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DIPHTHONGS IN INLAND TERENGGANU MALAY:

SYNCHRONY AND DIACHRONY

JIANG WU
LEIDEN UNIVERSITY
J.WU.11@HUM.LEIDENUNIV.NL / J.WU.720@GMAIL.COM

THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL WORKSHOP ON MALAY VARIETIES


TOKYO, 1ST DECEMBER 2019
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OUTLINE

¡  Introduction
v  Inland Terengganu Malay (ITM)
v  Previous studies
v  Research questions
v  Data

¡  A synchronic account of diphthongs in the ITM phonology


¡  Diachronic development of diphthongs in ITM
¡  Summary
2
INLAND TERENGGANU MALAY

¡  Malayic, Austronesian
¡  Hulu Terengganu district,
Terengganu
¡  Also known as Ulu
Terengganu Malay

3
INLAND TERENGGANU MALAY

Map1: The spread of Malayic varieties (Adelaar 2005: 203)


INLAND TERENGGANU MALAY

¡  Malayic, Austronesian
¡  Ulu Terengganu district,
Terengganu
¡  Also known as Ulu
Terengganu Malay
¡  About 150 villages in total,
mostly along rivers
¡  Number of speakers?
¡  Probably endangered
5
PREVIOUS STUDIES

¡  Diphthongisation of historical high vowels *i and *u in final


syllables (Collins 1983, 1986, 1996)

¡  Dialect survey of 62 villages


¡  Great diversity
¡  Most data remain unpublished

6
7
(Collins 1983: 45)
8
(Collins 1983: 45)
(Collins 1983: 47)

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RESEARCH QUESTIONS

¡  Synchronically:
v  How many phonetically distinctive diphthongs does one
particular variety have?
v  How many phonemic diphthongs?

10
RESEARCH QUESTIONS

¡  Synchronically:
v  How many phonetically distinctive diphthongs does one
particular variety have?
v  How many phonemic diphthongs?

¡  Diachronically:
v  (they developed from historical high vowels *i and *u)
v  What were the conditions and constraints in the process of
diphthongisation that generated the synchronic pattern?

11
DATA

¡  Four-week fieldwork in Ulu


Terengganu from September
– October 2018
¡  Primarily in Kampung Dusun,
Mukim Jenagur
¡  Coordinate: 5.0753,
102.9526
¡  Additional data from
Kampung Tanjung Baru and
Payang Kayu
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A SYNCHRONIC ACCOUNT OF DIPHTHONGS
IN THE DUSUN PHONOLOGY

Diphthon
Example Gloss Diphthong Example Gloss
g
[ɛi̯] [apɛi̯] ‘fire’ [əʊ̯] [batəʊ̯] ‘stone’
[æɛ̯] [putæɛ̯h] ‘white [ɐɔ̯] [idɐɔ̯ŋ] ‘nose’
[ɪi̯] [kulɪi̯ʔ] ‘skin’ [ɵu̯] [ikɵu̯ʔ] ‘to follow’
[ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] [laŋɛ̃ɪ̯̃ʔ] ‘sky’ [ə̃ʊ̯̃] [bunə̃ʊ̯̃h] ‘to kill’

13
A SYNCHRONIC ACCOUNT OF DIPHTHONGS
IN THE DUSUN PHONOLOGY

Diphthon
Example Gloss Diphthong Example Gloss
g
[ɛi̯] [apɛi̯] ‘fire’ [əʊ̯] [batəʊ̯] ‘stone’
[æɛ̯] [putæɛ̯h] ‘white [ɐɔ̯] [idɐɔ̯ŋ] ‘nose’
[ɪi̯] [kulɪi̯ʔ] ‘skin’ [ɵu̯] [ikɵu̯ʔ] ‘to follow’
[ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] [laŋɛ̃ɪ̯̃ʔ] ‘sky’ [ə̃ʊ̯̃] [bunə̃ʊ̯̃h] ‘to kill’

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DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)

other non-nasal
nasal
12
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

¡  [ɛi̯]
only occurs in open syllables, after non-nasals or ∅ (rare),
e.g. [apɛi̯] ‘fire’, [mãtɛi̯] ‘to die’, [buɛi̯]~[buwɛi̯] ‘to give’.

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯]
other non-nasal [ɛi̯]
nasal
16
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

¡  [æɛ̯]
only occurs in closed syllables, after non-nasals or ∅ (rare),
e.g. [tasæɛ̯ʔ] ‘lake’, [kucæɛ̯ŋ] ‘cat’, [putæɛ̯h] ‘white’, and
[buæɛ̯h]~[buwæɛ̯h] ‘foam’.
Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]

other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]


nasal
17
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

¡  [ɪi̯]
only occurs in closed syllables, after non-nasals, e.g. [kulɪi̯ʔ]
‘skin’, [ssəkɪi̯ŋ] ‘poor’.

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]
[æɛ̯]
other non-nasal [ɛi̯]
[ɪi̯]
nasal 18
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

¡  [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]
only occurs in closed syllables, after nasals, e.g. [kunɛ̃ɪ̯̃ŋ]
‘yellow’, [bənɛ̃ɪ̯̃h] ‘seed’.

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]
[æɛ̯]
other non-nasal [ɛi̯]
[ɪi̯]
nasal [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] 19
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]
[æɛ̯]
other non-nasal [ɛi̯]
[ɪi̯]
nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

20
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]
[æɛ̯]
other non-nasal [ɛi̯]
[ɪi̯]
nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

21
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]
[æɛ̯]
other non-nasal [ɛi̯]
[ɪi̯]~[i]
nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]
¡  [ɪi̯]~[i]
e.g. [kulɪi̯ʔ]~[kuliʔ] ‘skin’
[kutɪi̯ʔ]~[kutiʔ] ‘to pinch’ 22
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]

other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]


nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

23
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]

other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]


nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

24
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]

other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]


nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

25
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]

other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]


nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

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PHONEME AND ALLOPHONIC VARIATIONS

Closed
¡  /ɛi/ → [ɛi̯] / __ # Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
→ [æɛ̯] / C[-nasal] __ C#
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]
→ [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] / C[+nasal] __ C#
other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]

nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

¡  Phonotactic costraint:
v  /ɛi/ does not occur in open syllables after nasals
27
PHONEME AND ALLOPHONIC VARIATIONS

Closed
¡  /ɛi/ → [ɛi̯] / __ # Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
→ [æɛ̯] / C[-nasal] __ C#
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]
→ [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] / C[+nasal] __ C# [æɛ̯]
other non-nasal [ɛi̯]
[ɪi̯]~[i]
nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

¡  Phonotactic costraint:
v  /ɛi/ does not occur in open syllables after nasals
28
PHONEME AND ALLOPHONIC VARIATIONS

Closed
¡  /ɛi/ → [ɛi̯] / __ # Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
→ [æɛ̯] / C[-nasal] __ C#
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]
→ [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] / C[+nasal] __ C# [æɛ̯]
other non-nasal [ɛi̯]
[ɪi̯]~[i]
¡  /i/ → [ɪi̯]~[i] / C __ C#
nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]
→ [ĩ] / C[+nasal] __ #
→ [i] / elsewhere
¡  Phonotactic costraint:
v  /ɛi/ does not occur in open syllables after nasals
29
v  /i/ does not occur in closed syllables after nasals
PHONEME AND ALLOPHONIC VARIATIONS

Closed
¡  /əʊ/ → [əʊ̯] / __ # Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
→ [ɐɔ̯] / C[-nasal] __ C#
∅ [əʊ̯] [ɐɔ̯̯]
→ [ə̃ʊ̯̃] / C[+nasal] __ C# [ɐɔ̯]
other non-nasal [əʊ̯]
[ɵu̯]~[u]
¡  /u/ → [ɵu̯]~[u] / C __ C# nasal – [ə̃ʊ]̯̃
→ [ũ] / C[+nasal] __ #
→ [u] / elsewhere
¡  Phonotactic costraint:
v  /əʊ/ does not occur in open syllables after nasals
30
v  /u/ does not occur in closed syllables after nasals
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]

other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]


nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

31
DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed
Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ,
ʔ)
∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]

other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]


nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

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HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF DIPHTHONGS

¡  All diphthongs in ITM developed from historical final-syllable


high vowels *i and *u
¡  Historical diphthongs were reduced:
Proto Malayic *pulaw > pulɔ ‘island’
Proto Malayic *lantay > lata ‘floor’

33
HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF DIPHTHONGS

¡  All diphthongs in ITM developed from historical final-syllable


high vowels *i and *u
¡  Historical diphthongs were reduced:
Proto Malayic *pulaw > pulɔ ‘island’
Proto Malayic *lantay > lata ‘floor’

¡  What determined the various outcomes of diphthongisation?


¡  Did all historical final-syllable *i and *u undergo
diphthongisation? 34
HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF DIPHTHONGS

¡  Collins (1996: 34):


‘... hanya suku kata terbuka membenarkan diftongisasi.
Dengan istilah suku kata terbuka dimasksudkan suka kata
yang berakhir dengan [h] (daripada *q) dan [ʔ] (daripada *k)
atau kesenyapan asal. Oleh itu, inovasi diftongisasi Ulu
Terengganu berlaku sebelum *t dan *p berubah menjadi [ʔ]
dan juga sebelum *s berubah menjadi [h]. ’

35
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

Ø
*-ʔ

-ʔ *-k
*-p
*-t
*-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
*-m
*-h
-h
*-s
*-r
Ø 36
*-l
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø 37
*-l
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø 38
*-l
PM Dusun Gloss
*dahi > dai ‘forehead

*baik > baiʔ ‘good’
*kait > ŋŋaiʔ ‘to knit’
*tiup > tiuʔ ‘to blow’
*tahu > tauŋ ‘year’ *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM
n *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
*jauh > jauh ‘far’ *-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r 39
i/u ? Ø
*-l
PM Dusun Gloss
*air > ai ‘water’
*paŋɡil > paŋɡi ‘to call’
*ikur > iku ‘tail’
*tumpu > tupu ‘dull, blunt’
l
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r 40
i/u ? Ø
*-l
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø 41
*-l
PM Dusun Gloss
*api > apɛi ‘fire’
*mati > matɛi ‘to die’
*duɣiʔ > duɣɛi ‘thorn’
*batu > batəʊ ‘stone’
*kuku > kukəʊ ‘nail’
*da͏ɡu > daɡəʊ ‘chin’ *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM
ʔ ɛi/əʊ Ø

*-ʔ
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r 42
i/u ? Ø
*-l
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø 43
*-l
PM Dusun Gloss
*tasik > tasæɛʔ ‘lake’
*daɡiŋ > daɡæɛ ‘meat’
ŋ
*putih > putæɛh ‘white’
*adiʔ > adæɛʔ ‘younger
siblings’ *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM
*dudu > dudɐɔʔ ‘to sit’ *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
k *-ʔ
*-ʔ
*hiduŋ > idɐɔŋ ‘nose’ æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
*tujuh > tujɐɔh ‘seven’ ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r 44
i/u ? Ø
*-l
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø 45
*-l
PM Dusun Gloss
*kulit > kulɪiʔ~kuliʔ ‘skin’
*cincin > cicɪiŋ~ciciŋ ‘ring’
*nipis > nipɪiç~nipiç ‘thin’
*hidup > idɵuʔ~iduʔ ‘to live’
*jarum > jaɣɵuŋ~jaɣ ‘needle’
uŋ *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM
*tikus > tikɵuh~tiku ‘rat’ ɛi/əʊ Ø

h *-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r 46
i/u ? Ø
*-l
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø 47
*-l
PM Dusun Gloss
*laŋit > laŋɛ̃ɪ̃ʔ ‘sky’
*aŋin > aŋɛ̃ɪ̃ŋ ‘wind’
*bənih > bənɛ̃ɪ̃h ‘seed’
*ɡəmu > ɡəmə̃ʊ̃ ‘fat’
k ʔ
*tənun > tənə̃ʊ̃ŋ ‘to weave’
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM
*bunu > bunə̃ʊ̃h ‘to kill’ ɛi/əʊ Ø

h *-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r 48
i/u ? Ø
*-l
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-t
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø
*-l 49
PM Dusun Gloss
*bini > binɛ̃ɪ̃ŋ ‘wife’
*kami > kamɛ̃ɪ̃ŋ ‘1PL’
*pəɲuʔ > pəɲə̃ʊ̃ŋ ‘turtle’

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-t
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø 50
*-l
*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals
Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø 51
*-l
HOW DID THEY GET HERE?

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø 52
*-l
HOW DID THEY GET HERE?

other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

53
ONE POSSIBILITY

other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

54
ONE POSSIBILITY

¡  Default other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
result ɛi/əʊ *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

55
ONE POSSIBILITY

¡  Lowered other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
before back *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
consonants *-ʔ

*-k, *-ŋ, *-h æɛ/ɐɔ


*-ʔ
*-k
and some *-ʔ -ʔ
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

56
ONE POSSIBILITY

¡  Raised other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
before front *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
consonants *-ʔ
*-p, *-t, *-n, *- æɛ/ɐɔ
*-k
m and *-s -ʔ
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
¡  Merging with ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i and u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

57
ONE POSSIBILITY

¡  Nasalised other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
and *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
neutralised *-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-t
æɛ/ɐɔ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

58
ONE POSSIBILITY

¡  Vowel other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
nasalisation *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
tends to *-ʔ
centralise vowel æɛ/ɐɔ
*-k
height, i.e. -ʔ
*-p
lowering of high ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-t
vowels and æɛ/ɐɔ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-ŋ
raising of non- -ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
high vowels *-m
(Beddor 1983, æɛ/ɐɔ
-h
*-h

Beddor et al ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

1986, Chen 59

1997, Arai 2004)


BUT...

¡  The results of other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
‘neutralisation *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
after nasals’ are *-ʔ
the same as the æɛ/ɐɔ
*-k
default -ʔ
*-p
outcomes ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

60
ANOTHER POSSIBILITY

¡  The results of other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
‘neutralisation *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
after nasals’ are *-ʔ
the same as the æɛ/ɐɔ
*-k
default -ʔ
*-p
outcomes ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
¡  Maybe they *-m
didn’t undergo æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
raising, lowering ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

or neutralisation 61

at all
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
TANJUNG BARU (TB)

other non-nasals nasals


TB PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
aɪ/aʊ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
aɪ/aʊ *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

62
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
TANJUNG BARU (TB)

¡  ɛi/əʊ is still other non-nasals nasals


TB PM
the default *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
*-ʔ
aɪ/aʊ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
aɪ/aʊ *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

63
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
TANJUNG BARU (TB)

¡  ɛi/əʊ was other non-nasals nasals


TB PM
lowered *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
before back *-ʔ

consonants aɪ/aʊ
*-ʔ
*-k
*-k, *-ŋ, *-h -ʔ
*-p
and some *-ʔ ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
aɪ/aʊ *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

64
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
TANJUNG BARU (TB)

¡  ɛi/əʊ was not other non-nasals nasals


TB PM
raised before *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
front consonants *-ʔ
*-p, *-t, *-n, *-m aɪ/aʊ
*-k
and *-s -ʔ
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
aɪ/aʊ *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

65
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
TANJUNG BARU (TB)

¡  ɛi/əʊ was not other non-nasals nasals


TB PM
raised before *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
front consonants *-ʔ
*-p, *-t, *-n, *-m aɪ/aʊ
*-k
and *-s -ʔ
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
*bukit > bukɛɪʔ ‘hill’ -ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*lutut > lutəʊʔ *-m
aɪ/aʊ *-h
‘knee’ -h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

66
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
TANJUNG BARU (TB)

¡  Nasalised other non-nasals nasals


TB PM
and *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
neutralised.... *-ʔ
? aɪ/aʊ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-t
aɪ/aʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
aɪ/aʊ *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

67
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
TANJUNG BARU (TB)

¡  ɛi/əʊ is the other non-nasals nasals


TB PM
default, only *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
lowered before *-ʔ
back aɪ/aʊ
*-k
consonants *-ʔ, -ʔ
*-p
*-k, *-ŋ and *-h ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
after non-nasals aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
(other than *h) -ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
aɪ/aʊ *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

68
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals


PK PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
a
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

69
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

¡  ɛi/əʊ is still other non-nasals nasals


PK PM
the default *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
*-ʔ
a
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

70
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU

¡  ɛi/əʊ was also other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
not raised *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
before front *-ʔ
consonants *-p, a
*-k
*-t, *-n, *-m and -ʔ
*-p
*-s ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

71
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

¡  Lowered before other non-nasals nasals


PK PM
*-ŋ *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
a
daɡiŋ > daɡaɪŋ -ʔ *-k
*-p
‘meat’ ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
hiduŋ > idaʊŋ aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
‘nose’ ɛɪ/əʊ
-ŋ *-n
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

72
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

¡  Reflected as a other non-nasals nasals


PK PM
plain a before *- *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
k, *-h and some *-ʔ

*-ʔ a
*-ʔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

73
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

*tasik > tasaʔ ‘lake’ other non-nasals nasals


PK PM

*putih > putah ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
‘white’ *-ʔ
a
*tujuh > tujah -ʔ *-k
*-p
‘seven’ ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

74
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

¡  a must be the other non-nasals nasals


PK PM
result of *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
monophthongisa *-ʔ

tion from *aɪ/ a


*-ʔ
-ʔ *-k
*aʊ *-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

75
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

*bənih > bənɛ̃ɪ̃h other non-nasals nasals


PK PM
‘seed’ *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
*ɲamuk > ɲamə̃ʊ̃ʔ *-ʔ
a
-ʔ *-k
‘mosquito’ *-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
Comparing with: ɛɪ/əʊ
-ŋ *-n
*-m
*tasik > tasaʔ ‘lake’ a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s
*putih > putah
‘white’ 76

*tujuh > tujah


DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

¡  Nasalised other non-nasals nasals


PK PM
and *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
neutralised.... *-ʔ
??? a
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-t
aɪ/aʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

77
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

¡  ɛi/əʊ is still the other non-nasals nasals


PK PM
default *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
a
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

78
DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES:
PAYANG KAYU (PK)

¡  Nasal onsets other non-nasals nasals


PK PM
maintained *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
vowel height/ *-ʔ
quality a
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
a *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

79
DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

80
DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

¡  ɛi/əʊ is the other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
default outcome *Ø
Ø
of *-ʔ
diphthongisation
*-k
in all -ʔ
*-p
environments ɛi/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
*-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
*-m
*-h
-h
*-s

81
DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

¡  Lowered other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
before back *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
consonants *-ʔ

*-k, *-ŋ, *-h æɛ/ɐɔ


*-ʔ
*-k
and some *-ʔ -ʔ
*-p
ɛɪ/əʊ
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɛɪ/əʊ
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

82
DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

¡  Raised other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
before front *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
consonants *-ʔ
*-p, *-t, *-n, *- æɛ/ɐɔ
*-k
m and *-s -ʔ
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
¡  Merging with ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i and u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

83
DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

¡  Diphthongs after other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
nasal onsets *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
were left *-ʔ
unaffected æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

84
DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

¡  Diphthongs after other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM
nasal onsets *Ø
ɛi/əʊ Ø
were left *-ʔ
unaffected æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
¡  Nasal onsets
æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
maintained -ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
vowel height/ *-m
quality æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

85
UNEXPECTED CASES

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø
*-l 86
UNEXPECTED CASES

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r
i/u ? Ø
*-l 87
UNEXPECTED CASES

¡  Diphthongs are not expected in onsetless syllables

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals


Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
*-ʔ
æɛ/ɐɔ
-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r88
i/u ? Ø
*-l
UNEXPECTED CASES

¡  Diphthongs are not expected in onsetless syllables

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals


v  buɛi ‘to give’ Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
v  buæɛh ‘foam’ < PMP *buqiq *-ʔ

(PM *buhih) ? æɛ/ɐɔ


-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
-ŋ *-n
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r89
i/u ? Ø
*-l
UNEXPECTED CASES

¡  Diphthongs are not expected in onsetless syllables

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals


v  buɛi ‘to give’ Dusun PM

ɛi/əʊ Ø
v  buæɛh ‘foam’ < PMP *buqiq *-ʔ

(PM *buhih) ? æɛ/ɐɔ


-ʔ *-k
*-p
ɪi~i/ɵu~u
ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t
i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ
v  tiuʔ ‘to blow’ < PM tiup ɪi~i/ɵu~u
-ŋ *-n
*-m
æɛ/ɐɔ *-h
-h
ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s
*-r90
i/u ? Ø
*-l
HISTORY OF FINAL-SYLLABLE HIGH VOWELS
IN ITM

Dusu Tanjung Payang


n Baru Kayu
Diphthongisation before non- + + +
liquids and after onsets other
than *Ø and *h
Lowering before back + + +
consonants
Raising before front + – –
consonants
Merger with high vowels + – –
Monophthongisation – – + 91
HISTORY OF FINAL-SYLLABLE HIGH VOWELS
IN ITM

Dusu Tanjung Payang


n Baru Kayu
Diphthongisation before non- + + +
liquids and after onsets other
than *Ø and *h
Lowering before back + + +
consonants
Raising before front + – –
consonants
Merger with high vowels + – –
¡  Only affected diphthongs after non-nasal onsets
Monophthongisation – – + 92
SUMMARY

¡  Synchronically, two phonemic diphthongs /ɛi/ and /əʊ/


(alongside /i/ and /u/) can be proposed to account for the
various phonetic realisations of diphthongs in Dusun;
¡  Allophonic conditions include syllable structure and nasality
of onset;
¡  Diachronically, the direction of diphthongisation is the result
of the interaction between the presence and the nasality of
the preceding consonant, and the presence and the place/
manner of articulation of the following consonant;
¡  The nasality of the onset consonant has a special effect in
93
maintaining vowel height/quality.
THANK YOU!

94
REFERENCES

¡  Adelaar, K. Alexander. 1992. Proto Malayic: The reconstruction of its


phonology and parts of its lexicon and morphology. Canberra:
Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, The
Australian National University.
¡  Adelaar, K. Alexander. 2005. Structural diversity in the Malayic group.
In K. Alexander Adelaar & Nikolaus P. Himmelmann (eds.), The
Austronesian languages of Asia and Madagascar, 202–226. London/
New York: Routledge.
¡  Arai, Takayuki. 2004. Formant shift in nasalization of vowels. The
Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 115, 2541.
¡  Beddor, Patrice S. 1983. Phonological and phonetic effects of
nasalization of vowel height. University of Minnesota PhD dissertation.
¡  Beddor, Patrice Speeter, Rena Arens Krakow & Louis M. Goldstein. 95
1986. Perceptual constraints and phonological change: a study of
nasal vowel height. Phonology Yearbook 3. 197–217.
REFERENCES

¡  Chen, Marilyn Y. 1997. Acoustic correlates of English and French


nasalized vowels. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America
102(4). 2360–2370.
¡  Collins, James T. 1983. Dialek Ulu Terengganu. Kuala Lumpur:
Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.
¡  Collins, James T. 1986. Kajian dialek Ulu Terengganu: Pemetaan
dan kesimpulan awal. Antologi Kajian Dialek Melayu, 54–86.
Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
¡  Collins, James T. 1996. Diftong dan diftongisasi Dialek Ulu
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