the M43 road around Makó. The Nagy Mikócsa halom, only
20 km away from Nădlac, was the most intensively researched site, from where multiple samples (sediment, soil, charcoal, pollen, and
phytolith samples, as well as archaeobotanical and archaeozoological remains) could be collected.
451
Sümegi et al. 2016, 4.
452
Andreica (Szilagyi) 2016, 77–86.
453
Benedek – Marcsik 2017, 369–442.
454
Balogh 2016b, 109–120.
455
Unpublished.
456
Mărginean 2017, 145–146, Pl. 3. Four graves unpublished.
457
M. H. K. Hőgyes’ information. Unpublished.
458
Kisléghi Nagy 1911, 319.
459
Csallány 1961, 140–141, Taf. CCVlII/3; ADAM 2002, 230–231.
460
Csallány 1956, 179, Nr. 773; Cosma et al. 2013, 76–77, Fig. 52.
461
Hampel 1900, 113–114.
148
these places, they can be all considered as burial sites with horses. In the area south of the river, early Avar
finds were even poorer. There is a grave with a horse in Sânnicolau Mare-Mina Major, at a considerable dis-
tance from our sites.462 There is also the pyre burial on Mound IX in Dudeștii Vechi-Pusta Bucova463 and graves
with horses found on Mound V in Dudeștii Vechi (with a 100 cm long double-edged iron sword in one of them),
which can be dated to the Early Avar Period.464
Our knowledge is similarly fragmentary regarding the settlement history of this area and around Nădlac in
the Late Avar Period. Until 2013, there were only two Late Avar burial sites known: Magyarcsanád-Belezidűlő
(4 graves)465 and Apátfalva-Vámház (8 graves), both of which are situated on the northern embankment of the
river.466 It must be noted, however, that on the actually Romanian side of the border, no excavations have been
carried out so far (and we have no information about field surveys either), which explains the complete lack
of data.467 With the start of rescue excavations in 2013, the situation has changed unexpectedly, as a number
of Late Avar burial sites were discovered in the immediate surroundings of Nădlac – among them Site 3M-S,
dating from the first decades of the 8th century, was found north from Site 7M, which was situated east of the
town, to the north from the dried up bed of the Blezanyica stream. When looking at the map of these sites (see
Map 2), one may conclude that the area around Nădlac and the right bank of the River Mureș (from Arad to
Makó) became more densely settled in the Late Avar Period. This observation needs to be confirmed by further
analysis (excavations and/or field surveys).
4.4. Problems of “ethnicity” and social status in the light of archaeology (Fig. 65–66)
The Early Avar Khaganate was a military power structure, a “warrior-society”.468 Continuously waging war
and dealing with its consequences impermeated all aspects of social life and social structures. Within a few
decades time, the Avar power structure was capable of integrating formerly separate regions and communities
in the Carpathian Basin – for the first time in history –, under the leadership of one political-military power
centre.469 Most importantly, this process has led to the integration, acculturation and assimilation of a politi-
cal-military elite, merging different elements of the steppe population as well as Germanic, Slavonic, and Med-
iterranean people. The creation of “Avaria” was based on this symbiosis – truly a “success story” supported by
the influx of Byzantine gold into the Khaganate.470
With regard to the geographical area controlled by this political structure from the 6th to 9th century,471 it
remains a challenging problem as to what extent group identities can be detected and understood by archae-
ological means. At this point, ethnic identity (as horizontal identity) becomes a matter of intensive debate. It
is not only that the use of the concept is actually a “hot potato” for sociologists (who study its contemporary
manifestations),472 but – as a modern concept – it is increasingly problematic for archaeologists and historians
as well, who study past societies.473 As for nomad societies, its relevance is highly questionable.474 Leaving
462
Medeleţ 1998, 308; Mare 2004,116, 123, 205.
463
Kisléghi Nagy 2010, 129.
464
Kisléghi Nagy 2010, 106–108.
465
Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1993, 287; Bende 2017, 34.
466
Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 271–272, 1. kép, 7. kép, 8. kép 1–11; Bende 2017, 15–16.
467
Among Romanian archaeologists there is a consensus that only an insignificant number of Avars settled in the present-day territory
of Romania. As this has been argued in several places, there is no point of giving here a detailed list of literatures.
468
The concept itself is usually applied to describe the system of the Roman Empire, however, in our opinion, it can be applied to the
political-military system of the Avar Khaganate too, at least until 626.
469
Vida 2009, 118; Vida 2016a, 251–252.
470
Pohl 2003, 576–578; Vida 2009, 118; Vida 2016a, 251–269.
471
ADAM 2002, Karte 3–5; Gáll – Romát 2016, Map 1–4, Appendix 2; Harhoiu 2016, Liste 1, Karte 1.
472
Malešević 2004, 1.
473
The concept of “ethnicity” is widely recognized as a 20th century invention, as it was clearly gaining momentum after the Nazi period.
In fact, the concept was first used by G. Vacher de Lapouge in his book in 1896 in reference to a community of people connected by bio-
logical origin (species), cultural tradition (ethnicity) and historical experience (nation). Vacher de Lapouge 1896, 2, 18, 28, 68–69, 84,
90, 94, 116, 185, 344, 357, 364–365, 375, 382, 391, 400, 412, 424, 444. In the 1930s, the concept received more attention in English language
literatures, but it was only in the 50s and 60s that it became more widely known, when it was not considered any more a characteristic
feature of a social system. As for archaeological studies, see: Geary 1983, 15–26; Brather 2002, 152–156; Curta 2006, 197–204; Curta
2007, 159–185; Niculescu 2011, 16–18. In Central-Eastern Europe, the term “ethnic” was used in reference to homogeneous groups of
people, but it is clearly the projection of a modern concept into the past, in support of nationalistic ideologies (Gellner 1983, 76; Ander-
son 2006, 20).
474
L. M. Friedmann argues that in traditional societies, relationships and identities were strongly vertical, and identity was fixed by
one’s birth or social position. Friedmann 1999, 11–12. According to D. Somfai Kara, ethnic identity in nomad societies was in direct
opposition to the vertical clan system. Somfai Kara 2017, u. pr.
149
Figure 65. Finds expressing horizontal and vertical identities at Site 3M-N
aside the theoretical aspects of what the connection actually is between material reality and identity, our
options to identify an ethnic group as a dominant element of a past society are much limited by the availability
of archaeological materials.475
Looking at the finds, however, the wide variety of clothing accessories found in the graves does not actu-
ally reflect a horizontal, uniform ethnic identity (as well as the biological-cultural genders, i.e. “Avar” females
– “Avar” males), but rather make us believe that it was mainly the vertical identification, the acquired status
of individuals, that influenced this segment of material culture (funerary practices).476 Even when differences
were due partly to social inequalities – in line with the Pareto principle477 – the quantity and quality of objects
do not seem to indicate a homogeneous identity that could have been termed as “ethnic”.
475
Brather 2002, 152–156.
476
Gilkeson 2010, 65; Linton 1964, 113–115. See also Chapter 3.
477
According to the Pareto distribution, social or economic systems are not based on the principle of equality, instead, 80% of resources
are owned by the top 20% of society. Pareto 1964, 299–323; Barabási 2013, 75.
150
Figure 66. Finds expressing horizontal and vertical identities at Site 3M-S
What objects were used as grave goods to express status, is yet another issue, as they could be chosen quite
subjectively. For example, weapons could express the acquired status of armed men (warriors), that is their
vertical identity. For women, some objects seem to have been age specific, so they refer to horizontal identities.
The role of mounted belts is much problematic: in our opinion, they express vertical identity, but it is question-
able whether they connect to acquired or inherited status. Among the graves found in Nădlac, there are a few
examples, where we are able to give closer definitions on the social status of the individuals:
Site 3M-N (Fig. 65)

1. Grave 349: the furnishing of the grave of a young individual contained beauty items (brush holder,
straining spoon), which may indicate a fashion among young women (maybe members of the same clan?).
Alternatively, we are looking at a certain funerary custom associated with women of a certain age as brush
holders were found only in graves of iuveniles. Yet another possibility is that these objects symbolize vertical
status, as they could also be bridal gifts. This seems all the more likely as there are relatively few brush holders
known among the finds associated with women’s graves in the Avar Period. Together with straining spoons,
they were maybe part of a standard grave furnishing set for young women, who died early, and who could be
descendants of great clans.
2–3. Graves 351 and 356: weapons in grave 351 (single-edged sword, partial horse burial) and in grave 356
(single-edged sword, arrowheads) show that these individuals could have been warriors. Nevertheless, the
horse and the harness in one of the graves indicate that their social status was different.
Site 3M-S (Fig. 66)

Graves 165 and 186: the finds in these graves may be linked to acquired status. In this period, burials with
weapons practically disappeared.
151
Apart from these five (3M-N: graves 349, 351, and 356; 3M-S: graves 165 and 186) examples, the furnishing of
other graves looks quite typical for the period. Earrings, bead strings were common objects in women’s graves,
while most men were buried with quite “impersonal” objects.478 The horizontal identity these objects express,
does not exceed the “proprietary” quality or dimension (e.g. female–male, girl–boy), therefore, they cannot
be interpreted in connection to “ethnicity”. The use of this concept is essentially mistaken as we know nothing
about the criteria of what cultural attitudes were considered “ethnic” in the Avar Period (i.e. followed by many,
resulting in horizontal patterns).
Burial customs evidenced at Nădlac closely resemble those documented in other parts of the Great Plain
in the 7th and 8th centuries, particularly in this micro-region. Because of this coherence of material culture on
a micro-regional level, it seems more reasonable to look at the problem of “horizontal identity” as a concept
that stands for the lifestyle of these communities, and not for their “ethnicity.” At the same time, certain assem-
blages (weapons, belt sets, horse burials) are clearly the signs of a strong vertical network or power structure
– as such, they cannot represent ethnic identities either.
4.5. The centre and periphery model – 7th century finds from Nădlac
and the early medieval commercial network (Fig. 67)
Certain finds from the late 6th and early 7th centuries are either regarded as products of Byzantine work-
shops, or of local (Avar) masters, who learned and copied Byzantine techniques. Despite that the literature
discussing this problem is voluminous, it is often impossible to decide about the origins of these objects (i.e.
Byzantine import or local).479
Instead of focusing on the problem of “origin”, which – in our understanding –, has an evolutionist/Dar-
winist connotation,480 we would like to outline the problems of how geopolitical and economic-commercial
networks in the 6th–7th centuries are interpreted, because this issue has not been overlooked in the East-Central
European literature.
Generally, there is no strict definition for the concept of “cultural influence”, but there are three explan-
atory models associated with it: acculturation, migration, and economic contacts. In the first case, import
objects coming to “Avaria” from Byzantine workshops can be interpreted as symbols of Byzantine “cultural
supremacy” reinforcing the “acculturation” of the Avars.481 In the second case, their presence is explained by
migration (people arriving from Byzantium/the Mediterranean area). In the third case, the explanation is more
down to earth, or more materialistic, leaving aside the political or cultural-sociological implications, whereby
the presence of import objects simply reflects the mutual commercial-economic interest in exchanging certain
products. In fact, what commodities were exchanged has been largely overlooked in the literature. While cer-
tain objects coming from Byzantium were luxury goods – probably exchanged in a diplomatic context –, other
products could be imported for purely commercial purposes and on a mass scale. Whether the Khaganate
supplied the Empire with raw materials (or workforce) in exchange for these products, is uncertain, due to lack
of evidence. Lastly, there is also the question of innovation – a phenomenon, which should not be necessarily
associated only with the Byzantine side.
All in all, the exchange of material goods does reflect the relationship of the Empire and the Khaganate.
What then was the character of this relationship? Is I. Wallerstein’s model of centre and periphery relevant,
when looking at it? In other words: was the Khaganate the “periphery” or “semi-periphery” of the Empire?482
This is a far too complex question, which can be viewed from different angles. It is particularly interesting from
478
On side note, many of the graves – possibly with rich furnishing – were looted and could not be considered here.
479
Some items were directly coming from Byzantine workshops, as demonstrated by É. Garam (Garam 2001), in other cases, this ques-
tion remains still problematic. To decide whether a particular object was of “Byzantine” origin, or not, F. Daim set up four criteria: Daim
2010, 61.
480
This is a tradition way of archaeological thinking characteristic of the 19th century, in close connection with the doctrines of nation-
al-Darwinism. Takács 2007, 73–75.
481
Acculturation, a change of culture (whose basic level is adaptation), is a mixture of cultural relationships which takes place when two
or more traditions meet, become similar or mingle. According to M. Gordon, acculturation is the first step of assimilation, interpreting
assimilation as a whole made up of integrative phenomena with different stages, and this first step (acculturation) would mean that a
person or a group adapts the system of norms and values, the attitudes, and the language of another society. The smooth flow of the
process depends on the degree to which the new elements taken over from the other culture can be integrated in the original culture.
Acculturation does not necessarily lead to assimilation. AEKK 2010, 21–22; Gordon 1964. As far as the 6th–7th century societies in the
Carpathian Basin are concerned, the evidence does not support this process. The use of import objects – we know of – was adapted to
the local cultural context, and they do not represent changes in cultural habits. The funerary context provides the best proof for this.
482
I. Wallerstein used a middle category as well, distinctively from the centre and the periphery, described with mixed characteristics.
152
a macro-historical point of view – i.e. how the relationship between “empires” and “barbarians” worked out in
general. In case of China, for example, we see an integrative attitude towards neighbours.483
As for the Khaganate, it is generally regarded as an independent political–economic–military–cultural
entity – entirely different from how the “centre” was organized. From this point of view, the Khaganate and
the Byzantine Empire were never part of the same system. In our opinion, the problem has – at least – three
different aspects:
1.) From a geopolitical point of view: the Khaganate was waging war against the Byzantine Empire for sev-
eral decades, and it became its major political-military opponent, in alliance with the Sassanids in Persia.484
This indicates an independent political status, controlling the regions north of the Balkan (and how far this
area extended to the East remains an issue). By the end of the 6th century and the first quarter of the 7th century,
the Khaganate functioned as the political-military “catalyst” of the barbarian world.485 Clearly, it was one of
the three military powers controlling the eastern Mediterranean area. From a geopolitical and military point of
view, the cultural implication of the centre–periphery model is irrelevant.
2.) From an economic point of view: the status of the Khaganate is characteristic of the semi-periphery.
Not only Byzantine coins and commercial goods were circulated, but there was also technological transfer.
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Figure 67. The centre–semi-periphery–periphery model – a hypothetical chart showing

the relationship of the Byzantine Empire and the Avar Khaganate
483
On the relation between China and the nomads, see e.g.: Pan 1997; Jagchid–Symons 1989; Kovács 2007, 71–81.
484
Szádeczky-Kardos 1998, 174–182.
485
Daim 2010, 63.
153
The Nagyszentmiklós-hoard illustrates that craftsmen (smiths, goldsmiths etc.) were migrating to Avaria, per-
haps because they found the opportunity to supply the prestige consumption of the Avar elite attractive.486
The acculturation or “Avarisation” of these people renders the question about the “origin” of objects less rele-
vant.487 Both the unparalleled level of craftmanship – required to produce these objects, as well as Byzantine
gold coins dating from between 567 and 670, – which were found in much higher numbers in the territory of
the Khaganate than in other regions of Europe488 – suggest that the Khaganate was not simply a periphery of
the Empire. According to historical accounts, the treasury of the khagan was transported on 15 carts, each
pulled by four oxen.489 This wealth must have been comparable to that of other kingdoms in Europe.490 It was
perhaps slaves or other goods, which were traded for Byzantine coins, making the Avar elite extremely rich.
On the other hand, there is no information whether the common folk were using such coins as a currency to
facilitate commercial exchange.491 Based on these observations, the economic relationship of the Empire and
the Khaganate can be characterised by features typical for the semi-periphery.
3.) From a cultural point of view, the centre–periphery model runs the risk of inappropriately applying the
concept of “culture”, as this has been a matter of debate in social sciences. In the 1990s the concept became
sort of discredited – and some argued that it must be completely ignored –,492 however, if one accepts that “cul-
ture” is a “tool” that connects people to the “outside world”, – i.e. it helps them to interpret objects and events,
and adapt to them –, then one can assume that culture is a spiritual phenomenon with symbolic functions.493
Most of the Avar cultural phenomena we know of, are from funerary contexts (burials with horses, animal
sacrifices), and the underlying meaning these phenomena conveyed must have been essentially different from
that of Christian practices in the Byzantine Empire and in the Mediterranean.494 Since there was no coherent
system of beliefs, the centre and periphery model cannot be applied here.
Based on the above viewpoints, the following conclusions apply:
1.) From a geopolitical point of view, the Khaganate should be considered as an “independent” centre,
not as a periphery. The Empire had absolutely no control of how the Khaganate managed its “foreign affairs”,
and led an expansionist policy.495 This situation was much different for Germanic kingdoms, which could be
influenced by the Empire. From the second quarter of the 7th century, however, the relationship of the Empire
and the Khaganate changed. There was an Avar diplomatic mission sent to the court of Constantine IV in
678–679, congratulating him on his victory over Muawiya and the Arabs.496 Perhaps this marks the decline of
the Khaganate’s geopolitical role in the second half of the 7th century,497 leading to the reconfiguration of the
centre–periphery model.
2.) From a cultural point of view, it is important to underline that the Avar elite did not convert to either the
Western, or the Eastern faith until the end of the 8th century. This can be interpreted as a sign of ideological
opposition,498 manifesting itself in the prevalence of pagan burial customs in the Carpathian Basin until the
end of the 9th century. This opposition was completely different from what characterized the Hungarian elite
– in the 11th century, pagan funerals were already rare on the territory of the Hungarian Kingdom.499 It created
a contrast, which was again illustrative of the Khaganate as an independent power centre. Why this independ-
ence fell victim to the Carolingian expansion, is yet another issue.500
486
The Nagyszentmiklós-hoard and other hoards or drinking sets illustrate the luxury life of the Avar elite. Bálint 2004, 590–608; Vida
2016b.
487
Perhaps such questions should be rephrased, using another category of interpretation.
488
Bóna 1984, 332; Somogyi 2014, Abb. 3–4, Karte 7; Somogyi 2016, 146: 1. kép.
489
Szádeczky-Kardos 1998, 286–287. The well-known expert of the early Middle Ages, A. Angenendt, writes about the immense gold
treasure of the Khagan’s treasury. Angenendt 2008, 340.
490
Bálint 2004, 582–584.
491
Whether the Avars had their own currency for this (i.e. minted coins), should not have influenced the inflow of Byzantine coins.
492
FT 1999.
493
Geertz 1973, 89.
494
In this sense, see: Bollók 2016, 113–122; Brogiolo 2002, 9–31; Cantino Wataghin 2000, 209–234; Christie 2006; Colardelle
1983; de Vingo 2012, 117–154; Duval 1988.
495
“…independent power and an expansionist strategy.” Pohl 2003, 577.
496
Szádeczky-Kardos 1998, 221–222.
497
Daim 2003, 517.
498
How this opposition affected their beliefs and funerary practices is an interesting problem. Csiky 2016, 152–160.
499
Gáll 2013a, Vol. I: 637–640.
500
The Carolingian Empire, united under Charlemagne, the great Frankish ruler (768–814), was the first political-economic and military
power emerging in Western Europe that pursued an expansionist policy, reaching the borders of the Avar Khaganate by the late 8th and
early 9th century. Military expansion was also accompanied by cultural expansion – the Carolingian Renaissance – but the Carolingian
initiative could not unfold itself in the Carpathian Basin in the 9th century, due to political circumstances. See more on this in: Nyárádi
– Gáll 2015, 86–89.
154
3.) With regard to the character of economic transfers, the Khaganate can be considered as a semi-periph-
ery. It is also important to take into account evidence on cultural contacts between the Carpathian Basin and
areas to the East and North. F. Daim has noted, for example, that late 6th and early 7th century brooches in
the Baltic region and around the North Sea have their parallels in the Carpathian Basin. Rich grave goods in
women’s graves showed that some people (of Germanic origin) could accumulate considerable wealth through
making contacts with the Avar Empire.501
With regard to the interpretation archaeological finds, the above points underline the complexity of the
question, how certain objects could have found their ways to Nădlac. Some of them were local products (from
the region, or from the Carpathian Basin), others were clearly “imports” (e.g. the square-shaped mounts, and
the brush holder in 3M-N grave 349). Firstly, it is important to note that some “imports”, like brush holders and
straining spoons, were widely distributed fashion symbols, but it is not possible to tell exactly what regions
they were coming from, and how they spread. In addition to the classic East→West route, there must have been
different options for trade (e. g. Byzantium→Caucasus→Carpathian Basin, Byzantium→Carpathian Basin→-
Caucasus, Caucasus→Byzantium→Carpathian Basin, Caucasus→Carpathian Basin→Byzantium.). Commer-
cial contacts could be active in every possible direction, and on a varying level of intensity, of course.
As to the cultural “identity” of objects, it would be less relevant to think of “Byzantine” or “Avar” categories
than to consider the agents behind this activity, namely that:
1.) Each unique object could have arrived here as a possession of a particular individual coming from dis-
tant lands.
2.) Masters of certain workshops could have their own networks of “disciples”,502 which could be significant
even on a macro-geographical level.503
Apart from ethnic connotations, such individuals or groups of people were effective agents of generating/
trading/communicating fashions.
4.6. At the periphery of the core region (Fig. 68–70)

We know hardly anything about how the Khaganate was formed as a political construct (i.e. what were its
evolutionary stages).504 The material evidence suggests that the Avar “steppe-state” was a “melting pot”. The
funerary context shows that the elite was composed of equestrian-military groups, which had similar funerary
customs, similar taste in fashion, and their material culture benefited from the technology transfer with dis-
tant lands. “Avaria” was in fact a conglomerate of different regional groups, which were in control of political
power.
This elite power network – as the backbone of political organization – had an essential role in the process
of acculturation and integration, which induced, however, other sociological changes as well, leading to sym-
bolic social value-conflicts. As the conquering political-military entity expanded its network, their vertical
identities became more and more intertwined with horizontal dimensions, although the basic “architecture”
of the network could preserve its vertical character.505 To what extent did cultural uniformization transform the
horizontal identity of people, is another issue, which remains to a certain extent concealed by what we are able
to observe on the basis of material evidence. Maybe this new acquired “identity” did not last any longer than
the political power of the Khaganate.
Nevertheless, the physical reality of graves and burials was an effective way to communicate the prestige
of the elite,506 as an essence of charismatic leadership.507 The venerable members of local elites could have
become the protagonists of political integration and acculturation,508 imitating the customs of the conquerors,
as this network was the source of their power. This complex social-psychological process started with the 6th
century conquerors, and it continued with subsequent generations, both at the centre and at the periphery of
the area controlled by the power network. As local elites gradually integrated with the conquerors, the process
501
Daim 2010, 63. See also: Bliujienė 2011, 257–258.
502
Szenthe 2012b, 57–75.
503
Arguing for the relevance of such connections completely contradicts the diffusionist view in early medieval archaeology.
504
Szalontai 2017.
505
506
“Tombs are not just somewhere to put bodies: they are representations of power…” Parker Pearson 1999, 196.
507
The idea of charismatic leadership implies that some military-political structures (predominantly in the early medieval period) relied
on an idea of leadership centred around individual merit. Leadership positions were not inherited, but acquired through achievements.
Lederman 2015, 567–573.
508
Gáll 2014, 297–298, 300–301, Fig. 2–3.
155
to adopt new traditions and symbols could take considerably long.509 In practice, it did not mean slavishly tak-
ing over and copying Avar customs,510 but rather imitating them, and creating new customs.511
If we are to describe this process with general rules, the following points may apply:
1.) Genuinely Avar customs were re-interpreted by the local elites.
2.) They became less and less significant with time passing.
Most importantly, however, there was also a third rule, i.e. that of geographical asymmetry: moving from
the power centre towards the periphery, changes could have occurred less intensely, since geographical prox-
imity to the centre was decisive for acculturation.512 Distance from the centre directly influenced the lifestyle
of the military elite and in particular, the dynamism and depth to which fashion items were adopted.513 This
way, the process of acculturation and assimilation could take up different forms in different micro-regions,
allowing for different levels of cultural seclusion, when it was more convenient for the power network. To sum
up: the premodern process of political and cultural uniformization, tied to a small elite group, which con-
trolled political power in the 7th and the 8th centuries, but it was a multi-layered or multi-speed process, varying
from region to region. Contrarily to the practice of homogenization that characterizes the evolution of modern
nation states, this process was just the reverse of it: the power centre – with the sacral leadership of the khagan
– represented a cultural and political attraction that induced a process of acculturation and integration. It is
important to underline that premodern identities were organized around the concept of a leader (king, khagan
etc.). Thus, not only the character of authority was sacral, but the identity of people was also closely connected
to the notion of sacral power.
Figure 68. An outline of the vertical power network and the process of asymmetric-territorial “Avarisation”
With regard to this issue, it would be certainly important to know exactly where the centre of the Kha-
ganate was to be found in the Early and Late Avar Periods. Based on the finds from Bócsa (interpreted as a
“princely” burial) and from Kiskőrös-Vágóhíd, Gy. László argued that it was situated somewhere near these
places, close to the Danube. Although this was accepted by most of his colleagues,514 László implied that the
509
Gáll 2014, 300–301, Fig. 2–3.
510
However, the military-political integration of the conquered communities, under the asymmetric dependence, did not mean the
acculturation, and then the assimilation of their identity, as they could retain their identities through myths of origins, customs and the
elements of a common semiotic system, which are considered to be the infrastructural channels of the system of identification by J. Ass-
mann. Through these, they could build a cultural separating wall between their communities and the newly come conquerors. Assmann
2004, 67, 89, 140–141, 203–206.
511
This problematic issue is discussed in detail in connection with the Transylvanian Basin: Gáll 2014, 302–308.
512
As has been pointed out earlier, G. Tarde observed that fashion trends always move from the centre towards the periphery (both in
social and geographical contexts). Tarde 1902, 13–15.
513
Gáll 2014, 302–308.
514
László 1955, 255. Similarly, E. H. Tóth regarded the “princely grave” excavated in Kunbábony to have belonged to a khagan. The rich
Early Avar graves in Kunpeszér (just a few kilometres away), were connected to the khagan’s immediate entourage and family. H. Tóth
1972, 143–168; H. Tóth 1984, 10–20. E. H. Tóth and A. Horváth believed that the centre was between the Danube and the Tisza. H. Tóth
– Horváth 1992. Similarly, I. Bóna argued that from 600 A.D., the centre was situated East from the Danube, between the Danube and
156
centre was static, whereas it could be also mobile, as this was characteristic for many rural societies in the post
Roman period and for the steppe nomads as well. We do not know of fortified settlements in the Carpathian
Basin in the Early Avar Period515 (but more precisely in the 4th–10th centuries516), which could be identified with
the centre of the Khaganate. Spatial patterns observed in the furnishing of graves, however, can be considered
as indirect evidence. The underlying assumption is that more spectacular finds are associated with higher
social ranks (the elite), and the concentration of such finds delineates core areas – characterised by central
places.517 By this method, it is clearly not possible to define the exact location of the centre, but it is a good
approximation.
As has been mentioned several times, the dating of finds from the first decades of the Early Avar Period is
quite problematic,518 therefore, it is not possible to make decisive conclusions based on them. With regard to
the period immediately after 568 A.D., one may assume, however, that this was when the organisation of the
Khaganate’s political structure began, and the Transdanubian region – with its excellent infrastructure orig-
inating from Roman times519 – was more likely to be chosen as the “centre”, both for strategic and economic
reasons.
In the second quarter of the 7th century, the centre likely shifted to the Danube–Tisza Interfluve, as reflected
by the geographical concentration of grave finds interpreted as status symbols, such as e.g. swords with gold
and silver fittings.520 Thus, in the second third of the 7th century, we are witnessing not simply a change in for-
eign affairs that ruined the political status of the Khaganate, but the location of its political centre also shifted.
Whether it can be explained by a new wave of migration from the east (as a result of climate change) is still
unclear.521
Evidence from Site 3M-N (dated to the second quarter of the 7th century) fits into this model fairly well,
demonstrating that the status of local people was “in-between” on an imaginary scale with the centre at one
end, and the periphery at the other. The famous salt route going along the southern bank of the Mureș was
important since Roman times.522 It also allowed these communities to access various commercial goods – an
opportunity they certainly did not leave unexploited. The square-shaped mounts decorating the headbands,
the brush holders and the straining spoons should all be seen in this context.
From the Late Avar Period, there are no examples of similarly rich grave furnishings in the area of the Dan-
ube–Tisza Interfluve. Although weapons were found in numerous graves,523 representative objects typical for
the Tisza, and that the khagan’s family must have been buried some 15–20 km away from the Danube (e.g. in Kunpeszér). He suggested
that graves in Bócsa and Kecel belonged to the personal entourage of the khagan. Bóna 1984, 322–324. Based on certain finds (the golden
“pseudo-buckles” and swords with gold fittings), A. Kiss also assumed that in the second third of the 7th century, the khagan’s seat was
situated between the Danube and the Tisza, somewhere in the middle of the region. Concerning the Kunbábony burial, he convincingly
refutes the assumption that it belonged to the khagan. Kiss 1988, 80–82; Kiss 1995, 131–149. From the concentration of the prestige
objects dated to the second half of the 7th century, Cs. Balogh concluded the same. Balogh 2016a, 329. Cs. Bálint was more sceptical,
emphasizing that strange the lack of richly furnished women’s graves in this region, as opposed to men’s graves. Bálint 2013, 35–37.
515
It is still not clear whether the double ditch and dyke system at Székkutas (near Kútvölgy-ér or Kakasszék-ér) is dating from the time
of the Great Migration or from the Avar Period. Future excavations may decide about this. B. Nagy 2003, 12.
516
Mordovin 2016.
517
From a general point of view, a system of such settlements could develop in two ways: organically (bottom-top), or arbitrarily (top-bot-
tom). Although the archaeological context implies the latter, no written evidence exists to support this.
518
Avar burials in the Carpathian Basin were first surveyed by Bálint 1995, 310. For a more recent one, see: Balogh 2016a, 335–336.
519
Daim 2003, 469.
520
Ornate weapons have a symbolic meaning and mnemonic functions, as part of the armour, which is a strong visual expression of
identity and status. E.g. Høilund Nielsen 1997, 129–148. Examples concerning the time of the Hungarian conquest, see: Gáll 2013a,
Vol. I: 824–825; Gáll 2013b, 462–463. The furnishings were visible only to those left behind “temporarily”, but their mnemonic, memory
strengthening effect cannot be denied. Effros 2003, 175. Cs. Balogh summarizes as follows (listing other types of objects as well): “Ebbe
az új hatalmi struktúrában az ezüst és arany P-alakú függesztő füles kardot viselők továbbra is a katonai elit képviselői maradtak. Nem a
hatalom gyakorlásában, hanem annak fenntartó rendszerében volt a helyük…Ezzel a katonai szereppel válik érthetővé, hogy miért nem a
központosított hatalmat zárt tömbként jelképező vezéri szállásterületen, hanem azt mintegy körbeölelve, de jóval nagyobb területet lefedve
helyezkednek el temetkezéseik. Ezeknek a síroknak, sírleleteknek a döntő többsége a 7. század 1. harmadára, a legkorábbiak (Fajsz-Ga-
radomb C, Kunpeszér 8. és 9., Péterréve 28., Zsámbok 1. sírok) a 7. század elejére keltezhetők. A kunpeszéri két sír C14 adatai 605-ig való
keltezést mutatnak.” (“Their swords with P-ears were not power symbols, but an expression of their position in the military hierarchy.
What fittings their swords had, depended on their wealth or rank…The military role explains why these burials were not to be found
immediately in the central area that enclosed the khagan’s seat, protecting its centralized power, but were rather dispersed over a much
larger area around it. Most of the graves (and finds) can be dated to the first third of the 7th century, the earliest ones (Fajsz-Garadomb C,
Kunpeszér graves 8 and 9, Péterréve grave 28, Zsámbok grave 1) to the beginning of the 7th century. The 14C findings of the two graves in
Kunpeszér date it until 605.”) (translated by the author) Balogh 2013, Vol. I: 410.
521
Büntgen et al. 2016, 231–236.
522
Sebestyén 1926, 148; Patsch 1937, 138; Vaday 1998, 123–124; Gabler 2008–2010, 43–44.
523
Balogh 2016a, 331–333.
157
Figure 69. A hypothetical reconstruction of networks between the core region and the periphery
in the Carpathian Basin – the second part of the Early Avar Period (see also Map 1)
the elite were entirely absent. The situation is similar in the Mureș–Criș–Tisza region as well, where there are
hardly any graves with weapons either. At Nădlac, there were no complex sets of weapons found, and most of
the 22 graves in the region of Mureș–Criș–Tisza, which had weapons, could be dated to the first half of the Late
Avar Period. This pattern and dating applies for sites situated along the Tisza almost without exception,524 and
for Site 3M-S too.
At this stage of research, we are far from being able to reconstruct the settlement network of the Late Avar
Period, and tell how “central places” or the “central area” shifted geographically. This is partly due to the
orientation of archaeological research, mainly focusing on dating problems and cultural contacts.525 In our
opinion, it would be instructive to systematically map grave finds and burial customs characteristic of the Late
Avar Period, which would immediately demonstrate the fallacy of attributing a homogenous cultural character
to this era. Ideally, such a project would start by mapping burial grounds with the most complex archaeology
(rich sets of weapons) in order to identify the regional centres more effectively. In this respect, P. Stadler and
G. Fancsalszky carried out an important work, mapping “workshop circles”,526 which may serve as a model for
future research.527 Based on “workshop circles”, G. Fancsalszky hypothesized that the khagan seated where the
Criș joins the Tisza, while the seat of the tudun was near the northern part of the Danube, and the jugurus, the
third in rank,528 had its seat near the Upper Tisza.529 One thing is for certain though: the “settlement area” of the
Avars was not identical either with the region controlled by them, or with the area of their political influence
(in antiquarian works, one does not find such distinctions).
524
Bende 2005, Vol. II: 297–298.
525
Szenthe 2013, 303–320; Zábojník 1991, 219–321.
526
Fancsalszky 2007, 117–118, 30. térkép; Stadler 1990, 337, Karte 4.
527
G. Szenthe is on the opinion that the concept of “workshop” should not have spatial relevance. Szenthe 2012b, 57–75.
528
On the Avar titles: Ligeti 1986, 145–149.
529
Fancsalszky 2007, 117; Szentpéteri 1993, 1. térkép; Szentpéteri 2013, 4. ábra; Szentpéteri 2015, Fig. 4. In accordance with Szent-
péteri, the latest syntheses place the centre of the Khaganate in the area between the Danube and the Tisza (Regia Avarorum Hring):
Bálint 1995, 312–315; Bóna 1988, 451–453; Kiss 1988, 85; Pohl 1988, 306–308; Szádeczky-Kardoss 1998, 286–297.
158
Figure 70. The Carpathian Basin in the Late Avar Period: the Avar “settlement
area” and “regions” controlled by the Avar power structure
As Fig. 70 shows, the sites around Nădlac were situated at the margins of the Avar settlement area (at least
of what we currently see of this with regard to the Late Avar Period). As for the population of the two Late Avar
sites (3M-S and 7M), they surely did not belong to the same category (in terms of acculturation) of people,
who were inhabiting the central area of the Late Avar power network. The various decorations of their belts
may imply that members of these two communities were not assimilated to a homogenous, common cultural
pattern or status. Deformations observed on their skeletons attest to heavy physical work (at both sites), which
may be indicative of their lesser social rank. Situated at the periphery, these people were perhaps simple farm-
ers cultivating crops and raising animals.
159
CHAPTER 5.
Annexes
5.1. The list of the burial grounds in the area between

the rivers Mureș–Criș–Tisza in the first part of the
Avar Age (with bibliography) (see Map 1)
1. Apátfalva (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (stray finds, 1
grave [?]): Kisléghi Nagy 1911, 319; ADAM 2002, Vol. I. 24; Kisléghi Nagy 2010, 86.
2. Békéscsaba-Szarvasi és Csórvási útelágazás (Békés county, Hu) (horse burial:
unknown type) (arrowheads) (1 grave): Medgyesi 1991, 112, 16. táb. 1–6; ADAM
2002, Vol. I: 54.
3. Békéscsaba-Repülőtér 2/95. lelőhely (15–20 graves, respectively other new graves
excavated by P. Medgyesi): Jankovich – Makkay – Szőke 1989, Vol. I, 184–187, Vol.
II: 101. táb.
4. Békés-Hidashát (Békés county, Hu) (stray find) (sword) (1 grave [?]): Banner 1939,
18; Jankovich et al. 1998, 74–75; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 51.
5. Békéssámson-Móricz Zs. u. 12 (Békés county, Hu) (partial horse burial: Type 4) (1
grave [?]): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 54–55.
6. Békéssámson (Békés county, Hu) (partial horse burial: unknown type) (“smith’s
grave”) (? graves): Z. Rózsa’s excavation. Unpublished.
7. Csanádpalota-Országhatár-M43 Site 56 (Békés county, Hu) (stray find, 1 grave [?]):
Balogh 2014, 97, 3. kép 2, 2. táb. 3.
8. Doboz-Hajdúírtás (Békés county, Hu) (4 graves): Kovalovszki 1989, 130–131, 9–10.
kép; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 114.
9. Elek-Kispél, Homokbánya, Ottlakai Szőlők (Békés county, Hu) (double-edged
sword) (1 or 2 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I, 127.
10. Endrőd-Doboskert (Békés county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (1 grave):
Jankovich – Makkay – Szőke 1989, 137, 53. táb. 1–9.
11. Gerendás (Békés county, Hu) (stray find, 1 grave [?]): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 144.
12. Gyula-Szentbenedek/Pusztaszentbenedek (horse burial: unknown type) (stray
finds, 1 grave [?]): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 153.
13. Gyula-Szövetkezeti téglagyár (horse burial: unknown type) (stray finds, 1 grave
[?]): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 153.
14. Gyulavári-Site 15 Paradicsomdűlő (Békés county, Hu) (pyre finds [deposited in
a separate, sacrificial pit]): Liska 1995, 93–98, I. táb.; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 154.
15. Hódmezővásárhely-Dózsa Tsz. LPG (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial:
unknown type) (belt with mounts) (1 grave): Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 274–275,
17. kép 21–28; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 163.
16. Hódmezővásárhely-Gorzsa, 744 Kovács tanya (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse bur-
ial: unknown type) (1 grave): Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 275, 12. kép 6, 18. kép 7;
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 163.
17. Hódmezővásárhely-Gorzsa, Héthalom-dűlő (Csongrád county, Hu) (? graves): Csallány 1961, 126–130,
Taf. CCXXXIII; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 163.
18. Hódmezővásárhely-Gorzsa, Mózes M. földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 163.
19. Hódmezővásárhely-Gorzsa, Nagy I. P. tanya (Csongrád county, Hu) (stray finds, 1 grave [?]): ADAM 2002, Vol. I:
163.
20. Hódmezővásárhely-IV. téglagyár (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (belt with mounts?) (4
graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 163–164.
21. Hódmezővásárhely-Kishomok, Kovács tanya (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (belt with
mounts) (16 graves): Bóna 1993, 44–45; Bóna – Nagy 2002, 34–189; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 164; Nagy 2004, 168–169.
22. Hódmezővásárhely-Kishomok, Mérai porta 5349 (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (2
graves): Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 275, 10. kép 15–20; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 164.
23. Hódmezővásárhely-Koppáncs II (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): Herendi 2012b, 351–362.
24. Hódmezővásárhely-Solt-Palé, Katona I. halma (Csongrád county, Hu) (? [a few] graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 164.
25. Hódmezővásárhely-Szárazérdűlő, Rostás-tanya (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (1 grave):
Korek 1942, 156–159, Taf. II; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 164.
26. Hódmezővásárhely-Vásártér/Szabadságtér(Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (sword) (6+?+1
graves): Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 275–276, 10. kép 22, 18. kép 6; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 164–165.
27. Kardoskút-Molnár Z. özvegyének földje (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 185.
28. Kevermes-Homokbánya (Békés county, Hu) (2 graves) (horse burial: unknown type): Juhász 1973, 99–101,
I. táb., 110–111, 1–6. kép; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 194; Gulyás 2015b, Vol. II: 33.
29. Kevermes-Alkotmány utca (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave) (horse burial: unknown type): Gulyás 2015b, Vol. II: 33.
30. Kevermes-Bercsényi utca (Békés county, Hu) (3 graves) (horse burial: unknown type): Gulyás 2015b, Vol. II: 33.
31. Kondoros (Békés county, Hu) (6 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 208.
32. Kövegy-Nagy-földek (Csongrád county) (17 graves, 2 pit): Benedek – Marcsik 2017, 369–442.
33. Kunágota-Balázs J. telke (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave) (horse burials: two horse in the grave pit) (belt with
mounts) (sword): Liska 2000, 231–239; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 217 (with bibliography).
34. Kunszentmárton-Habranyi telep (Jász–Nagykun–Szolnok county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type or partial
horse burial: unknown type) (“smith’s grave”) (belt with mounts) (10 graves): Csallány 1933, 1–55, Taf. I–VII;
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 220; Rácz 2014, 171–191, Taf. 43–69.
35. Kunszentmárton-Péterszög (Jász–Nagykun–Szolnok county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (2 graves):
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 221.
36. Magyarcsanád-Bökény (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (? graves): Csallány 1961, 140–
141, Taf. CCVIII; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 230–231.
37. Magyartés-Zalota (Jász–Nagykun–Szolnok county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (1 grave [?]): ADAM 2002,
Vol. I: 231.
38. Makó-Mikócsa-halom (Békés county, Hu) (partial horse burial: Type 2) (“smith’s graves”) (belt with mounts)
(double-edged sword, bow, quiver, arrowheads) (251 graves): Balogh 2016, 109–120.
39. Mártély-Csanyi part, Szegfű-kocsma (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 235.
40. Mártély-Veisz-föld (Csongrád county, Hu) (stray finds, 1 grave [?]): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 235.
41. Mezőberény-Régi tót temető (sometimes: Nemeskereki) (Békés county, Hu) (probably 1 grave): Jankovich – Mak-
kay – Szőke 1989, 602–604.
42. Mezőkovácsháza-Új Alkotmány Tsz. (Békés county, Hu) (partial horse burial: unknown type) (16 graves):
Juhász 1973, 101–108, II–V. táb.; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 239.
43. Nădlac-9M (Arad county, Ro) (belt with mounts) (10 graves).
44. Nădlac-3M-N (Arad county, Ro) (partial horse burial: Type 4; horse burials: unknown type) (belts with
mounts) (2 single-edged swords, arrowheads) (24 graves).
45. Nădlac-1M (Arad county, Ro) (4 graves). Unpusblished.
46. Nagymágocs-Állami gazdaság (Csongrád county, Hu): (stray finds, 1 grave [?]): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 256–257.
47. Nagymágocs-Árpádtelep (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (stray finds, 1 grave [?]): ADAM 2002, Vol. I:
257.
48. Nagymágocs-Veres-halom (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 257.
49. Orosháza-Bónum (Békés county, Hu) (4 graves): Lichtenstein 2006a, 131–146; Pásztor – Rózsa – Szatmáriné
Bakonyi 2013, 3–13.
50. Orosháza-Községporta, Szűcs-tanya (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave): Lichtenstein 2006b, 147–156.
51. Orosháza-Dénes téglagyár (probably 2 graves?): Bóna 1965, 122.
52. Öcsöd-MRT 96a (Jász–Nagykun–Szolnok county, Hu): (horse burial: Type VI) (double-edged sword, bow,
quiver, arrowheads) (12 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 276; Madaras 2004, 339–363.
53. Pecica (Arad county, Ro) (unknown number of graves): M. H. K. Hőgyes’ information. Unpublished.
54. Pecica-Smart Diesel (Arad county, Ro) (6 graves): Mărginean 2017, 145–146, Pl. 3; 5 graves unpublished.
162
55. Pecica (Arad county, Ro) (a few graves) (horse burials: unknown types): Csallány 1956, 179, Nr. 773; Cosma
et al. 2013, 76–77, Fig. 52.
56. Peregu Mare (Arad county, Ro) (horse burial: unknown type) (stray finds, 1 grave [?]): Hampel 1900, 113–114;
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 286 (Pl. 252–254).
57. Szarvas-Régi piactér (Békés county, Hu) (stray finds, 1 grave [?]): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 338.
58. Szarvas-Változó dűlő (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave): Jankovich – Makkay – Szőke 1989, 467, Taf. 53/10–24.
59. Szegvár-Oromdűlő (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: unknown types) (belts with mounts) (370 graves):
Lőrinczy 1992, 81–124; Lőrinczy 1994, 328; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 338.
60. Szegvár-Sápoldal/1–2, Jószai Bálint tanya/7 (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: two horse in the grave pit)
(belt with mounts) (sword, bow, quiver, arrowheads, spearhead) (10 graves530): Bóna 1979, 3–32; Bóna 1980,
31–95; Lőrinczy 1994, 328; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 338 (Pl. 255).
61. Szentes-Belsőecser-F-9. tábla (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1993, 289, V. táb. 1–3.
62. Szentes-Berekhát, Farkas Imre földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): Madaras 1999a, 320.
63. Szentes-Borbásföld (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): Lőrinczy 1996, 177–189; Vörös 1996, 191–194.
64. Szentes-Bökény (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 352.
65. Szentes-Derekegyházoldal 77/a, Pataki-föld (Csongrád county, Hu) (partial horse burials: Type 2) (bow) (1
grave): Csallány 1939, 116–129, Taf. I–II; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 353.
66. Szentes-Dónát, Kórógypart, Balogh J. földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: unknown types) (12 graves +
possible 7 graves): Csallány 1900, 393–398; Hampel 1905, Vol. lI: 753–757, Vol. III: Taf. 447; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 353.
67. Szentes-Fertő, 21 Takács F. földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 353.
68. Szentes-Jaksor 7, Meleg J. tanyája (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 354.
69. Szentes-Kökényzug, Jaksor 1, Molnár I. földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): Csallány 1961, 39, Taf. XXI/1–13;
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 355.
70. Szentes-Kurcapart, Tóth J. u. 32 (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): Csallány 1933–1934b, 232, Taf. LXVIII/5; ADAM
2002, Vol. I: 355.
71. Szentes-Lapistó 26, Lami I. és Pál F. földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (partial horse burial: unknown type) (sword)
(1 grave): Csallány 1933–1934a, 206–214, Taf. LVIII/1–14; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 356.
72. Szentes-Sárgapart, Hékédi újtelep, Kurcapart (Csongrád county, Hu) (stray find, 1 grave [?]): Csallány 1933–
1934b, Taf. LXVIII/6; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 357.
73. Szentes-Vásárhelyi út 13 (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1993, 289, VI. táb. 23; ADAM
2002, Vol. I: 357.
74. Tarhos-Tarhospuszta (Békés county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (sword) (6 [?]graves): ADAM 2002, Vol.
I: 371.
75. Tótkomlós-Békkéssámsoni út 48 (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave): Rózsa 2002, 341–343; Vörös 2002, 345–350.
76. Vărșand-Laposhalom/Movila dintre vii (horse burial: unknown type) (stray finds, 1 grave [?]): Medgyesi 1995,
98–99.
5.2. The list of the burial grounds in the area between the rivers Mureș–Criș–Tisza
in the second part of the Avar Age (with bibliography) (see Map 2)
1. Almáskamarás-Homokbánya (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 21; Bende 2017, 15.
2. Apátfalva-Vámház (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (8 graves): Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 271–272,
1. kép, 7. kép, 8. kép 1–11; Bende 2017, 15–16.
3. Békés-Ludad (Békés county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (unknown no. of graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 52.
4. Békés-Vizesbánom (Békés county, Hu) (belt with mounts): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 52–53.
5. Békészentandrás-Kardoskút, Király J. 613.sz. tanyája (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave): http://adamesarpad.e-mir.
hu:8880/adam.php?id=2007
6. Békésszentandrás-Mogyorós halom (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 55; Bende 2017, 16.
7. Bélmegyer-Csömöki domb (Békés county, Hu) (horse burials: Type II) (belts with mounts) (243 graves):
Medgyesi 1984–1985, 241–256.
8. Bélmegyer-Telekmegyer, Szalkai-tanya (Békés county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (30 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I:
55.
9. Csárdaszállás-Hanzély tanya (Békés county, Hu) (13 graves): Bende 2017, 16–17.
10. Csorvás-Kossuth Tsz. (Békés county, Hu) (8 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 102–103; Bende 2017, 18.
11. Endrőd-Bacsa-lapos, Szigetvári-tanya, MRT 8, 3/157. lh. (Gyomaendrőd, Békés county, Hu) (belts with mounts)
(52 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 128; Bende 2017, 18–21.
According to G. Lőrinczy, the nine graves form a cluster together with the one published by I. Bóna, so we can talk about one burial
530
ground.
163
12. Endrőd-Doboskert, MRT 8, 3/21. lh. (Gyomaendrőd, Békés county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (1 grave):
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 128–129; Bende 2005, 18, 11. táblázat; Bende 2017, 21.
13. Endrőd-Kecskészug (Gyomaendrőd, Békés county, Hu) (horse burial: Type IV) (belt with mounts) (15 graves):
Juhász 2000, 68; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 129; Bende 2005, 18–20, 11. táblázat; Juhász 2006a, 102, 3. kép; Bende 2017,
21–22.
14. Endrőd-Páskum, Iványi köz, MRT 8, 3/119. lh. (Gyomaendrőd, Békés county, Hu) (8 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I:
129; Bende 2017, 23.
15. Eperjes-Csabacsűd (Csongrád county, Hu) (2 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 129; Bende 2017, 23.
16. Gádoros-November 7. Tsz. (Békés county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (2 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 129; Bende
2017, 23–24.
17. Gerla-Szakácsföld, MRT 10, 5/16. lh. (Békés county, Hu)531 (symbolic horse burials: Type X) (belt with
mounts) (11 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 144–145; Bende 2017, 24–25.
18. Gyula-site 483, site 5 (Békés county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (arrowhead) (45 graves): Bende 2017, 25–29.
19. Gyula-Lencsés út, Schiffert J. Tanya (Békés county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (3 graves): ADAM 2002,
Vol. I: 153.
20. Gyula-Szabadka (Békés county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 153.
21. Hódmezővásárhely-Cinkus, Bulla-tanya (today: Orosháza’s boundary, Békés county, Hu) (12 graves): Lőrinczy
– Szalontai 1996, 274, 10. kép 1–14; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 162;532 Bende 2017, 29–30.
22. Hódmezővásárhely-Gorzsa, Pócsy Mihály-tanya (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (7 graves): ADAM
2002, Vol. I: 163; Bende 2017, 30–31.
23. Hódmezővásárhely-Kishomok, 1–4. homokbánya (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (8 graves): Bende
2017, 31–32.
24. Hódmezővásárhely-Koppáncs II (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: Type VII) (belts with mounts) (18
graves): Herendi 2012a, 91–92; Herendi 2014.
25. Hódmezővásárhely-Koppáncs III. Kishomok (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: Type VII) (belts with
mounts) (185 graves): Bácsmegi 2012, 92: Kép/Fig.
26. Hódmezővásárhely-Sóshalom (Csongrád county, Hu) (8 graves): Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 275–276; Bende
2017, 32–33.
27. Hódmezővásárhely (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (stray find, 1 grave?): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 162.
28. Hódmezővásárhely-Tarjánvég (Csongrád county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (axe) (26 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I:
165.
29. Kardoskút-364. tanya (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 184.
30. Kardoskút-Aranyad-part, Dénes S. tanyája (Békés county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (3 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol.
I: 184–185.
31. Kardoskút-Cinkus, Király J. 613. sz. tanyája (Békés county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 185.
32. Kondoros-Gépállomás utca, MRT 8, 6/9. lh. (Békés county, Hu) (7 graves): Bende 2017, 33.
33. Kunszentmárton-Jaksor (érpart), Kettőshalom (Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (41
graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 220.
34. Magyarcsanád-Belezi-dűlő (Csongrád county, Hu) (4 graves): Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1993, 287, V. táb. 4–7,
10–11; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 230; Bende 2017, 34.
35. Magyarcsanád-Talágy-dűlő (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (stray find, unknown no. of graves):
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 231.
36. Makó-Innenső Jángor 3 (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: Type VII) (belts with mounts) (30 graves):
Hargitai – Sóskuti 2012, 93; Hargitai 2012, 363–388.
37. Mártély-AP üdülő and Széll F. földje533 (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (arrowhead) (21+8 graves):
Lőrinczy – Szalontai 1996, 279, Note 30; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 235; Bende 2017, 34–35.
38. Mártély-Csanyi part, Szegfű-kocsma (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: unknown type) (belt with mounts)
(3 single-edged swords, spearhead) (unknown no. of graves, probably 39): Hampel – Farkas 1892, 413–427;
Hampel 1905, Vol. II: 105–112, Vol. III: Taf. 84–91; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 235 (with bibliography); Csiky 2015, Map 30.
39. Maroslele-Gyűrűs II (Csongrád county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (3 graves): Pópity 2012, 62.
40. Mezőberény-Köröshíd (Békés county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (11 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 237–238.
41. Mindszent-Bozó Ambrus Károly tanyája (Csongrád county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (11 graves): ADAM 2002,
Vol. I: 242; Bende 2017, 35–36.
42. Mindszent-Helffy Street (Csongrád county, Hu) (81 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 242; Bende 2017, 36.
43. Mindszent-Vasútállomás (Csongrád county, Hu) (3 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 242; Bende 2017, 36–37.
44. Nagykamarás (Békés county, Hu) (symbolic horse burials: Type X) (belt with mounts) (axe) (5 graves):
531
The burial ground was dated in the Early Avar Age (Kürti 1990, 82, 2. kép), but later, based on the orientations of the graves, L. Bende
re-dated it in the Late Avar Age.
532
In ADAM’s volume, it is dated to the Early Avar Age. ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 162.
533
The archaeological site named “Széll F. földje” is probably identical with “Mártély-AP üdülő”.
164
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 253; Bende 2017, 37–38.
45. Nagymágocs-Ótompa (Csongrád county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (131 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 253; Bende
2017, 38–44.
46. Nădlac-7M (Arad county, Ro) (horse burial: Type VII or sacrifice?) (belts with mounts) (12 graves): Cociș et
al. 2016, 1–76.
47. Nădlac-3M-S (Arad county, Ro) (horse burial: Type V) (belts with mounts) (72 graves with 73 skeletons).
48. Óföldeák-Döbörcsök-halom (Csongrád county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (spearhead) (15 graves): ADAM 2002,
Vol. I: 270.
49. Óföldeák-Két halom-dűlő (Csongrád county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (24 graves): Sebők – Szabó 2009, 18–19.
50. Orosháza-Béke Tsz homokbánya (Békés county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (147 graves): Juhász 1995, 75–115;
ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 272; Bende 2017, 44–51.534
51. Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár (Békés county, Hu) (horse burials: Types I, II, VII, and VIII) (belts with mounts)
(single-edged sword) (245 graves): Juhász 1995; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 272–273; Juhász 2000, 67–68; Bende 2005, 11.
táblázat; Bende 2017, 51–63.
52. Örménykút-hidróglobusz, MRT 8, 7/11. lh. (Békés county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (axe?) (31 graves): Bende
2017, 63–65.
53. Pecica (Arad county, Ro) (horse burial (?): unknown type) (belts with mounts) (70 graves): M. H. K. Hőgyes’
information. Unpublished.
54. Pitvaros-Lenin utca no. 9 (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: Type VII) (1 grave): Bende 2005, 11. táblázat;
Bende 2017, 65.
55. Pitvaros-Víztárazó (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: Types V, VI, and VII) (belts with mounts) (225
graves): Bende 2005, 11. táblázat; Bende 2017, 66–121.
56. Socodor (Arad county, Ro) (horse burial: unknown type) (belt with mounts) (1 grave): Popescu 1956, 80,
Fig. 39–40.
57. Șimand (Arad county, Ro): Bóna 1988, 175.
58. Szarvas-Grexa téglagyár, MRT 8, 8/68. lh. (Békés county, Hu) (horse burials: Types VII and IX,535 symbolic
horse burials: Type X) (belts with mounts) (axes, bow, quiver, arrowheads) (422 graves): Kiss 1992; Juhász
2000, 67–68, 75–76; Bende 2005, 11. táblázat; Bende 2017, 121–149.
59. Szarvas-Horváth puszta (Békés county, Hu) (16 graves): Bende 2017, 149–150.
60. Szarvas-Káka, Kettőshalmi dűlő, MRT 8, site 8/109 (Békés county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (saber) (8 graves):
Bende 2017, 150.
61. Szarvas-Kákapuszta, Kettőshalmi dűlő, MRT 8, site 8/108 (Békés county, Hu) (49 graves): Bende 2017, 150–153.
62. Szarvas-Ponyiczky tanya, MRT 8, site 8/111 (Békés county, Hu) (3 graves): Bende 2017, 153.536
63. Szarvas-Rózsás-halom, MRT 8, 8/75. lh. (Békés county, Hu) (horse burials: Type I and VII) (belts with
mounts) (119 graves): Bende 2005, 11. táblázat; Juhász 2000, 68–71; Juhász 2006b, 206–218; Bende 2017, 154–161.
64. Szegvár-Kórógyszentgyörgy-Gorkij Tsz (Csongrád county, Hu) (3 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 344; Bende 2017,
161.
65. Szegvár-Kórógy-torok, Száraz Mátyás földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 344; Bende
2017, 161–162.
66. Szegvár-Szőlőkalja (Csongrád county, Hu) (91 graves) (belts with mounts): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 344; Bende
2017, 162.
67. Szegvár-Újtelep (Csongrád county, Hu) (16 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 344; Bende 2017, 162.
68. Szentes-Alsórét 256. sz. tanya (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (arrowhead) (8 graves): ADAM 2002,
Vol. I: 351.
69. Szentes-Belsőecser, Brebovszki V. telke (Csongrád county, Hu) (2 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 351; Bende 2017,
163.
70. Szentes-Belsőecser-Vekeri-mezsgyecsatorna (Csongrád county, Hu) (3 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 351; Bende
2017, 163.
71. Szentes-Berekhát, Buzi Farkas Imre földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (arrowhead) (147
graves): Bende 2017, 163–168.
72. Szentes-Berekhát, Dr. Matolcsy Pálné földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (35 graves): ADAM
2002, Vol. I: 352; Bende 2017, 168–170.
73. Szentes-Berekhát, Farkas tanya I. (Csongrád county, Hu) (5 graves): Bende 2017, 170–171.
74. Szentes-Berekhát, Farkas tanya II. (Csongrád county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (26 graves): Bende 2017, 171–
173.
75. Szentes-Gógány, Epressor/part (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (10 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 353–
354; Bende 2017, 173–174.
534
According to L. Bende, there are no horse burials known in Szarvas-Béke-Tsz homokbánya. Bende 2017, 44–51.
535
Kiss 1992, as cited in Bende 2005, Vol. I: 11. táblázat.
536
One grave is dated to the Early Avar Age: ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 338.
165
76. Szentes-Hékéd, Felsőcsordajárás, Koba M. telke (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: Type I) (belts with
mounts) (spearhead) (73 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 354; Bende 2005, 11. táblázat.
77. Szentes-Kaján (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: Type I, III, and V) (belts with mounts) (saber, axe) (459
graves): Korek 1943, 1–129; ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 354; Bende 2005, 11. táblázat; Bende 2017, 174–195.
78. Szentes-Kisjaksorpart (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 354–355.
79. Szentes-Kistőke (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: Type I) (belt with mounts) (85 graves): ADAM 2002,
Vol. I: 355; Bende 2005, 11. táblázat; Bende 2017, 195–198.
80. Szentes-Kökényzúg Jaksor 1., Molnár I. földje (Acker) (Csongrád county, Hu): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 355.
81. Szentes-Lapistó, Biró G. és Szekely M. földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (belts with mounts) (spearhead) (172
graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 356.
82. Szentes-Nagyhegy (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: Types I and IV) (belts with mounts) (2 sin-
gle-edged swords, spearhead, axe) (145 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 356; Bende 2005, 11. táblázat; Bende 2017,
198–209.
83. Szentes-Nagytőke, Jaksorpart (Csongrád county, Hu) (belt with mounts) (1 grave): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 356–357.
84. Szentes-Zalota, Vecseri M. földje (Csongrád county, Hu) (4 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 357–358.
85. Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burials: Types V and VII; symbolic horse burials:
Type X) (belts with mounts) (saber, arrowheads) (534 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 359; B. Nagy 2003; Bende
2005, 11. táblázat; Bende 2017, 209–246.
86. Székkutas-Új Élet Tsz (Csongrád county, Hu) (horse burial: Type VII) (6 graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I, 359;537
Bende 2005, 11. táblázat; Bende 2017, 246.
87. Tápé-Lebő-Kishomokos (Csongrád county, Hu) (symbolic horse burial: Type X) (belts with mounts) (16
graves): ADAM 2002, Vol. I: 370; Bende 2017, 246–248.
In ADAM’s volume, it is mentioned as being from the Early Avar Age, which was corrected by L. Bende.
537
166
CHAPTER 6.
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Abbreviations
AAH Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarium Hungaricae (Budapest)
AAC Acta Archaeologica Carpathica. Polish Academy of Sciences – Cracow Branch. Commision of
Archaeology (Cracow)
AB Analele Banatului-Serie Nouă, Arheologie–Istorie (Timișoara)
AH Archaeologia Hungarica. A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum Régészeti osztályának kiadványai
(Budapest)
Agria Agria – Az Egri Múzeum Évkönyve – Annales Musei Agriensis (Eger)
Altum Castrum Altum Castrum. A visegrádi Mátyás Király Múzeum füzetei (Visegrád)
ArchAu Archaeologia Austriaca. Beiträge zur Paläanthropologie, Ur- und Frühgeschichte Österreichs
(Wien)
ArchBulg Archaeologia Bulgarica (Sofia)
ArchCum Archaeologia Cumanica. Kiadja a Bács-Kiskun Megyei Önkormányzat Katona József Múze-
uma (Kecskemét)
ArchÉrt Archaelogiai Értesítő. A Magyar Régészeti és Művészettörténeti Társulat tudományos folyói-
rata (Budapest)
Arrabona Arrabona. Múzeumi Közlemények. Megyei Múzeumok igazgatósága (Győr)
Art-Sanat Art-Sanat Journal/Art-Sanat Dergisi (Istanbul)
AUA Annales Universitatis Apulensis. Series Historica (Alba Iulia)
BMMK Békés Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei (Békéscsaba)
BMRP British Museum Research Publication (London)
CA Current Anthropology. The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research (Chicago)
CAH Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungariae (Budapest)
CAP Cemeteries of the Avar Period (567–829) in Hungary
CMA SA Catalogi Musei Nationalis Hungarici. Seria Archeologica (Budapest)
Cumania Cumania. A Bács-Kiskun Megyei Múzeumok Évkönyve (Kecskemét)
Dacia NS Dacia. Revue d’archéologie et d’histoire ancienne. Nouvelle serie (Bucharest)
DA3 Dissertationes Archaeologicae ex Instituto Archaeologico Universitatis de Rolando Eötvös
nominatae Budapestinensis provenientes Ser. 3 (Budapest)
178
DissPan4 Dissertationes Pannonicae ex Instituto Numismatico et Archaeologico Universitatis de Petro
Pázmány nominatae Budapestinensis provenientes Ser. 4 (Budapest)
DMÉ A Debreceni Déri Múzeum Évkönyve. Annales Musei Debreceniensis De Friderico Déri Nom-
inati (Debrecen)
Dolg.–Kolozsvár-új sor. Dolgozatok az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem- és Régiségtárából. Új sorozat (Kolozsvár)
Dolg.–Szeged Dolgozatok a M. Kir. Ferencz József Tudományegyetem Archaeologiai Intézetéből/Arbeiten
des Archaeologischen Instituts der Kön. Ung. Franz-Josef Universität in Szeged (Szeged)
EME Early Medieval Europe (Oxford – Malden)
ECEE–MA East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450 (Leiden – Boston)
EphNap Ephemeris Napocensis (Cluj-Napoca)
ESz Első Század (on-line)
Ethn Ethnographia. A Magyar Néprajzi Társaság folyóirata (Budapest)
FolArch Folia Archaelogica. A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum Évkönyve. Annales Musei Nationalis Hun-
garici (Budapest)
FSF Forschungen zu Spätantike und Frühmittelalter (Weinstad, Remshalden)
GyK Gyulai Katalógusok (Gyula)
HAM Hortus Artium Medievalium. Journal of the International Research Center for Late Antiquity
and Middle Ages (Zagreb – Motovun)
HOMÉ A Hermán Ottó Múzeum Évkönyve (Miskolc)
Interferenţe etnice Interferenţe etnice şi culturale în mileniile I A. Chr. – I P. Chr (Cluj-Napoca) / Ethnic and
şi culturale cultural interferences in the 1st millennium B.C. to the 1st millennium A.D. / Ethnische und
Kulturelle interferenzen im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. – 1. Jahrtausend n. Chr.
JAMÉ A Jósa András Múzeum Évkönyve (Nyíregyháza)
J-N-SzMMÉ Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok Megyi Múzeumok Évkönyve (Szolnok)
JPMÉ Janus Pannonius Múzeum Évkönyve (Pécs)
KDMK Kuny Domokos Múzeum Közleményei (Tata)
Korall Korall Társadalomtörténeti Folyóirat (Budapest)
Les petits cahiers d’Anatole Les petits cahiers d’Anatole. Université de Tours (Tours)
MAA Monumenta Avarorum Archaeologica (Budapest)
MAGW Mitteilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien (Wien)
Medieval Archaeology Medieval Archaeology. The Society for Medieval Archaeology (London)
MCA Materiale și Cercetări Arheologice (București)
MEFRA Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome. Antiquité (Rome)
MFMA Monographien zur Frühgeschichte und Mittelalterarchäologie (Innsbruck)
MFMÉ Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve (Szeged)
MFMÉ – StudArch A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve – Studia Archaelogica (Szeged)
MFMÉ – Monum. Arch. A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve Monumenta Archaeologica (Szeged)
MFMÉ-Új folyam Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve-Új folyam (Szeged)
MGAH Monumenta Germanorum Archaeologica Hungariae (Budapest)
MH Múzeumi Híradó (Békéscsaba)
MHÁS Magyarország honfoglalás kori és kora Árpád-kori sírleletei (Budapest – Szeged)
MKBK Múzeumi kutatások Bács-Kiskun megyében (Kecskemét)
MMF A Makói Múzeum Füzetei (Makó)
MNy Magyar Nyelv. A Magyar Nyelvtudományi Társaság Folyóirata (Budapest)
Mortality Mortality (London)
MOVM Mozaikok Orosháza és vidéke múltjából (Orosháza)
MŐK Magyar Őstörténeti Könyvtár (Szeged)
MRGZ Monographien des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums (Mainz)
NG Nature Geoscience. Nature Publishing Group (New York)
OM Orbis Mediaevalis (Cluj-Napoca)
PAT Patrimonium Archaeologicum Transylvanicum (Cluj-Napoca)
Pliska–Preslav Pliska–Preslav (Varna)
Parthica Parthica. Parthica. Incontri di culture nel mondo antico (Pisa–Roma)
RL Reformátusok Lapja. A Magyarországi Református Egyház hetilapja (Budapest)
SAA Studien zur Archäologie der Awaren (Wien)
179
SlovArch Slovenská Archeologia (Nitra)
SMK A Somogy Megyei Múzeumok Igazgatóságának kiadványa (Kaposvár)
StudArch Studia Archaeologica (Budapest)
Studia ad Archaeolo- Studia ad Archaeologiam Pazmaniensia. A PPKE BTK Régészeti Tanszékének kiadványai/
giam Pazmaniensia Archaeological Studies of PPCU Department of Archaeology (Budapest)
Stud. Comitatensia Studia Comitatensia. Tanulmányok Pest Megye Múzeumaiból (Szentendre)
StudSachsen Studien zur Sachsenforschung (Oldenburg)
ŠtZ Študijné zvesti Archeologického ústavu Slovenskej Akadémie Vied (Nitra)
SzKMÉ A Szántó Kovács Múzeum Évkönyve (Orosháza)
SzMMÉ Szolnok Megyei Múzeumi Évkönyv (Szolnok)
Tisicum Tisicum. A Jász–Nagykun–Szolnok Megyei Múzeumok Évkönyve (Szolnok)
VAH Varia Archaeologica Hungarica (Budapest)
VAMZ Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu / Journal of the Zagreb Archaeological Museum
(Zagreb)
VSz Vasi Szemle. Tudományos és Kulturális Folyóirat (Szombathely)
WMMÉ Wosinszky Mór Múzeum Évkönyve (Szekszárd)
ZM Zalai Múzeum (Zalaegerszeg)
180
CHAPTER 7.
Bioarchaeological Study
of Avar Age Human
Skeletons from Nădlac
7.1. Introduction
D
ue to the high number of excavated funerary assemblages, the Avar
Rescue represents one of the most frequently studied historical periods
from an anthropological point of view from the Carpathian Basin.538
Rescue excavations carried out in 2014 on the route of the future Arad–Nădlac
highway led to the discovery of four Avar Period burial grounds, further recorded
as follows: Site 3M-S, 3M-N, 9M, and 7M. The osteological material retrieved from
the latter site comprised a number of eight skeletons published elsewhere.539 The
present study reports the anthropological analysis for the other three sites. Site
3M-S contained 72 skeletons, site 3M-N contained 24 skeletons, while site 9M con-
tained only 10 skeletons.
7.2. Preservation degree

7.2.1. Preservation degree for the skeletons identified in 3M-S site (Fig. 1–3)
The majority of the skeletons display a fairly good degree of preservation; from
the upper half of the skeleton, the mandible, the humerus, and the calotte are very
well preserved (>70%), while the scapula is poorly represented (Fig. 1).
< 50% n (%) 50–70% n (%) >70% n (%)

Calotte 9 (14.3) 14 (22.2) 40 (63.5)
Facial skeleton 11 (22.0) 11 (22.0) 28 (56.0)
Mandible 3 (4.9) 12 (4.92) 46 (75.41)
Sternum 8 (21.6) 15 (40.5) 14 (37.8)
Left Right Left Right Left Right
Clavicle 0 (0) 0 (0) 12 (25.0) 13 (25.5) 36 (75.0) 38 (74.5)
Scapula 24 (15.4) 27 (11.1) 20 (38.5) 21 (38.9) 8 (15.4) 6 (11.1)
Humerus 5 (8.2) 5 (8.6) 13 (21.3) 11 (26.2) 43 (70.5) 42 (72.4)
Radius 5 (8.6) 3 (5.7) 16 (27.6) 16 (30.2) 37 (63.8) 34 (64.2)
Ulna 5 (8.9) 6 (10.9) 17 (30.4) 17 (30.9) 34 (60.7) 33 (60.0)
Figure 1. Preservation degree of the elements of the upper skeleton
Hajdu 2009.
538
Andreica (Szilagyi) 2016, 77–86.

539
For the lower half of the skeleton, the long bones are very well preserved, most of the elements displaying
a preservation degree of over 70%. An exception is the fibula, for which an equal number of both well and very
well-preserved bones was seen (Fig. 2).
No significant difference was observed between the two sides of the skeleton in what concerns the preser-
vation degree.
< 50% n (%) 50–70% n (%) >70% n (%)

Sacrum 19 (39.6) 8 (16.7) 21 (43.8)
Coxal bone 14 (25.0) 10 (17.9) 10 (17.9) 13 (23.2) 32 (57.1) 33 (58.9)
Femur 6 (9.8) 4 (6.3) 5 (8.2) 10 (1.6) 50 (82.0) 50 (78.1)
Tibia 6 (9.8) 9 (14.0) 5 (8.2) 4 (6.3) 50 (82.0) 51 (79.7)
Fibula 5 (9.3) 7 (13.2) 23 (42.6) 25 (47.2) 26 (48.1) 21 (39.6)
Figure 2. Preservation degree of the elements of the lower skeleton
Osseous elements like the vertebrae, ribs or hand and foot bones are in a poorer conservation state; in the
case of these groups, the scores 1, 2, and 3 were ascribed based on the number of available osteological frag-
ments; the majority are in a very poor or poor degree of preservation (Fig. 3).
< 50% n (%) 50–70% n (%) >70% n (%)

Cervical vertebrae 25 (46.3) 23 (42.6) 6 (11.1)
Thoracic vertebrae 22 (39.3) 29 (51.8) 5 (8.9)
Lumbar vertebrae 12 (24.5) 16 (32.7) 21 (42.9)
Hand bones 18 (85.7) 18 (85.7) 3 (14.3) 3 (14.3) 0 (0,0) 0 (0.0)
Foot bones 26 (57.8) 22 (52.3) 12 (26.7) 12 (28.5) 7 (15.5) 8 (19.0)
Ribs 35 (54.7) 32 (50.8) 19 (29.7) 21 (33.3) 10 (15.6) 10 (15.9)
Figure 3. Preservation degree of “small bones”
7.2.2. Preservation degree of the skeletons identified in the site 3M-N (Fig. 4–6)
In contrast to the skeletons discovered in the site 3M-S, in this case, the majority of the cranial fragments
exhibit a moderate preservation (50–70%) (Fig. 4). However, the long bones are again well preserved, being
assigned scores of 2 and 3 (Fig. 4–5), while the “small bones” are likewise poorly represented (Fig. 6).
< 50% n (%) 50–70% n (%) >70% n (%)

Calotte 3 (25.0) 7 (58.3) 2 (16.7)
Facial skeleton 4 (40.0) 4 (40.0) 2 (20.0)
Mandible 0 (0.0) 3 (30.0) 7 (70.0)
Sternum 0 (0.0) 1 (50.0) 1 (50.0)
Clavicle 1 (14.3) 1 (10.0) 2 (28.5) 5 (50.0) 4 (57.1) 4 (40.0)
Scapula 5 (71.4) 7 (87.5) 1 (14.2) 1 (12.5) 1 (14.2) 0 (0.0)
Humerus 0 (0.0) 1 (7.7) 7 (53.8) 6 (46.1) 6 (46.1) 6 (46.1)
Radius 2 (18.1) 3 (27.3) 5 (45.5) 2 (18.1) 4 (36.3) 6 (54.5)
Ulna 1 (10.0) 2 (25.0) 4 (40.0) 1 (12.5) 5 (50.0) 5 (62.5)
Figure 4. Preservation degree of the elements of the upper skeleton
< 50% n (%) 50–70% n (%) >70% n (%)

Sacrum 7 1 1
Coxal bone 2 (25.0) 3 (30.0) 4 (50.0) 4 (40.0) 2 (25.0) 3 (30.0)
Femur 1 (7.7) 1 (7.7) 4 (30.8) 4 (30.8) 8 (61.5) 8 (61.5)
Tibia 1 (8.3) 1 (8.3) 4 (33.3) 3 (25.0) 7 (58.3) 8 (66.7)
Fibula 4 (36.3) 3 (30.0) 4 (36.3) 5 (50.0) 3 (27.2) 2 (20.0)
Figure 5. Preservation degree of the elements of the lower skeleton
182
< 50% n (%) 50–70% n (%) >70% n (%)
Cervical vertebrae 3 (60.0) 1 (20.0) 1 (20.0)
Thoracic vertebrae 6 (75.0) 2 (25.0) 0 (0.0)
Lumbar vertebrae 5 (50.0) 3 (30.0) 2 (20.0)
Hand bones 0 (0.0) 1 (100.0) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0)
Foot bones 7 (87.5) 7 (87.5) 1 (12.5) 1 (12.5) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0)
Ribs 10 (83.3) 10 (83.3) 2 (16.7) 2 (16.7) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0)
Figure 6. Preservation degree of “small bones”
7.2.3. Preservation degree for the osteological material identified in the site 9M
The degree of preservation of the seven skeletons identified in the site 9M is very poor; the best represented
elements from the cranial skeleton are the mandible and fragments from the calotte. The humerus and the
ulna show the best preservation, though they usually lack the epiphyseal endings. The lower skeleton and the
“small bones” are almost entirely missing.
7.3. Materials and methods for sex and age at death estimations
The cranial and pelvic elements were used for sex determination. Age at death estimation in subadult indi-
viduals was undertaken based on dental eruption stages540 and long bone length.541 In adult specimens, age at
death estimation was based on the degenerative changes seen on the pubic symphysis and auricular surface,542
sternal rib end,543 and cranial suture synostosis.544 Metric measurements were done using the guidelines from
Martin,545 and living height was calculated using the method developed by T. Sjøvold.546
7.4. Paleodemography
The first step in demographical reconstruction is represented by the assignment of each individual to an
age group; for the present study, the following categories were used: Infans I: 0–7 years; Infans II: 8–14 years;
Juvenis: 15–19 years; Adultus: 20–29 years; Maturus I: 30–39 years; Maturus II: 40–49 years; Senilis: >50 years.
7.4.1. Site 3 M-S (Fig. 7–13)

Of the 70 skeletons recovered from this site, the female individuals slightly overcome the male individuals
(46.3% to 42.6%). The lowest value was registered for the specimens for whom sex could not be determined
(11.1%) (Fig. 7).
M F IND
46,63
42,6
11,1
Figure 7. The sex ratio at the Nădlac-3M-S site sample

(M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable)
540
Buikstra – Ubelaker 1994, Fig. 24, 51.
541
Bernert – Évinger – Hajdu 2007, 202, Tab. 3.
542
White-Folkens 2005, 376–377, 382–383, Fig. 19/7, fig. 19/9.
543
Ișcan 1989, 107–116, Fig. 5/1–7.
544
Buikstra – Ubelaker 1994, 34–35, Fig. 12/a–c.
545
Bräuer 1988, 160–232.
546
Sjøvold 1990, 431–447.
183
In what matters the average age at death for male and female specimens, an approximately equal value
was documented, with an average age at death of 40.1 for male individuals and 40.3 for female individuals. A
slightly lower value, 39.6 years, was again seen in specimens for whom sex could not be determined (Fig. 8).
In what matters the average age at death for male and female specimens, an approximately equal value
was documented, with an average age at death of 40.1 for male individuals and 40.3 for female individuals. A
slightly lower value, 39.6 years, was again seen in specimens for whom sex could not be determined (Fig. 8).
M F IND
40,3
40,1
39,6
Figure 8. Average age at death values at the Nădlac-3M-S site sample

Regarding sex and age at death distribution of the assemblage, the maximum number of individuals was
documented in the 40–49 years category, for both sexes. However, the Adultus and Senilis age groups are char-
acterized by the small number of specimens. In subadults, the 8–14 years age category has the highest number
of individuals. The poorly preserved skeletons were assigned to an age group, usually 30–50 years, based on
the general attributes of the skeleton. This is why in individuals for which sex could not be determined, the
highest number of specimens can be seen in the 40–49 age category (Fig. 9).
Age at death Subadult M F IND

0–7 5
8–14 7
15–19 4
20–29 2 4
30–39 6 5 1
40–49 12 13 5
>50 3 3
Total 16 23 25 6
Figure 9. Sex and age at death distribution for the 3M-S site
The life table represents a demographical expression through which we can calculate indices like lx (the
ratio of survivors in a given interval), qx (the death probability) and e0x (life expectancy at birth) (Fig. 10).
Using the available results, the mortality curve was depicted in the life table, which presents the percentage
of deceased individuals for each age group (Fig. 11).547 As such, the maximum percentage of deaths was set in
the age interval of 40.0 to 44.9 (28.57%), followed by the next age category (12.86%); 5.0–9.9 and 55.0–59.9 age
groups have the lowest values, 2.86%, with the 20.0–24.9, 25.0–29.9 and 50.0–54.9 age groups showing similar
low results (4.29%).
The survival curve shows a gradual decrease starting with the 0.0–4.9 age interval up to 40.0–44.9 age
interval, where it abruptly decreases to less than half (Fig. 12).
The life expectancy at birth is 34.71 years, after which it decreases with approximately 3 to 4 years of age,
reaching 7 years in the age group 45.0–49.9; the lowest value, 2.5 years, was seen in the 65.0–69.9 age category
(Fig. 13).
Ubelaker 1978, 93.

547
184
x Dx dx lx qx Lx Tx ex
0.0–4.9 4 5.71 100.00 0.0571 485.714 3471.429 34.71
5.0–9.9 2 2.86 94.29 0.0303 464.286 2985.714 31.67
10.0–14.9 6 8.57 91.43 0.0938 435.714 2521.429 27.58
15.0–19.9 4 5.71 82.86 0.0690 400.000 2085.714 25.17
20.0–24.9 3 4.29 77.14 0.0556 375.000 1685.714 21.85
25.0–29.9 3 4.29 72.86 0.0588 353.571 1310.714 17.99
30.0–34.9 5 7.14 68.57 0.1042 325.000 957.143 13.96
35.0–39.9 7 10.00 61.43 0.1628 282.143 632.143 10.29
40.0–44.9 20 28.57 51.43 0.5556 185.714 350.000 6.81
45.0–49.9 9 12.86 22.86 0.5625 82.143 164.286 7,19
50.0–54.9 3 4.29 10.00 0.4286 39.286 82.143 8.21
55.0–59.9 2 2.86 5.71 0.5000 21.429 42.857 7.50
60.0–64.9 0 0.00 2.86 0.0000 14.286 21.429 7.50
65.0–69.9 2 2.86 2.86 1.0000 7.143 7.143 2.50
total 70 100.00
Figure 10. Life table
(Table caption: x: life interval; Dx: number of deaths in x life interval; dx:
percent of deaths in x life interval; lx: number of survivors in x life interval;
qx: death probability; Lx: total number of years lived by all the individuals in
the x and x+5 intervals; Tx: total number of life years, for all the individuals,
in each age group; e0x: life expectancy at birth)
Figure 11. Mortality curve for the skeletal assemblage from 3M-S site
Figure 12. Survivorship curve for the skeletal assemblage from 3M-S site
185
Figure 13. Life expectancy for the skeletal assemblage from 3M-S site
7.4.2. Site 3M-N (Fig. 14–16)

Of the analysed specimens from this site, 26% represent male individuals, while the female ones are in
slightly lower numbers (21.7%). The high number of skeletons for which sex could not be determined (52.1%)
is given by the increased presence of subadults (Fig. 14).
In what matters the average age at death, the values are lower than those seen in the 3M-S skeletal assem-
blage, with an average age at death of 31 years for male individuals and slightly higher for female ones (34.5
years) (Fig. 15).
M F IND
52,1
26
21,7
Figure 14. The sex ratio at the Nădlac-3M-N site sample

M F IND
34,5
31
17,9
Figure 15. Average age at death values at the Nădlac-3M-N site sample
186
When looking at the sex and age at death distribution of the skeletal assemblage, the highest value, 43.5%,
is recorded in the case of subadults. This is suggestive for a low quality of life level attained by these individu-
als in the course of their childhood, which in turn led to the high number of deaths. In the case of adult indi-
viduals, the 40–49 years age category comprises the highest number of individuals, for both male and female
specimens (Fig. 16).
Age group Subadult M F Adult IND

0–7 1 0 0 0
8–14 4 0 0 0
15–19 5 2 0 0
20–29 0 1 1 0
30–39 0 1 1 0
40–49 0 2 3 2
>50 0 0 0 0
Total 10 6 5 2
Figure 16. Sex and age at death distribution for 3M-N site
7.4.3. Site 9M (Fig. 17)

Given the poor degree of preservation of the osteological material, out of the seven skeletons identified at
the site 9M, sex was determined only in three cases, all of them being assigned to female individuals, with an
age at death between 40 and 49 years (Fig. 17).
Age group Subadult F Adult IND

0–7 1 0 0
8–14 1 0 0
15–19 0 0 0
20–29 0 0 0
30–39 0 0 0
40–49 0 3 2
>50 0 0 0
Total 2 3 2
Figure 17. Sex and age at death distribution for 9M site
(F: female; IND: indeterminable)
7.5. Stature
Stature of the adult individuals is a multifactorial value, being influenced by both genetical and environ-
mental factors, including intrauterine life or nutritional and health status during childhood.548
In order to calculate the stature, several measurements were used, the most frequent being the maximum
length of the humerus, femur, and tibia. The metric measurements were done following the guidelines from
Martin,549 and stature was calculated using the method from Sjøvold.550 In most cases, the maximum length of
the bones from the right side was used, the left side was used only when the right limb was missing.
7.5.1. Site 3M-S (Fig. 18–19)

In the case of female skeletons, stature was calculated for 16 individuals, of which for 15 the maximum
length of the femur was used, while in one case, the maximum length of the tibia was used.
Average height for female specimens is 153.3 cm. For male specimens, living stature was calculated in 18
cases, using the humerus in one case and the femur in 17. Average height was calculated to be 164.5 cm. More-
over, in two individuals for which sex could not be determined, stature was calculated using the tibia (Fig. 18).
548
Case – Paxson 2008, 505.
549
Bräuer 1988, 160–232.
550
Sjøvold 1990, 431–447.
187
Graves Sex Humerus Femur Tibia Stature
Right Left Right Left Right Left
Grave 137B M 474 174.3
Grave 138 M 410 156.9
Grave 139 M 444 166.1
Grave 140 F 418 159.1
Grave 142 F 385 150.1
Grave 145 F 420 159.6
Grave 146 M 425 161.0
Grave 147 M 455 169.1
Grave 148 M 466 172.1
Grave 150 M 470 173.2
Grave 157A M 457 169.7
Grave 161 F 395 152.9
Grave 162 F 391 151.8
Grave 163 F 417 158.9
Grave 164 IND 341 159.5
Grave 165 M 301 158.1
Grave 167 F 360 143.4
Grave 168B F 336 157.9
Grave 173 IND 325 154.3
Grave 176 M 439 164.8
Grave 177 F 377 148.0
Grave 178 M 405 155.6
Grave 183 M 430 162.4
Grave 185 F 394 152.6
Grave 186 M 452 168.4
Grave 189 F 420 159.7
Grave 191 F 395 152.9
Grave 193 M 441 165.4
Grave 195 M 385 150.2
Grave 198 F 396 153.2
Grave 202 M 448 167.3
Grave 210 F 395 152.9
Grave 211 M 414 158.0
Grave 212 M 454 168.9
Grave 226 F 389 151.3
Grave 233 F 384 149.9
Figure 18. Stature values depending on the sex of individuals (the length of the long
bones in mm, stature in cm; M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable)
According to the height groups established by R. Martin and K. Saller,551 the values determined for male
individuals can be assigned to two extremes, the short category (6 out of 18 skeletons) and over-average (five out
of 18 skeletons). For female individuals, half of the obtained values can be assigned to the below-average group
(8 out of 16 skeletons). There are no very short or very tall values either in male or female individuals (Fig. 19).
Height category M (%) F (%)
Very short 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0)
Short 6 (33.3) 2 (12.5)
Below average 2 (11.1) 8 (50.0)
Average 3 (16.7) 1(6.25)
Above average 5 (27.8) 2 (12.5)
Tall 3 (16.7) 3 (18.8)
Very tall 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0)
Total 18 (100.0) 16 (100.0)
Figure 19. Distribution of the individuals based on sex and height category
(M: male; F: female)
Martin – Saller 1957.
551
188
7.5.2. Site 3M-N (Fig. 20)
At this site, stature was calculated only in 5 individuals, based on femur length in all cases (Fig. 20).
Graves Sex Humerus Femur Tibia Calculated height

Right Left Right Left Right Left
Grave 333 M 440 165.1
Grave 347 F 428 161.8
Grave 357 M 445 166.4
Grave 358 F 440 165.1
Grave 363 F 379 148.6
Figure 20. Stature values depending on the sex of individuals (the length of
the long bones in mm, stature in cm; M: male; F: female)
7.5.3. Site 9M
Due to the very poor degree of preservation of the osteological material, it was not possible to calculate the
height of the individuals.
7.6. Paleopathology
7.6.1. Dental disease
7.6.1.1. Site 3M-S
As a consequence of their direct interaction with the environment, teeth are more susceptible than osseous
elements to decay due to physical and biological factors.552 Therefore, the dentition offers data with regard to
infectious conditions, and also physical stressors to which the individual is exposed in the period in which the
tooth is forming.
7.6.1.1.1. Enamel hypoplasia (Fig. 21)

Hypoplastic lines are evident in the form of transverse lines on the tooth crown. Most often, they are caused
by metabolic stress.553
The frequency of linear enamel hypoplasia in the skeletal assemblage from site 3M-S is very low. Out of 928
teeth observed, only 6 (0.64%) displayed hypoplastic defects. Most frequently, the condition was identified on
maxillary teeth, with four teeth affected, in contrast to only two mandibular teeth (Fig. 21).
Due to the low number of cases, no significant conclusions can be drawn about the incidence of this con-
dition in terms of sex distribution, as both sexes are affected.
Graves Sex Age at death Tooth affected

Grave 150 M 40–50 Mandibular canine
Grave 163 F 40–50 Mandibular canine; maxillary canine and incisor
Grave 176 M 25–30 Maxillary canine and incisor
Figure 21. Dental enamel hypoplasia distribution in the 3M-S skeletal assemblage (M: male; F: female)
7.6.1.1.2. Dental caries (Fig. 22–27)

J. J. Pindborg554 defined the carious lesion as an infectious and transmissible disease, in which progres-
sive destruction of the tooth is initiated by microbial activity on the tooth surface. The conditions deemed
necessary for this disease include dental plaque and a diet rich in carbohydrates.555 A frequent inconvenience
regarding the study of dental caries in archaeological populations is about the loss of teeth during excavation
and recovery of the material, thus leading to the postmortem loss of dental elements.556
552
White-Folkens 2005, 328.
553
554
Pindborg 1970.
555
556
Ortner – Putschar 1985, 439.
189
The incidence of dental caries in the skeletons recovered from site 3M-S is low: out of 928 permanent teeth,
only 61 (6.57%) display a carious lesion (Fig. 27). These lesions are more common in mandibular teeth (76.1%)
than maxillary ones (23.8%). Molars are the most affected tooth (37.3%, 25 teeth), with the mandibular ele-
ments again more affected (84.0%, 21 teeth) than the maxillary ones (Fig. 22).
Taking into consideration the sex distribution of the sample, the male individuals exhibit higher rates of
the condition on both the maxillary and mandibular bodies (32 male individuals, 28 female individuals), and
the most affected age category is the 40–49 years one, for both sexes (Fig. 23).
Maxillary
Right Left
M3 M2 M1 PM2 PM1 C I2 I1 I1 I2 C PM1 PM2 M1 M2 M3 T
M 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 2 9
F 3 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 7
IND 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
T 3 2 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 1 1 2 16
Mandible
Right Left
M3 M2 M1 PM2 PM1 C I2 I1 I1 I2 C PM1 PM2 M1 M2 M3 T
M 4 3 3 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 5 4 23
F 4 3 1 2 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 2 3 2 21
IND 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 0 7
T 8 8 5 3 2 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 5 10 6 51
Figure 22. Dental caries in the permanent and deciduous dentitions (M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable; T: total)
Age group 0–7 8–14 15–19 20–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60 +

M 0 0 0 0 2 5 2 0
F 0 0 0 1 3 4 1 0
IND 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0
Figure 23. Sex and age at death distribution of individuals showing carious lesions (M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable)
7.6.1.1.3. Antemortem tooth loss (Fig. 24; fig. 27)

Like in the case of the other dental pathological conditions, antemortem tooth loss has a low frequency, with
only 15.7% of the individuals being affected (213 teeth lost antemortem out of 1354 observed positions) (Fig. 27).
Traditionally, this type of pathological process was linked to the cariogenic process, though lately it was
suggested that it could have an aetiology in trauma or severe dental wear.557 As in the other case, the highest
number of affected individuals is to be found in the 40–49 years age category for both female and male indi-
viduals (Fig. 24).
Age group 0–7 8–14 15–19 20–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60 +

M 0 0 0 0 2 5 3 0
F 0 0 0 0 2 8 0 2
IND 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0
Figure 24. Sex and age at death distribution of the individuals showing ante-
mortem tooth loss (M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable)
7.6.1.1.4. Dental abscesses (Fig. 25; fig. 27)

Carious lesions and dental wear can facilitate the penetration of oral bacteria in the pulp cavity, which
leads to inflammation and consequently to pulpitis. Due to the high pressure from inside the pulp chamber,
the inflammation can develop into a dental abscess, which is actually puss gathered in a cavity created by the
destruction of osseous tissue.558
The frequency documented for this condition in the 3M-S skeletal assemblage is low (2.0%), with both
sexes being affected to similar degrees (1.8% for male individuals, 2.0% for female individuals) (Fig. 27). It was
Robledo Sanz 1998, 210; Lukacs 1995, 151–156.

557
Udo 2006, 46.

558
190
noticed that the frequency tends to increase with age: there are three cases in the 30-39 years age category and
five cases in the following age category (Fig. 25).
Age group 0–7 8–14 15–19 20–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60 +

M 0 0 0 0 1 3 1 0
F 0 0 0 1 2 2 0 0
IND 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Figure 25. Sex and age at death distribution of the individuals showing dental
abscesses (M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable)
7.6.1.1.5. Dental plaque (Fig. 26–27)

The mineralization of the bacterial plaque composed of glycoproteins, food particles, and living and dead
microorganisms constitutes a major factor in the evolution of this periodontal disease.
However, multiple studies proved that there is a strong connection between plaque accumulation and pre-
carious oral hygiene, diet, carious lesions, periodontitis, sex and age of the individuals.559
In contrast to other dental pathological processes, dental plaque was seen in 14 (20%) out of 70 skeletons
from the 3M-S skeletal assemblage. The frequency of this condition is higher in the 30–39 years age category (8
specimens) compared to the next age category (4 specimens) (Fig. 26).
Age group 0–7 8–14 15–19 20–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60 +

M 0 0 0 0 4 2 1 0
F 0 0 0 0 3 2 0 0
IND 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0
Figure 26. Sex and age at death distribution of the individuals showing dental plaque (M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable)
Sex No. of posi- Permanent Carious Antemortem Dental

tions teeth lesions tooth loss abscesses
M 556 380 30 94 7
F 513 313 24 113 7
IND 285 235 7 6 0
T 1354 928 61 213 14
M% 41.0 40.9 49.1 44.1 50.0
F% 37.8 33.7 39.3 53.0 50.0
IND % 21.0 25.3 11.4 2.8 0.00
Figure 27. Sex distribution of dental pathological features (M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable)
7.6.1.2. Site 3M-N

7.6.1.2.1. Enamel hypoplasia (Fig. 28)
The four cases of enamel hypoplasia identified in this skeletal assemblage are equally distributed between
male and female individuals (Fig. 28).
Graves Sex Age at death Affected teeth

Grave 333 M 17–21 Mandibular canine and incisor, maxillary incisor
Grave 347 F 30–32 Mandibular incisor, maxillary canine
Grave 351 M 26–32 Mandibular incisor and canine, maxillary incisor
Grave 358 F 30–50 Mandibular canine and incisor
Figure 28. Cases of enamel hypoplasia in the individuals from the 3M-N site (M: male; F: female)
7.6.1.2.2. Other dental pathological features (Fig. 29)

With regard to the distribution of the other dental pathological features, carious lesions, and antemor-
tem tooth loss were identified only in female individuals, while one abscess was seen in one male individual
(Fig. 29).
Udo 2006, 44–45.
559
191
Sex No. of posi- Permanent Carious Antemortem Dental
tions teeth lesions tooth loss abscesses
M 146 108 0 0 1
F 77 79 9 1 0
IND 37 21 0 0 0
Total 260 208 9 1 1
M% 56.1 51.9 0.0 0.0 100.0
F% 29.6 38.0 100.0 100.0 0.0
IND % 14.2 10.1 0.0 0.0 0.0
Figure 29. Sex distribution of dental pathological features (M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable)
7.6.1.3. Site 9M
The skeletal assemblage identified at the site 9M did not show the presence of any dental pathological fea-
tures, as a consequence of the poor degree of preservation of the osteological material.
7.6.2. Skeletal indicators for nutritional deficiency

7.6.2.1. Site 3M-S (Fig. 30)
Out of 54 skulls with a degree of preservation over 50%, 24.0% show Hyperostosa porotica. In five cases,
both cribra orbitalia and cribra cranii were documented. Male individuals are more affected (five cases, com-
pared to only two female cases). Out of the 13 affected skeletons, seven belong to subadults (Fig. 30).
Graves Sex Age at death Hyperostosa porotica

Grave 137A IND 15–20 Cribra orbitalia, cribra cranii
Grave 138 M 25–35 Cribra cranii
Grave 151 IND/F 18–20 Cribra orbitalia, cribra cranii
Grave 157B IND 13–16 Cribra orbitalia, cribra cranii
Grave 171 IND 14–15 Cribra orbitalia
Grave 191 F 33–46 Cribra cranii
Grave 195 M 35–45 Cribra orbitalia, cribra cranii
Grave 202 M 19–21 Cribra orbitalia, cribra cranii
Grave 212 M 39–41 Cribra orbitalia
Grave 219 IND 12–14 Cribra orbitalia
Grave 235 IND 13–15 Cribra cranii
Figure 30. Cases of cribra orbitalia and cribra cranii in the 3M-S site sample
7.6.2.2. Site 3M-N (Fig. 31)

This skeletal assemblage displayed a high incidence of porotic lesions (77%) (seven skulls out of nine with
a degree of preservation over 50%) (Fig. 31).
Graves Sex Age at death Hyperostosa porotica

Grave 363 F 20–23 Cribra orbitalia, cribra cranii
Grave 372 IND 13–15 Cribra cranii
Grave 378 IND 30–50 Cribra orbitalia, cribra cranii
Figure 31. Cases of cribra orbitalia and cribra cranii in the 3M-N site sample
192
7.6.3. Infections
7.6.3.1. Sub-periosteal inflammation (Site 3M-S) (Fig. 32)
Systemic inflammations caused by an infection present in the organism can affect the outer surface of the
bone (the periosteum). The answer to this infection is manifested in the form of new bone production, known
as sub-periosteal inflammation.560
However, besides infection, several other causes can lead to sub-periosteal inflammation, like trauma,
hemorrhage, or skin ulcer.561 In the 3M-S skeletal assemblage, only seven bones displayed periosteal inflam-
mation: two femora, four tibiae, and one fibula. Out of the three skeletons showing the condition, two are male
individuals and for one, sex could not be determined (Fig. 32).
Graves Sex Age at death Affected bone

Grave 138 M 25–35 Both femora; both tibiae
Grave 157B IND 13–16 Left tibia
Grave 186 M 40–50 Left tibia; left fibula
Figure 32. Cases of sub-periosteal inflammation at 3M-S site (M: male; IND: indeterminable)
7.6.4. Joint disease

7.6.4.1. Osteoarthritis (Fig. 33–34; fig. 36/B–C)
Joint diseases are chronic, uninflammatory, pathological processes, characterized by the gradual loss of
joint cartilage due to bone on bone contact at the level of diarthrodial joints.562
The frequency of osteoarthritis in the 3M-S skeletal assemblage is relatively high, 32.86% (23 specimens
out of 70). Nevertheless, in the majority of cases, the degenerative process is not advanced, with a first degree
morphology (Fig. 36/B). Exception makes the specimen from grave 189, which presents eburnation and a very
strong osteoarthritis deformation on the first left metatarsal head (Fig. 36/C). When looking at the sex distri-
bution of the condition, equal numbers for both cases can be seen, 52.1% for male individuals (12 out of 23
specimens) and 43.48% for female individuals (10 out of 23 specimens) (Fig. 33).
Degenerative changes were seen only in cases of individuals with an age at death over 30 years. For male speci-
mens, the most affected age group was that of 40–49 years (8 individuals out of 12). For the female group, the most
affected are the Maturus I and II age categories. The most affected area of the skeleton are the joints of the upper
limbs (elbow, shoulder, hand), for both sexes, with no significant difference for one side of the body (Fig. 34).
Osteoarthritis Shoulder Vertebral column Elbow Hand Hip Knee Leg

Side L R L R L R L R
M 6 6 9 9 8 8 5 5 8 7 9
F 4 6 6 10 10 6 4 4 9 9 5
IND 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1
Figure 33. Osteoarthritic cases at the 3M-S skeletal assemblage (M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable)
(Shoulder: scapula, proximal humerus, clavicle; Elbow: distal humerus, proximal radius, proximal ulna; Hand: distal radius, distal
ulna, bones of the hand; Hip: acetabular cavity, proximal femur; Knee: distal femur, proximal tibia, proximal fibula, patella; Leg:
distal tibia, distal fibula, bones of the foot; L: left, R: right)
Age group → 20–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60 +

M 0 2 8 2 0
F 0 4 3 1 2
IND 0 1 0 0 0
Total 0 7 11 3 2
M% 0.0 28.5 72.7 66.7 0.0
F% 0.0 57.1 27.2 33.3 100.0
IND % 0.0 14.3 0.0 0.0 0.0
Figure 34. Osteoarthritic cases per age and sex groups at 3M-S sample
560
Martin – Harrod – Pérez 2013, 162.
561
Aufderheide – Rodriguez Martin 1998, 179.
562
193
7.6.4.2 Spondylolysis (Fig. 35)
Spondylolysis is a degenerative condition manifested through the separation of the vertebral neural arch at the
joint area. Most frequently, it can be seen at the level of the lumbar vertebrae, particularly the fifth lumbar vertebra.563
In what matters the aetiology of the condition, there are multiple causes: some authors like H. Shahriaree,
K. Sajadi, and S. A. Rooholamini564 consider this pathology to be of congenital nature, while C. F. Merbs565 and
Ch. Roberts – K. Manchester566 suggests that spondylolysis is actually a type of fracture caused by excessive
mechanic stress.
In the 3M-S skeletal assemblage, this condition was documented only in 3 skeletons, of which two belong
to male individuals and one is a female; in both cases the lumbar area was affected (Fig. 35; fig. 36/A).
Male Female Indeterminable

C T L C T L C T L
Spondylolysis 0 0 2 0 0 1 0 0 0
Schmorl’s nodes 0 5 2 0 3 3 0 0 0
Intervertebral disk disease 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 0
Figure 35. Pathological changes on the vertebral column at 3M-S site; (C: cervical; T: thoracic; L: lumbar)
7.6.4.3. Schmorl’s nodes (Fig. 36/1–5)

The condition designates a spinal hernia manifested as rounded depressions with a diameter of approxi-
mately 0.1–1.5 cm, seen on either side of the vertebral body.567
The thoracic and lumbar segments of the vertebral column are usually the most affected. The aetiology
of these defects varies depending on the age of the affected individual: over 45 years of age, the cause can be
degenerative changes taking place at the intervertebral disks in the aging individual; in younger persons, cer-
tain physical activities which include stressful movements of the vertebral column can be a cause.568
In the 3M-S skeletal assemblage, 13 skeletons (18.5%) showed Schmorl’s nodes, out of which seven were
male individuals and six were female individuals (Fig. 35).
Figure 36/1. Spondylolysis on fifth lumbar

showing complete bilateral separation, and
healed fracture from an adult female (grave
189); 36/2. Osteophytes on lumbar vertebrae
(grave 189); 36/3. Osteoarthritis deformation
on the first left metatarsal head (grave 189);
36/4. “Button” lesion (osteoma) of the cranial
vault (grave 185); 36/5. Healed fracture in
the neck of the left femur (grave 150)
563
Larsen 1997, 190.
564
Shahriaee – Sajadi – Rooholamini 1979, 1256–1258.
565
Merbs 1989b, 163–169.
566
Roberts – Manchester 2005, 106.
567
González – Concepción 2004, 117.
568
194
7.6.5. Trauma and fractures
7.6.5.1. Site 3M-S
7.6.5.1.1. Fractures (Fig. 36/E; fig. 37)
Fractures were seen in 12 adult individuals (17.1%), of which seven are male (58.3%), four are female indi-
viduals (33.3%), and for one specimen, sex could not be determined (8.3%).
The highest fracture frequency was seen in male specimens (57.1%), where vertebrae followed by the clav-
icle were most often affected. In what matters the side of the skeleton, the left side was more affected (six
fractures compared to only one on the right side). All the fractures were healed, with no traces of infection
(Fig. 36/5; fig. 37).
Skull Clavicle Ribs Vertebrae Femur Tibia Fibula

Side L R L R L R L R
M 0 2 0 1 3 1 0 0 0 1 0
F 2 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0
IND 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0
Figure 37. Fractures per side and sex at the Nădlac-3M-S site sample; (M: male; F: female; IND: indeterminable; L: left; R: right)
7.6.5.1.2. Trauma produced with a sharp object

In most cases, perimortem trauma can be interpreted as signs of intentional violence and lethal conflicts.569
This type of lesion was seen on the diaphysis of both ulnae of one individual with an age at death between 18
and 20 years (grave 151).
7.6.5.2. Site 3M-N

7.6.5.2.1. Fracture
Only one fracture, in a healed state, was seen on the diaphysis of a left humerus belonging to a male indi-
vidual with an age at death between 30 and 32 years (grave 357).
7.6.6. Enthesopathies (Site 3M-S) (Fig. 38)

Enthesopathic lesions are bony projections seen at the insertion site of tendons and ligaments. A possible
cause for these osseous changes is considered to be excessive and prolonged physical activity. Their localiza-
tion and size can offer data with regard to the daily physical activities performed by affected individuals.570
The presence of enthesopathies in the 3M-S skeletal assemblage was seen particularly in male skeletons
(76.1%), with a higher frequency in the Maturus age category. With regard to the location of these modifica-
tions, in both males and females, they are present on both the upper and the lower limbs (Fig. 38).
Graves Sex Age at death Localization Featured muscle/ligament

Grave 135 M 30–40 Radius Musculus biceps brachii
Grave 139 M 45–55 Scapula Ligamentum coracoclavicularis, Musculus deltoideus, Triceps brachii
Clavicle Musculus deltoideus, Trapezius
Humerus Ligamentum colateralle radiale, Internum laterale
Ulna Musculus triceps brachii
Radius Musculus biceps brachii
Coxal bone Musculus obliquus externus abdominis
Femur Musculus psoas, Iliacus, Gluteus minimus
Tibia Musculus soleus, Popliteus
Fibula Musculus soleus
Calcaneus Achilles tendonis
Grave 140 F 33–42 Clavicle Ligamentum conoideum
Femur Musculus gluteus minimus, maximus, Obturator internus
Fibula Musculus soleus
Merbs 1989a, 161–190; Šlaus et al. 2012, 36.

569
Dutour 1986, 221–224; Larsen 1997, 188.

570
195
Graves Sex Age at death Localization Featured muscle/ligament
Grave 146 M 26–36 Clavicle Ligamentum conoideum
Femur Musculus iliopsoas
Grave 148 M 30–50 Scapula Musculus triceps brachii
Clavicle Ligamentum conoideum, Pectoralis major, Musculus deltoideus
Coxal bone Musculus obliquus externus abdominis, Gemellus superior, Obturator internus,
Obturator externus
Femur Musculus gluteus minimus, Psoas, Iliacus, Gluteus maximus, Obturator internus
Fibula Musculus soleus, Ligamentum interossea
Grave 157A M 40–50 Coxal bone Musculus gemellus superior
Femur Musculus obturator internus
Grave 165 M 55–60 Clavicle Musculus pectoralis major, Trapezius
Grave 169 M 33–42 Clavicle Ligamentum costoclaviculare
Grave 178 M 35–45 Humerus Musculus pectoralis major, Ligamentum collaterale radiale
Grave 179 F 38–40 Clavicle Ligamentum conoideum
Humerus Musculus subscapularis
Grave 183 M 25–35 Femur Musculus gluteus maximus
Grave 186 M 40–50 Femur Musculus gluteus maximus
Grave 193 M 45–55 Ulna Musculus triceps brachii
Radius Musculus biceps brachii
Femur Musculus gluteus minimus, Gluteus maximus, Obturator internus
Tibia Musculus soleus, Popliteus
Grave 198 F 59–71 Femur Musculus obturator internus
Grave 210 F 40–50 Humerus Musculus pectoralis major, Deltoideus
Grave 230 IND 33–42 Clavicle Ligamentum conoideum
Grave 234 M 35–45 Scapula Ligamentum coracoclavicularis, Triceps brachii
Clavicula Ligamentum conoideum
Femur Musculus psoas major, Iliacus
Figure 38. Enthesophytes in the 3M-S site sample (M: male, F: female, IND: indeterminable)
7.6.7. Tumours (Site 3M-S)

The two bony masses seen on the skull of the female individual in the grave 185, with an age at death between
35 and 45 years, were assessed as being possible marks from benign tumours.571 They are located on the left pari-
etal bone, and they display an approximately circular shape, with a 1 cm diameter (Fig. 36/4). The aetiology of this
condition is unclear, as it could be caused by trauma, scalp infection, idiopathic inflammation, or meningioma.572
7.6.8. Congenital malformations (Site 3M-S)

Congenital malformations represent the outcome of pathological changes taking place during the intrau-
terine development of the foetus. In industrialized countries, 90% of congenital malformations are thought to
be a consequence of genetic disorder.573
7.6.8.1. Humerus varus (unilateral)

One such congenital malformation rarely seen in archaeological populations was identified in the case of
skeleton recovered from the 3M-S site. The specimen in the grave 162 is an adult woman, with an age at death
571
Ortner – Putschar 1985, 378; Brothwell 2008, 271.
572
Perou 1964; Brothwell 2008, 271.
573
196
between 25 and 35 years. On the right humerus, we documented the presence of unilateral humerus varus: the
right diaphysis, measuring 220 mm, is 60 mm shorter than the left counterpart. The anatomical neck is short-
ened, and the humeral head is abnormally rotated posteriorly (Fig. 39/3). Both on the surface of the humeral
head, and of the glenoid cavity there are extended arthritic modifications (Fig. 39/4).
P. Kacki and colleagues574 encountered a similar situation in the case of a subadult skeleton retrieved from
the medieval cemetery of La Madeleine, France. Following differential diagnosis, the authors arrived at the
conclusion that the malformation was most probably caused by trauma which took place at birth or in the
immediate period.
7.6.8.1.2. Spina bifida (Fig. 39/1–3)

Spina bifida is one of the most common congenital defects seen at the level of the vertebral column, and
it involves the incomplete fusion of the posterior neural arches in the sacral segment of the column.575 This
malformation was identified in the case of a young adult male, with an age at death between 19 and 21 years,
recovered from the site 3M-S. In a similar fashion to other published cases,576 a sacral hiatus can be seen in
specimen in the grave 202 at the level of the S3, S4, and S5 vertebrae (Fig. 39/2).
With regard to the aetiology of this malformation, Rodriguez-Martin577 puts forward the issue of consan-
guinity as a possible cause for spina bifida, based on his studies of the Guanche population from Tenerife,
which showed a high incidence (30%) of the condition. It is a known fact that consanguineous parents show a
higher risk of having an offspring with malformations in comparison to non-related parents.578
7.6.8.1.3. Lumbar sacralisation

The sacralisation of the L5 lumbar vertebra involves the fusion of the last lumbar vertebra to the sacral
bone, eventually leading to the loss of one element from the lumbar segment of the spine.579 A bilateral sacral-
isation was identified in the case of one adult female individual, with an age at death between 40 and 50 years
(grave 163) (Fig. 39/1).
Figure 39/1. Complete sacralisation of a female

(grave 163); 39/2. Incomplete spina bifida (S3-
S5) (grave 202); 39/3. Humerus varus: anterior
view of the right and left humeri (grave 162);
39/4. Humerus varus: anterior view of the
right humerus and scapula (grave 162)
574
Kacki – Duneufjardin – Blanchard 2013, 119–126.
575
576
Sarry El Din – El Shafy El Banna 2006, 1256–1258.
577
Rodríguez-Martín 1995, 157–170.
578
Devor 1993, 200. 197
579
Aufderheide– Rodriguez Martin 1998, 65.
7.6.9. Results and discussions
From a paleodemographic point of view, the mortality curve seen for the individuals from site 3M-S indi-
cates two peaks, with the maximum percentage of deaths in the age group 40.0–44.9 years (28.57%), followed
by the next age category, 45.0–49.9 years (12.86%). This result is slightly higher when compared to the values
obtained for other Avar Age archaeological sites. For the skeletal assemblages from Kereki-Homokbánya and
Kaposvár Road 61, Site No. 26, both from Hungary, Zs. Bernert580 and S. Évinger – Zs. Bernert581 found a maxi-
mum mortality rate in the age category of 35–39 years.
There are many studies looking at the relation between the modifications seen on the bones and the main
activities performed by individuals in the course of their life time. The presence of osseous pathological fea-
tures, like osteoarthritis and enthesopathies can be linked to a strenuous physical effort taking place during
life time.582 However, one must also take into consideration the fact that the morphology of enthesopathies can
be influenced by genetical, hormonal, and other biological factors, including age, sex, and body weight.583 In
the present study, enthesopathic lesions were identified only in the specimens from site 3M-S; for example, the
enthesopathic lesion seen at the level of the insertion site of Ligamentum conoideum, on the clavicle, could
point to activities like wood cutting, where the greatest force is gained by waving, which in turn places a pres-
sure above the level of the shoulders. Moreover, it is suggestive for the custom of carrying weights on the shoul-
ders and/or on the superior side of the back, where the arms are bended and the hands placed around the neck
to stabilize the weight.584 On the humerus, the development of the deltoid tuberosity can be explained by the
bringing of the arms above the head in circular movements585 and pushing the arms to the chest (medial rota-
tion)586 and the muscle Pectoralis major is involved in rotation and abduction movements, with arm bending.587
Similar to the conclusions reached by other studies targeting the Avar Period, the osseous changes seen on
the lower limbs, particularly at insertion sites on the illiac crest, femora, tibiae, and fibulae can supposedly be
considered proofs for the practice of horse riding.588
By contrast, the frequency of osteoarthritis at the site 3M-S is approximately equal for both male and female
individuals, which could suggest that females were also performing strong physical activities.
Also as a consequence of intense physical activities, the core is affected by certain lesions, among them,
Schmorl’s nodes and osteophytosis. These could be the result of performing particular physical activities like
flexing and bending the spine, but also due to heavy weight lifting.589
A life style lacking violent conflicts is suggested by the low number of traumatic lesions seen on the bones.
A possible outcome of domestic violence is represented by two cranial fractures seen in the case of two female
individuals found at the 3M-S site. D. J. Ortner, W. G. J. Putschar,590 and P. L. Walker591 indicate that the majority
of lesions seen on the skull are to be considered as caused by acts of violence and not accidents. In one case,
an individual with an age at death between 18 and 20 years from site 3M-S displayed lesions caused by a sharp
object. However, the localization of the trauma on both ulnar bones points to these being defensive wounds.592
Fractures at the level of the clavicle are most often associated with falls and work-related accidents.593 Verte-
bral fractures are the result of indirect trauma, also as a consequence of falling or heavy weight lifting and
carrying.594
Compared to other Avar Age population groups, the incidence of carious lesions, antemortem tooth loss,
and dental abscesses at the site 3M-S and 3M-N is lower. With regard to caries distribution, there is a 6.57% rate
for site 3M-S and 4.3% for site 3M-N, which are both much lower than the values documented by S. Évinger595 on
580
Bernert 2003, 225–309.
581
Évinger – Bernert 2005, 261–319.
582
Larsen 1997, 163.
583
Roberts – Manchester 2005; Lieverse et al. 2009, 459.
584
Munson Chapman 1997, 497–506.
585
586
Lieverse et al. 2009, 468.
587
González – Concepción 2004, 186; Lieverse et al. 2009, 468.
588
Belcastro – Mariotti – Lancellotti 2003, 731–735.
589
González – Concepción 2004, 259; Brickley 2002, 369.
590
591
Walker 1997.
592
Pollak – Saukko 2000, 374; Šlaus et al. 2010, 369.
593
Lovell 1997, 160.
594
Merbs 1989a, 168; Lovell 1997, 159.
595
Évinger 2003, 205–224.
198
two population groups recovered from Hungary and showing an incidence of 24.10% and 17.19%, respectively.
In a similar way, ante-mortem tooth loss shows an incidence of less than 1%, while for the Hungarian skeletal
assemblages, the values are higher (14.3% and 10.73%, respectively). The high incidence of oral disease in the
two assemblages from Hungary is explained by the author as a cause of a diet lacking protein, vitamins, and
minerals intake, while the high number of caries is thought to be caused by a diet rich in carbohydrates and
lack of oral hygiene.596
Two other pathological features which can be linked to the nutritional status of a population are cribra
orbitalia (porotic lesions on the orbital roof) and cribra cranii (porotic lesions on the cranial vault). Although
most often their aetiology was thought to be iron-deficiency anaemia,597 recent studies questioned this hypoth-
esis, and proposed a more complex and aetiology. Walker and colleagues598 argue that the cause is multifacto-
rial, involving lack of vitamin B12 and gastrointestinal infections due to weaning.599 Stuart-Macadam600 goes
for a similar opinion, mentioning as possible causative factors diet, lack of hygiene, parasites, and infectious
processes.
Though we might not be able to say exactly what caused these porotic lesions in the affected individuals,
their presence indicates however that at one point in their lifetime, they were subjected to nutritional defi-
ciencies. A very high incidence of these pathological features was seen at the site 3M-N, with a 77% incidence
compared to only 24% in the skeletons from site 3M-S.
Moreover, stature can also be considered a stress indicator. Different subsistence models and differential
access to food have an important impact on the development of long bones, thus allowing for individuals who
had access to proper nutrition to reach their genetic maximum growth potential.601 The average height for the
Avar Age population, calculated based on the method from Sjøvold,602 is 167.7 cm for males and 157.4 cm for
female individuals.603 The average height for the individuals from site 3M-N is similar to the one representative
for this period; an average height of 165.7 cm was calculated for males and 158.5 cm for females. At the 3M-S
site the values are 164.5 cm and 153.3 cm, respectively. Slightly lower values can suggest decreased quality of
life levels compared to other population groups from the same period.604
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Abbreviations
AASRS Arkansas Archeological Survey Research Series (Fayeteville)
AH-NMNH Annales Historico-Naturales Musei Nationalis Hungarici. Hungarian Natural History
Museum (Budapest)
Am. J. Phys. Anthropol. American Journal of Physical Anthropology. The Official Journal of the American Association
of Physical Anthropologists (New York)
ArchBulg Archaeologia Bulgarica (Sofia)
Eres Eres. Serie de Arqueologia (Tenerife)
Int. J. Anthropol. International Journal of Anthropology. European Anthropological Association (Firenze)
Int. J. Osteoarchaeol. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology (online in Wiley Online Library)
JBJS Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery (Boston)
JHE Journal of Human Evolution, Elsevier (Amsterdam)
JPE Journal of Political Economy (Chicago)
201
CHAPTER 8.
Archaeozoology
8.1. Descriptions of the animal remains in the graves

8.1.1. Site 3M-S
Grave 140
Ovis aries (one individual, aged around one year old). The skeleton is almost com-
plete; the missing parts consist of the radii and metacarpals, the left ulna and most of
the phalanges.
The animal was butchered, and the meat was removed before it was deposed in the
grave.
Cut marks are present on several elements:
– Atlas – separating the head from the vertebral column.
– Cervical and thoracic vertebrae – reducing the column.
– The ribs – evisceration, separating the ribs from the vertebrae, flash removing.
– Humeri – disjointing cut marks on both extremities – separation of the scapula and
radius+ulna.
– Ulna – cut marks on the proximal extremity – separation of the humerus.
– Femurs – disjointing cut marks on both extremities – separation of the pelvis and
tibia.
– Tibia – flash removal cut marks.
– Calcaneus – separating the lower limb (metatarsus) of the tibia.
Grave 142
Bos taurus (one adult individual, >2.5 years old): the right metacarpal and the two
joining carpals (unciform and capitate-trapezoid). The carpals exhibit cut marks pro-
duced in order to disarticulate the tibia. The bones are highly burned to white colour
and chalky consistency.
Grave 145
Ovis aries (one individual, aged around one year old). Parts from the skull, mandibles,
one tibia, and two phalanxes 2.
Grave 146
Ovis aries: (a young individual, 9–12 months): the head (skull and mandibles) and
elements of distal limbs (metacarpals, metatarsals and phalanges). The right meta-
carpal displays a tangential cut mark on the proximal extremity that might have been
produced while skinning the animal.
Grave 148
Ovis/Capra (one individual). Four thoracic vertebrae with burning traces on the
vertebral body. The epiphyses are not fused. They ossify around the age of four years old, but the animal is much
younger, considering the relative dimensions of the bones (under 2–3 years).
Grave 150
Ovis aries (one individual): parts of the head (skull and mandibles) and the distal limbs (metapodials and phalan-
ges). According to tooth eruption and phalanx diaphyses fusion, the age is approximated to be between nine months
and one year old.
Grave 151
Skeletal parts from two animals, a cow and a sheep were deposited in this grave.
1. The complete skeleton of an adult Bos taurus
Butchery marks:
– The skull displays hard blade impact marks, provoked with the intention to kill the animal or during butchery (to
extract the brain).
– The vertebral column presents cut marks caused while removing the tenderloin.
– The scapulae have filleting cut marks. One scapula also bears disjointing cut marks – for the separation of the
humerus.
– The humeri exhibit disjointing cut marks on both ends, as well as flash removal marks.
– Proximal radius presents dismembering cut marks.
– The femora have dismembering cut marks on both ends.
– The tibiae display cut marks on the proximal extremity.
2. Ovis aries. Elements from a young sheep (6–8 months): the head (skull and mandibles) and elements of distal
limbs (a proximal radius, metacarpals, metatarsals and phalanges [except phalanx 3]). The proximal humeral epi-
physis and the distal metatarsal epiphysis are unfused.
Grave 155
Ovis aries. Elements from one animal: both scapulae, the right humerus, radius, and metatarsal; four rib fragments
and a lumbar vertebra. According to the fusion stage of the humeral and radial epiphyses, the sheep is younger than
3.5 years.
Cut marks are present on several elements:
– Right scapula: cut marks on the edge of the glenoid cavity, disjointing the humerus.
– Humerus: cut marks on both extremities, disjointing the scapula, and the radius.
– Radius: disjointing cut marks located on the proximal extremity to separate it from the humerus.
– Ribs: cut marks on three fragments to flesh removal.
Grave 157 A
1–2. Ovis/Capra (elements from two individuals). The skeletal remains: two basicranial fragments, two metacarpals,
two metatarsals, three phalanges 1, and one phalanx 2 (all with unfused epiphyses). The two metatarsals come from
different individuals. All bones indicate animals younger than one year old.
Grave 157 B
Ovis aries (one individual). The head: fragmented skull (it preserves one of the horns) and mandibles. The age is
estimated to be over one year old.
Grave 161
Ovis aries (one individual): A nasal bone, the last lumbar vertebra, the sacrum, and a highly corroded metatarsal.
According to vertebrae fusion stage, the animal has more than four years.
Grave 162
Skeletal parts from two species were recovered: domestic goose and sheep.
1. Anser domesticus: a single tibia diaphysis.
2. Ovis aries (one individual): one radius and two vertebrae, all elements unfused. The estimated age is less than
three and a half years. The vertebrae are slightly burned.
Grave 163
1–4. Ovis aries: skeletal parts from at least four animals. The remains: 1/A. the mandibles of a juvenile sheep; 1/B.
an upper premolar from a young individual; 2. four right scapulae; two right humeri; 3. one right radius+ulna; 4. 12
rib fragments.
The younger individual (based on the mandibles) is less than one year old. The refitted forelimb elements are older
204
than 3.5 years. Two of the right-side scapulae may be attributed to these two individuals. The remaining two right
scapulae belong to other two animals – a young one and an adult – judging on their dimensions.
One right humerus refits with the radius and ulna. In the region of the articulation, all three elements exhibit osteo-
phytes, probably caused by an infected injury.
Grave 164
1. The head (skull and mandibles fragments), elements from the forelimbs (one scapula, two humeri, two radii, and
two metacarpals), elements from the hind limbs (two metatarsals and two phalanges) of a juvenile sheep.
2. One right humerus of an adult sheep.
3. Chicken (Gallus domesticus): one tibia.
Grave 169
Ovis aries (one individual): A complete humerus, a pelvis fragment, both from the right side, and two fragmented
lumbar vertebrae. The age is estimated between 3.5 and 4 years.
Grave 171
Ovis/Capra (one individual, younger than four years old): five unfused lumbar and sacral vertebrae.
Grave 173
Bos taurus: one left side mandible of an adult cow. The bone is highly corroded and cracked under the attack of
taphonomical agents.
Grave 176
Gallus domesticus: elements of the right foot (pelvis, femur, and tibia) and a rib fragment from one adult bird.
Grave 177
Ovis aries: one individual aged less than 3.5 years. Two elements from the forelimb: scapula and humerus from the
right side. The scapular spine was destroyed by rodents.
Grave 179
Ovis aries (one individual, aged around one year): skeletal parts from at least one individual: skull fragments (horn
core and maxillae), mandibles, two ribs, the right humerus and radius, metacarpals, metatarsals, calcaneus, astra-
galus, five phalanges 1, four phalanges 2 and two phalanges 3. The ribs present cut marks on the ventral side, near
the vertebral extremity. The marks could be produced while eviscerating the animal.
Grave 185
Bos taurus (one adult individual): three fragments from the skull, pelvis and metatarsal, the last two with carnivore
tooth marks.
Grave 186
1. Equus caballus: the complete skeleton of an adult male (around three years old). Using the system of L. Kiesewal-
ter605 for the withers height, the average value is 1352 mm. By the classifications of V. O. Vitt,606 this value indicates a
smaller than average stature horse.
2. Ovis aries: a metacarpal and a phalanx 1 from an adult individual.
Grave 189
Elements from three animals: a sheep, a cow and a chicken.
1. Bos taurus (one individual): two carpal bones and two phalanges, the first and second, from an animal aged more
than 1.5 years.
2. Ovis aries (one individual): adult, younger than 3.5 years (<3.5 years). Two lumbar vertebrae, three ribs, scapula,
and humerus from the right side. On the interior part of the ribs, near the vertebral extremity, disjointing cut marks
are visible. The humerus has cut marks on both extremities – disjointing the scapula and the radius. The vertebrae
and scapula displays soft burning traces.
3. Gallus domesticus L.: one femur fragment.
Kiesewalter 1888.
605
Vitt 1952.
606
205
Grave 193
1. Bos taurus: an almost complete adult skeleton.
2. Ovis/Capra: a metatarsus fragment and two vertebrae from an infant individual.
3. Ovis/Capra: a humerus of an adult sheep or goat.
4. Sus domesticus: a fragment of the right maxilla and a tibia from a very young animal (new born).
Grave 195
Elements from two species: cattle (one individual) and sheep (two individuals):
1. Bos taurus; (adult) an almost complete adult:
1/A. The head (skull and mandibles).
1/B. The vertebral column, with heavy blade chop marks on the axis (beheading) and lumbar region (reduction of
the column), numerous rib fragments.
1/C. Elements from the forelimbs (one humerus, two radii, two metacarpals, phalanxes).
1/D. Elements from the hind limbs (one pelvis, one femur, one tibia, two metatarsals, and phalanges).
2. Ovis aries: a juvenile sheep 1 (<6 months): the head (skull and mandibles) and distal limbs (metacarpals, metatar-
sals and four phalanxes 1).
3. Ovis aries: an adult sheep: (<4 years): left humerus, two vertebrae (lumbar), and one metapodial fragment.
Grave 198
1. A complete adult individual Bos taurus:
1/A. The head (fragmented skull and the two mandibles).
1/B. The vertebral column, with chop marks on the atlas (beheading) and on other vertebrae in order to severe the
column. Flash removal cut marks are present also.
The hyoid bone exhibits fine cut marks, produced while butchering the carcass or possibly when sacrificing the
animal (the bone is located in the neck region). Disjointing cut marks were identified on the cubonavicular bone, in
the region where the distal tibia articulates with the metatarsal. Filleting cut marks are present on the upper face of
the scapula, produced while removing the muscles of the shoulder.
Grave 210
1–4. Ovis aries: skeletal elements from four fully grown sheep were recovered. These elements: 1. four right side
humeri; 2. one right side scapula; 3. eight ribs.
Grave 226
Bos taurus: fragmented elements from one adult: mandibles, atlas, four ribs, pelvis, ulna, and tibia. The pelvis and
tibia are affected by carnivores.
Grave 230
1. Sus domesticus (one individual, older than 3.5 years): one humerus.
2. Gallus domesticus: pelvis, lumbosacral, femur, and tibia from one chicken.
Grave 233
Ovis/Capra: a juvenile animal (<1 year): 1. fragments of the skull, mandibles, and one phalanx 1. Beheading cut
marks are visible on the occipital condyles and the mandibular angles.
Grave 234
Elements from two species: sheep/goat and chicken.
1. Ovis/Capra (less than one year old):
1/A. Five skull fragments, the mandibles.
2/B. Right metacarpal.
3/C. Left tarsal and metatarsal.
4/D. Three phalanges 1, two phalanges 2.
2. Gallus domesticus (one individual): the femur and tibia.
Grave 235
Gallus domesticus (one adult individual): the right femur and tibia.
206
8.1.2. Site 3M-N
Grave 329
1. Bos taurus: an old adult individual. Beside distal limbs, the adult cattle also has the mandibles. On the lateral face
of the mandibles cut marks are present, produced while recovering the masseter muscles.
2. Bos taurus: a young individual is represented by elements of distal limbs (anterior and posterior).
3. Ovis/Capra: one lower third molar was recovered in the grave.
Grave 347
1. Bos taurus: a young individual. The animal is represented by skull fragments, both mandibles and both metacar-
pals. The mandibles exhibit cut marks resulted while removing the masseter muscles.
2. Ovis/Capra (adult individual): elements from a hind limb of sheep/goat are also present: the tibia, astragalus, and
calcaneus.
Grave 349
Bos taurus (one individual): less than two years old. One tibia distally unfused, both side astragali and calcanei, one
metatarsal.
Grave 350
Equus caballus (one individual): mandible fragments and isolated teeth, distal radii, one lateral metapodial, and a
phalanx 3.
Grave 351
1. Equus caballus – skeletal parts of a horse (8–10 years old).
1/A. The head: mandibles and one isolated upper tooth. On the mandible, iron oxide traces are present.
1/B. Forelimbs: a distal radius, carpals, metacarpals, phalanges.
1/C. Hind limbs: distal tibiae, astragali, calcanei, metatarsals, and phalanges.
2. Bos taurus: skull and mandible.
3. Ovis/Capra: metatarsal.
Grave 356
Sus domesticus: a mandible fragment, a metapodial, and a phalanx 2 from a young animal.
Grave 363
1. Bos taurus (a young individual):
1/A. The head: mandibles and one isolated upper tooth.
1/B. Forelimbs: one metacarpal.
1/C. Hind limbs: tibiae, astragali, calcanei, and metatarsals.
2. Ovis/Capra: a mandible and one metacarpal from an adult animal.
Grave 365
Bos taurus (one individual, adult): head and distal limb elements. Skull fragments, a distal radius, one metatarsal,
and a phalanx 3.
Grave 369
Bos taurus (one individual, juvenile, younger than 3.5 years). Distal limb elements from an animal: distal radius and
tibia, two phalanges 1 and one phalanx 2.
Grave 372
Bos taurus (one individual, adult): isolated upper teeth and a mandible, the metatarsals, one phalanx 1 and one
phalanx 2.
Grave 395
Bos taurus (one individual, adult): one metatarsal.
207
Bos taurus – Mandible
Grave 151 226
1 337.3
2 354.4
3 105.7
4 233.1
5 233.2
6 285.1
7 120.4
8 78.3 78.3
9 41.9
10L 32 34.65
10B 13 14.7
11 97
12 142.5
13 128.5
15a 69.5 65.5
15b 52.4 51.6
15c 37.7 35.5
Bos taurus – Scapula

Grave SLC GLP LG BG
151 46.8 59 50.1 41.5
193 55.1 45.9 38.9
198 60.4 51.6 44.1
Bos taurus – Humerus

Grave GL GLC SD BT
151 249.6 224.5 30.2 66.6
198 268.6 28.5 67.3
Bos taurus – Radius

Grave GL Bp BFp SD Bd (+ulna)
151 251.2 72.7 65.7 35.2 62.3
193 238.6 68.1 62.1 33.2 60.1
198 268.3 70.5 65.9 37.2 63.9
Bos taurus – Metacarpal

Grave GL Bp SD Bd
151 182.6 50.6 26.3 51.4
193 171.1 48.6 25.5 50
198 193.4 51.9 25.9 52.2
Bos taurus – Pelvis

Grave LA LAR SH
193 55.2 49 30.9
Bos taurus – Femur

Grave GLC Bp SD Bd
151 304.7 100.7 30.3 83.2
193 79
198 319.5 28.3 81.7
Bos taurus – Tibia

Grave GL Bp SD Bd
151 306 84.6 33.7 54.6
193 297.3 76.5 30.6 49.4
198 320.6 31.9 54.3
208
Bos taurus – Calcaneus
Grave GL GB
193 113.6 35.1
198 125 38.1
Bos taurus – Astragalus

Grave GLl GLm Dl Dm Bd
193 56.6 52.6 30.6 29.9 34.2
198 62 55.8 33.8 33.7 37
Bos taurus – Metatarsal

Grave GL Bp SD Bd
151 212 43.4 23.4 47.4
193 194.8 37.5 21.4 47.1
198 224 41.6 21.6
Bos taurus – Phalanx 2

Grave GL Bp SD Bd
193 32.1 23.5 17.6 20
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Radius
GL – Greatest length 333.1
PL – Physiological length 321.2
Ll – Length of the lateral part 316.8
Bp – Greatest breadth of the proximal end 81.5
BFp – Breadth of the Facies articularis proximalis 75.6
SD – Smallest breadth of the diaphysis 36.8
CD – Smallest circumference of the diaphysis 112
Bd – Greatest breadth of the distal end 74.3
BFd – Breadth of the Facies articularis distalis 64.7
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Metacarpus III
GLl – Greatest length of the lateral side 213
Ll – Lateral length on the outer side 210.2
Dp – Greatest depth of the proximal end 33.5
DD – Smallest depth of the diaphysis 22.2
Dd – Greatest depth of the distal end 37.5
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Patella
GB – Greatest breadth 70.8
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Tibia
209
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Tibia
Dd – Greatest depth of the distal end 46.3
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Astragalus
GH – Greatest height 61.2
BFd – Breadth of the Facies articularis distalis 51.7
LmT – Length of the medial part of the Trochlea tali 60.1
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Calcaneus
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Metatarsus III
GLl – Greatest length of the lateral side 255.9
Dp – Greatest depth of the proximal end 44.1
DD – Smallest depth of the diaphysis 25.4
Dd – Greatest depth of the distal end 38
Grave 186
Phalanx I ant. Phalanx I post.
Equus caballus – Phalanx I
GL – Greatest length 88.2 86.5
Bp – Greatest breadth of the proximal end 55 54.8
BFp – Breadth of the Facies articularis proximalis 50.5 51.9
Dp – Depth of the proximal end 37.1 40.7
SD – Smallest breadth of the diaphysis 34.5 33.1
Bd – Greatest breadth of the distal end 47.4 44.4
BFd – Breadth of the Facies articularis distalis 46 43.3
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Phalanx II Phalanx II ant. Phalanx II post.
Bp – Greatest breadth of the proximal end 53.8 52.3
BFp – Breadth of the Facies articularis proximalis 48.9 46.1
Dp – Depth of the proximal end 31.8 33.5
SD – Smallest breadth of the diaphysis 46.2 42
Bd – Greatest breadth of the distal end 51.3 47.3
Grave 186
Equus caballus – Phalanx III Phalanx III ant. Phalanx III post.
GB – Greatest breadth 79.5 75.3
LF – Length of the Facies articularis 27.3 27.2
BF – Breadth of the Facies articularis 51.2 48.7
Ld – Length of the dorsal surface 53.70 54.3
HP – Height in the region of the extensor process 42 39.5
210
Ovis aries – Scapula
Grave SLC GLP LG BG
210 22.9 36.8 28.4 23.1
Ovis aries – Humerus

Grave GL GLC Bp SD BT
169 146.6 130.1 15.5 28.7
195 143.1 128.4 38.5 16.6 30.5
210 – 1 156.4 138.1 41 17.5 32.6
210 – 2 151.8 134.15 17 28.2
210 – 3 18.45 33.4
210 – 4 16.7
Sus domesticus – Humerus

Grave GL GLC SD Bd BT
230 163.7 153.7 14 32.8 26
Gallus domesticus – Femur

Grave GL Lm Bp Dp SC Bd
176 73.5 68.6 15.5 10 6.7 14.6
234 67.8 62.4 13.7 9.25 5.7 13.3
Gallus domesticus – Tibia

Grave GL La Dip SC Bd Dd
176 106.8 102.6 20.5 5.9 10.7 11.7
Figure 1. Biometry. The measurements were taken according to
A. von den Driesch (are expressed in millimetres)607
Bibliography
Driesch 1976 A. von den Driesch: A guide to the measurement of animal bones from archaeological sites.
Peabody Museum Bulletins 1 – Harvard University. Cambridge (Massachussetts) 1976.
Kiesewalter 1888 L. Kiesewalter: Skelettmessungen an Pferden. Unpublished PhD-thesis, University of Leipzig.
Leipzig 1888.
Vitt 1952 V. O. Vitt: The horses of the kurgans of Pazyryk. Journal of Soviet Archaeology 16, 1952,
163–206.
8.2. Eggshell remains in Avar Age graves in Nădlac (8th century)

8.2.1. Introduction
Avar Age graves have been excavated in several phases next to Nădlac within the framework of the motor-
way project Nădlac–Arad. 12 graves from the Late Avar Period were unearthed in the first phase at the so-called
7M site. They date back to the end of the 8th, the beginning of the 9th century. Later, a group of Avar Age graves,
consisting of 72 graves were excavated at the so-called 3M-S and of 24 graves at the 3M-N site. At the end of the
exploration, a group of Avar Age graves composed of 10 graves was unearthed at the site 9M.
Eggshells came to light at the sites 3M-S and 7M. Eggs were found in 3 graves at the site 3M-S; two of them
got lost. The remains of two eggs were found in one grave at the site 7M.
We have comparatively much information about the burial customs of the Avars. The most spectacular
graves even contain the harnessed horses of notabilities and military leaders – or they were buried in a sep-
arate grave – as well as their arms, e.g. bows, lances or small axes on long helve. One can often find jewels,
pearls and personal belongings in women’s graves. As provisions for the ethereal journey, meat or liquid food
was put into a pot next to the dead. Among the grave goods containing food and meat as well as animal offer-
ings, we can often find a sheep/goat or a hen, more rarely a pig. Further, egg remains can also be found in some
graves.
Driesch 1976.
607
211
Among the archaeological animal remains, eggs have been researched the least of all, and have been paid
the least attention to. As in the Avar Age – especially in the graves – hens are the most frequent birds, the eggs
coming to light are generally included in this species. Archaeologists have considered eggs for long decades –
without carrying out scientific examinations – as food donation or burial sacrifice put into the grave, similarly
to bones. We are looking for answers to important questions, i.e. do, as a matter of fact, all the eggs come from
hens, and can the eggs be considered as food donation placed next to the dead?
The microscopic examination of egg remains has yielded new results; the finds from the graves in Nădlac
are the remains of eggs which were hatched. Therefore, they cannot be considered as food donation placed
next to the dead. How should we interpret this custom? How often does this phenomenon occur? What did the
empty eggshells put into the grave symbolize?
8.2.2. The methods of examining the eggs

Eggshell remains came to light from two graves of the burial grounds. They were in a small earth ball prior
to the microscopic examination. Cleaning and drying of the fragments were necessary to the examination.
The eggs cracked during hatching. In more than thousand years, which they spent underground, further
disintegration of them took place. Instead of the broken remains of the complete egg, only a few smaller frag-
ments come often to light from the graves. During the examination, each shell fragment of the egg remains
was examined under a microscope, and microscopic photographs of the interior side of those being most suit-
able for photographing were taken. There were also fragments in a bad condition which were unsuitable for
an analysis. It was necessary to choose pieces the inside surface of which was concave to the least possible
extent. In order to take good-quality and clear-cut microscopic photographs, an even surface was needed. The
microscopic photographs were taken magnified 31.5 times by a stereo microscope model Nikon SMZ800 at the
Archaeological Cabinet of the Hungarian National Museum.
8.2.3. General characteristics of the eggshells

During the embryonic development, the allantois, i.e. the foetal membrane of the baby chick, performs the
metabolism of the developing embryo. Getting into contact with the interior side of the eggshell, the allantois
resorbs, i.e. dissolves, the calcareous material from the eggshell which infiltrates the body and bony frame of
the baby chick.
Traces of the resorption of the calcareous material can be observed under the microscope on the inside –
mamillary – layer of the calcareous shell. After hatching the egg, the mamillae terminate in a crater-like cavity.
If an intact mamillary layer can be seen – the little calcareous supports (mamillae) are rounded-off – it means
that no resorption took place, and the egg was not hatched.608 In case of eggs hatched, small craters can be
seen, instead of ends rounded-off, at the ends of the mamillae, as a result of the function of the allantois aimed
at dissolving the calcareous material. Among them, resorption ditches and cavities may be visible too. This
picture can be seen everywhere on the inside surface of the calcareous eggshell of the egg which was hatched,
except the eggshell region forming the boundary of the air chamber, generally at the blunt end of the egg. In
this section of the shell, the allantois cannot get into contact with the eggshell due to the air chamber, thus,
it cannot resorb the calcareous material thereof. Therefore, the mamillae ends of the inside shell layer remain
intact in this section of the shell.
When determining the species, the thickness of the shell fragments and the amount of mamillae going to
1 mm2 are taken into consideration; they are the most general determining features. The characteristics of the
most frequent eggs are: in case of chicken (Gallus domesticus L.) eggs, the shell is about 0.3–0.35 mm thick,
and the number of mamillae going to 1 mm2 can be put at 57–173. In case of the domesticated duck (Anas platy-
rhynchos domestica L.), the shell is 0.35–0.4 mm thick, and the number of mamillae ranges from 28 to 173; this
species was rare in the Avar Age, yet, we know an example of its bone remains from an Avar burial ground in
Hungary. The shell of the egg of the domestic goose (Anser anser domestica L.) is 0.5–0.6 mm thick, and the
number of mamillae going to 1 mm2 ranges from 28 to 57. The shell of the egg of the greylag goose (Anser anser
L.) is 0.525–0.55 mm thick, and the number of mamillae on a surface of 1 mm2 ranges from 28 to 87.609 The eggs
of domestic and greylag geese could not be separated within the material of finds. Therefore, they are only
referred to as goose.
Jakab 1980, 312.

608
Sidell 1993.
609
212
8.2.4. Description of eggs and analysis (Fig. 1–4)
Only four of the 118 graves unearthed at the sites in Nădlac contained eggshell remains. The egg material
from two of these graves can only be analysed, the egg material of the two other graves got lost.
I have examined the eggshell fragment from grave 176 at the site 3M-S. The grave dates back to the time
between 700 and 760 A.D. The eggshells were located at the right hand and the lower part of the right thigh, on
the external side of the body. I have received eggs in an earth ball – in a small bag – in order to examine them.
It is not clear from the packaging where the finds have been collected, and the shell fragments of which egg it
contains. The shell fragments are very poorly preserved, they get easily broken up into small pieces, and the
amount of them can be put at several dozen. The size of them ranges from some mm2 to 1cm2. The fragments are
approx. 0.3 mm thick; it is difficult to count the number of mamillae per 1 mm2, yet, there are at least 60 pieces.
The mamillae have a crater-shaped end, which means that the remains of an incubated egg – in all probability
that of a hen’s egg – were placed in the grave (Fig. 1–2).
Figure 1. Shell fragments of hen egg hatched, magnified

31.5 times. The crater-like mamillae are visible
Figure 2. Shell fragments of hen egg hatched, magnified

At the site Nădlac-7M, grave 20 contained eggshell remains, which had been placed next to the left femur
of a man of 45 to 55. The grave dates back to the end of the 8th, the beginning of the 9th century.
One can say that the amount of shell fragments is good; there are approx. three dozen of them, their size
ranging from 0.5 cm² to more than 1 cm². It became clear as early as at the time of cleaning the fragments that
the shell fragments of the eggs of two species had been found, almost in the same ratio. Yet, the small thin-
ner pieces are more fragile, and they break easily, making their size even smaller. The thinner fragments are
213
0.3–0.35 mm thick, the more robust ones are of a thickness of 0.6 mm. Mamillae going to 1 mm2 amounted to
107 pieces/mm2 in case of hen eggs, and 48 pieces/mm2 in case of goose eggs (Fig. 3–4).
Figure 3. Shell fragment of a hen egg hatched, magnified

Figure 4. Shell fragment of a goose egg hatched, magnified

We could find a fair number of remains of both types of eggs the mamillary layer of which terminated
in a crater, thus, they were parts of the shell of eggs which had been hatched. The fragments with rounded
mamillae also originate from eggs hatched. However, they belong to the region of the air chamber where no
resorption takes place.
8.2.5. Evaluation and comparison (Fig. 5)

We know several Avar Age burial grounds. The common characteristic they have with one another is, irre-
spective of the fact if they can be included in the Early or Late Avar Age, that eggs were placed – most often
one piece, more rarely two or three pieces, maybe several of them – only in the minority of graves. In the Avar
burial ground from the end of the 7th century at the site Kiskundorozsma Daruhalom-dűlő II, 10 of the 93 graves
contained eggs.610
Egg remains were found in several graves of the Late Avar Age burial ground section of 300 graves which
was excavated at the site Szeged-Kiskundorozsma-Kettőshatár I.611 Eggs were also found in 3 of the 16 graves of
Gál 2010.
610
RKM 2004, 284, 359.

611
214
the Late Avar Age burial ground at the site Szeged-Kiskundorozsma-Subasa.612 13 graves from the Avar Age were
excavated at the site Hódmezővásárhely-Kopáncs-Homokbánya in which eggs were also found, in addition to
animal bones and other archaeological grave goods.613 Eggshells were placed in several of the 28 Late Avar Age
graves at the site Vecsés-67.614 Pieces of eggshells were also contained in 2 of the 82 Avar Age graves at the site
Gyál-7/B.615 Eggshell remains came to light from 10 of the 44 uncovered graves of the burial ground which was
excavated in Balatonkiliti, and had been used from the last third of the 7th to the last third of the 8th century.616
12 eggs were found in 5 graves in Gyenesdiás.617 46 eggshell remains were contained in 39 of the 555 graves in
the Avar Age burial ground in Székkutas-Kápolnadűlő.618 14 eggs came to light from 10 of the graves uncovered
in large quantities at the sites Orosháza-Bónum Téglagyár and Orosháza-Béke Tsz homokbánya.619 Eggs were
placed in 19 of the graves at the site Felgyő-Ürmös-tanya, in some cases, even 5 or 6 pieces. Excepting one grave,
the eggs as grave goods were lost; as many as 5 eggs were placed in the existing one.620 Many eggs were found
in the burial ground of Szekszárd-Palánki-dűlő; in one of the graves 10, in another one, 14 pieces were found.621
The analysis of eggs which came to light from the graves has not been widespread so far, yet, an example of
species determination has also been found in the course of the archaeozoological processing of Avar Age burial
grounds. Since the hen had the most frequent occurrence among the birds in the Avar Age – especially in the
graves –, the majority of eggs coming to light are included in this species, and more rarely in the species of geese.622
Eggs were most frequently placed in the graves of women and children; they were more rarely put into the
graves of men.
In Balatonkiliti, 4 of the 10 graves were the graves of women, and 4 of them were the graves of children,
respectively, one could not be determined, and only one of them was the grave of a man.623 In Gyenesdiás,
the majority of eggs came to light from the graves of children.624 In Orosháza, there were 10 graves with eggs
as grave goods, 4 of them were the graves of women, and 4 of them were the graves of children, respectively,
and only 2 of them were the graves of men.625 The ratios at the site Szekszárd-Palánki-dűlő were different from
the above, as in addition to 11 women’s graves (one of them being a double grave) and 3 children’s graves, the
number of men’s graves in which eggs were found was relatively high, i.e. 7 graves.626
It has been even more rarely analysed if the eggs are hatched. Although the first studies of this kind
appeared already in the ‘70s, the results are little-known. B. Jakab examined Avar Age graves in the neigh-
bourhood of Szeged, and identified the eggs of greylag geese and domesticated hens that were found in them;
all of them were the remains of eggs hatched.627 He came to the same conclusion as in the examination of the
eggshell finds from the Early Avar Age burial ground in Rácalmás and the Middle Avar Age burial ground in
Dunaújváros, i.e. these finds were the shell parts of eggs hatched, similarly to the material of finds from the
neighbourhood of Szeged. In the material of finds from the individual graves, the eggshell remains of domesti-
cated hens or greylag geese or both species can be identified.628
Using Jakab’s method in the examination of the Szekszárd-Palánki-dűlő burial ground, A. Kőrösi was also
led to the conclusion that at least 52 of the 55 eggs placed in the graves were hatched.629
All of the recent analyses of eggs have also shown that the remains of eggs hatched were placed without
exception in the graves of the Avar burial grounds, irrespective of whether it was an Early or Late Avar Age bur-
ial ground. Most often it was not the whole egg, but a part of it; they placed repeatedly only a few small pieces
of the whole egg in the grave. This is not a local custom, and it is not limited to one region, but can be observed
everywhere in the regions of the Carpathian Basin which have been examined so far have been taken (Fig. 5).
612
RKM 2005, 318, no. 370.
613
RKM 2008, 200, no. 156.
614
RKM 2004, 302–303, no. 416.
615
RKM 2007, 217–218, no. 139.
616
Bartosiewicz 1995, 173.
617
Matolcsi 1967, 119–121.
618
Kőrösi 2005, 244, 246.
619
Tugya 2012, 3.
620
Kőrösi 2010, 403.
621
Kőrösi 2007, 219–236.
622
Bartosiewicz 1995, 173–182; Bökönyi – Matolcsi 1995, 209–224; Matolcsi 1967, 85–124; Kőrösi 2005, 244–245.
623
Bartosiewicz 1995, 173–182.
624
Matolcsi 1967, 119–121.
625
Tugya 2012, Fig. 7/3.
626
Kőrösi 2007, 219–236.
627
Jakab 1978, 46–47.
628
Jakab 1980, 321.
629
Kőrösi 2007, 226.
215
Figure 5. 1. Nădlac-3M-S; 2. Nădlac-7M; 3. Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár; 4. Orosháza-Béke Tsz
homokbánya; 5. Szegvár-Oromdűlő; 6. Gyöngyöspata; 7. Táp-Borbapuszta, 8. Rácalmás-Rózsa
major; 9. Dunaújváros-Pálhalma; 10. Tamási-Csikólegelő-homokbánya; 11. Szeleste
More or less shell fragments of eggs hatched were also placed in the graves of the Avar Age burial grounds
in Orosháza at the sites Orosháza-Bónum téglagyár and Orosháza-Béke Tsz homokbánya, which are of the
same age as the burial ground of Nădlac. 14 eggs were placed in 10 graves of which even the species of animals
could be determined in thirteen cases: 8 of them were chicken and 5 of them were goose eggs, and the remains
of one egg could not be included in any species. As for the graves, 2 of them were men’s, 4 of them were wom-
en’s and another 4 of them were children’s graves. In Orosháza, only chicken eggs were placed in the children’s
graves, whereas chicken eggs were placed in three cases and a goose egg was placed in one case in women’s
graves. In men’s graves, quite the contrary, 4 of the 5 eggs were goose eggs, and only one of them was a chicken
egg.630
Regarding the 517 Early Avar Age graves at the site Szegvár-Oromdűlő, altogether 9 eggs came to light from
not more than 7 graves; 2 eggs instead of only one egg were placed in 2 graves, yet, two corpses were buried
in one of them. 6 of the 9 eggs were undoubtedly hatched, which could not be determined with respect to
the remaining 3 eggs due to the bad condition of their inside surface. Breakdown by species: 7 of them were
chicken and 2 of them were goose eggs. Both goose eggs were placed next to children of age inf. I; the chicken
eggs came to light from the side of women aged maturus and children. Men’s graves did not contain any egg
remains in this burial ground.631
33 of the 195 graves uncovered in the Middle and Late Avar Age burial ground of Gyöngyöspata contained
eggs, yet, 15 of them were lost, thus, 18 eggs could be examined. The majority of eggs found were chicken eggs.
None of the few goose eggs were found in men’s graves; they were placed next to children. All the eggshell
fragments examined originated from eggs that had been hatched.632
13 eggs came to light from 11 graves in the Middle and Late Avar Age burial ground – last third of the 7th
century – the end of the 8th/beginning of the 9th century – at the site Táp-Borbapuszta in Győr–Moson–Sopron
630
Tugya 2012, 3–7.
631
Tugya – Stewart 2014, 1–6.
632
Tugya 2013.
216
County. They were the fragments of eggs hatched without exception. All the graves were children’s graves,
with the exception of one woman’s grave, and contained only the shell remains of chicken eggs, i.e. the eggs of
geese or other species were not placed in the graves.633
Three graves at the Early Avar Age site Rácalmás-Rózsa-major contained eggs. The shell remains of chicken
eggs could be identified in one grave and those of greylag geese in two graves. Shell finds of greylag goose and
chicken were identified in one and of chicken in the other grave of the two graves in the Middle Avar Age burial
ground of Dunaújváros-Pálhalma.634
Interpretation of this little-known custom is not an easy task. Why did they put the shell remains of eggs
hatched into the graves, and why did they put them in the majority of cases into women’s and children’s and
more rarely into men’s graves? Why could egg remains be found only in graves smaller in number? There are
many questions that cannot be answered for the moment. However, this much is certain that this custom can
be observed throughout the Avar Age, and it is not limited geographically to a certain region, as in addition
to the Southern Great Plain, it can be observed in the Mátraalja region (Gyöngyöspata), along the Danube
(Dunaújváros, Rácalmás), and in the eastern part of Transdanubia (Szekszárd) too.
It seems that the custom of placing eggs hatched into the graves did not only exist among the Avars, but
among the Germanic peoples too; eggs hatched were found in 12 Longobard graves at the site Tamási-Csikólege-
lő-homokbánya, where the remains of domesticated hen eggs were found in 10 graves, those of the egg of gray-
lag goose and domesticated hen in one, and of garganey (Anas querquedula L.) in another grave.635
In the Germanic burial ground of Szeleste, eggs were found in 5 graves, which were also hatched and one
could find chicken as well as goose eggs among them.636
We can say that this is an old-established, conscious and widespread custom both in terms of time and
space, which could also be observed in the Late Avar burial ground of Nădlac. The egg is essentially the symbol
of life; it is the archaic emblem of rebirth. Can the deceased rise again and be reborn in the same way as the
chicken breaks through the shell of the egg and comes to life?
The examination of eggs improves our knowledge of the burial customs of the Avar Age; the analysis of
burial grounds examined and the results thereof published so far show that the Avars placed the remains of
eggs hatched in the graves. They cannot be considered as food grave goods. We can rather attribute a symbolic
and/or cultic character to them, and can say that this is an old-established and conscious custom. What could
this custom mean and symbolize in the life of the Avars? It is uncertain, for the time being, as we have not come
across any ethnographic parallel so far. What we know is that the egg is the symbol of life. Maybe it means life
after death to the deceased? It is imaginable.
Bibliography
Bartosiewicz 1995 L. Bartosiewicz: Állatcsontok Balatonkiliti VII-VIII. századi avar temetőjéből. SMK 11, 1995,
173–182.
Bökönyi – Matolcsi 1995 S. Bökönyi – J. Matolcsi: The Animal Remains of the Avar Cemetery at Pókaszepetk. In: Á. Cs.
Sós – Á. Salamon: Cemeteries of the Early Middle Ages (6th–9th c.) at Pókaszepetk. Budapest
1995, 209–224.
Gál 2010 E. Gál: Madármellékletek Kiskundorozsma, Daruhalom-dűlő II. avar kori temetőjéből. In: Sötét
idők falvai 2. kötet. B. Kolozsi – A. K. Szilágyi (Szerk.). Debrecen 2010, u. pr.
Jakab 1978 B. Jakab: Fossilis avar- és középkori tojáshéjleletek összehasonlító vizsgálata. MFMÉ 1976–
1977/1 (1978), 41–48.
Jakab 1980 B. Jakab: Újabb tojáshéjlelet-vizsgálatok eredményei (Longobard és avar kori leletanyag vizs-
gálata). MFMÉ 1978–1979/1 (1980), 311–322.
Juhász 1995 I. Juhász: Awarenzeitliche Gräberfelder in der Gemarkung Orosháza. MAA 1. Budapest 1995.
Kőrösi 2005 A. Kőrösi: A Székkutas-Kápolnadűlői avar temető archaeozoológiai vizsgálata. MFMÉ – Stu-
dArch 11, 2005, 22–276.
Kőrösi 2007 A. Kőrösi: Szekszárd-Palánki-dűlő (S-9/V. lh.) avar temető állatcsont mellékletei. WMMÉ 29,
2007, 219–236.
633
Tugya 2014.
634
Jakab 1979, 311.
635
Jakab 1979, 311.
636
Tugya 2015.
217
Kőrösi 2010 A. Kőrösi: Felgyő, Ürmös-tanya avar temető állatcsontmellékletei. In: Felgyő Ürmös-tanya.
Bronzkori és avarkori leletek László Gyula felgyői ásatásának anyagából. Cs. Balogh –
K. P. Fischl (Szerk.). MFMÉ – Monum. Arch. 1. Szeged 2010, 393–426.
Matolcsi 1967 J. Matolcsi: Avarkori háziállatok maradványai Gyenesdiáson. MMMK 1967, 85–124.
RKM 2004 Régészeti Kutatások Magyarországon 2004 – Archaeological Investigations in Hungary 2004.
Budapest 2005, 416: no. 359.
RKM 2005 Régészeti kutatások Magyarországon 2005 – Archaeological Investigations in Hungary 2005.
Budapest 2006, 318: no. 370.
Budapest 2008, 216–218: no. 139.
Budapest 2009, 200: no. 156.
Sidell 1993 E. Sidell: A methodology for the Identification of Archaeological Eggshell. MASCA, The Univer-
sity Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology Philadelphia 1993.
Tugya 2012 B. Tugya: Avarkori sírok tojáshéjleletei Orosházáról. In: Mozaikok Orosháza és vidéke múltjá-
ból 7. E. Kovács (Szerk.). Orosháza 2012, 3–7.
Tugya 2013 B. Tugya: Avar kori tojáshéjak Gyöngyöspatáról. Nagykanizsa 2013 (manuscript).
Tugya 2014 B. Tugya: Avar kori tojáshéjak Táp-Borbapusztáról. Nagykanizsa 2014 (manuscript).
Tugya 2015 B. Tugya: Germán temető állat- és tojásmaradványai Szelestéről. Nagykanizsa 2014
(manuscript).
Tugya – Stewart 2014 B. Tugya – J. Stewart: A Szegvár, Orom-dűlői kora avar temető tojásmaradványainak elemzése.
Nagykanizsa 2013 (manuscript).
Abbreviations
MFMÉ Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve (Szeged)
MFMÉ – StudArch A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve – Studia Archaelogica (Szeged)
MFMÉ – Monum. Arch. A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve Monumenta Archaeologica (Szeged)
MMMK Magyar Mezőgazdasági Múzeum Közleményei (Budapest)
SMK A Somogy Megyei Múzeumok Igazgatóságának kiadványa (Kaposvár)
WMMÉ Wosinszky Mór Múzeum Évkönyve (Szekszárd)
218
CHAPTER 9.
The Identification of the
Tree Species Used for
the Avar Age Wooden
Remains in Nădlac-3M-S
O
n the request of E. Gáll, the shield shaped wooden pieces preserved
between the 3 mounts of the belt, which were found during the exca-
vations and were dated to the early 8th century (grave 186), were ana-
lysed (Pl. 64/1, 2.3; pl. 65/3; pl. 240/1.4, 2.5).
The shreds were preserved in good condition, but they were very thin, which
made it difficult to carry out the analyses. Their size and condition made it possible to
identify their species, which was made by stereo-binocular microscopes at a resolu-
tion of 18 times. One of the items was in good enough condition to be cut with a sharp
blade, so a fresh cross section could be made. In the case of the other two shreds, the
construction of the tissue could be analysed on the surface of the breakage.
In each of the three wooden shreds, the same tissue pattern could be observed:
the remains derive from a tree which had foliage and scattered holes in its tissue.
As can be seen in the two pictures below, the scattered clusters usually stand alone.
Figure 1. Macrophoto of the finds no. 9/562 and 567–586
Based upon these signs, they could be identified as some kind of willow (Salix
sp.). This is a species characteristic of wet areas near water courses or sources,
which is not surprising, due to the geographical location of the excavation site,
although the question may arise, to what extent such a piece of clothing – and
logically its owner – can be connected to the site where it was found. Concerning
their workability, willow is considered to be a soft tree, so it is understandable and
logical that this species was used.
CHAPTER 10.
Maps
The territories under the water in the period of floods N
The territories perpetual or majority of the year under the water
sa
above 1000 m
The current rivers Crișul Triplu
Ti
10
a
sz
52
i
57
T
35
58 41
34 74
37 68 4 8
31
70 61
64 ru
3 eg
72 l N
73 66 șu
62 Cr i
69 63 67 2 14
12
65 13 76
60 11
71 46–48
59
Cr
ișu
49 lA
39 40 9 lb
15 26 51 50 27
24
29
21 20 5–6
23 25 Sz 42 33 28
22 ár 30
75 az
-é
r
16–19 Legend
Spearhead
38
Legend 32 45
56 55 54 Arrowheads Sword
Graves and burial grounds
“Smith’s grave/graves” 7 53
Belt/belts with mounts 1 36 43–44
Pyre finds (deposited in
Bow Quiver
a separate, sacrificial pit)
Mu
Horse burials reș
0 50 km
223
Map 1. Burial grounds in the area between the rivers Mureș–Criș–Tisza in the first part of the Avar Age.
The territories under the water in the period of floods N
The territories perpetual or majority of the year under the water above 1000 m
i sa
The current rivers
224
Crișul Triplu
T
58 11–14
a
63
sz
58
i
5–6 9
T
59 52 ?
40 7–8
33
79 61 60 62
80
69 3–4
76 83
70
77 32 u
82 84 15 17 Negr
81 șul
68 78 16 Cri
82 74 72 75 71 10
73
66 18 19
65 67 20
45 50
64 26 29–31 Cr
41–43
51
ișu
38 85 86 lA
21 lb
44 56
37
38 24
27 1 57
Sz
25 2823 ár
az
-é
22 r Legend
49 54
87 Sword Saber Axe
48
39 55
Legend 34–35 47 53 Spearhead Arrowhead

Graves and burial grounds
36 2
Belt/belts with mounts 46 Bow Quiver
Burial with horse gears
Mu
Horse burials reș 0 50 km
Map 2. Burial grounds in the area between the rivers Mureș–Criș–Tisza in the second part of the Avar Age.
CHAPTER 11.
Plates
N
3M-N
3M-S 9M
7M
N
3M-N
3M-S 9M
7M
N
3M-N
3M-S 9M
7M
Plate 1. Nădlac Sites 3M-N, 3M-S, 7M, 9M.
227
3M-N
3M-S 9M
7M
N
2/A
N
3M-N
3M-S
9M
7M
0 1000 m 2/B
Plate 2/A. Nădlac Sites 3M-N, 3M-S, 7M, 9M projected onto the Map of the 1st Military Survey;
2/B. Nădlac Sites 3M-N, 3M-S, 9M projected onto the map of the 2nd Military Survey.
228
N
NNW NNE
NW NE
WNW ENE
W E
WSW ESE
SW SE
SSW SSE
3M-N
9M
3M-S
0 100 m
229
Plate 3. Nădlac Sites M-S, 3M-N and 3M-N. Map of archaeological features.
N
NNW NNE
- graves (avar age) NW NE
230
WNW ENE
- other archaeological features W E

WSW ESE
SW SE
SSW SSE
5
7
4
3 11
10
9
8
2
0 25 m
Plate 4. Nădlac-9M. Map of archaeological features.

N
NNW NNE
5 NW NE N
WNW ENE
W E
NNW NNE
7 WSW ESE
NW NE
SW SE
SSW SSE
S
WNW ENE
4
W E
3 WSW ESE
11
SW SE
10 SSW SSE
S
9
0 10 m
5
7
4
3 11
10
9
8
2
1
0 25 m
231
Plate 5. Nădlac-9M. Map of the Early Avar Period burial ground.
1
12
2 3
14–
17 1
18
4 5
3–4
2
6–8
13 5
9–11 6–8 9 10 11
13 14–17
1
12
50 cm 3 cm
50 cm
4 50 cm 2
Plate 6. Nădlac-9M grave 1: 1–17; grave 2; grave 4.
232
50 cm
50 cm 7 9
50 cm 5 50 cm 8
Plate 7. Nădlac-9M grave 5; grave 7; grave 8; grave 9.
233
1
50 cm
3 cm
Plate 8. Nădlac-9M grave 3: 1.
234
50 cm 10
50 cm 11
Plate 9. Nădlac-9M grave 10; grave 11.
235
N
NNW
236
NNE
NW NE
WNW ENE
W E
WSW ESE
SW SE
SSW SSE
0 25 m
Plate 10. Nădlac-3M-S. Map of archaeological features.

N
238
NNW NNE
230
NW NE
231
229 WNW ENE
236
143 170 240
140 235
W E
141 139
234
WSW ESE
142 135 138
137A–B 233
136 SW SE
178 167
SSW SSE
166 168 168B
177 169
169 S
185
179 183 171
193
176
173
186
187
219 161 226
203 228
202 163
204
162
151 164
151
149
155
147
165
211 146
227 148
150
210
145
144
209 157A 157B
154
153
212 205 158
189
191
191 198 198
194
195
196
197
0 25 m
237
Plate 11. Nădlac-3M-S. Map of the Late Avar Period burial ground.
N
238 NNW NNE
230 NW NE
231 WNW ENE
W E
229 236
WSW ESE
170 240
140 240 SW SE
143 SSW SSE
235 S
141 139
234
138
135
142 137A–B 233
136
178 167 168B
166 168
177 169
185 169
179 171
183
176 193
173
186
187
219 161
203 226
228
202
204 163
162
151 164
151
149
155
147
211 165
227 146
148
150
210
145
144
209 157A 157B
154
153
205 158
212
189
191
191
198 198
194
195
196
0 25 m
197
Plate 12. Nădlac-3M-S. Map of the Late Avar Period burial ground.
238
2
50 cm
2 3
3 cm
Plate 13. Nădlac-3M-S grave 135: 1–3.
239
A
x
x
137B
A
2
3
4
C D
x x
1
B
137A
B
x
x
50 cm
C D
x x
1 2
3 4
3 cm
Plate 14. Nădlac-3M-S grave 137A–B: 1–4.
240
A
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
1
3
5
4
2
B
B
x
C D
x x
50 cm
Plate 15. Nădlac-3M-S grave 138.
241
1 2
traces of wood
4
3 cm
242
A
x
x
A
1
B
x
x
B
50 cm
243
A
Ax
x
A
1–4
B
sheeps bones
xB
B cattle bone
50 cm
1 2 3 4
3 cm
244
50 cm
141 50 cm 143 50 cm 144
1
50 cm 142 50 cm 3 cm 149
Plate 19. Nădlac-3M-S grave 141; grave 142; grave 143; grave 144; grave 149: 1.
245
A
A
x
x
A
1
C D
x x
B
x
xB
B
C D
x x
50 cm
246
1
3 cm
Plate 21. Nădlac-3M-S grave 145: 1.
247
A
A
x
x
A
coffin traces
C D
x x
1
B
50 cm
x
D
x
B
C B x
x
3 cm
1
248
A
x
A
x 1
A
A B
x x
B
B
x
B
A
x
B
x
100 cm
249
1
3 cm
250
1
13
11
sheep
6 bones
1
7
16
14
2
3, 12
15
4
8
10 3
3 cm
100 cm
251
4
3 cm
252
8
10
11 3 cm
253
12
13
3 cm
254
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
sheep
skull
and
bones
sheep bones
B
B
x
50 cm D
C
x x
3 cm
255
1 5
2
4
6.1–315+, 7
3
A B
x x
cattle and
sheep bones
50 cm
A B
x x
256
3
1.a 1.b 2
3 cm 4
5
3 cm
257
6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6
6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10 6.11 6.12
6.13 6.14 6.15 6.16 6.17 6.18
6.19 6.20 6.21 6.22 6.23 6.24
6.25 6.26 6.27 6.28 6.29 6.30
6.31 6.32 6.33 6.34 6.35 6.36
3 cm
6.37 6.38 6.39 6.40 6.41
Plate 32. Nădlac-3M-S grave 151: 6.1–41.
258
A A
x
x
A
C D
x x
B
x
B
50 cm
50 cm
C D
x x
153 154
Plate 33. Nădlac-3M-S grave 153; grave 154.
259
A
A
x
x
A
2.1–36
C D
x x
B
sheep sheep
bones bones
x
x
B
50 cm
C D
x x
3 cm
260
2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5
2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9 2.10
2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14 2.15
2.16 2.17 2.18 2.19 2.20
2.21 2.22 2.23 2.24 2.25
2.26 2.27 2.28 2.29 2.30
2.31 2.32 2.33 2.34
2.35 2.36
3 cm
261
A
A
x
x
A
coffin traces
C D
x x
1
B
x
B
x
C D
x x
50 cm
Plate 36. Nădlac-3M-S grave 157A.
262
1
3 cm
Plate 37. Nădlac-3M-S grave 157A: 1.
263
A
A
x
x
A
B
B
x
100 cm
1
2
50 cm
Plate 38. Nădlac-3M-S grave 157B.
264
2
1 3
4 5
3 cm
Plate 39. Nădlac-3M-S grave 157B: 1–5.
265
A
Ax
x
C D
x x
A
B
x
xB
100 cm
C D
x x
266
Ax
A
x
1.1–
32
2
3
C D
x x
B
x
B
xB
Cx xD
50 cm
267
1.1 1.2 1.3
1.4 1.5
2 3
3 cm
268
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
1
B
x
x
50 cm B
C D
x x
3 cm
269
A
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
1
3
sheeps
bones
B
x
B
B
50 cm
C
x D
x
1 2
3 cm
270
3.b
3 cm
3.a 3 cm
271
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
chicken
bone
1–2
B
sheep
bones
x
x
B
50 cm
C D
x x
1 2
3 cm
272
10
6
5
11
3
7
8
2
1
4
50 cm
273
1.2 1.3 1.4
2
1.1
3 cm
274
7
6
10
11.1
traces of wood
11.2
9.a–b
3 cm
275
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
B
50 cm
x
B
x
50 cm
C D
x x
166 167
276
168A
sheep
bones 169 168B
100 cm
6
4 3 A B
x x
2
1
100 cm
A B
x x
Plate 51. Nădlac-3M-S grave 168A–B; grave 169.
277
1
3 cm
278
A
Ax
x
A
1
B
x
xB
50 cm
3 cm
279
A
A
x
x
C D
x x
A
1
2 3
B
human bones
x
B
x
B
C D
x x
100 cm
280
2
3.b
3 cm
3.a
281
A
x
x
173
A
C D
x x
1
B
E 174 F
x x
(robber pit)
B
x
x
C D
x x
100 cm
E F
x x
3 cm
282
A
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
coffin traces
eggshell/1
eggshell/2
coffin traces
coffin
traces
poultry
bones
B
B
x
C D
x x
50 cm
283
2
3 cm
284
A
A
x
x
A
1
B
sheep
bone
x
B
x
B
50 cm
3 cm
285
2
eggshell
6
1
50 cm
178 50 cm
1 2
4.a–c
3 3 cm 5
183
Plate 60. Nădlac-3M-S grave 178; grave 183: 1–5.
286
A
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
B
sheep
bones
B
x
x
50 cm
C
x D
x
3 cm
287
1
50 cm
288
A
x
x
B
1.1.a–b
1.5.a–b
1.9
horse
1.2.a–b
1.7.a–b 1.8.a–c
fitting traces
1.3.a–e 2 (horse
A
bit)
1.15.a–b
A
1 5
C D
x x
4
6
7
2
3
B
x
B
C D
x x
100 cm
289
wood
3 cm
wood
2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4
2.5 2.6
2
3 cm
Plate 64. Nădlac-3M-S grave 186 (male): 1–2.
290
wood
3.1 3.2 3.3
3.1–3
wood
3.4.1–3
3
4
3 cm
Plate 65. Nădlac-3M-S grave 186 (male): 3–4.
291
5
8.1
8.2
3 cm
7
1.1.1 1.1.2 1.2.1
1.3.1 1.3.2 1.3.3 1.3.4 1.3.5
3 cm
Plate 66. Nădlac-3M-S grave 186 (male): 5–8; grave 186 (horse): 1.1.1–1.3.5.
292
1.4 1.5.1 1.5.2 1.6
1.7.1 1.7.2 1.8.1 1.8.2
1.9 1.10 1.11 1.12
1.13 1.14 1.15.1
3 cm
Plate 67. Nădlac-3M-S grave 186 (horse): 1.4–1.15.
293
2
3 cm
Plate 68. Nădlac-3M-S grave 186 (horse): 2.
294
1
3 cm
50 cm
295
A
x
x
A
4, 6
3
5
B
x
x
50 cm
296
1 2 3
4.a
4.b
traces of the
textile 4.c
7
3 cm
297
B B
A x A x
x x
cattle
skull
191
3
2.1–19
100 cm
C D C
x x x D
cattle
bones
198
G H
x G H
x x x
2.7 2.8 2.9
1
2.1 2.2 2.3
2.10 2.11 2.12
2.6
3 cm
2.4 2.5 2.13 2.14
Plate 72. Nădlac-3M-S grave 191: 1, 2.1–14; grave 198.
298
2.15
2.16
3 cm
2.17
3 cm
2.18
2.19
3 191
1
3 cm 3 2 4 198
Plate 73. Nădlac-3M-S grave 191: 2.15–19, 3; grave 198: 1–4.
299
A
x
x
A
cattle
bones
cattle
bones
C D
x x
B
sheep
bones
B
x
x
50 cm
D
C x
x
300
A
x
A
x
1
C D
x x
animal
bones
A
B
B
x
B
x
50 cm
C D
x x
3 cm
301
cattle and
sheep bones
1
2
50 cm
302
A
x
50 cm
x
B
B
3 cm
1 3
303
1
50 cm
50 cm
3 cm
196 197
Plate 78. Nădlac-3M-S grave 196: grave 197: 1.
304
A
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
B
x
B
50 cm
C D
x x
1.a
1.b
3 cm
305
50 cm
204
eggshell
A
A
x
x
50 cm 203
A
B
50 cm
x
x
B
B
50 cm
205 238
Plate 80. Nădlac-3M-S grave 203; grave 204; grave 205; grave 238.
306
A A
A
x
x
x
A
A
2
C D
x x
C D
x x
3
B
B
x
x
B
50 cm
D
B
C
x
x
x x B
50 cm
C D
x x
209
3.a–b
2 3 cm 211
Plate 81. Nădlac-3M-S grave 209; grave 211: 1–3.
307
A
x
x
2
1
sheep
50 cm bones
C D
x x
A
2
1
B
x
x
B 100 cm
C D
x x
1 2
3 cm
308
A
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
50 cm
B
x
x
B
50 cm
C D
x x
1
1
3 cm
2
3 cm 212 219
Plate 83. Nădlac-3M-S grave 212: 1–2; grave 219: 1.
309
50 cm
227
x
x
A
50 cm
226
1
B
C D
x x
C D
x x
50 cm
3 cm
x
B
B 231
Plate 84. Nădlac-3M-S grave 226; grave 227; grave 231: 1.
310
A
A
x
x
A
1.1–7
3
2
C D
x x
B
B
x
B D
C x
x
50 cm
311
1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4
1.5 1.6 1.7
2 3
3 cm
312
A
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
B
x
x
B
50 cm
C D
x x
3 cm
313
A
A
x
x
A
sheep
bones
B
x
B
x
50 cm
C
x D
x
3 cm
314
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
sheep,
B
chicken
bones
B
x
x
C D
x x
50 cm
315
A
A
x
x
A
1
C D
x x
B
50 cm
x
B
x
50 cm
C D
x x
235
50 cm
1
3 cm 228 236
Plate 90. Nădlac-3M-S grave 228: 1; grave 235; grave 236.
316
A
x
x
237
(pit house)
240
A
1
C D
x x
B
pottery
x
x
B
50 cm
C D
x x
3 cm
317
N
NNW NNE
NW NE
WNW ENE
W E
WSW ESE
SW SE
SSW SSE
333
328 364
365
329
356 372
357
358 369
396
363 371
360 389
350 379
351 378
349 377
395
405 347
0 25 m
Plate 92. Nădlac-3M-N. Map of archaeological features.
318
N
NNW NNE
NW NE
WNW ENE
W E
WSW ESE
SW SE
SSW SSE
333
328 364
365
329
356
372
357
369
358
396
371
363
350 360 389
379
351
378
349 377
395
405 347
0 25 m
Plate 93. Nădlac-3M-N. Map of the Early Avar Period burial ground.
319
N
NNW NNE
NW NE
WNW ENE
W E
WSW ESE
SW
333 SSW SSE
SE
328 364
365
329
372
356
357
369
358
396
363 371
350 389
360
379
351
378
349 377
395
A
x
405 347
0 25 m
Plate 94. Nădlac-3M-N. Map of the Early Avar Period burial ground.
320
50 cm
Plate 95. Nădlac-3M-N grave 328.
321
A
x
A
x
cattle
jaw
cattle
bones
cattle
jaw
cattle
jaw
cattle
jaw and bones
human
A B bones
x x
A
1
B
50 cm
x
x
B
B
B
A x
x
1 3 cm
2
Plate 96. Nădlac-3M-N grave 329: 1–2.
322
A
x
x
1
A
step?
step?
C D
x x
B
x
B
x
C D
x x
50 cm
323
1
3 cm
Plate 98. Nădlac-3M-N grave 333: 1.
324
A
x
x
sheep/goat
bones
cattle
jaw
and
bones
A
B
B
x
100 cm
325
A
x
x
A 4
10
12 3 4 56 7 89
1.1–10
C 2
x xD
3
B
C D
x
B
x
B
x x
50 cm
1.1 1.2 1.3
1.5 1.6
1.4
3 cm
Plate 100. Nădlac-3M-N grave 349: 1.1–6.
326
1.7 1.8
1.9 1.10
3
3 cm
Plate 101. Nădlac-3M-N grave 349: 1.7–10, 2–3.
327
4
3 cm
328
A
Ax
x
A
B
xB
50 cm
329
A
x
x
A
horse
bones
2 9
1
5
4 10
12
8 14.1 16
13 14
11
C D
x x
14.2
horse
6 skull, cattle
bones jaw
7
B
15 sheep
17 bones
xB
B
C
x D
x
50 cm
textile remnants
2.a–b
3 cm
3
330
4.a–d 5
9
7
12.a–b
10.1
11
10.2 3 cm 13
331
14.1
3 cm
14.1
14.2
3 cm 14 3 cm
332
15
3 cm
14.2
3 cm
16
Plate 107. Nădlac-3M-N grave 351: 14.2, 15–16.
333
18
17
3 cm
334
A
A
x
x
A
pig
jaw
1
2.1
C D
x x
5–6
4
7
3.1–2
B
x
B
C D
x x
50 cm
335
3.1
3 cm 3.2
2.1
3 cm
5 cm 2 3 cm
336
5.a–b
6 3 cm
337
A
A
x
x
A
C D
x x
B
x
B
50 cm
C D
x x
3 cm
338
363
1.1‒12
cattle
jaw and
bones
sheep/goat
jaw and
bones
50 cm 358 50 cm
1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4
1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8
1.12
1.9 1.10 1.11

3 cm
Plate 113. Nădlac-3M-N grave 358; grave 363: 1.1–12.
339
A
x
x
C D
x x
A
B
x
x
C D
x x
100 cm
340
A
A
x
x
A
3
C D 1
x x
2
B
x
x
B
D
C x
x
50 cm
341
1
2.a–g
3 cm
342
A
A
x
x
cattle
bones
A
C D
x x
4
B
x
x
B
B
C D
x x
100 cm
1 2
4
3 cm
343
A
A
x
x
cattle
bone
A
B
x
x
B
B
50 cm
2
1
3 cm
344
A
A
x
x
A
1
2
3
C D
x x
B
B
x
C D
x x
50 cm
1 2 3
3 cm
345
A
A
x
x
A
cattle jaw
and bones
C D
x x
B
x
B
x
C D
x x
50 cm
346
A
x
x
A
1–3
5
plate with textile
B
B
x
50 cm
1
2 3
3 cm
347
4
3 cm
348
A
x
x
C D
x x
A
B
x
B
D
x
C B x
x
50 cm
349
A
Ax
x
A
cattle
bone
C D
x x
3
1
4
5
2 9
8
6
7
B
x
B
x
50 cm
C D
x x
1
3 cm
350
2
3
6 7 8
3 cm
351
A
x
A
x
A
1.1–5
2.1–13
C D
Cx
x x
389
B
x
x
B
C D
x x
50 cm
1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5
3 cm
Plate 126. Nădlac-3M-N grave 389: 1.1–5.
352
2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5
2.6 2.7 2.8
2.9 2.10 2.11
2.12 2.13 3
3 cm
Plate 127. Nădlac-3M-N grave 389: 2.1–13, 3.
353
A
x
A
x
C D
x x
A
1
xB
2
B
x
B
x
C D
x x
50 cm
354
2
4 5
3 cm
355
A
A
x
x
horse
bone
horse
jaw
horse
jaw
A
C D
x x
B
x
B
C D
x x
50 cm
356
A
x
x
A
x
C
C D
x x
B
B
x
C D
C x x
50 cm
357
1
358
4
359
7
360
Plate 135. Nădlac-9M grave 9.
361
10
11
362
363
Plate 138. Nădlac-3M-S grave 137A–B.
364
365
366
141 142
143 149
367
N
368
369
370
371
372
373
374
375
376
377
153
154
378
379
Plate 154. Nădlac-3M-S grave 157A.
380
381
382
383
384
385
386
387
388
166
167
389
Plate 164. Nădlac-3M-S graves 168A–B; grave 169.
390
169 168B
168A
Plate 165. Nădlac-3M-S graves 168A–B; grave 169.
391
392
393
394
395
396
397
398
178
179
399
400
401
Plate 176. Nădlac-3M-S grave 186 (male).
402
Plate 177. Nădlac 3M-S grave 186 (horse).
403
trace of a
heavy blow
Plate 178. Nădlac-3M-S grave 186 (horse).
404
405
406
198
191
407
191
198
198
198
198
408
409
410
411
412
413
414
415
416
Plate 191. Nădlac-3M-S Grave 197.
417
203
202
204
Plate 192. Nădlac-3M-S grave 202; grave 203; grave 204.
418
419
420
421
422
212 219
219
423
226 227
231 228
424
425
230
236 238
Plate 200. Nădlac-3M-S grave 230; grave 236; grave 238.
426
427
428
429
430
Plate 205. Nădlac-3M-N grave 328
431
432
433
434
435
436
437
438
439
440
441
442
443
360 358
364
Plate 218. Nădlac-3M-N grave 358; grave 360; grave 364.
444
445
446
369 371
372 378
Plate 221. Nădlac-3M-N grave 369; grave 371; grave 372; grave 378.
447
448
449
450
451
452
453
1.a 1.b
2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9 10 11
12 13
3 cm
Plate 228. Nădlac-9M grave 1: 1–13.
454
1
3 cm
Plate 229. Nădlac-9M grave 3: 1.
455
1 2 3 4
140
3 cm
138
1
147
1
3 cm
Plate 230. Nădlac-3M-S grave 138: 1; grave 140: 1–4; grave 147: 1.
456
1
3 cm
4
3 cm
457
3 cm
148
3 cm
150
Plate 232. Nădlac-3M-S grave 148: 1; grave 150: 1.
458
2.a–b
1.a–c
3 cm
3 cm
3
459
4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6
4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 4.12
4.13 4.14 4.15 4.16 4.17 4.18
4.19 4.20 4.21 4.22 4.23 4.24
4.25 4.26 4.27 4.28 4.29 4.30
4.31 4.32 4.33 4.34 4.35 4.36
4.37 4.38 4.39 4.40 4.41 4.42
3 cm
460
461
1
3 cm
155
2.1–36
1.1–5
161
1 164
3 cm
Plate 236. Nădlac-3M-S grave 155: 1–2.1–36; grave 161: 1.1–5; grave 164: 1.
462
1.2
1.1 1.3
1.4 1.6
1.5 1.7.a 3 cm
463
3
5 3 cm
464
7
3 cm
465
1.2
1.1
1.4 1.3
2.1 2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
3.1
3.2 3.3
3 cm
Plate 240. Nădlac-3M-S grave 186 (male): 1.1–3.3.
466
3.4 3.5 3.6
1.1.2
1.1.1
1.3.1
1.2.1
1.5.1 1.5.2
1.4
1.7
1.6
1.8 1.9
3 cm
Plate 241. Nădlac-3M-S grave 186 (male): 3.4–3.6; grave 186 (horse): 1.1–1.9.
467
1
3 cm
468
1 2 3 4 5 6
3 cm 191
3 cm
198
1 2 3
2 4 5 6
3 cm 211 3 cm 229
Plate 243. Nădlac-3M-S grave 191: 1–6; grave 198: 1; grave 211: 1–2; grave 229: 1–6.
469
1
3 cm
470
1
3 cm
2 3
4 5
3 cm
471
6 7
3 cm
472
2
3 cm
356
3 cm
9 1
3 cm 349 5 cm 379
Plate 247. Nădlac-3M-N grave 349: 9; grave 356: 1–2; grave 379: 1–2.
473
1 2 3
3 cm
1.2
4 5
1.1
3 cm
369
6 7 8
351
3 cm 389
1
3 cm
3 cm 371 364
Plate 248. Nădlac-3M-N grave 351: 1–8; grave 364: 1; grave 369: 1; grave 371: 1; grave 389: 1.
474
1.b
3 cm
5 cm
1.c
3 cm
1.a
5 cm
1.d
Plate 249. Nădlac-3M-N grave 351: 1.a–d.
475
1
3 cm
356
1 2 1
3 cm
371
1
3 cm
3
3 cm
377 379
Plate 250. Nădlac-3M-N grave 356: 1–2; grave 371: 1–2; grave 377: 1–3; grave 379: 1–2.
476
1
3 cm
3 4 5 6 7
8 9 10 11
477
1
3 cm
Plate 252. Peregu Mare-stray find: 1.
478
3 cm
2 3
3 cm
Plate 253. Peregu Mare-stray find: 1–4.
479
1
2.a 2.b 3
4 5 6
3 cm
Plate 254. Peregu Mare-stray find: 1–6.
480
2
1.b 4 5
1.a
6
1.c
1 1.d 7 9 10
Plate 255. Szegvár-Sápoldal (grave): 1–10.
481
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At The Periphery of The Avar Core Region: Erwin Gáll

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At The Periphery of The Avar Core Region: Erwin Gáll

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Erwin Gáll

Patrimonium Archaeologicum Transylvanicum

Éditions L’Harmattan • L’Harmattan Publishing

Book cover image:

© Erwin Gáll, Adrian Ursuțiu, Sorin Cociș, 2017

Volumes may be ordered, at a discount, from

Erwin Gáll – Adrian Ursuțiu – Sorin Cociș

Bârcă – Cociș 2013, 31–50.

Team led by S. Cociş.

3.1.1. The graves

Grave 2 (Pl. 6; pl. 132)

Grave 4 (Pl. 6; pl. 133)

Grave 5 (Pl. 7; pl. 133)

Grave 7 (Pl. 7; pl. 134)

Grave 8 (Pl. 7; pl. 134)

Grave 9 (Pl. 7; pl. 135)

Grave 10 (Pl. 9; pl. 136)

Grave 11 (Pl. 9; pl. 136)

3.1.3. Analysis of grave goods

3.2. Site 3M-S

3.2.1. The graves

Grave 137A–B (Pl. 14; pl. 138)

Grave 138 (Pl. 15; pl. 139)

Grave 139 (Pl. 17; pl. 140)

Grave 140 (Pl. 18)

Grave 141 (Pl. 19; pl. 141)

Grave 142 (Pl. 19; pl. 141)

Grave 143 (Pl. 19; pl. 141)

Grave 145 (Pl. 20; pl. 142)

Grave 146 (Pl. 22; pl. 143)

Grave 147 (Pl. 23; pl. 144–146)

Grave 148 (Pl. 25; pl. 147–148)

Grave 149 (Pl. 19; pl. 141)

Grave 150 (Pl. 29; pl. 149)

Grave 151 (Pl. 30; pl. 150–151)

Grave 153 (Pl. 33; pl. 152)

Grave 154 (Pl. 33; pl. 152)

Grave 155 (Pl. 34; pl. 153)

Grave 157B (Pl. 38; pl. 155–156)

Grave 158 (Pl. 40; pl. 157)

Grave 161 (Pl. 41; pl. 158)

Grave 162 (Pl. 43; pl. 159)

Grave 163 (Pl. 44; pl. 160)

Grave 164 (Pl. 46; pl. 161)

Grave 165 (Pl. 47; pl. 162)

Grave 166 (Pl. 50; pl. 163)

Grave 167 (Pl. 50; pl. 163)

Graves 168B/169 (Pl. 51; 164–166)

Grave 168B (Pl. 51; pl. 164–165)

Grave 169 (Pl. 51; pl. 164–166)

Grave 170 (Pl. 53; pl. 167)

Grave 171 (Pl. 54; pl. 168–169)

Grave 173 (Pl. 56; pl. 170)

Grave 176 (Pl. 57; pl. 171)

Grave 177 (Pl. 59; pl. 172)

Grave 178 (Pl. 60; pl. 173)

Grave 179 (Pl. 61; pl. 173)

Grave 183 (Pl. 60)

Grave 186 (Pl. 63; pl. 175–178)

Grave 189 (Pl. 70; pl. 180)

Graves 191/198 (Pl. 72; pl. 181–185)

Grave 198 (Pl. 72; pl. 181–182; pl. 185)

Grave 193 (Pl. 74; pl. 186)