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Vulnerability, Adaptation, and Resilience to Floods and Climate Change-

Related Risks among Marginal, Riverine Communities in Metro Manila

Article  in  Asian Journal of Social Science · January 2011

DOI: 10.1163/156853111X597260

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 Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 brill.nl/ajss

Vulnerability, Adaptation, and Resilience to

Floods and Climate Change-Related Risks among
Marginal, Riverine Communities in Metro Manila

Emma Porio1
Ateneo de Manila University

Abstract
This study examines the vulnerability, adaptation, and resilience of urban poor households living
in the riverine communities of the three flood prone areas in Metro Manila, namely, (1) Pasig-
Marikina River basin, (2) West Mangahan, and (3) the KAMANAVA area (Kalookan, Malabon,
Navotas, Valenzuela). Based on a survey of 300 urban poor households in 14 communities
located in these flood basins, the study found that the environmental-ecological vulnerability of
the low-lying flood prone areas interacts strongly with the social vulnerability of urban poor
households, highlighting the effects of climate related changes (sea level rise, increased typhoons,
intensity of monsoon rains, floods and tidal/storm surges) on this vulnerable population.
Most of the households have low-incomes, live in slum/squatter settlements and do not have
adequate access to potable water, electricity, health, sewage and sanitation facilities. About
two-thirds of them suffered losses (e.g., income, work, health/sickness, household appliances/
things, housing damage) from typhoons, floods, and tidal/storm surges but only a small portion
of them obtained help from formal institutions (e.g., local government units or LGUs, charitable
agencies) and informal support networks (relatives/neighbors/friends). Of these, a third of these
households appeared more vulnerable and consistently incurred higher losses (e.g., income and
workdays) and intense inconveniences (e.g., water source buried by floods, toilets blocked and
overflowed with wastes/large worms to their floors) compared to their neighbors.
Both urban poor households and their local governments have formulated adaptation strategies
in response to the increasing effects of climate change. Few of the local governments built river
barriers, improved their drainage systems, installed water diversion techniques (e.g., “bombastic”)
and disaster warning systems and increased the capacity of their officials to assist during evacua-
tions. Meanwhile, some urban poor households have adapted to a “water-based lifestyle” (e.g.,
raising the floors/increasing the number of floors of their homes, building makeshift bridges
among households in swampy areas, building Styrofoam boats for transport, etc.). But on the
whole, both the urban poor residents and the formal institutions (LGUs, national agencies) need
resources and capability building to increase their capacity to adapt to the effects of climate change.

1
Professor of Sociology, Ateneo de Manila University and Member, Executive Committee,
International Sociological Association. Please send comments to eporio@ateneo.edu.
© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2011 DOI: 10.1163/156853111X597260
426 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

Keywords
social vulnerability, ecological-environmental vulnerability, climate change adaptation and resil-
ience, urban poor, riverine communities, urban development

Introduction

Adaptation to climate change-related impacts is very important for national

planning and development. In early July 2008, the World Bank estimated
that the Philippines loses P15 billion annually to disasters like typhoons and
floods. This amount represents about 0.7 percent of the gross national product
(GNP). In October 2009, Typhoons Ondoy and Pepeng caused a total of
Php 3.8 billion in damages and Php 24.8 billion in immediate losses to
agriculture, fisheries, and forestry sector (Joint Assessment of Typhoons
Ondoy and Pepeng, World Bank, 2009). The Philippines gets an average of
20 typhoons annually and in 2009, Metro Manila weathered 10 strong
typhoons bringing about heavy rainfall and floods to the metropolis. Thus,
investments on disaster and climate risk vulnerability assessment would
minimize losses from these calamities.
Vulnerability and adaptation is relative to the degree that a particular group
is susceptible to, or unable to cope with, adverse effects of climate change,
including climate variability and extremes (IPCC 2001). Distinction should
be made between natural system’s vulnerability and socio-economic vulner-
ability to climate change (Klein, R.J.T. and R.J. Nicholls 1998). The dynamic
interaction between these two systems can intensify the vulnerabilities of dif-
ferent social, political, and economic groups. The socio-economic vulnerabil-
ity of certain social classes or groups is also partly dependent on the society’s
technical, institutional, economic and cultural ability to prevent or cope with
these impacts, i.e., capacity to adapt within the timescale of natural changes
(Sairinen and Peltonen, N.D.). Meanwhile, vulnerability can also be defined
as the degree to which a system or unit is likely to experience harm due to
perturbations or stresses (environmental, economic, technological) and the
responses of, and impacts on social groups, ecosystems, and places (De Sher-
binin et al. 2007).
Adaptation and resilience can be seen in the ability of groups or communi-
ties to cope with external stresses and disturbances (e.g., typhoons, floods,
etc.) and environmental change (Adger 2000). The exposure and coping
mechanisms of groups and individuals to environmental risks, primarily in
the context of climate change and flooding hazards in developing countries
(Blaikie et al. 1994) can vary quite widely among different groups. Thus, the
capacity of households living in flood prone areas to mitigate the effects of
 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 427

these hazards, in part, depend on their socio-economic capacities and the

disaster preparedness of local-national governments, market, and civil society
institutions.
In third world cities like Metro Manila where urban growth and sprawl
remains largely unregulated, the vulnerability of urban poor populations to
climate change-related effects like floods is quite high, reducing their potential
for adaptation and resilience. The study assessed the survival strategies of resi-
dents in flood prone areas in Metro Manila and their policy potentials for
urban planning and urban governance. The study interviewed 300 households
from urban poor communities located in the flood basins of Metro Manila,
namely, KAMANAVA (Kaloocan, Malabon, Navotas and Valenzuela), Pasig-
Marikina River Basin, and West Mangahan because of their frequent experi-
ences of flooding and regular tidal/storm surges (see figure 1 below).

Metro Manila: Urban Development, Environment and

Socio-Economic Characteristics
Metro Manila or the National Capital Region (NCR) has a land area of 636
square kilometers in semi-alluvial plain formed by the sediment flows from
the Meycauayan and Malabon-Tullahan river basins in the North, the Pasig-
Marikina river basin in the East (Bankoff 2003), and the West of Mangahan
river basin. The city is open to Manila Bay on the west and to a large lake,
Laguna de Bay, on the southeast. Thus, “the metropolitan area is a vast drain-
age basin that experiences frequent inundations from overflowing rivers and
storm waters that render the existing system of esteros (modified natural chan-
nels) and canals constructed during the Spanish and American colonial peri-
ods inadequate” (Liongson 2000 cited in Bankoff 2003). The effects of climate
change on these river systems are highlighted by sea level rise (SLR) and
increases in monsoon rains, typhoons, and floods. This environmental context
interacts in complex ways with the patterns of human activities in the metrop-
olis, giving rise to patterns of survival strategies among the residents.
Metro Manila is the center of political, economic, and socio-cultural activ-
ities of the nation. Its strategic location by Manila Bay and the mouth of the
Pasig River accounts for the growth of the capital city. Being near a river and
a good harbor made possible the development and expansion of the city of
Manila to its suburbs in the last 30 years. With large in-migration and rapid
population growth, the city expanded to the suburbs, surrounding munici-
palities, and to risky areas for habitation (e.g., swampy areas, near or above
esteros or water canals, along the river or earthquake fault lines, etc.). In
response to this rapid population growth, urban infrastructural development
428 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

Figure 1. Floodprone areas in Metro-Manila

Map of the Flood Prone Areas of Metro Manila River Basins and the Research
Communities (white rectangle boxes). Source: JICA Research Institute.

continued though not as well as expected for a burgeoning population. This is

seen in increased investments in housing, basic services (water, sewerage,
electricity), and infrastructure (roads, bridges, flyover, etc.). While large pub-
lic and private investments try to operate within existing regulatory frame-
works, the ability of government agencies to impose building and infrastructure
standards is quite weak. Meanwhile, the growth and expansion of informal
settlements have gone largely unregulated. Thus, in Metro Manila, many
buildings and infrastructure are built on dangerous and risky areas (e.g.,
 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 429

near the seashore or flood zone, unstable ground and prone to landslides,
etc.), without permit.
Socio-economic forces like land use, infrastructural development, building
practices, urban development policies and programs have greatly shaped the
settlement patterns of the city. The lack of effective interaction among these
forces had resulted in a built environment that poses high risks to residents
and infrastructure alike. Rapid urbanization, population growth, and the weak
infrastructural and economic bases of the metropolis have heightened its
vulnerability to the effects of climate change. Metro Manila’s population
expanded from 5.93 million in 1980 to 7.95 million in 1990, 9.93 million in
2000 and is projected to reach 19.43 million in 2020. In 2007, the National
Statistics Office (NSO) reported that Metro Manila has 12 million residents
but the average daytime population is about 16 million (see Figure 2 below).
In 2000, the population density in the metropolis was 15,617 persons per
square kilometer but is projected to increase to 29,146 in 2020. These forces
have dramatically increased the demand for goods and services as well as the
waste generation in the metropolis. Since this trend shows no signs of abating,
the impacts of climate change on the vulnerable populations of the metropolis
will definitely be heightened in the coming years.
A large portion of the population in the metropolis does not have security
of tenure in their housing, jobs, and livelihood sources. The 2008 Philippine
Asset Reform Report Card estimated that only 61 percent of households in
Metro Manila have sufficient access to basic services. Most informal settle-
ments do not have adequate access to the water and sewerage nor electrical
services. Of the national housing backlog of 4 million households, a quarter is
accounted by Metro Manila alone. With high population density and the
shortage of proper services, Metro Manila has become very vulnerable to
floods in recent years (Bankoff 2003).
Metro Manila’s primacy and the lack of rural development have lead to
large number poor and lowly-skilled migrants looking for work in the city.
Because the economy expanded in services and light export-oriented (e.g.,
electronics, assembly work) industries, majority of the migrants are young,
single, and female. This female-dominated migration stream feeds on the
migration of Filipino women overseas, who in turn, get absorbed in the
services sector of their places of destination. Locally, most of these migrants
get absorbed by the informal economy where entry is easy because the
skills demand is not high but the remuneration levels and job security in this
sector are low.
As mentioned earlier, the households in the study came from three flood
prone areas of Metro Manila. These households are also located near in
430 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

Figure 2. Population Trends of Metro Manila (1970–2020)

low-lying areas, mostly wetlands/swamp lands, around the following river sys-
tem and its tributaries (Pasig-Marikina River, Napindan River in West Man-
gahan, and the Malabon and Tullahan Rivers in the KAMANAVA areas)
which are connected to the sea through Manila Bay and to the lake system of
Laguna de Bay. Aside from their being flood prone, these areas also suffer the
effects of heavy monsoon rains, typhoons, and the regular tidal surges. Most of
the surveyed households belong to informal or slum/squatter settlements, with
no security of tenure in their housing and no adequate access to basic services
like water, electricity, sewerage and drainage systems. The households in these
communities regularly suffer the risks from floods, water surges during storms
and high tides, in addition to sickness of household members and from lack of
community security (e.g., incidence of drug abuse, theft and other petty crimes).
The social and physical location of sample communities make them prone
to storm surges and floods from typhoons and heavy monsoon rains from
June to November, the traditional rainy season for Metro Manila. Meanwhile,
the areas of KAMANAVA are particularly susceptible throughout the year to
the effects of sea level rise (SLR) and tidal surges. During the last few years, the
residents also reported changes in the climate patterns marked by increases in
water levels during tidal/storm surges as seen in the water marks left of their
house posts. These pose additional risks to their household appliances, gar-
ments, and higher losses in their work days.
 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 431

The survey also showed that while respondents recognized the risks of floods
and storm/tidal surges to their homes and communities, economic problems
were their over-riding concern. This was followed by security-related risks like
thefts/hold-up, fire, and drug abuse in their neighborhoods. These security-
related issues are closely linked to the physical congestion and economic inse-
curities (i.e., high unemployment/underemployment) of their communities/
families. Given these socio-economic risks, their vulnerability to the effects of
typhoons, floods, and sea level rise (SLR) or storm/tidal surges increasingly
becomes heightened.
In turn, these household level risks and vulnerabilities also increase with the
expansion of residential, commercial, and industrial development in their
immediate localities and cities. This could be observed in the rapid expansion
of construction projects around the Mangahan River Basin, which do not
have the necessary infrastructure support like proper drainage, sewerage, and
road systems. The consequent flooding become intense as the areas near the
Napindan Channel and Laguna de Bay are not really suitable for habitation
nor for commercial-industrial use as these are mostly wetlands. Meanwhile,
these have not deterred building activities in these areas because developers
just fill up the marshy areas and raise the building height of ground floors.
One major source of risk in these flood-prone areas is the continuous build-
ing of temporary structures in already congested, informal settlements along-
side formal residential subdivisions located in/near danger zones of the
community. Respondents reported that land filling activities of middle/upper-
class real estate development have increased the flooding and environmental
damage as traditional waterways have disappeared with these activities. Sub-
standard sewerage and road systems have also worsened the living conditions
of the urban poor informally settled around these areas. Informal housing
built against dike walls, along creeks, rivers, tributaries, and swampy areas
abound in this part of the metropolis. Slum lords, taking advantage of the
expanding rental markets and the lack of regulation by local officials, also
contribute to the risks faced by those residing in nearby factories of Pasig City,
Taguig City, and the fish port in Navotas City. Heightening the risk exposure
of these households are inadequate services like water, electricity, health and
substandard roads, drainage, and sewage systems.
The respondents were mostly female (86 percent) as they were the ones
available and open to be interviewed, compared to the unwilling male mem-
bers of the household. Their ages ranged from 18–92 years old, with a median
age of 42 years old. They were mostly legally married (61 percent), or were in
live-in/cohabitation arrangements (20 percent), while the rest were widowed,
separated or single (18 percent). Their mean household income was P10,033
per month but their median monthly household income was P8,000, suggesting
432 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

some disparity among the respondents. Of the communities surveyed, West

Navotas and San Joaquin in Pasig and Ibayo Tipaz in Taguig City had the
lowest monthly median incomes of P8,000 while Longos in Malabon and
Bangkulasi in Navotas with P23,250 and P18,000, respectively, had higher
median income levels. Most of the very poor households (old, widowed/sepa-
rated, no income and dependent on the relatives’ food support), also came
from these low income communities. These urban poor settlements remain
very vulnerable because of dilapidated housing and absence of services and
drainage systems in their water-logged environments. Most respondents had
8.5 years in schooling and only respondents from Malabon attained some col-
lege education (11.20 years). Their low education and income, in part, explain
their low levels of formal employment as most of their earnings were from the
underground economy.
The frequent and increasing intensity of flooding in Metro Manila have
severely affected the delivery of basic services like water, drainage systems,
sanitation facilities, and electricity. Of the 300 households interviewed, about
two-thirds of them reported that they were affected by floods (two-thirds),
storm/tidal surges (almost one-half ), and typhoons (almost three-fourths).
More than one-fourth (27 percent) have substandard toilets (antipolo type
or dug-out latrines) or none at all (i.e., use their neighbor’s toilet, deposit
wastes directly to the river, sea, canal or water channel). These same household
respondents reported that during floods/tidal surges, their toilets get clogged
with waste overflowing to their floor and forced to relieve themselves in the
river or in their neighbors’ toilet located far from the flooded area. They also
complained that their place smell so bad and quite dirty with floating garbage,
plastic bags, and human waste. Aside from the smell, dirt, and environmental
pollution, they also observed that sometimes, huge worms or snakes would
emerge from their toilets, sewage, and/or drainage. Garbage that would be
carried near their houses and clogging the nearby drainage channels. The resi-
dents of the KAMANAVA area complained that garbage from other parts of
the metropolis would float near/under their floors, above the dark, murky
waters of the river. The continuous flow of garbage discouraged them from
disposing properly their trash because even if they do, their environment still
gets littered with garbage of other communities. Yet, this polluted environ-
ment does not prevent children from swimming during heavy rains, oblivious
to the risks of infection and contamination from the polluted waters.
Only 39 percent have their own electric meter while 42 percent buy their
electricity from their neighbor at a higher price. Ten percent obtained electric-
ity through illegal connection from their neighbors, while almost 9 percent
 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 433

use oil/gas lamps and candles for light, heightening the risks of fires in infor-
mal settlements. During typhoons and floods, they often experience energy
fluctuations, “brown-outs”, and “grounding” of their electricity sources.
About one-third (32 percent) of the households have piped water while the
remaining two-thirds buy it from suppliers or neighbors (65 percent) who
have water connections or dug/artesian wells. Slightly less than one-fourth
(23 percent) of them have their water supply buried by floods and tidal/storm
surges. Thus, they have to buy potable water at higher prices from water
suppliers. During floods and storm surges, then, their expenses on water,
food commodities, and transportation also increase.

Health Effects and Socio-Economic Losses: Sickness, Loss of Income,

and Amount Spent on Medicines/Health

Inadequate supply of potable water, compromised sanitation, and adverse

weather conditions, led to most respondents and their household members
becoming sick during typhoons, monsoon rains, and floods. Respondents
reported losing from 2 to 98 days in the last rainy season because of illness or
floods prevented them from working or pursuing their business/livelihood
activities. They complained of suffering from skin itchiness/allergies, psoriasis,
athlete’s foot, fever, colds, diarrhea, typhoid, dengue, and the resurgence of
TB infection among children and the elderly. Of those who suffered from
flooding, they reported that they or their household members were sick on an
average of 12 days in the last rainy season. Only a few (13 percent) of those
who were sick obtained free medicine from the barangay health center.
Most of them spent for medicines and health care ranging from P20–P12,000
(average was P1,930 but the median was P200, suggesting a wide variability
among the households). The respondents from Navotas, Malabon, Marikina,
and Pasig (P4,544, P2,575, and P3,947, respectively) had much higher health
expenses compared to those in Taguig (P429). Those from Taguig City (West
Mangahan river basin) had lower incomes and education and also spent the
least in medical expenses (average of P241) as they did not have money
and resorted to hilot/arbularyo (traditional healers) or just rested to become
well. Ironically, then, those most at risk also had the least capacity to pay
for health care.
Of those absent from school/work, most of them could not get out of their
place to cross the river/street and find transport to their schools or place of
work. During floods, the transport available (non-motorized tri-cycles and
434 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

pedi-cabs) are few and would charge double/triple the P25 pesos tricycle fare.
Some reported that their livelihood activities slowed down or stopped during
floods, monsoon rains, and typhoons. Some also chose not to leave their
homes during floods because they did not want their household appliances or
garments become wet, destroyed or stolen. On the average, they lost from
1–15 workdays (average, 4 days) and income loss of P925 during floods or
tidal surges. Whether they work inside their house, within/outside the baran-
gay or city, they were still negatively affected by the typhoons and floods. If
working inside their houses, their work gets disrupted because of the dirty
waters that reach their house floors.
Of those who were not able to work or pursue their livelihood activities,
they reported losing earnings, ranging from P98–P2,000 (average of P1,081;
median of P500) in the last rainy season. Aside from losses in earnings, the
respondents also reported damages to their household appliances (refrigerator,
TV, washing machine, bed mattress, cabinet or house furniture, radio, electric
fan, water dispenser, etc.) and parts of their houses destroyed, costing them
from P2–P50,000, with average loss of P4,615.
Children also suffered from the monsoon rains, typhoons, and floods, with
a third of them being absent (average, 4 days) from their classes and affecting
negatively their academic performance. Children from Napindan and Calzada
(Taguig City) lost the most number of days (7) while those from Longos,
Malabon reported the least (1.5 days). On the whole, respondents reported
their children lost five days of schooling because of floods.
In KAMANAVA and West Mangahan areas, tidal surges occur regularly
and the respondents reported that they got sick from the rising cold waters
that sometimes reach their floors, preventing them from having proper sleep
or rest. When this happens, they move their garments/things to higher parts
of the house. Since most of their houses are made of makeshift materials, they
often get wet as well, especially when the storm surges are accompanied by
heavy rains. These make them susceptible to fever/colds, skin allergies, and
diarrhea from being wet in the surging waters that carry dirt/debris into their
households and water sources. Women complained that during floods, their
burden increases with sick children to take care of, more laundry to wash, and
the house needing more cleaning. Ironically, during this time water and food
also becomes more expensive.
Almost one-half of the respondents reported that they were unable to work
because they could not get out of their house, cross the street, or obtain trans-
port to school or to their place of work or business. For those unable to go to
school, they missed an average of 1–2 days per month because of tidal surges.
They also reported having lost from P150–P12,000 per month from work/
 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 435

business activities and P4,333 from lost or destroyed household appliances in

the last rainy season.
Residents from KAMANAVA areas (near Manila Bay) and West Manga-
han (near Laguna Lake) experience mostly the effects of sea level rise through
tidal/storm surges. Residents here reported said that in the previous years the
water in their yard would only reach up to their knees but in the recent storm/
tidal surges the water would reach their waists. According to the residents, the
installation of a diversion pump (called “bombastic”) in the next barangay has
made flooding in their area worse. About half of the respondents reported that
their children were absent during days of high tidal surges because they could
not get out of their houses or obtain transport to their schools.
Of those who own appliances like refrigerator, electric fan, gas/electric
stove, slightly over one-fifth (21 percent) complained that their appliances got
destroyed, became rusty, or were carried away by the flood or by tidal/storm
surge in the last rainy season.
Insecurity of their housing structures and tenure is central to the risk and
vulnerability suffered by residents. Because of their lack of tenurial security,
the materials and the manner of construction of their houses seem quite make-
shift despite their long tenure in the area. These housing arrangements make
them highly prone to the effects of tidal/storm surges and floods.
To summarize, who are the most vulnerable to impacts of climate change?
To start with, all the surveyed households already have a high level of social
and environmental vulnerability given the following characteristics:

• Live in low-lying and/or swampy/wetlands and vulnerable to heavy

rains, floods, and storm/tidal surges;
• Household monthly median incomes of P8,000 ($166 or less than
US$1 day per person);
• Live in slum/squatter settlements with no housing security;
• Most (2/3) regularly suffer losses (income, health, household appliances,
housing damage, school absences); no adequate access to potable water,
toilet and sanitation facilities, electricity; suffer from inconveniences like
having to evacuate, use their neighbor’s toilet or the river/creek;
• Only a small portion (3–24 percent) received help from formal (3–6
percent) and informal (15–24 percent) sources of support.

Thus, most informal settlements in the flood basins of Metro Manila regularly
suffer losses from climate change-effects, with the bottom third of the popula-
tion extremely vulnerable and with a high level of social exclusion from
their communities and formal institutions. Compounding this high level of
436 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

Table 1: Cost of Health Services Provided by

Health Center/Public Hospital
Service Estimated Cost
1. Ordinary check-up PhP300–500 up to 1,500
2. Sputum analysis/check-up PhP750–1,500
3. Dengue (referred to public hospitals PhP35,000–60,000
where patient pay minimal payment)*
4. Leptospirosis (referred to public PhP10,000–50,000
hospitals where patient pay minimal
payment or free)*

Services given pro-bono or charge

minimally to urban poor by medical
missions
1. Blood analysis P2,320 = PhP750–3,200
2. Urine analysis P90 = P700
3. Blood typing P90 = P700
4. ECG P90 = P1,500–2,500
5. X-ray P90 = P500
6. Physical Exam A (including Blood
Chem, Blood typing and ECG) P490 = P2,500
Exchange rate at the time of the study: PhP 45.00 = 1 US$

vulnerability and exclusion is that quite a number of them only have co-habi-
tation/live-in arrangements with their spouses or are single, widowed or sepa-
rated. A lot of children born of couples in living-in arrangements do not
obtain birth certificates because the mothers are embarrassed that their chil-
dren could not carry the family names of their fathers as stipulated in the
revised family code. Or these mothers would prioritize food expenses than pay
the birth registration fees because they do not see the importance of legal
identity papers in accessing formal services like schooling or health services,
putting children at a disadvantage in seeking education/health support. Some
housing agencies also ask for marriage certificates for applications seeking
housing/land acquisition support. While they need a lot of subsistence sup-
port, their networks are very thin and unable to provide this basic support.
 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 437

Vulnerability, Adaptation and Resilience

Among vulnerable populations, recurring experiences of flooding leads them
to craft particular adaptive strategies. To prepare for floods and typhoons,
they store food supplies and move their household appliances to higher places
in their homes. A few of them evacuate to their neighbors and relatives or to
the community hall.
Barangay officials of communities along riverlines reported that they watch
vigilantly the water rise as they need to evacuate the vulnerable residents to the
nearby schools. Informal leaders or influential residents usually help the evac-
uees with food and clothing, especially for children whose clothing gets soaked
with the heavy rains. After the floods, majority (75 percent) said they have
to clean or fix their houses and surroundings and return their household fur-
niture, clothes, and appliances to their places. A small minority said they
would gather fish swept by the floods from rivers, fishponds and Laguna Lake.
Only a small percentage (5 percent) of the respondents said that some offi-
cials, religious leaders or associations came to their aid with food, medicine,
housing materials. This highlights the vulnerability of the urban poor house-
holds as they do not have institutional sources of support during extreme
weather events.
Those in KAMANAVA area, who regularly experience tidal/storm surges,
have adapted themselves over the years by just packing their clothes in boxes,
tying and raising their furniture and appliances to the higher parts of their
homes through a makeshift pulley. They have devised platforms for their
appliances and household things that they raise when the tidal/storm surge
comes. As one respondent quipped, they are forever in an evacuation mode!
Availability of support networks during calamities seemed low among the
urban poor. When surveyed what kind of support they received from their
relatives, neighbors, friends and community officials, the respondents dis-
played a high level of self-reliance. One-third of the respondents consistently
assert that they just rely on themselves as no one really helps them. Only a
small portion (range of 3–24 percent) received aid from their support net-
works. Perhaps, their social networks are quite thin and also in similar dire
situation. Among the few who were able to get support, they said they
borrowed money from their relatives/friends for food/subsistence, medicine/
hospitalization, and school expenses and to watch over their houses/children
during floods, typhoons, and tidal surges.
Data from key informant interviews provide support that the poor, vulner-
able households did not have a wide network of relatives and neighbors/friends
who can support or to access aid from formal institutions like the health or
438 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

Table 2: Environmental Vulnerabilities of Places: Sources of

Vulnerabilities for Urban Poor Households in the Three Metro Manila
Flood Plains
Flood Plain/ Environmental Socio-eco characteristics:
Areas characteristics: Sources of vulnerabilities
Sources of vulnerabilities
Pasig-Marikina Living in flood-prone Median monthly income:
areas along the riverlines/ P18,000
riverbanks, clogged
waterways Ave. Education: 9.5 years

KAMANAVA Living along flood-prone Median monthly income:

riverlines; near the coast
(prone to floods and sea
level rise/tidal surges),
land subsidence, clogged
waterways
West Mangahan Living along flood prone
riverlines (Mangahan
Floodway, Napindan
Channel) near Laguna
Lake, swampy lands/
wetlands, clogged
waterways
P15,000
Ave. education: 11 years
Median monthly income:
P8,000
Ave. education: 7.5 years;
Housing dilapidated or
made of light materials,
migrants/renters,
more women-headed
households, low access
and pay more for
services (e.g. potable
water can cost
100–300 % more)

social work units of local governments. So, the seeming self-reliance among
the poor actually reflects the thinness of their social capital that they can rely
in times of calamities.
Adaptation to the risks of storm/tidal surges and floods has been the key
survival strategy of most residents. They seem to have gotten used to the
constant flooding in their premises and crafted a “water-based lifestyle” —
getting used to the regular rise of dirty water in their midst and adjusting their
 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 439

household routines and work patterns according to the demands of the rains,
floods, and water surges. So their perception of dangers posed by these risks is
not high. “Hindi ka naman namamatay dito dahil sa baha!” (You do not die
from floods or from the rising waters here!). Thus, the risk of catching infec-
tion from rat’s urine in the flood (i.e., leptospirosis which can result in massive
infection and death) is not high in their consciousness. While some better-off
residents wear rubber boots to protect themselves during floods, most of the
poor residents cannot really afford these gadgets. Also, they need the money
to buy food/medicine for their children. Among the better-off, they raise the
floors of their houses (or build additional ones) and use stronger materials like
lumber or concrete blocks. For those who cannot afford to raise their floors,
they have devised “pulley-like” contraptions to raise their household furni-
ture, appliances and boxes of garments to the upper parts of the house when
water rises to their floors. In crossing flooded streets and rivers, some residents
use mini-styrofoam boats which they hang outside their homes. Better-off
residents also build additional floors to their houses so they can move up when
the ground floor is flooded as well as providing rental income from workers in
nearby fish port and factories.
Among local governments, the most popular response area is the installa-
tion of a “bombastik” (water diversion pumps) to divert flood waters from
their area to the river/sea. As a water diversion technique, it drains the flooded
barangay of water and reducing the flooding to the houses. But the nearby
communities without a “bombastic” installed will then be flooded. This is
clearly illustrated in the case of Bangkulasi and Barangay Bagong South in
Navotas. After the former installed water diversion pumps, floods in the latter
would reach the residents’ waists, which previously would just be to their
knees. Garbage floating in these communities is also carried by the river from
different parts of the metropolis with non-recyclable and non-biodegradable
materials reaching the floors of the residents during tidal surges/floods. The
increasing water levels often go beyond the floors of the houses near the river.
While residents here have constructed bamboo/wooden bridges to connect
their houses, these also pose risks (e.g., falling into the pile of debris and
murky, dirty waters) to children walking during the dark nights. For most of
these households, the body of water also serves as their septic tank.
Households located near the sea and rivers are always flooded during high
tide. Spouts of murky water would come out of the uncovered manholes
denuding the makeshift market and houses. Local officials and residents would
try to ward off the incoming water through sandbags, cementing of footpaths
and rehabilitation of canals. Meanwhile, residents along the banks of the river
adapt to flooding by constructing houses on stilts or on platforms built above
440 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

the water. During these last few years, some have added a floor or two to their
houses to escape the rising waters, especially during heavy rains and tidal
surges. Cemented sea walls serve as flood barrier and pathways for the com-
munity but so many (i.e., children, drunks, and drug-crazed residents) have
fallen off and drowned, during floods and typhoons when these structures
become quite slippery. This is often compounded by excess oils and other
waste products from factories located along the river. According to the resi-
dents, this environment has caused a host of sickness (dengue, upper respi-
ratory problems like bronchial pneumonia) among their children who often
play and swim in the nearby waters. This area is very prone to the rising sea
levels, soil erosion/inundation, floods and storm/tidal surges, making the resi-
dents more at risk to the effects of climate change compared to other parts of
the city.
Residents have also reported changes over time in the intensity of the mon-
soon rains and the depth of floods in their communities. Tidal waters did not
reach their schools before; now their classrooms often are flooded resulting in
children going home during the rainy season. To a certain extent, the dikes
built along the river have protected the residents from floods and tidal/storm
surges. But it has also prevented drainage of household sewage and other
wastes to the river and compromising the previous free flow of wastes through
the community drainage system. Heightening the effects of floods to the
informal settlements is the continuous development of middle-class residen-
tial and industrial structures in the nearby swampy areas, which has increased
the siltation/clogging of substandard drainage channels of filling materials
that developers have used to strengthen the land.
Among local governments in Metro Manila, Marikina is one of the most
successful LGUs in constructing flood mitigation structures (Marikina City
Gov’t, 2994). In 1992, Marikina’s flooded area was 6.36 sq. kms. But this was
reduced to 4.40 sq. kms. in 2004 with the following initiatives: (1) Concret-
ing of roads a priority of the LGU to reduce the amounts of sand, pebbles, and
mud entering the drainage system; (2) Construction and rehabilitation of
major outfalls which allow flooded areas to recede faster and in the process
reduce flood damage and other negative impacts; (3) Regular massive dredg-
ing operations allowing faster discharge of floodwaters from residential subdi-
visions to the creeks/rivers; (4) Demolition of obstructions like the squatter/
informal settlements along rivers and/above waterways (e.g., small creeks,
drainage channels); (5) Provision of relocation areas and housing for the infor-
mal settlers by the city’s resettlement office, and (6) Improvement of existing
water diversion channels. Among local governments, Marikina City is only
one who has systematically constructed river barriers and relocated informal
 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 441

settlements along the Marikina River. From 1992 to 2004, Marikina’s

Resettlement Office processed over 13,000 families from the river banks for
in-city relocation. The city’s engineering office regularly clear their canals and
drainage systems.
Like most cities in Metro Manila, Marikina has witnessed rapid urbaniza-
tion because of in-migration, internal growth, increasing densities in residen-
tial, industrial development and decreasing agricultural land uses. But the
local government regulated these forces through: (1) monitoring closely the
informal settling of people in danger zones like creeks and river channels, and
(2) regulation of the building of residential subdivisions and polluting indus-
trial establishments.

Conclusion
Land use practices, living standards, and government policy/program responses
have heightened the impacts of flooding, and storm/tidal surges among the
urban poor in riverine communities of Metro Manila. The socio-political and
economic systems in the different cities of Metro Manila generate different
level of exposures to risks and vulnerabilities to impacts of climate change.
Thus, low-income households and communities in the low-lying areas of the
city are more at risk to environmental pollution, floods, typhoons, and storm/
tidal surges, compared to the other areas of the city.
This study found a strong interaction between the environmental-ecological
vulnerability of the communities along the river systems (Marikina-Pasig,
Malabon-Tullahan and Napindan) and the social vulnerability of urban poor
households living in these areas. Thus, the effects of climate change like
typhoons, floods and storm/tidal surges on the poor households becomes mag-
nified because of their environmental location and their low socio-economic
status (i.e., low incomes, no housing tenure, no adequate access to water,
electricity, drainage/sewage system). In like manner, the better-off among the
urban poor are able to devise coping strategies to reduce the impacts of climate
change on their lives.
While all of the communities in this study experienced floods and/or tidal
surges, the survey showed that those in the KAMANAVA and West Manga-
han areas suffer more losses, damages, and inconveniences because of impacts
of climate change.2 Residents of these urban poor communities and their local

2
This survey was done before Typhoon Ketsana floodwaters inundated Marikina City in
Sept. 2009.
442 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

officials have observed and reported how there has been increasing intensity,
frequency, and changed patterns of occurrence of typhoons, monsoon rains,
and floods in the last few years and this supported by data from the weather
bureau, PAG-ASA.
Who are most at risk to the effects of climate change? The urban poor
families residing on flood plains and near rivers/coasts, experience most the
devastation from floods, typhoons, tidal or storm surges. Climate change
becomes doubly acute for poor people with substandard housing structures
and lack proper access to potable water, sewage and drainage systems. Their
potential for adaptation is diminished by the low capacity of local/national
governments to provide the necessary infrastructure and services or to main-
tain and restore existing ones. Among the local governments in the study,
those of Marikina and Navotas seem to have responded with infrastructure
development to stem the effects of floods and other climate change impacts.
But the rest of the metropolis is quite far behind in responding to these changes
in the environment.
Among the urban poor, the poorest of the poor (bottom third) are very
vulnerable as they do not have a choice as where to build or relocate their
houses, find alternative jobs, or schools for their children. Most of them are
separated/widowed, elderly, sick, and dependent or disabled. They have
diminished capacity to cope with the losses suffered from frequent typhoons,
floods or tidal surge such as sickness, loss of income, livelihood and other
household assets. Women, also bear the brunt of taking care of sick children
and their homes during and after floods. The communities in the study also
have high proportion of socially vulnerable population (i.e., low-income
households in temporary/makeshift houses in informal squatter settlements)
living in ecologically vulnerable lands (i.e., danger zones or unsuitable for
habitation). Of the three flood plains, however, those from KAMANAVA and
West Mangahan were most affected by typhoons, floods, and tidal surges.
Regular occurrence of these extreme weather events often make residents sick

from colds, flu, respiratory and intestinal diseases and a large part of their
incomes spent on health care. Some of them also suffered income losses
because they could not go to work while their children also missed school
because of floods and sickness.
How resilient are the urban poor residents to the impacts of climate change?
The survey results show that the level of preparedness among the residents to
cope with the disastrous effects of typhoons, floods and storm/tidal surges in
these vulnerable areas is very low. This low level of disaster preparedness, how-
ever, is not limited to the poor but also among better-off households and
 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445 443

among government officials as well. The latter, however, do not reside in

places that are very vulnerable to floods and storm/tidal surges. Thus, they do
not feel very much the impact of climate change except when floods cause
traffic jams and their mobility is affected. Perhaps, this explains the “wait
and see” attitude among most of them.
Meanwhile, among the poor and vulnerable households, they seem to have
become adjusted to the dangers associated with tidal surges, typhoons, heavy
monsoon rains, and flooding. Some residents have no choice but get used to
the frequency of floods, heavy rains, and water entering their houses. Thus,
they have made physical, social and psychological adjustments to climate
change-related impacts in their daily lives.
The infrastructural and real estate development along the riverine commu-
nities continue to heighten their vulnerability levels. Permits for residential
subdivisions, industrial, and commercial development have not slowed down.
Thus, in the swampy (formerly, rice and water cress fields) areas of West
Mangahan, real estate developments continue to proliferate despite the rising
waters and increasing frequency of floods; they just raise the foundations and
height of the building structure.
How prepared are the local governments and institutions in coping with
the impacts of climate change? Embedded in their mitigation deficits to
address the impacts of climate change are the continued implementations of
mal-adaptive programs exacerbated by their general lack of capacity among
government agencies. With the exception of Marikina which has been quite
pro-active in its flood control program, most of the local governments are ill-
prepared to cope with the impacts of climate change. They have been short in
providing appropriately designed infrastructure support to mitigate/reduce
risks. While the National Disaster Risk Management and Reduction Council
(NDRMRC) has been coordinating trying to increase the disaster prepared-
ness of service agencies and local governments but local implementation has
been quite uneven. Unlike Marikina, most LGUs and state agencies lack the
political will to address the needs of informal settlements in danger zone and
public domain areas. Greatly lacking is the effective bureaucratic collaboration
among the 17 local governments in the metropolis, the national agencies and
that of the Metro Manila Development Authority (MMDA).
In the final analysis, the vulnerability and adaptation of the urban poor
residents to the impacts of climate change rest on a combination of factors at
the household, community, local, and national levels. At local and national
levels, the services provided by governments are inadequate. Their land use
plans and development programs are not in synchrony with the initiatives of
urban poor communities at the local level. This is seen in the latter’s violation
444 E. Porio / Asian Journal of Social Science 39 (2011) 425–445

of land and building regulations. Compounding this problem is the lack of

disaster preparedness among the residents, informal/formal institutions in the
community, and the state service agencies.
This failure can be greatly linked to the lack of effective urban policies and
local governance. In turn, this situation can be traced, in part, to the lack of
investments in “climate-proofing” the infrastructures among governments
and donor agencies. If there are some initiatives in this direction, these have
not been effectively integrated with the other infrastructural investments to
maximize its positive impacts.
To conclude, the vulnerability to climate change-related impacts of urban
poor populations in third world mega-cities like Metro Manila becomes
greatly heightened by the unregulated urban growth/sprawl. The links between
urban poverty and the impacts of climate change like increased intensity of
floods, frequency and irregular pattern of monsoon rains and typhoons, then
becomes more direct and intense.

Acknowledgement
I would like to thank the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA),
especially Dr. Megumi Muto, for making this study possible.

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