How important was gender in the emerging stereotype of witches?

Student Number:
680028374
The stereotype of witches that emerged in the later Middle Ages can be traced back to
earlier biblical and Graeco-Roman influences. According to Historians, a common theme
arises in the representation of women practising magic, which is particularly important in the
later formation of the image of the witch. However, female practitioners of magic in this
sense had not surrendered themselves to demons and Satan himself, like the witches of the
fifteenth century were accused of doing. The ‘Witch of Endor’ is an example of an Early
Modern imposition on the biblical female practitioner of magic. As a soothsayer who was
consulted by Saul to summon the spirit of Samuel, she was only branded as a ‘witch’ once
the King James Bible was published in the fifteenth century. However, her placement within
the bible is a testament to an association of the female with magic in the pre-Medieval world.
In Isidore’s De Magi he discusses women known as ‘Sibyls’ who “would interpret the divine
will for humans”1. Many earlier depictions of female magicians do not however
accommodate the descriptions given to witches in the Early Modern period, and the harmful
magic they were said to practice. However, in the Graeco-Roman world, according to
Michael Bailey, they “condemned only harmful sorcery as illegal.” And all other magic was a
“morally neutral act.”2 However, clerical writings such as theological treatises, penitentials,
and inquisitor manuals were crucial in forming the association of women with magic, and
ultimately how this was rooted in theological beliefs and agenda. Significant cultural writings
reflected a feminization of magic, for example, Medieval Romances with female magical
figures such as enchantresses and fairies. Not only does this reflect a gender bias, but there
also appears to be a major conflation of popular forms of magic and learned magic, which
led to the creation of the stereotype of the witch.
Throughout the Medieval period, there were several influential clerical writings that explicitly
associate women with having the ability to fly, much like the stereotypical witch of the Late
Medieval period. This is exhibited in Burchard of Worms corrector where, in his discussion of
the ‘Magical Arts’ he condemns “wicked women, turning back to Satan and seduced by the
illusions and phantasms of demons” who “in the night hours ride on certain animals with the
pagan goddess Diana and a countless multitude of women.”3 Burchard of Worms corrector
places later depictions of witches flying within an earlier Medieval context, whereby pagan
goddess Diana, appears simultaneously magical and demonic at the same time. This
reflects how crucial theological views were in forming the stereotype surrounding witches
over time. This idea of an association with demonic magic can be traced back to the
influential Early Medieval theologian Augustine, who asserted that most forms of magic were
inspired by demonic intervention, which in a Graeco-Roman context, had been considered
harmless. Therefore, theologians inspired the creation of the Latin word maleficium, which is
useful in displaying how the formation of witchcraft derived from earlier ideas of sorcery.
Augustine’s rationalisation of female practitioners of magic was, according to Michael Bailey
an “intellectual framework established by learned necromancy, which laid the foundation for
the eventual construction of the concept of witchcraft.”4 Michael Bailey explores Bernard of
Gui’s inquisitor manual in the twelfth century and how his understanding of magical practices

1 Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, ‘Book VIII, The Church and sects’, trans. in Kors/Peters, Witchcraft in
Europe, p. 181
2 Michael D. Bailey, ‘From Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical conceptions of magic in the Later Middle

Ages’, in Speculum, Vol. 76, No. 4, (The University of Chicago Press: October 2001) p. 963
3 Burchard of Worms, ‘Corrector’, trans in Kors/Peters, Witchcraft in Europe, 400-1700,

(Peterborough, Ont: Broadview Press, 1997) p. 444

4 Michael D. Bailey, ‘From Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical conceptions of magic in the Later Middle

Ages’, in Speculum, Vol. 76, No. 4, (The University of Chicago Press: October 2001) p. 966
were based upon the idea of a “human magician actively seeking out demonic forces and
performing certain ritual acts to compel them into service.”5 Which meant from his
perspective, many forms of magic had demonic intentions, similarly to Necromancy. As a
monk he would have likely encountered Necromancy as it was considered a learned,
masculine form of magic which women were largely excluded from. However, for practices
that had previously been associated with this form of magic, the inspiration for later
definitions of witchcraft should be explored. As necromancy was learned magic Michael
Bailey highlights how “A necromancer, whatever else might be thought of him, had to be
intelligent and have a certain force of will to work his magic.”6 Within a Medieval context
women were much less likely to be educated, particularly in ritualistic and complex rituals
which Necromancy entailed, and wilfulness was not considered a particularly feminine
quality. Before 1350 charges of sorcery and Necromancy mainly affected men as they made
up “70 per cent of the accused.”7 From this, Necromancy was a cause for concern amongst
churchmen at this point, and women were not being charged as much due to their
association with more common forms of magic, like healing and love magic rather than
learned magic. However, the development between Necromancy and witchcraft was
fragmented through the camaraderie between different men within the clerical sphere and
their association with necromancy. Richard Kieckhefer described it as a ‘clerical underworld’
whereby they were expected to “Have at least a rudimentary knowledge of Latin, ritual, and
doctrine.”8After all, Necromancy was prevalent in ecclesiastical circles and in court life, they
were all likely to have known Necromancers or practiced it themselves, yet they were just
perceived to be young and silly men who practiced it out of curiosity. Whereas this is vastly
different when the witch becomes associated with demons to assume their power for their
own needs. In this sense women are othered in this practice of magic who “were not just
sorcerers with a few diabolical flourishes added on. The nature of their power and of their
interaction with demonic forces was different, and more sinister, than that entailed by any
earlier notions even of demonic sorcery.”9 An interesting figure to explore when looking at
Necromancy is Morgan Le Fay in the Arthurian Romances and her position as a learned
enchantress.
Feminization of magic throughout the Middle Ages can be explored through Romance
Literature, particularly through figures like Morgan Le Fay. In the context of Medieval
Romances an important element is the supernatural ‘otherworld’. Corrine Saunders
highlights how there are many different feminine associations with the ‘otherworld’, through
the depiction of “fées, enchantresses, sorceresses, witches, charmeresses, and
Phitonesses.”10 Highly feminized creatures of the otherworld are fairies, particularly through
their extreme beauty which highlights their supernatural nature, for example the fairy
mistress in Lai de Lanval. In this sense, their beauty and bodies are sexualised, which as
further argued by Corrinne Saunders “upholds the values of chivalry, in particular largesse,
through the erotic pursuit of Lanval by his beloved, and honour is rewarded with physical
possession of the idealised, beautiful body.”11 Their importance appears to lay in their
supernatural ability of wish-fulfillment of the male protagonist to bring him some sort of

5 Michael D. Bailey, ‘From Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical conceptions of magic in the Later Middle
Ages’, in Speculum, Vol. 76, No. 4, (The University of Chicago Press: October 2001) p. 975.
6 Ibid, p. 988
7 Ibid, p. 989
8 Richard Kieckhefer, ‘Necromancy in the Clerical Underworld’, in Magic in the Middle Ages,

(Cambridge University Press: October 2014) p. 152.

9 Ibid, p. 965
10 Corrine Saunders, Erotic magic: The Enchantresses in Middle English Romance, (Boydell &

Brewer: September 2012) P. 39

11 Ibid, p. 41
success and eroticism. Here, the feminization of magic seems apparent as she can provide
love, sex, healing, and protection. However, “these are the aims too of human magical
practices, but faery magic requires no complex and suspicious rituals.”12 As previously
discussed, Bernard Gui’s inquisitor manual draws a comparison between fairies and women
who were associated with harmful magic, as he states “the fairy women whom they call the
good ones, who, it is said, make their way through the night.”13 As fairies derived from
folkloric roots in the Celtic nymph who could fly, were commonly found by bodies of water,
like fairies in Medieval Romances, which reflects a further influence on the feminization of
magic. In this context, folkloric influenced the stereotypical view that witches could fly. This
feminization is particularly important in the Medieval Romance context, as Enchantresses
are depicted as figures like Morgan Le Fay in the Arthurian romances. Morgan is described
as moving “on the periphery of the Arthurian court, but they often intervene directly in life in
Camelot. Their actions, sudden and mysterious, unsettle accepted notions of women’s roles
in chivalric society.”14 This is particularly evident as Morgan Le Fay as explored by James
Wade, is described as a “noble clergesse.”15 A woman who was skilled in learned magic due
to being taught by Merlin, and as a character was gradually demonised as concerns
surrounding witchcraft grew. Her demonisation is even more evident through her changing
depictions throughout different interpretations of her character in the Arthurian Romances,
transitioning from Arthur’s sister to his nemesis. Ultimately, by the time Morte Darthur was
written in the fifteenth century, the enchantress was seen “as a force of disruption, troubling
the male landscape of chivalry with the actions of desire and the threat of the erotic.”16 One
consistent factor in the feminization of magic in the Romances appears to be how their “the
power over women gained by men through prowess is balanced by the power of the
supernatural.”17 In this way, Morgan Le Fay’s power is manifested through the means of
magic and appears to be used as a defence in a male orientated world where confrontation
usually involves physical violence. In this way, the idea of women practicing magic and
subverting gender hierarchies is through their acquired power, which according to
misogynistic beliefs surrounding women in the Medieval period, should not be possible.
However, this power is largely reserved to the fact that they are considered supernatural and
from the ‘otherworld’.
The feminization of magic is apparent when considering Early Medieval theological, clerical
perspectives, and the significance of Romance literature reflects concerns highlighted in
later inquisitorial manuals which expanded this feminization towards overt witchcraft.
Catherine Rider argues that when exploring inquisition and witch trial records, they expose
that “women were more likely to be put on trial for using love magic than men” particularly
“prostitutes.”18 Usually this magic was viewed as a way of constraining men, which again

12 Corrinne Saunders, Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval English Romance, (Boydell & Brewer
2010) p. 206
13 Michael D. Bailey, ‘From Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical conceptions of magic in the Later Middle

Ages’, in Speculum, Vol. 76, No. 4, (The University of Chicago Press: October 2001) p. 975.
14 Carolyne Larrington, ‘King Arthur’s Enchantresses: Morgan and Her Sisters in Arthurian tradition’

(I.B.Tauris , 2006) p. 3
15 James Wade, Fairies in Medieval Romance (Palgrave Macmillan: New York , 2011) p. 10
16 Corrine Saunders, Erotic magic: The Enchantresses in Middle English Romance, (Boydell &
Brewer: September 2012) p. 40
17 Ibid p. 30
18 Catherine Rider, Women, Men, and Love Magic in Late Medieval English Pastoral Manuals, in

Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft, Vol. 7, No. 2, (University of Pennsylvania Press: 2012) p. 191
presents female sexuality as a threat and plays into the stereotype that emerged of the
witch. This idea can be explored through the famously misogynistic text the Malleus
Maleficarum published in 1487 developed for ‘witch-hunters’, around the same time there
was a rise in the number of witch trials which became more “frequent during the years 1455-
0 and 1480-5.”19 Women within ecclesiastical circles were susceptible to magic, this is
because they are considered weak minded and more likely to devote themselves to Satan.
This idea of “submission and subservience” appear to be “characteristically female
qualities.”20 In this context it appears that this submission is reminiscent of previous
discussions of the sexualisation of the feminine and how this evolved into becoming
associated with witchcraft. This growing gendered element of the witch stereotype can also
be explored through men who were accused of witchcraft, particularly as the devil at the
sabbath appears in the form of a man (incubus). Men who were associated with witchcraft
were branded as effeminate rather than masculine, which in the medieval inquisitor mind
made him a sodomist, particularly as he would have partaken in orgies at the sabbath. The
idea of the man being associated with the feminine nature of a woman due to his sexual
preferences and being subservient in the act, allows his embodiment of femininity. For
example, Richard Kieckhefer discusses the case of the Templars of Dame Alice Kyteler in
the fourteenth century. Who were charged with “sodomy, blasphemy, and other species of
immorality.”21 Much like homosexuality is a big taboo for men in the Middle Ages, men’s
association with witchcraft meant they were feminized, particularly from an inquisitor’s
perspective. The feminization if particularly significant as men charged with it were usually
related to a female who had been accused. Michael Bailey further highlights this
sexualisation of the feminine whereby in the Malleus Maleficarum it states that “all witchcraft
comes from carnal lust, which in women is insatiable.”22 Another defining feminization of
witchcraft is the fact that men are generally viewed as being in more control of their sexual
impulses, if they are not, they are also branded effeminate. This may be an attempt to
rationalise the nature of witchcraft whereby witches were accused of complete apostasy, of
rejecting their faith and surrendering their souls to Satan himself in exchange for their dark
powers.”23 They would commit awful crimes which entirely went against feminized medieval
values, like maternalism, as explored through confession of the “consumption of human
infants”24 as explored by Kieckhefer, further adding to the perceived horror of the
feminization of witchcraft.
To conclude, it appears that Gender is extremely significant in the emerging stereotype of
witches. It is evident that women are largely prosecuted for witchcraft in the later Middle
Ages and Early Modern period, but the feminization of maleficum magic was echoed
throughout religious theological and Medieval Romance fiction in the earlier Middle Ages.
Understanding these earlier influences highlights how the basis of witchcraft had been
formulated out of growing fear towards practitioners of magic, particularly women who posed

19 Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials, Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture,
1300-1500, (Routledge, 1976) p. 23.
20 Michael D. Bailey, ‘From Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical conceptions of magic in the Later Middle

Ages’, in Speculum, Vol. 76, No. 4, (The University of Chicago Press, October 2001) p. 988
21 Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials, Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture,

1300-1500, (Routledge, 1976) p. 14

22 Moira Smith, ‘The Flying Phallus and the Laughing Inquisitor: Penis Theft in the ‘Malleus

Maleficarum’, in Journal of Folklore Research, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Indiana University Press, April 2002) P.
87
23 Michael D. Bailey, ‘From Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical conceptions of magic in the Later Middle

Ages’, in Speculum, Vol. 76, No. 4, (The University of Chicago Press, October 2001) p. 962.
24 Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials, Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture,

1300-1500, (Routledge, 1976) p.26

a threat to gender hierarchies through their supernatural power and sexuality. Men who were
associated with witchcraft were also considered threatening due to their instant feminization
and attachment to the homosexual taboo. While it seems, there is a conflation between the
feminization of magic and learned forms of demonic magic, this formed the stereotype of the
witch which displayed influences of learned, Christian, theological perspectives. As well as
how this led to the equation of magic to demonic influence which seemingly stems from a
clerical misunderstanding of the feminine, and its historical association with non-harmful
forms of common magic.

Word Count: 2192

Bibliography:
Primary Sources:

• Burchard of Worms, ‘Corrector’, trans in Kors/Peters, Witchcraft in Europe, 400-1700,

(Peterborough, Ont: Broadview Press, 1997)
• Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, ‘Book VIII, The Church and sects’, trans. in
Kors/Peters, Witchcraft in Europe.
Secondary Readings:

• Bailey, Michael, ‘From Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical conceptions of magic in the

Later Middle Ages’, in Speculum, Vol. 76, No. 4, (The University of Chicago Press,
October 2001)
• Kieckhefer, Richard, ‘Necromancy in the Clerical Underworld’, in Magic in the Middle
Ages, (Cambridge University Press, October 2014)
• Larrington, Carolyne, ‘King Arthur’s Enchantresses: Morgan and Her Sisters in
Arthurian tradition’ (I.B.Tauris , 2006)
• Rider, Catherine, Women, Men, and Love Magic in Late Medieval English Pastoral
Manuals, in Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft, Vol. 7, No. 2, (University of Pennsylvania
Press, 2012)
• Saunders, Corrine, Erotic magic: The Enchantresses in Middle English Romance,
(Boydell & Brewer, September 2012)
• Saunders, Corrine, Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval English Romance,
(Boydell & Brewer, 2010)
• Smith, Moira, ‘The Flying Phallus and the Laughing Inquisitor: Penis Theft in the
‘Malleus Maleficarum’, in Journal of Folklore Research, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Indiana
University Press, April 2002)