To What Extent Is Morality A Factor in T

Devon Allen – The University of Leeds – MA Classical Studies - September 2014 to August 2015
To What Extent is Morality a Factor in the Literary

Genre of Fable, in the Use of Magic in Tragedy and
in the Mythology of Homer, Hesiod and
Apollodorus?
Classical Studies Dissertation

Supervisor: Dr. Owen Hodkinson
Fig.1. Pierre-Paul Prud’hon. 1805/06. Justice and Divine Vengeance Pursuing Crime [Oil on Canvas].
Getty Centre, Museum West Pavilion. Gallery W201.
1
Contents
Chapter Page Number
1. Introduction 3
2. Greek Moral Philosophy and Education 7
i. Aristotle and Plato 7
ii. Moral Education 10
iii. Works and Days 13
3. Forensic Oratory as a Moral Tool 16
4. The Inclusion of Morals in the Magical Examples of Tragedy 19
5. The Appearance of Morality in Divine Mythology 23
6. The Connection Between Folktale and Heroic Mythology 25
7. Morality in Mythology 27
i. Hero Worship 27
ii. Deities and Spirits in Religious Mythology 30
iii. Moralistic References with Mythological Creatures 35
8. Fables as an Exemplum of Moral Behaviour 40
i. Fables 40
ii. Fables in Mythology 44
9. Conclusion 47
10. Bibliography 50
2
To What Extent is Morality a Factor in the Literary Genre of Fable, in the

Use of Magic in Tragedy and in the Mythology of Homer, Hesiod and
Apollodorus?
Introduction
There is a clear discussion of morality seen through many forms of literature from
ancient Greece to the present day which ranges from comedy and tragedy to the
epic poetry formed in Greek mythology.1 These inclusions appear to have stemmed
from the popular moral philosophy of Plato and Aristotle in the 5 th century BCE and
show multiple similarities in both overarching theme and individual narrative. These
similarities come from the use of a variety of genres in order to subtly express their
theorems to a wider audience2 in a way they believed to be more widely accepted
and easy to mould to their argument. The use of these genres is seen within Plato’s
Republic where common motifs from popular narratives are used in reference to
establish Plato’s example of a ‘perfect’ and moral city. There have been many
studies over the connection between morality and each individual genre; such as
Gotshalk’s Homer and Hesiod, Myth and Philosophy (examines mythology and
morality) and Sewell-Rutter’s Guilt by Descent: Moral Inheritance and Decision
Making in Greek Tragedy. However there has yet to be a complete investigation into
the appearance of morals through general literature and poetry more than the
individual chapter in Nussbaum’s The Cambridge Companion to Greek and Roman
Philosophy.3 As I unfortunately am unable to cover the whole of literature in this
piece of work, I aim to focus my research on individual aspects within the genres of
mythology, tragedy and fable as I believe these to be the most relevant to my
research question.
1
Nussbaum. 2006. p.211.
2
Nussbaum. 2006. p.211.
3
Nussbaum. 2006. pp.211-241.
3
In order to do this I will first examine the moral teachings of Plato and Aristotle
to identify what their opinions on morality were, as well as how they were developed
so I am aware of the ideas to recognise in my research. In this chapter I will also
focus on the moral education of children. I believe it is important to briefly identify the
methods of moral paideia that was used in early Greek education, particularly as
they were used in conjunction with one another. I aim to do this by looking through
Greek literature for any examples of such education that would have been taught to
children. Unfortunately there is not yet any physical evidence of any Greek remains
of the tools used for said moral education, so this area will have to solely rely on the
relevant literature. We know there was an ancient equivalent of an ‘old wives tale’
through Plato with “and the stories on the accepted list we will induce nurses and
mothers to tell to the children and so shape their souls by these stories far rather
than their bodies and by their hands.”4 This in turn then includes the use of fables as
tools for the teaching of moral behaviour, the extent and use of which I will also
consider through Hesiod’s Works and Days.
Following on from this I aim to look at the use of forensic oratory as I have
highlighted examples of similar themes through mythology and tragedy with a
particular emphasis on the use of magic in the genre of tragedy. Forensic oratory is
an excellent way to determine the popular moral opinions of the time as they would
have been developed in a response to the classification over what was unlawful
conduct. By looking at this chapter closely with tragedy, I will be able to identify what
the moral opinion of ancient Greece was, as well as how this was translated into a
fictional genre and whether or not it kept the same ideals.
4
Pl. Rep. 377c.
4
The vast subject of Greek mythology for the purposes of this essay can be
divided into two categories; the divine and the heroic. This branch of ‘divine’
mythology should then be subdivided into establishment myth (literature which
cements a particular cult or deity to a prominent Greek location) and religious myth
(which includes any tale involving the actions of a deity without expressing a
particular location).5 Heroic mythology is commonly referenced in comparison with
folktale, given that they share common motifs, a fact that I aim to identify within this
work. As this still remains a large topic area that would be impossible to do justice to
in this essay, I will focus mainly on the poetry of Homer, Hesiod and Apollodorus in
the branches of heroic mythology as well as the sub-branch of religious myth as I
believe both feature morals quite heavily. I also aim to identify if there are any
moralistic animals or creatures in the genre of mythology along with their reasons
behind being identified in such a capacity.
Following on from this I will finally look at fable, as I believe these two are also
closely related, particularly as there is a separate element of mythological fables I
am aiming to identify. This is where the stories are concise with their moral motifs but
feature either mythological figures or are fabulist ideas told in a mythological setting.
Overall I aim for my study to highlight the existence of morality in fable, the
magical elements of tragedy and in mythology as well as the reasons behind its
inclusion within these genres. I also intend for my research to highlight that moral
education in ancient Greece was considered to be especially important and drew on
different elements from each genre in order to educate children. This will be done
through the mythology set by poets such as Homer, Hesiod and Apollodorus as well
5
Kirk. 1972. p.80.
5
as through tragedy and fable in order to teach society the ideals of moral philosophy
in what, I hope, is seen to be done through an interlinked system.
Greek Moral Philosophy and Education
i. Aristotle & Plato
6
The bulk of evidence we hold that details the attitudes towards moral philosophy in
ancient Greek culture comes from the works by Plato and Aristotle, with Plato being
arguably influenced by Socrates. Kofman comments on these similarities with
“Socrates…is more or less hidden behind his best disciple.” 6 Their works mainly
focused on the moral values of male citizens, which should come as no surprise
given that they were widely known to be the controlling members of Athenian
society.7 These Greek philosophers went into great depth over what they felt
constituted proper moral values as part of their work on the philosophy behind vices
and virtues. Plato made an initial connection between morality and religion with his
discussion on whether our definition of what constituted a good action was an idea
that had been set by the ruling deities by discussing their gain behind the
subservience of men. For example:
“Do you think care and attention are ever meant for the injury of that which is
cared for…and you would agree that when you do a holy of pious act you are
making one of the gods better?”8
He furthered this idea of a connection between the two with “[the] impious and unjust
they bury in mud in the house of Hades.” 9 In his research into mythology Dowden
explains how the Greeks would have used it as a tool that provided them with an
origin story for the details behind their rituals, beliefs and actions, 10 an element that is
seen through the genre’s focus on the gods and their cult establishment stories. As
Plato made several direct connections between religion and morality during both
Euthyphro and Republic, it is reasonable to assume that this connection to morality
6
Kofman. 1998. p.34.
7
Dillon. 2004. xiii.
8
Pl. Euthyphr. 13c.
9
Pl. Rep. 2.363d.
10
Dowden. 1992. p.20.
7
would have also migrated into other genres such as mythology. While Plato connects
religion with virtue, he does not provide a firm definition of what actually constitutes a
moral action. In order to find this we must look at Aristotle.
The subsequent studies of Aristotle provide us with the set definition that
moral behaviour was considered to be a conscious set of good habits 11 that ensured
an individual would lead a happy and successful life as a truly moral individual. This
is an interesting point as it shows that Aristotle was defining morality as a series of
habits rather than as a general attitude. We can assume that this view had been
supported by Homer as Plato stated “the just man turns out to be a kind of thief, a
view you have perhaps learned from Homer.”12 If we accept this definition by
Aristotle then it would be plausible for an individual to falter in their morality, such as
the action of committing a theft and still be ultimately considered a moral person
should the rest of their decisions be virtuous. The difficulty with assuming this as a
true definition of morality is that it differs slightly from a number of teachings by Plato.
For example, while Aristotle clarifies that a moral action is “a mean between two
vices, the one involving excess, the other deficiency…hence it is no easy task to be
good”,13 Plato shows that the decision is much more of a conscious choice to be
good,14 as the knowledge that you are acting in a virtuous way will in turn provide
your happiness. 15 A similar idea is seen in Republic with “the just man will not allow
the three elements which make up his inward self to trespass on each other’s
functions or interfere with each other.”16 While this sees a similarity with Aristotle over
11
Arist. Eth Nic. 1103a.
12
Pl. Rep. 334b.
13
14
See Foot. 2002. p.11: i.e. if a poor man was given the opportunity to steal and considered the action
but refrained from the impulse, then his lack of action would be considered a moral response to the
scenario.
15
Mackenzie. 1985. p.89.
16
Pl. Rep. 5.443d.
8
the conscious consideration of the morality of an action before it is committed, Plato
tells of a firmer step towards the wholly good rather than as a ‘mean’ between moral
and immoral as described by Aristotle. This is supported in Meno with a virtue
defined as “he be competent to manage the affairs of his city, and to manage them
so as to benefit his friends and harm his enemies, and to take care to avoid suffering
harm himself.”17
Plato’s Republic introduces Thrasymachus, a character who contradicts all
previous teachings and proposes that morality is an illusion. This is seen with:
“[The] government enacts laws that are in its own interest…and in enacting
these laws they make it quite clear what is “right” for their subjects is what is
in the interests of themselves, the rulers, and if anyone deviates from this he
is punished as a lawbreaker and “wrongdoer.”” 18
This is particularly interesting as if it is seen in connection with the quotation from
Euthyphro (see p.7) we can see that the ruling class of Athens and the ancient
Greek deities are seen as one and the same with regards to morality, given that they
are both mentioned by Plato in connection with imposing moral values on society
that also mainly catered to their own interests. Plato also gives us an example of the
consequences should these values not be upheld. For instance:
“the man who does injustice and the unjust man is wretched in any case, but
more wretched if he doesn’t pay justice and suffer vengeance when he does
injustice, and less wretched if he pays justice, and meets justice from gods
and men.”19
17
Pl. Meno. 71e.
18
Pl. Rep. 1.338b.
19
Pl. Grg. 472d5-10.
9
This supports my conclusion, as the closing line of “meets justice from gods and
men”20 shows that Thrasymachus was essentially correct in that moral standards
were set by the ruling class and that this also bears a resemblance to the deities
discussed in Euthyphro as well. These points both stress the importance that religion
(and in turn mythology) held over the philosophical moral values of regular society.
ii. Moral Education
This brief introduction to the moral philosophy described by Plato and Aristotle
should provide a basic representation of the elements of moral paideia that would
have been taught to all Athenian men, details of which emerge through Plato’s
teachings. The early stages of this paideia would have been given under the
instruction of the paidagogos of a Greek family who would have imparted these
basics through private tutoring21 and would have followed the same moral philosophy
we have just identified as well as both fables and mythology. 22 The paidagogoi would
have been very well respected under the oikos but would have retained a slave
status outside of the home.23 Beck has hypothesised that the teaching of morality at
this early stage of a child’s development would have held more of an interest to the
development of the polis rather than a concern over their intellectual progress. 24
There is confirmation for this hypothesis with Plato stating “schooling from boyhood
in goodness which inspires the recipient with passionate and ardent desire to
become a perfect citizen, knowing both how to wield and submit to righteous rule.” 25
After the commencement of their formal school education, their moral paideia would
20
Pl. Grg. 472d10.
21
Beck. 1964. p.107.
22
Beck. 1964. p.148.
23
Beck. 1964. p.108.
24
Beck. 1964. p.103.
25
Pl. Laws. 1.643.
10
have continued on a tutor basis thereafter. 26 In Meno, he asks “can you tell me…
whether virtue can be taught, or is acquired by practice?” 27 Socrates responds with
“if virtue is a kind of knowledge, clearly it must be taught.” 28 These quotes show that
moral values were taught in education as a form of knowledge, as well as a practical
guide of how to grow into an exemplary citizen of the polis.
Unfortunately there are very few archaeological examples remaining of the
education tools the Greek would have used. There are the remains of four wooden
boards that were found with childlike annotations from Alexandrian education that
are dated to the 5th century BCE.29 Based on this evidence it would be reasonable to
assume that ancient Greek education would have followed a similar style; particularly
as the Egyptian texts have been identified to focus around prominent Greek heroic
mythology such as the Argonautica 30 which we can only assume would have
featured within Greek education as well. While there is not yet any similar
archaeological evidence of Greek moral paideia, these Alexandrian texts show
evidence of both Homer31 and Xenophon.32 It is unlikely that the Alexandrian
educational system was so far removed from its Greek counterpart and therefore we
should assume some degree of similarity as to the choice of teaching material. As I
aim to show below, items of mythological poetry included heavy moral values so
while there is no direct evidence of moral teachings in these archaeological remains;
there is a wealth of evidence that these texts would have been studied in early
ancient paideia and in so some element, shows they would have resulted in at least
some form of moralistic training.

26
Beck. 1964. p.107-108.
27
Pl. Meno. 70a.
28
Pl. Meno. 87c.
29
McNamee. 2007. p.55.
30
31
32
11
Plato also discussed the use of mythology in moral education by critiquing the moral
values of the deities found in these stories during Book Two of his Republic. These
stories are initially identified with “Those, I said, that Hesiod and Homer and the
other poets related. These, methinks, composed false stories which they told and still
tell to mankind.”33 Through this work he relates that there is an assumption that all
deities were morally good regardless of their actions, but that these stories detailing
their immoral exploits should be removed from education 34 through fear of passing
on an unsavoury message to children during their paideia, a topic of importance for
him.35 For example:
“if we wish our future guardians to deem nothing more shameful than lightly to
fall out with one another; still less must we make battles of gods and giants
the subject for them of stories.”36
Plato’s concerns over the moralistic messages in mythology show that these stories
were used in order to shape the moral education of a child from an early and
impressionable age37 and any unnecessary conflict or immorality by the gods should
not be included based around the fact that a child may not be able to distinguish the
acceptable actions of deities from those of mortal men. 38 If this was not how the
stories were used then the idea to remove them from education to ensure a child
was taught a strong system of morality would not be referenced as it would not have
been a concern. Thus it is particularly from Plato’s Republic that we see our
strongest evidence that the mythology of both Homer and Hesiod was used for the
purposes of moral education. With regards to this proposed censorship, Plato further
33
Pl. Rep. 2.377d.
34
Beck. 1964. p.202.
35
Barrow. 2014. p.75.
36
Pl. Rep. 2.378c.
37
Beck. 1964. p.202.
38
Pl. Rep. 2.378d.
12
comments “we should do our utmost that the first stories that they hear should be so
composed as to bring the fairest lessons of virtue to their ears.” 39 Due to this wealth
of evidence I remain confident with my hypothesis that mythology was used directly
for the teaching of morality and thus confirming that the genre held a moralistic
message within it.
iii. Works and Days
Hesiod’s Works and Days should also be regarded as a form of moral education in
its own right despite there being no direct evidence of this being used as part of early
ancient Greek paideia. This poem includes a variety of elements that make up
Hesiod’s idea of what makes a complete moral value. For example:
“Outrageousness is evil in a worthless mortal; and even a fine man cannot
bear her easily, but encounters calamities and then is weighed down under
her. The better road is the one towards what is just, passing her by on the
other side.”40
This extract bears a striking resemblance to Aristotle’s comment on a moral action
being the ‘mean’ between vices (see p.8)41 and yet is also able to include Hesiod’s
independent attitude that he recommends society take against the immoral. The use
of the description of a ‘worthless mortal’ with regards to an immoral individual in
comparison to a ‘fine man’ demonstrates the righteous theme that runs through this
didactic poem.
Works and Days covers aspects from the practical elements of daily life, as
seen with “the gods keep hidden from men the means of life. Else you would easily
39
Pl. Rep. 2.378e.
40
Hes. WD. 214-216.
41
This is a connection that we can assume Aristotle would have intended.
13
do work enough in a day to supply you for a full year even without working” 42 in a
lesson of the importance of gaining wealth in a moral manner. This is also seen with
“wealth should not be sized…for if a man takes great wealth violently…or if he steals
it through his tongue…the gods soon blot him out.” 43 This quote provides another
connection, alongside those already explored by Plato, of the deities providing a
punishment to anyone found to be engaging in immoral activity, a theme which is the
main topic of Hesiod’s Works and Days. For example this element of divine
retribution is referenced again with “but for those who practice violence and cruel-
deeds far seeing Zeus…ordains a punishment.” 44 A strong example of this is also
seen through the tale of Pandora and the jar. For example:
“[he] contrived within her lies and crafty words and a deceitful nature…and he
called this woman Pandora…the woman took off the great lid of the jar with
her hands and scattered, all these and her thought caused sorry and mischief
to men.” 45
The moral that should be attributed to this tale is that immorality will always be
punished either through a deity or a third party. For example this particular tale ends
with “so there is no way to escape the will of Zeus”, 46 thus linking the overarching
theme back to the retribution of Epimetheus and the overall control of the deities.
42
Hes. WD. 42-45.
43
Hes. WD. 320-324.
44
Hes. WD. 238.
45
Hes. WD. 94-95.
46
Hes. WD. 105.
14
Forensic Oratory as a Moral Tool
Alongside fictional literature, it is apparent that the ancient Greeks believed oratory
to be a convenient channel to communicate any principles that they regarded as
holding moral and ethical values in the 5 th century BCE47 with scholars such as Dover
and Usher showing that oratory served as an excellent source of popular moralistic
opinions outside of philosophical discussion. By looking at the works of Lysias,
Antiphon and Demosthenes in particular it is possible to gain a strong understanding
of the actions that the Athenian judicial system (and by extension ancient Greek
society) had found to be immoral. These sources should be regarded as relatively
accurate as prominent speakers would be unlikely to speak against any legal
judgements 48 in fear of losing their authoritative status. However, given that these
orators were either prosecuting or defending an individual it is only reasonable that
they would occasionally create moral statements and scenarios in support of their
argument. As other than this the sources are arguably exact, this oratory should be
47
Usher. 1999. p.1.
48
Dover. 1994. p.6.
15
considered to be useful with regards to the identification of immoral actions in
Athenian society as these are the actions that the oratory forcefully condemns. This
is seen particularly in Isocrates’ Against Lochites where the speaker expresses his
discontent with the attitudes towards retribution under the democracy in comparison
to that after the fall of the oligarchy of the Thirty Tyrants. For example “these were
the natures that betrayed our empire to the enemy, razed the walls of our homeland,
and executed fifteen hundred of our citizens without trial.” 49 This example shows
Isocrates invoking memories of Athens’ recent past in order to fully emphasise his
argument of condemnation and convince the jury of Lochites’ guilt. It is known that
there were no witnesses or evidence in this case 50 which it is reasonable to assume
provides the reason for Isocrates’ particularly impassioned language.
The crimes that were considered to be the most immoral under Athenian law
were homicide and moicheia. Homicide was deemed to be the worst; both for the
immorality of unlawfully taking the life of another as well as the belief that it brought
about a religious pollution should it not be sufficiently dealt with by the court system.
Miasma was characterised as the wrath of “avenging spirits” 51 against the killer which
could cause the destruction of a city found to be harbouring him if he was not
suitably cleansed.52 The punishments for homicide were either a mandatory death
penalty for an intentional killing or exile if the death was found to be unintentional.
The fear of enabling a religious miasma to be spread is seen in this argument:
49
Isoc. 20.11
50
Usher. 1999. p.118.
51
See Xen. Cyr. 8.7.18.
52
See Soph. OT. 96-103.
16
“we know that the whole city is polluted by the killer until he is prosecuted and
that if we prosecute the wrong man, we will be guilty of impiety, and
punishment for any mistake you make will fall on us.” 53
This extract sees similarities with both moral philosophy and mythology from the fear
of a divine retribution should the correct reaction to immorality not be carried out.
This clear emphasis on making the wrong decision would cause an immoral chain of
events on the innocent man, which would in turn then have seen his punisher as
immoral. The fear of being guilty of ‘impiety’ cements the connection between
homicide and religion as it would fall upon the deities alone to extract their
vengeance for the crime.
The crime of moicheia warranted the justifiable killing of the seducer by the
husband, if he was caught with his wife; “if somebody kills a man after finding him
next to his wife…he shall not be exiled as a killer on account of this.” 54 The death of
the seducer was excused as he was considered to have corrupted the mind of the
wife of another, however this rarely happened as the dispute was normally settled
with financial compensation by the 5th century BCE.55 For example “Eratosthenes
committed adultery with my wife; that he corrupted her, disgraced my children and
humiliated me.”56 The element of mental corruption accentuated the crime and
ensured that moicheia was viewed as a more immoral action than rape,57 which only
resulted in monetary compensation for the kyrios of the victim. The mental condition
of a woman was considered to be of the utmost importance. This is seen with
Xenophon who writes of Isochomachus saying “she [his wife] came to me, and had
53
Antiph. 2.1.3
54
Dem. 23.53
55
Usher. 1999. p.55.
56
Lys. 1.4
57
Carey. 1995. p.407
17
spent her previous years under careful supervision so that she might see and hear
and speak as little as possible.”58 Thus moicheia was considered to be an immoral
crime as it removed the innocence that the ideal wife was thought to have.
The Inclusion of Morals in the Magical Examples of Greek Tragedy
While I aim to identify folktale as the amoral precursor for the genre of mythology
which therefore exempts it from moral analysis; the notion of magic as a topic should
also remain exempt from moral analysis in its simplest form. Rather, it is the actions
and the motives of the individuals behind the magic that hold the moralistic message.
Magic was not a common motif in Greek mythology as there are very few direct
references to either witches or witchcraft in general; however there are a number of
examples of magical talismans in heroic mythology. For instance both the
appearance of the sword of Peleus59 and the shirt of Nessus after its contamination
with the love potion of Deianeira60 should be seen as magical talismans given their
affliction with magic. The genre of tragedy is where magic seems to predominate and
as such requires a brief analysis.
58
Xen. Oec. 7.5
59
Apollod. Bibl. 3.13.3.
60
18
The magic induced death of Heracles is discussed in great detail in both
tragedy and mythology, however it is the representation in Sophocles’ The Women
of Trachis that I will choose to examine. I will focus on the moment where Deianeira
becomes envious of the blossoming affair between Heracles and Iole so she resorts
to feeding him a love charm.61 Her intent to use magic is seen with the line “if charms
and or spells can defeat that girl, can get Herakles back to me, then I’m ready.” 62
Rather than increasing any philia towards her, the magic of the shirt backfired and
ultimately caused his death. While the final result would have been an example of
unintentional homicide in an Athenian court, the motive behind Deianeira’s use of
magic was somewhat virtuous as it came from the position of love; however this
motive is arguably tainted with her jealously, a trait that is described by Aristotle to
be a vice.63 This is referenced with Deianeira saying “I have a premonition that what I
did in good faith is turning evil.” 64 Therefore while this example of the use of magic
did cause a death, the magic that was used should not be seen as immoral nor
should the actual magical potion. There is an identical example of love magic that is
addressed by Antiphon in the case oratory of Against the Stepmother. For example:
“this woman…had contrived our father’s death by poisoning…she had not
denied it except to claim she was giving the drug as a love potion, not to kill
him.”65
The defence used in this case was not a lack of motive as she had every intention of
feeding her husband the potion, but it does show an oversight in the understanding
of the dosage that should have been consumed by her desired. 66 This is an excellent
61
Faraone. 1999. p.X
62
Soph. Trach. 568-569.
63
Arist. Rh. 2.10.1-10.
64
Soph. Trach. 649-650.
65
Antiph. 1.9.
66
Antiph. 1.19.
19
example of Greek tragedy emulating mythology with the inclusion of Heracles as well
as forensic oratory and legislation; an idea that would have provided ordinary
members of the ancient Greek society with the ideology that magic in itself should
not be subject to a moral discussion, but the motive behind its use may be
essentially moral but should not be attempted due to the immoral repercussions.
We also know from archaeological evidence that magical talismans were used
in reality, for instance with the creation of defixiones. The majority of the
archaeological examples are made from lead and invoke a particular deity to inflict a
punishment on another for an action that the creator of the tablet had considered to
be immoral and/or unlawful behaviour. An example of these curses is seen with:
“I am sending this letter to Hermes and Persephone, since I am presenting
wicked people to them, for it is fitting for them to obtain the final penalty.” 67
The creation and subsequent use of a curse tablet is clearly an immoral use of magic
as the intention behind the magic is to cause some form of injury against another in
the form of a divine punishment.68 The absence of defixiones as a form of magic in
tragedy is extremely noticeable. For example in Euripides’ Hippolytus, the will to
punish is written in a letter rather than prescribed in a curse tablet. 69 Sewell-Rutter
discusses that their absence in this play may be due to a belief within tragedy of
divine causation bringing about retribution 70 rather than outright and explicit cursing;
a trait that accentuates the supernatural intervention of the deities as is seen through
moral philosophy. This should be contrasted with heroic mythology which revolves
around magical objects and their uses rather than the magic itself. Supernatural
67
Gager. 1997. p.125.
68
Sewell-Rutter. 2007. p.53.
69
Sewell-Rutter. 2007.p.55.
70
20
intervention shows that a deity is bound to act in retribution against the other, whilst
cursing merely makes the request.71 Retribution against the immoral is a central
theme of tragedy and one that is particularly important in terms of this essay.
Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus shows Oedipus condemning the killer of King Laius
with “I pray solemnly that the slayer, whoever he is…may, in the horrible way he
deserves, wear out his unblest life.”72 This extract also introduces the idea of
inherited guilt, and therefore an inherited immorality. Sewell-Rutter explains that as
there was no evidence of an explicit curse to be inherited there must be an existence
of inherited guilt against the offspring of King Laius. 73
Tragedy shows morality in a successful way, with Aristotle in his discussion of
the genre saying “it is obvious to begin with that one should not show worthy men
passing from good fortune to bad.”74 This returns to the concept of what is ‘worthy’,
where it would be reasonable to assume that Aristotle meant was an individual who
is just and moral.75 Therefore we can ascertain that whosoever suffers misfortune in
the genre of tragedy would not have been considered to be a wholly moral man. He
further clarifies this with:
“The first and most important is that the character should be good. The play
will show character if, as we said above, either the dialogue or the actions
reveal some choice; and the character will be good, if the choice is good.” 76
This draws us back to our earlier discussion on the moral opinions of Aristotle (see
p.8-9) as his comments on tragedy show there is a parallel to his philosophical
teachings thus providing a further connection between moral philosophy and a

71
72
Soph. OT. 245.
73
Sewell-Rutter. 2007. p.63.
74
Arist. Poet. 1452b.
75
Reeves. 1952. p.176.
76
Arist. Poet. 1454a.19.
21
literary genre. Reeves clarifies this with “since man is by nature moral and since pity
and fear depend on certain moral conditions to evoke them, it is now clear why the
type of the tragic hero must be defined in moral terms.” 77
The Appearance of Morality in Divine Mythology
These ideas identified from forensic oratory and shown in tragedy, should then be
considered in comparison with divine mythology where we see contradictory views
regarding adultery and homicide in the actions of the deities, predominantly through
Zeus. His ‘crimes’ often include adultery and rape, with all going unpunished,
something I have already shown would never have knowingly happened in Athenian
society. Considering that both homicide and adultery were considered to be severely
immoral by law and culture, it is evident that divine mythology was intended by the
poets to differ from the moral tone that was set in both oratory and philosophy. This
also returns to Plato and his argument that the conduct of the divine should be
excused from the moral education of the young (see p.12).
The majority of representations in the literature of ancient Greece usually
portray the deities as the superior race; both physically and intellectually. Despite
this, their representations in Greek mythology specifically show them to be morally
corrupt and with the attitude that their status exempts them from any moral
responsibility of the events brought about by said actions due to their immorality and
divine status. This status as a collection of rulers over mortal men also shows
several of them punishing those who are guilty of any immorality. This is seen many
77
Reeves. 1952. p.187.
22
times, but particularly with the example of “and Zeus will destroy this race of mortal
men also when they come to have grey hair on the temples at their birth.” 78 Yet
despite this moral seniority, the gods are regularly shown to be guilty of the same
offences that they aggressively punish. For instance, there are frequent examples of
Zeus and his conquests with prominent married women 79 such as Leda which ended
in the birth of Helen who quickly rose to prominence due to her involvement with
Paris and the Trojan War. Zeus’ partners are not guaranteed this same immunity
from immorality as is seen with the retribution of Hera often being inflicted upon the
woman. For example “Latona [Leto] for her intrigue with Zeus was hunted by Hera
over the whole earth.”80 While the woman was also punished in the examples we
hold of adulterous forensic oratory, the man would also have suffered some form of
consequence. As these instances would have been considered severely immoral
and unjust by the court system and culture if they had actually happened, it is
evident that the majority of divine mythology was intended to differ from the moral
tones that were set for mortals in oratory and philosophy; therefore showing the gods
to be exempt from the human spectrum of morality. This therefore exempts all
examples such as the adultery of Zeus and death or injury of one caused through the
jealousy of another from any of my analysis.
A theme that continues down this path albeit from a slightly different angle has
been argued by Mijuskovic. In his hypothesis he discusses that the divine mythology
contained in epics such as those by Homer shows that a person or deity is admirable
rather than the individual acts that they commit.81 If this thought was developed then
it would be possible to include instances of a deity committing an immoral action
78
Hes. WD. 180-181.
79
Apollod. Bibl. 1.3.
80
Apollod. Bibl. 1.4.
81
Mijuskovic. 2007. p.136.
23
without this tainting the general morality of the character. For the sake of this
argument I am choosing to exclude most aspects of divine mythology.
The Connection of Folktale to Heroic Mythology
All narratives that are described under the umbrella heading of ‘folktale’ should not
be examined based on their moral status as at this early stage they are neither moral
nor immoral. This version of a plot cannot be moralistic 82 as it remains in a general
and simple form given that it is still in its original concept; 83 in order to advance to a
myth it must become integrated into the mythology of a culture. At this stage it will
then begin introducing locations and character backgrounds in order to finalise the
integration. For example the original folktale characters appeared in a variety of
forms ranging from stars to animals and mortal men.84 These Folktale narratives do
not identify any set protagonists but suggest a general theme that the characters
should follow. This would have made it easier for the folktale plot to be adopted into
different cultures but ensured all stories remained similar to each other and to the
original outline. For example, the myth of Lamia devouring the children of others in
her grief of losing her own child is similar to the Jewish version of Lilith where she is
seen seeking out the house of a new mother so she may devour her child. 85 This
similarity is not seen as much in divine mythology as the stories tend to keep the
focus around a particular deity and the establishment of their cult and place of
worship.
82
Lüthi. 1982. p.89.
83
See Halliday. 1927. p.78.
84
Kamenetsky. 1992. p.81.
85
Schwartz. 2007. p.224
24
In contrast is the subdivision of heroic mythology and epic which are both rife
with folktale narratives that had been given a historical reasoning for their inclusion in
Greek mythology, such as Odysseus’ trip from the Trojan War which identifies many
creatures and Greek locations before becoming integrated into oratory and
subsequent mythology. I am proposing that folktale should be seen as the original
groundwork for the subsequent genres of mythology and fairy-tale 86 rather than as a
separate genre.
As an example of this, I will look at the sirens as they are depicted in Homer’s
Odyssey, where they closely follow the folktale tales relating to mermaids rather than
their usual depiction in Greek mythology. The traditional narrative associated with
mermaids usually focuses on a sea traveller being led from his course by the
appearance of a beautiful woman sitting on a rock or ledge 87 who subsequently lures
him to his demise. This is seen in the relatively modern text of Die Lorelei by
Heinrich Heine which follows on from Clemens Brentano’s 1801 Zu Bacharach am
Rheine in which a beautiful young woman (a ‘Lorelai’) appears to be preening her
appearance atop a cliff edge causing sailors to forget the rocks and wreck their
boats. This appears to be closely connected with Homer’s interpretation of a siren in
his narrative of “the Sirens beguile him with their clear-toned song, as they sit in a
meadow, and about them is a great heap of bones of mouldering men.” 88
The mermaid narrative is an excellent example of how one motif can become
apparent at various intervals in the mythology of a different cultures; Sirens in Greek
heroic mythology are seen in 8th century BCE, the Irish legend of the ‘Moruachs’ 89
and the Germanic lore of the ‘Lorelai’ which are seen as late as 19 th century CE. This
86
See Halliday. 1927. p.3
87
Beck. c.1973. p.230.
88
Hom. Od. 12.44-45.
89
Lee. 2007. p.148.
25
shows that the same motif has been adopted into a variety of cultures, supporting my
argument that this amoral narrative serves the purpose of providing a generic tale
that can be then developed into an explanatory legend.
Morality in Mythology
Aristotle also described the existence of morality in mythology. He comments that
this is the result of “the more serious poets represented fine doings and the doings of
fine men, while those of a less exalted nature represented the actions of inferior
men,”90 which shows that morality was recognised in the genre in the 4 th century
BCE. As mythology is such a large topic I am choosing to focus my research
predominantly on heroic mythology, moralistic justice provided by deities and any
moral references made in connection with mythological animals.
i. Hero Worship
I have briefly touched upon the origins of heroic mythology with my research into
folktale narratives (see p.25-26). The creation of a detailed plot from the foundation
of a folktale narrative has created a subgenre of mythology I will reference as heroic
mythology. Its most common form follows the quest of a particular hero (a figure of
prominence in mythology) and as the narrative unfolds it serves as an introduction to
a number of other mythological characters with the culmination in a prominent
moment that is known throughout Greek culture. For example Homer’s Odyssey
follows Odysseus on his return from the Trojan War and highlights the existence of
the Sirens, the Lotus Eaters and Polyphemus to name just a few.
The main motif of a heroic myth follows a relatively set structure; a series of
trials are imposed on the protagonist (our hero) by an enemy who is predominantly
90
Arist. Poet. 1448b.
26
seen in the form of an authority figure. 91 In the later equivalent of mythology, the
fairy-tale, this antagonist is generally characterised as an evil stepparent. In heroic
mythology and epic the trial is usually imposed by a deity and the hero will receive a
reward upon its completion which ranges from love (e.g. Perseus and Andromeda)
or immortality (Heracles). Through the narrative, the antagonist may routinely disrupt
the trial or impose further difficulties.92 This same motif is seen through the storylines
of Perseus, Theseus and Heracles which all follow a similar narrative to each other.
As these are very similar I will choose to focus exclusively on Heracles as I believe
this best demonstrates the moral aspects.
Apollodorus’ account of the life and labours of Heracles is interesting as it
essentially follows the folktale narrative exactly, although the trials are imposed to
rectify the actions of a deity rather than being imposed by the deity herself. The
lineage of Heracles is first explained (Zeus and Alcmena) which gives cause for the
dispute with Hera that begins with “Hera desired the destruction of the babe and sent
two huge serpents to the bed…Heracles arose and killed the serpents by strangling
them with both his hands.”93 This applies to the narrative in an interesting way as
Hera is technically the step-mother of Heracles, fitting her into the folktale type of
“evil step-mother” as she remains the cause behind his subsequent quest. This
element also links back to my previous discussion on adultery in general and the
retribution of Hera (see p.23-34) against the conquests of Zeus, although this
example is focused on their resulting offspring. Heracles’ dispute with Hera caused
him to be “driven mad through the jealousy of Hera and flung his own children, whom
he had by Megara…into the fire; wherefore he condemned himself to exile. 94 This
91
Nilsson. 1949. p.51.
92
Nilsson. 1949. p.51.
93
Apollod. 2.4.8
94
Apollod. 2.4.12
27
section of the narrative exemplifies the moral action of voluntarily entering exile to be
cleaned from miasma after committing unintentional homicide thus providing another
example of a reference to forensic oratory. This same idea is also seen later in the
text with “the lad’s father pardoned Heracles; but Heracles wished, in accordance
with the law, to suffer the penalty of exile.”95 The Draconian law on unintentional
homicide is seen on fragment IG I3 104 and reads “Even if someone kills someone
without premeditation, he shall be exiled.” 96 If the killer received an aidesis from the
family of the victim then the case could be resolved without the need for exile;
however in this case Heracles chooses voluntary exile once again. Following his
initial purification Hercules is told of the quest, he must complete ten labours and he
will gain immortality as a reward, thus following the motif of a series of quests
followed by a reward (see p.25-26). Apollodorus details the trials of Heracles in great
detail and ends the quest with “it is said that a cloud passed under Heracles and with
a peal of thunder, wafted him up to heaven. Thereafter he gained immortality.” 97 This
is an example of a myth that would have been well known to the ancient Greeks and
makes several moral suggestions. Firstly is the idea that bravery is heavily rewarded.
The story of Heracles ends with both immortality and a marriage union with a deity;
both are ideas that fit into the folktale motif we have explored and both come as
rewards for his unwavering bravery. Secondly, there are constant legal references
through Bibliotheca to the importance of exile after a homicide and “suffer[ing] the
penalty” 98 in the text, thus reaffirming the element of justice and virtue. I believe
these links to reality are important as they would have been the most effective way of
95
96
Meiggs & Lewis. 1988. p.264
97
98
28
emphasising morality to the audience of the poetry in a way a purely mythical story
could not.
ii. Deities and Spirits in Religious Mythology
The following examples are interesting as they both feature heavily in the both
genres of mythology and tragedy, further emphasising the connection of the moral
ideals between the two. This is seen through the similar traits both genres share with
each other in their representation of moral religious characters. While I have chosen
to exclude divine mythology, for this subsection I am choosing to look at the
subgenre of religious mythology which as stated (see p.5) tells of a deity without the
establishment connection.
The erinyes appear in both tragedy and mythology in a very similar fashion.
Throughout both genres the furies are depicted as the spirits of vengeance and
punishment. 99 In tragedy they are described by Aeschylus with “look at them there:
like Gorgons, wrapped in sable garments, entwined with swarming snakes.” 100 The
furies of tragedy are focused on retribution for the actions of an individual; it is their
immoral conduct that then calls the erinyes to their location. For example in
Agamemnon Cassandra describes the moment she saw the furies through her
power of second sight,101 with “And so, gorged on human blood, so as to be the more
emboldened, a revel-rout of kindred furies haunts the house.” 102 The drinking of
human blood is not done with wicked intentions, but is to aid their vengeance against
those who were wronged.103 Their retribution against the conduct of others is seen
again with “In the end the black spirits of Vengeance bring to obscurity that one who
99
Brown. 1983. p.13.
100
Aesch. Lib. 1048.
101
Brown. 1983. p.14.
102
Aesch. Ag. 1187-1189.
103
Brown. 1983. p.14.
29
has prospered in unrighteousness and wear down his fortunes by reverse.” 104 This
particular extract from Agamemnon explicitly shows the connection between
immorality and the punishments that were described as being inflicted by the
erinyes. This play in particular also makes reference to the possibility of repentance
with “I say, he is packed with woes like this, he should sing the triumph-song of the
Avenging Spirits.”105 This is the only example of this idea that I have found during my
research, but it may show that should one commit an action that would be deemed
immoral by the furies, that he may then seek solace in his repentance in favour of
the deities in order to prevent any further punishment.
Mythology similarly shows the erinyes as the bringers of justice to the
immoral. This is seen with Homer “erinyes, that under earth, take vengeance on
men, whosoever hath sworn a false oath.”106 It is argued by Burkert that this does not
show them passing a judgement on an oath breaker but that they are the
personification of a self-curse from the breaking of the oath itself 107 Given the wealth
of evidence relating to the invocation of the furies, I have not found this to be wholly
correct. If they were merely the personification of a self-curse then Homer would not
continuously stress that any retribution from the erinyes may come from the curse of
another. I believe that the erinyes are predominantly brought by a curse, but that this
curse is what passes the judgement and the retribution comes in the form of the
actions that are carried out by the furies subsequent to this. However, an oath may
also factor in the detail that will invoke the retribution of the erinyes should it be
broken.
104
Aesch. Ag. 464-465.
105
Aesch. Ag. 644-645.
106
Hom. Il. 19.259-260.
107
Burkert. 1985. p.198.
30
By emphasising this retribution of the furies on those who make false oaths
and promises as well as those who act in a generally immoral way, we can
determine that their appearance was intended to carry a moralistic message to the
audience of both tragedy and mythology. This is particularly seen with the reference
in Homer’s Odyssey that the erinyes may be called on the invocation of another
against someone for their immoral behaviour. For example “for my mother as she
leaves the house will invoke the dread Avengers.” 108 Homer also includes a similar
theme in the Iliad with “cursed me mightily, and invoked the dire Erinyes…and the
gods fulfilled his curse.”109 By highlighting that the furies could also hear the pleas of
others, and make the chthonic deities act accordingly on the instruction of another it
shows that they were feared beings of vengeance who could also be brought at the
will of another which should then have inspired moral and upstanding behaviour.
Overall the furies are predominantly depicted in tragedy and mythology in the same
way, highlighting that their motif has been navigated to mythology in order to further
emphasise the same moralistic message.
As the main focus of this piece is the representation of morality in Greek
mythology it is important to include a discussion on the deity Nemesis. A vital
element of a study in morality is the giving of justice should someone commit either
an immoral or unlawful action. Nemesis was introduced by Hesiod in the 7 th century
BCE as a product of the asexual reproduction of Nyx, the goddess of night with;
“also deadly Night bore Nemesis (Indignation) to afflict mortal men.” 110 This quote
explicitly provides us with an initial link between the deity and the justice of mortals.
He later references her again in Works and Days with:
108
Hom. Od. 2.135.
109
Hom. Il. 9.454-458.
110
Hes. Theog. 223.
31
“And then Aidos and Nemesis, with their sweet forms wrapped in white robes,
will go from the wide-pathed earth and forsake mankind to join the company
of the deathless gods: and bitter sorrows will be left for mortal men, and there
will be no help against evil.”111
By representing Nemesis in such a way, Hesiod is showing her to be the only source
of divine protection for mortal men against the immorality of others. Stafford states
that her inclusion shows that an “ethical element [which was] otherwise lacking in
Greek and Roman religion.”112 While I do not wholly agree with this as my research
on morality has identified many other examples of ethical teachings in religious
mythology, I do support the idea that Nemesis was the sole example of a deity
associated with the justice against the immoral and the ensuring of virtuous
behaviour. It is evident (as discussed on pp.16-18) that in Athenian society anyone
thought to be guilty or an immoral or unlawful act would have been subjected to the
legal system, however in this subgenre of mythology the court system is not
referenced. Therefore in this mythological world; Nemesis would have acted as the
sole form of punishment. These references show that justice and morality are
prevalent in mythology as well as through the mediums of philosophy and forensic
oratory as otherwise there would be no need to reference Nemesis at all.
She also appears in tragedy through Aeschylus’ Prometheus Bound with
“Wise are they who do homage to Adrasteia.”113 The deity of Adrasteia has been
linked to Nemesis by Antimachus, who we learn through a summary given by Strabo
in Geography stated “There is a great goddess Nemesis…Adrastus first raised an
altar to her honour on the banks of the river Æsepus, where she is worshipped under
111
Hes. WD. 200-201.
112
Stafford. 2000. p.24.
113
Aesch. PB. 907.
32
the name of Adrasteia.””114
The reference connects Adrasteia to Nemesis but also shows us that Aeschylus had
portrayed her in a fearful manner and highlights that culturally people would have
worshipped her as an independent deity. Plato also makes a reference to Nemesis
with:
“Justice, as avenger of them that fall short of the divine law; and she, again, is
followed by every man who would fain be happy, cleaving to her with lowly
and orderly behaviour.”115
This extract highlights that her followers may have done so out of fear of
repercussions should they not but also that she inspired moral conduct just as a
divine idea of retribution. Plato also makes a further connection between Nemesis
and family relations, stressing that she observed the behaviour of family members
with one another.116 These representations from tragedy and mythology are further
evidenced in Plato’s moral philosophy and portray Nemesis as an avenging deity for
a variety of injustices thus showing once again that mythology is interlinked with all
of these other genres through an interlinking system of their discussions of morality.
iii. Moralistic References Mythological Creatures
It is not just the divine or heroes that are connected with morality in ancient Greek
literature and poetry. Animals that appear in mythology are may also be subject to
moralistic values and appearances.
A griffin appears in Greek mythology in a number of different ways. Herodotus
references them as “the griffins that guard gold” 117 and again with “it is from the
114
Strabo. 13.1.13.
115
Pl. Laws. 4.716a.
116
Mikalson. 2010. p.38.
117
Hdt. 4.13.1.
33
Issedones that the tale comes of the one-eyed men and the griffins that guard
gold.”118 Both of these examples highlight that their use in mythology was in
connection to the guardianship of wealth, with the latter quote focusing on their origin
outside of Greek mythology that had then been adapted into Greek stories in a
similar way to the idea of a neutral folktale motif that we explored earlier (see p.25-
26. These creatures are initially described as “These four-footed birds as large as a
wolf, their legs and claws resembling those of a lion; their breast feathers are red,
those of the rest of the body black”119 in Ctesias’ Indica as summarised by Photius.
This description is then related back to the guarding of wealth with “Although there is
[an] abundance of gold in the mountains, it is difficult to get it because of these
birds.”120 This extract should then be considered against my previous example of
Hesiod’s Works and Days (see p.13-15) discussion of receiving gold immorally. As
the griffins were originally known in Greek mythology to protect gold and general
wealth against outsiders, then I believe that this protection was also against those
who were immoral as they would be one and the same. For example if we follow
Hesiod’s view on morality, then no moral person would attempt to steal the wealth of
another so they were only needed in order to protect against those who turned to
theft. The extracts by Ctesias date to the 5th century BCE, although the text of
Photius where we have received this summary is dated to the 9 th century AD as the
original text has been lost. Unfortunately this makes it difficult to rely on the text for
fear it has been tainted with the Orthodox views of Photius. However the reference
does explicitly state that it is a summary of the other text so we are only able to
assume that it remains a correct likeness.
118
Hdt. 4.27.1.
119
Myriobiblon. 72.
120
Myriobiblon. 72.
34
Another example in mythology of the use of a creature to represent a
particular moral standard is the kentauri. Unlike the griffins that represent justice; the
centaurs personify immorality and drunkenness which provides the unusual
exemplary attitude of the actions that should not be emulated in civilised society.
Fragment 166 by Pindar highlights this immorality with:
“When the Pheres [Centaurs] came to know the man-subduing blast of honey-
sweet wine, they quickly pushed the white milk away from the tables with their
hands and, spontaneously drinking from the silver drinking-horns, began to
lose their sense.” 121
This same drinking motif of the kentauri is highlighted repeatedly throughout the
Odyssey. For example “Wine it was that darkened the wits of Eurytion the Kentauros
in the palace of bold Perithoos.”122 Homer also goes on to say “but it was Eurytion
first of all who brought chastisement on himself by his drunkenness.” 123 These three
examples all include over indulgent drinking which I believe was referenced to
exemplify immoral behaviour that would not have been tolerated in ancient Greek
society. This highlights that the centaurs were not a well-liked creature in literature
which should be seen as a representation of the attitudes of the ancient culture, as if
they were well-received they would not have been seen as the subject of such
immorality. Therefore, any actions attributed to them should be seen as a
representation of how not to act.
The kentauri are best represented in the works of Homer and Apollodorus
with a particular focus on the marriage between Perithoos and Hippodameia. This is
alluded to with:
121
Pindar. Fragment 166.
122
Hom. Od. 21.293.
123
Hom, Od. 21.293.
35
“Wine is many a man’s undoing, when he gulps his draught and will never
drink discreetly. Wine it was that darkened the wits of Eurytion the Kentauros
in the palace of bold Perithoos.”124
Homer describes the wedding event in slightly more detail in the Iliad with:
“He whom glorious Hippodameia bore to Perithoos on that day when he
wreaked vengeance on the hairy beast-men and drove them from Pelion and
hurled them against the Aithikes.”125
This event re-emphasises the connection to drinking, and provides us with a well-
defined example of immoral behaviour. Apollodorus expands on this with:
“Perithous was courting Hippodameia, he gave a banquet for the Kentauroi
because they were related to her; but they, unused to wine, drank too much
too fast and got drunk, and when the bride was ushered in they tried to rape
her.”126
Overall these references of the wedding highlight the drinking and lewd behaviour
associated with the kentauri which is condemned by the deities. I believe this would
have provided the ancient Greeks with an exemplary of what behaviour would not be
tolerated in their society.
The conquest of a drakon was a very common motif throughout folktale; with
the protagonist (who is usually the hero of that particular epic) rescuing a prominent
maiden from a dragon-like creature towards the end of his quest. This motif can be
popularly characterised with the modern day ‘damsel in distress’ story and
predominantly culminates with the hero gaining the love of the maiden that he has
124
Hom. Od. 21.293.
125
Hom. Il. 2.742.
126
Apollod. Bibl. 1.21.
36
rescued and a later share of the kingdom she inherits. This is seen in popular
folklore such as that of Saint George in The Golden Legend127 as well as ancient
Greek mythology with Cadmus’ slaying of the “Aonian dragon” 128 although the latter
shows Cadmus’ journey to the rescue of Europa. The drakon are not described
identically through each of their folklore appearances, with the ancient Greek
interpretations largely revolving around the idea of a large serpent. An example of
this is seen with the appearance of Hydra who is described as “That creature, bred in
the swamp of Lerna…had a huge body, with nine heads.” 129 While this does not fit
into the modern day interpretation of a dragon, these creatures would most certainly
have been the ancient Greek equivalent and show minor similarities that show this is
their origin, such as their reptilian appearance. Gorgon Medusa and her slaying by
Perseus before his marriage to Andromeda can also be included in this motif as she
is described under “the serpent-cinctured Gorgons.” 130 The morals of these fictions
are based around the male protagonist and his valiant attempts to protect the
maiden. This is a theme that dramatically gained prominence in medieval literature,
particularly that of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s 1136 work Historia Regum Britanniae
which documents the origins of the legend of King Arthur. While medieval literature
would label this as chivalry, in ancient Greece it was more commonly regarded as
bravery. This is referenced by Aristotle’s with “it is on account of pleasure that we do
bad things and on account of the pain that we abstain from nobles ones.” 131 As those
examples of heroic mythology suggest; there is always a very real risk of death
during these trials for the protagonist. Thereby in actively seeking the danger in
return for the safety of a maiden would have been the noble choice and therefore the
127
De Voragine. 2012. pp.238-242.
128
Ap.Rhod. Argon. 3.1179.
129
Apollod. 2.5.2.
130
PB. 827.
131
Arist. Eth Nic. 1104b.
37
virtuous and moral response to the challenge ahead. Due to this, I strongly feel that
the appearance and subsequent slaying of a drakon in heroic mythology should be
seen as an example of moralistic behaviour.
Fables as an Exemplum of Moral Behaviour
i. Fables
The best definition of a fable that we have comes from Theon’s Progymnasmata who
describes the genre as “fable is a fictitious narration that portrays reality.” 132 This
wonderfully vague statement encapsulates the very basis of fable; it is a created
narration that features either a human or animal protagonist and usually shows a
realistic situation with a description of what the moral outcome should be.
The basic outline that a story followed in order to be identifiable as a fable,
comprised of a brief description of the time and place of an event at the outset as
well as a subtle introduction of the protagonist. The narrative then explains a
132
Zafiropoulos. 2001. p.1.
38
particular choice made by this character, for example in The Fox and the Monkey (H.
23)133 the story shows a monkey succumbing to a trap laid by the fox which leads to
his capture. The tale then closed with the outcome of this choice which usually told
of the moral outcome of said action. There may have been a closing statement
alongside this which would have stood in a semi-independent capacity from the main
body of the story and served as an explicit message as to what the moralistic
message was. For example the main text of fable H. 21 states “The fishermen were
depressed because they had caught nothing, but suddenly a large tuna jumped into
the boat: they took it to town and immediately sold it.” 134 This is then followed with the
closing statement of “The epimythium talks of Fortune.” 135 This statement is not
necessary to determine whether or not the fable was discussing fortune; that much
was evident from the text. However it is in place to ensure the reader draws their
conclusion from the text correctly. The appearance of this statement does not
exclusively define whether or not the narration is a fable, for example Hesiod’s
Works and Days contains no such moral lesson. However this particular style of
fabulist writing is visible in a number of fables attributed to the Classical period. In
later collections of text, the moral closing statement occasionally differs from the
moral inferred in the narrative due to later authors showing the message they wished
the reader to draw without taking the time to rewrite this into the main body of the
fable and thus change the actual theme. Due to this it is not possible to successfully
use the closing remarks of fables enclosed in collections of text such as the
Augustana collection.
133
Adrados. 2003. p.110.
134
Adrados. 2003. p.31.
135
Adrados. 2003. p.31.
39
The modern ideology of a fable comes from La Fontaine in the 17 th century136
whose work primarily revolved around a moralistic animal story with a few minor
occasions that involved a human protagonist. In ancient Greece a traditional fable
was not necessarily based around animals and showed human interaction in a much
more predominant way. This heavily moralistic nature of the genre of fable meant
that philosophers were known to have included them within their oratory in the same
way that they used mythology, to successfully illustrate their point in a semi-relatable
setting. This is interestingly not too far removed from the original use of a fable which
functioned as an argument in which the creator transforms their moralistic opinion
into a moralistic argument.137 Aristotle highlighted that there are commonly two forms
of evidence used in any rhetoric reasoning, 138 an example which may consist of a
real event or a fictional narrative such as a fable and an enthymeme. This fable
would then have been used to illustrate the main point of the rhetoric’s argument.
This method can be seen with Aristotle’s description of Aesop using a fable to
influence public opinion.139
There has been some discussion regarding the use of fables as a persuasive
tools in other areas of thought with Zafiropoulos commenting that a variety of ancient
sources indicate that fables may have been used in forensic oratory and deliberative
debates.140 While he is unable to provide any evidence to corroborate this statement
and I have been unable to find evidence of this in my research, it does provide us
with an interesting idea. If fables were used in rhetorical arguments then it does
seem plausible that they could have been used in forensic oratory in order to convey
whatever immoral behaviour the speaker was wishing to condemn. This brings us
136
Adrados. 1999. p.3.
137
Hunt. 2009. p.371.
138
Holzberg. c2002. p.11.
139
Holzberg. c2002. p.11.
140
Zafiropoulos 2001. p.16
40
back to the previous point of Aristotle using them as examples through his work
indicating that he was under the opinion that fables should be used in a public forum
to show a point; rather than merely as an educational tool. If this was the case then
the story could be adapted so that the final moral message suited the argument of
the speaker in the same way as a previous case or historical fact (see p.16 and the
use of the reign of the Thirty Tyrants) could be used to demonstrate this same idea.
A fable would have been much more affective as it would have narrated a moral
message to the court at the same time.
Power is represented in animalistic fables as a strong and predatory animal
that alternates between a lion, eagle or a hawk. All three animals are considered to
be powerful hunters and relate directly to their representations in works such as
Homer’s. They are described for example, as “two dread lions” in the Iliad.141
However in contrast to the traditional representation which we assume is positive,
the powerful animals of the fables are usually seen to be unsuccessful in their
pursuits in the later fables. Earlier fables do not appear to hold the same bias, the
moralistic Works and Days tells of the ‘Hawk and the Nightingale’. Hesiod states “He
is a fool who tries to withstand the stronger, for he does not get the mastery and
suffers pain besides his shame.”142 Later fables do not look kindly on an animal that
succeeds to a victory that is due to a dependency on brute strength. Their victory is
predominantly seen as a criticism of the intelligence of the weaker party rather than
as a true celebration of the victor. 143 For example The Snake, the Weasel and the
Mice (H. 212)144 tells of the intelligence of the mice which led to their escape during a
fight between the two predators. While this theme dominates all later fables, it does
141
Il. 18.579
142
WD. 210
143
Adrados. 1999. p.158
144
Adrados.
41
not deny the existence of the initial power of the strong antagonist. Instead the
moralistic message comes from the acceptance of the weaker character, usually the
protagonist, that unless they use their perceived weaknesses to their advantage they
will suffer their own ruin.
Eagles are later seen as evil characters in later fables although this opinion
was predominantly seen in Akkadian culture with the myth of Anzû and it is
reasonable to assume may have originated there. Similarly a snake is regularly
depicted with an emphasis on its wicked and deceptive nature; a trait that has also
been carried through to mythology. As previously explored (see p.38-39), the drakon
is represented as a large serpent in Greek mythology and is commonly accompanied
by the folktale motif of the hero overcoming the serpent in order to rescue the
heroine and gain her love and the leadership of her kingdom.
ii. Mythological Fables
Through Greek literature there is a strong connection between mythology and fables,
with many mythological tales concealing a fabulist idea or message through them in
order to show morality. While I have already discussed moral ideas through
mythology I would now like to focus on the fables that are evidenced in mythological
tales. The first example of this is seen in the story of Orpheus and Eurydice where
the chthonic deities agree to provide Orpheus with his wife on the condition that he
should not look back until they are free from the Underworld. The popular version
that is usually referenced originates from Ovid’s Metamorphoses.145 However there is
an earlier Greek reference to this popular tale in Plato’s Symposium. It reads:
145
Ovid. Met. 10.1-85.
42
“Orpheus…they sent back with failure from Hades, showing him only a wraith
of the woman for whom he came; her real self they would not bestow, for he
was accounted to have gone upon a coward’s quest.” 146
This interesting wording shows that the predominant reason for his wife not being
returned to him was his cowardly way of breaking the agreement with the deities, 147
thus ensuring that his immorality cost him the promised reward. This story follows
the outline of a fable; there is an opening line of “In this manner even the gods give
special honour to zeal and courage in concerns of love.” 148 This provides a reference
to the previously mentioned virtue of courage (see p.29). The action is then narrated
in the form of Orpheus return from the Underworld and the fable closes with the
reason for his failure, which serves as the moral message.
There are similar moral fables in tales such as Apollodorus’ Icarus. Epitome
opens with “Daedalus constructed wings for himself and his son…he took to flight,
neither to fly high, lest the glue should melt in the sun and the wings should drop
off”.149 This provides the opening action of the fable. Apollodorus continues with “But
the infatuated Icarus, disregarding his father’s injunctions, soared ever higher, till, the
glue melting, he fell into the sea…and perished. 150 This very small moralistic
message serves as a fable for the message of respecting either your parents or
elders in the community otherwise the narration would not have included this
reference to the disregarding of advice. Unlike the previously mentioned tale of
Orpheus, there is no statement of the message at the end but it should still be seen
as a moralist fable found in the genre of fable and an exemplary of human vice. 151
146
Pl. Symp. 179d.
147
Bacon. 1803. p.34.
148
Pl. Symp. 179d.
149
Apollod. Epit. 1.12.
150
Apollod. Epit. 1.13.
151
Holzberg. c2002. p.18
43
Hesiod’s ‘The Races of Men’ (not-H. 26) in Works and Days describes the
creation of mortal men by the deities, with each race before them suffering some
form of moral flaw that brought about their own destruction. 152 This fable stands out
from the rest of Works and Days as it provides a very detailed exemplary about the
immoral actions of each race that angered the gods and therefore what should be
avoided by the present race of men in order to live harmoniously and away from
divine retribution. For example “they could not keep from sinning and from wronging
one another…then Zeus the son of Cronos was angry and put them away.” 153 This
piece is an example of a mythological fable as it gives an explicit moral message but
still remains in the genre of mythology due its close association with the gods.
Adrados in his extensive work on fables has highlighted that fables were the
popular counterpart to mythology and during the 4 th and 5th centuries BCE would
have been told to wide audiences at events such as banquets and festivals. 154
Because of this widespread popularity it would be reasonable to assume that this
was why the moralistic messages told in mythology had descended into a more
fabulist style than the epics of Homer.
The identification of mythological aspects in fable once again interlinks all the
genres together in their representation of morality with it playing a dominant role in
the telling and subsequent uses of fable.
152
Hes. WD. 110-202.
153
Hes. WD. 134-140.
154
44
Conclusion
At the beginning of this essay I stated that my overall aims for my research were to
highlight the existence of morality in the genres of fable, tragedy and mythology. This
was done through ancient Greek literature, poetry, moral philosophy and forensic
oratory and identifies that morality was a strong factor in the subject matter.
On the completion of this research I can clarify that the representations of
morality held a tremendous effect over the individual elements of the mythological
poetry of Homer, Apollodorus and particularly Hesiod. I have also identified multiple
instances of its existence within the topic of the use of magic in tragedy as well as
the extent of the representation of this morality in fable. I am particularly interested in
my findings surrounding the sub-genre of mythological fable as it appears to be
interlinked to both genres. Hesiod’s Works and Days is a particularly strong example
of this morality in mythological fable, however the text also includes other genres.
This includes the fabulist message of ‘The Hawk and the Nightingale’ which is a
perfect example of a Classical fable. There is a different technique and moralistic
message found in each of the stories in his Work’s and Days while the heavy
45
inclusion of Greek deities ensures it retains the connection to mythology. Hesiod’s
continuous moralistic message throughout helps to cement this sub-genre. The
extensive research of Adrados into fabulist narrative has highlighted that during both
the 5th and 4th centuries BCE, the fable had replaced mythology as a source of
entertainment at events with wide audiences which I believe is the most important
reason behind their close connection. 155
The individual element of moral philosophy that I found to be the most
important to my research was the distinction between the definitions of Aristotle and
Plato over the attitude behind a moral decision. Republic shows Plato stating “the
just man will not allow the three elements which make up his inward self to trespass
on each other’s functions or interfere with each other”, 156 which shows a distinct
thought process that Plato’s version of a moral citizen must hold. We know from this
quote, that Plato’s moral individual will consider the options and then choose the
decision that is closest to the good. Aristotle has a similar definition to this with his
clarification that he felt a moral action was “a mean between two vices, the one
involving excess, the other deficiency…hence it is no easy task to be good.” 157 While
the basic idea is essentially the same as Plato’s, Aristotle describes the moral choice
being the ‘mean’ between the vices; rather than the solely good option. I have found
this distinction fascinating as they both use very similar, if not the same, sources to
come to this conclusion and mirror their findings in their use of mythology and fable
however the rationale behind what a moral decision actually is, differs slightly
between the two philosophers.
155
156
Pl. Rep. 5.443d.
157
46
As I mentioned on p.11-12, I found my main difficulty with this research into
the existence of morality to be the lack of concrete evidence from the process of
ancient moral paideia. However the literary evidence that we do have shows that
there are clear similarities between moral philosophy and the texts used for
educational purposes in general Alexandrian education. On these tablets there is
evidence of mythological texts which show that these poems were in fact used for
educational purposes and I believe my research into the genres of heroic mythology
and the sub-genre of religious myth have solidly identified that morality was a clear
motif throughout both of these. This shows that at least on some level, there is a
strong likelihood that mythological narratives were used to showcase moral
education.
The adoption of a folktale motif into mythology shows that if there was an
addition of either historical or cultural material (commonly connected with the
development of prominent figures or locations) that morals were also usually
introduced at this stage also. For example, a narrative that follows a hero motif
shows a representation of bravery which can be shown under the ‘conscious
decision to be good’ that we have identified in the moral teachings of Plato and
Aristotle. Nemesis was a particularly important element of morality in all aspects of
mythology as she is sole deity who is explicitly referenced by both ancient and
modern scholars as being the bringer of retribution against immoral individuals. 158
I also found the connection between forensic oratory and the use of magic in
tragedy to be particularly interesting as the two genres could not be further removed
from one another at first glance. Forensic oratory has provided us with an excellent
way to determine what the popular moral opinions would have been at the time,
158
See Stafford and Homer?
47
given that it is based around the unlawful actions that were condemned by the legal
system. While tragedy is a fictional narrative; it appears to have adopted many of the
ideas that are found in forensic oratory that hold a connection to magic, its use and
has been developed in response as a moral lesson. Tragedy also holds a close
connection to mythology, as many prominent mythological figures and creatures
appear in the narrative. For example, Sophocles’ Women of Trachis shows a
similarity to Apollodorus’ telling of the death of Heracles. This is an important aspect
for my research question as it highlights a technique that shows the close connection
between tragedy and mythology; as well as providing a way for the audience to
experience the moral lessons of both genres in one tale.
In summary, I believe that I have successfully shown that morality was a huge
factory in the mythology of Homer, Hesiod and Apollodorus. I am also confident that I
have provided evidence that morals were an important element in the use of magic
in tragedy through an interlinked system given that each genre appears to share
important elements to make a moral point. There is still much research to be done as
all of these genres are much larger than the small section I was able to focus my
research on. I believe that the natural progression of this research would be to focus
on further elements of mythology outside of the heroic section as well as identifying if
there are any other deities involved in divine retribution aside from Nemesis.
Word Count: 12,593
48
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Devon Allen – The University of Leeds – MA Classical Studies - September 2014 to August 2015

To What Extent is Morality a Factor in the Literary

Classical Studies Dissertation

Getty Centre, Museum West Pavilion. Gallery W201.

Chapter Page Number

2. Greek Moral Philosophy and Education 7

i. Aristotle and Plato 7

ii. Moral Education 10

iii. Works and Days 13

3. Forensic Oratory as a Moral Tool 16

4. The Inclusion of Morals in the Magical Examples of Tragedy 19

5. The Appearance of Morality in Divine Mythology 23

6. The Connection Between Folktale and Heroic Mythology 25

ii. Deities and Spirits in Religious Mythology 30

iii. Moralistic References with Mythological Creatures 35

8. Fables as an Exemplum of Moral Behaviour 40

ii. Fables in Mythology 44

To What Extent is Morality a Factor in the Literary Genre of Fable, in the

theorems to a wider audience2 in a way they believed to be more widely accepted

morality) and Sewell-Rutter’s Guilt by Descent: Moral Inheritance and Decision

individual chapter in Nussbaum’s The Cambridge Companion to Greek and Roman

Philosophy.3 As I unfortunately am unable to cover the whole of literature in this

mythology, tragedy and fable as I believe these to be the most relevant to my

so I am aware of the ideas to recognise in my research. In this chapter I will also

consider through Hesiod’s Works and Days.

highlighted examples of similar themes through mythology and tragedy with a

fictional genre and whether or not it kept the same ideals.

mythology should then be subdivided into establishment myth (literature which

particular location).5 Heroic mythology is commonly referenced in comparison with

the branches of heroic mythology as well as the sub-branch of religious myth as I

behind being identified in such a capacity.

closely related, particularly as there is a separate element of mythological fables I

education in ancient Greece was considered to be especially important and drew on

in what, I hope, is seen to be done through an interlinked system.

Greek Moral Philosophy and Education

i. Aristotle & Plato

arguably influenced by Socrates. Kofman comments on these similarities with

subservience of men. For example:

making one of the gods better?”8

Euthyphro and Republic, it is reasonable to assume that this connection to morality

moral action. In order to find this we must look at Aristotle.

is an interesting point as it shows that Aristotle was defining morality as a series of

the conscious consideration of the morality of an action before it is committed, Plato

and immoral as described by Aristotle. This is supported in Meno with a virtue

Plato’s Republic introduces Thrasymachus, a character who contradicts all

is punished as a lawbreaker and “wrongdoer.”” 18

This is particularly interesting as if it is seen in connection with the quotation from

consequences should these values not be upheld. For instance:

ii. Moral Education

whether virtue can be taught, or is acquired by practice?” 27 Socrates responds with

moral values were taught in education as a form of knowledge, as well as a practical

guide of how to grow into an exemplary citizen of the polis.

Unfortunately there are very few archaeological examples remaining of the

archaeological evidence of Greek moral paideia, these Alexandrian texts show

evidence of both Homer31 and Xenophon.32 It is unlikely that the Alexandrian

should assume some degree of similarity as to the choice of teaching material. As I

while there is no direct evidence of moral teachings in these archaeological remains;

some form of moralistic training.

on an unsavoury message to children during their paideia, a topic of importance for

him.35 For example:

the subject for them of stories.”36

message within it.

iii. Works and Days