Indigenizing The Social Sciences: Module 4 Lesson 1

INDIGENIZING
THE SOCIAL
SCIENCES
MODULE 4 LESSON 1
INDIGENIZING THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
• This lesson introduces students to the contributions made by Filipino Social scientists, toward
the development of social sciences in the country. Many of these thinkers are educators, who
studied abroad and returned to the Philippines to found social sciences departments in various
universities and to extensively study the impacts of colonialism, the roots of poverty. and the
cultures of urban and rural communities. Filipino Social Thinkers
INDIGENIZING THE SOCIAL
SCIENCES
• Our national hero, Jose Rizal (1861-1896), is perhaps one of the
earliest known social thinkers to have emerged from the
Philippines. His novels, Noli Me Tangere and EI Filibusterismo,
are in fact included in the sociology curriculum of several
universities abroad. These novels provide a satirical portrait of
the social conditions in the Philippines during Spanish rule.
Rizal’s critique of an oppressive system under Spain was
expressed, not only in his books, but also in his essays for La
Solidaridad, is a biweekly newspaper published in Barcelona, to
which he and five other Filipinos—Marcelo H. Del Pilar,
Graciano Lopez-Jaena, Antonio Luna, Mariano Ponce, and Jose
Maria Panganiban—contributed. His views of the Spanish
government led to his incarceration and eventual death through
a firing squad.
• As with Rizal, Isabelo de los Reyes (1864-1938) also
fought against the abuses of the church and government
under Spain, denouncing the conditions of landless
peasants amidst the concentration of land ownership
among the friars. Educated in law and history, he was also
a journalist, writing articles that opposed American
occupation. Inspired by Karl Marx, he campaigned
against the exploitative practices of American capitalists,
and organized the first labor union in the Philippines in
1902. Together with Gregorio Agipay, he also founded the
Philippine Independent Church as a counter to Catholic
influence in the country. He is considered to be the Father
of Filipino Socialism and the first Filipino Marxist.
• The academic and systematic study of the social sciences in the Philippines came about in the
early to mid-1900s, when the American carved out social sciences departments in universities.
At around the same time, a number of Filipino scholars embarked on undergraduate and
postgraduate studies, primarily in the United States. Some of them wert sent by the American
government to undergo training, that would enable them to take on government positions once
the Americans left. Many o these scholars returned to establish social sciences departments in
various universities. They undertook quantitative and qualitative research that analyzed the
effects of colonialism on Filipinos, cultural development it communities, and the structural
causes of poverty in the country.
• The studies that revolutionized social thought in the
Philippines and changed perceptions of social conditions
include Mary Racelis' "Dynamic of Power in a Philippine
Municipality," published in 1963, and F. Land Jocano's "Slum
as a Way of Life," published in 1975. Racelis examine the
power structure in a peasant community in Bulacan, focusing
on the functions of kinship, alliance systems, and values in
the struggle for power and the search for the power elite.
• F. Landa Jocano, on the other hand conducted ethnographic
work on slum dwellers in Manila, to arrive cultural traits and
values specific to slum dwellers, as they coped an adapted to
slum conditions.
INDIGENIZING
THE SOCIAL
SCIENCES
• Other influential social scientists include Fr. Jaime Bulatao, S),

often considered as the Father of Philippine Psychology; Virgilio
Enrique: who initiated the idea of a Sikolohiyang Pilipino; and
Zeus Salazar, who proposed a Pantayong Pananaw. The next
sections elaborate on the work of Bulatao, Enriquez, and Salazar.
• The 1960s and beyond saw a flourishing of social scientific work and advocacy. Institutions, for
instance, the Institute of Philippine Culture and Philippine Social Science Council, were set up.
Academic publications such as the Philippine Sociological Review and the Philippine
Economic were launched. Many thinkers were involved in social movements against martial
law and the dictatorship. Nongovernment organizations were established to carry out research
and advocacy work on social issues and to mobilize communities and empower the poor.
• Institute of Philippine Culture's Study on Philippine Values
• The Institute of Philippine Culture (IPC) released a book compilation of four essays on Philippine
values written by social scientists Frank Lynch, Mary Racelis, Jaime C. Bulatao, and John J. Carroll.
While the book was first published in 1964, its relevance and insights on values still hold until today.
• The book emerged at a time when the goal of its citizens, namely educators, businessmen, religious
leaders, and public administrators," was to attain a planned progress without coercion, or without
impeding the freedom of people. In order to establish this, the authors suggested Understanding the
value orientations of the Filipinos and capturing certain aspects of their elusive culture. Through this
collection of studies, the writers can also assert their belief in a middle ground between a "heartless
social science and thoughtless social action." The studies on values were i said to have been found
useful, not only to students, but also to "planners: and implementors of programs of social and
economic change."
FRANK LYNCH: SOCIAL ACCEPTANCE
• Lynch defined values as the "standards used in the making
of a decision." He stressed how similar values may be
found across different societies, but the ranking and
emphasis of these value systems may differ. As such, "no
value is uniquely Filipino." Lynch cited as example how
Americans may settle issues by agreeing to disagree.
Filipinos, on the other hand, straighten out disputes by
agreeing not to disagree. Americans might resolve issues
by speaking their minds, while Filipinos would achieve
this though silence or evasive speech.
• In order to identify and highlight values which are
important in a society, Lynch borrowed Robin M.
William's fourfold test. He considered the 1) extensiveness,
or how much a portion of the population exhibit the value;
(2) duration, or how significant the value is over a period
of time; intensity, or how the value is maintained through
sanctions and reactions to those opposing the said value:
and (4) the prestige of value carriers, or how the value is
represented by groups, organizations, or objects who are
considered "bearers of the value,"
• According to Lynch, Filipinos are compelled to behave
and develop distinct values because of three things: (1)
social acceptance, or approval by another "for what one is,
or thinks oneself to be, or would like to be," and be treated
according to one's station; (2) economic security, where
one is at least debt-free: and (3) social mobility, or moving
up to a higher social class.
• To achieve this, the following are necessary:
A. Smooth Interpersonal Relations
• Smooth interpersonal relations (SIR) is defined by Lynch as "a facility at
getting along with others in such a way as to avoid outward signs of
conflict...it means agreeable under different circumstances, and of keeping
quiet or out of sight...it means a sensitivity to what other people feel at any
given moment, and a willingness and ability to change tack if not direction)
to catch the lightest favoring breeze." Lynch observed how Americans
described Filipinos as pleasant, while Filipinos would comment about how
Americans are "brutally frank." This, according to Lynch, was a product of
how SIR is more valued by Filipinos than by Americans.
• To achieve SIR, Lynch listed three means: pakikisama, euphemism and
using a go-between.
Pakikisama
• derived from sama, which means "accompany, go along with,"
refers to a form of concession or giving in. Lynch gave the
example of consenting or yielding to the majority or the leader
so that decisions are undivided.
Using a go-between
• entails a "third party who is used to assuage a bruise, heal a wound,
or prevent injury." Go-betweens serve as a means to avoid the
shame (hiya) of interacting face-to-face. Their function as mediators
also includes evading embarrassment, resolving the conflict, and
explaining more articulately than their sender.
These concepts have importance when it comes to how Filipinos
resolve conflict. When a person enters into a tense relationship with an
outsider, his relatives are expected to take his side and back him up.
Filipinos rely on interdependence, which originates from one's relatives
and kin serving as allies against outsiders. This is different from that of
Americans, where they rely on their independence and defend
themselves, rather than seek support from others. Because of this,
Filipinos engaging in conflict imply that everyone—including the social,
political, and economic life of the communities involved as well. Lynch
saw this as one reason SIR is very important in the Filipinos value
system.
B. Shame (Hiya) and Self-Esteem (Amor Propio)
• Shame, in its general definition, is defined as "the uncomfortable feeling that

accompanies awareness of being in a socially unacceptable position or performing a
socially unacceptable action." However, the feeling of hiya or shame is felt in different
ways. A worker borrowing money from his employer may feel hiya when he sees himself
in a socially undesirable role. He might say "l am ashamed" ("nahihiya ako"). The worker
was not compelled by his shame and went beyond the expected conduct by borrowing
money; as such, he sees himself as shameless or walang hiya. On the other hand, the
employer might reject the request to lend money. This situation would obtain a response
from the worker "He shamed me" ("hiniya niya ako"). Another scenario where hiya may
be experienced is if a second worker suddenly entered the room. In this case, the
worker would be ashamed and would leave. He might say "Il am ashamed" ("nahihiya
ako") or "I am ashamed to say it because another person is there" ("nahihiya akong
sabihin kasi andyan si ano").
B. Shame (Hiya) and Self-Esteem (Amor Propio)
• In lowland Philippines, hiya serves as a universal social sanction as

it compels people to conform. In a more specific context, amor
propio or self-esteem is a type of sanction which occurs in
interpersonal relations. Lynch, however, distinguished it from SIR,
which seeks to gain social acceptance. Amor propio differs in that it
is a means of “retaining the acceptance one already has." An insult
or offensive remark or gesture would not arouse anger in an
individual; it is only when his core values are attacked that a
response is expected. Lynch illustrated how a farmer would not be
offended if his inability to read and write is criticized. But if his being
a husband and a father are questioned, a violent response might be
expected.
MARY RACELIS: RECIPROCITY IN LOWLAND PHILIPPINES
• In her study in the lowland community of Tulayan in
Bulacan, Racelis identified three classifications of
reciprocity: contractual reciprocity, quasi contractual
reciprocity, and utang na loob (debt of gratitude)
reciprocity.
A. Contractual Reciprocity
Contractual reciprocity refers to "a voluntary agreement between two
or more people to behave toward one another in a specified way for a
specified time in the future." An example of contractual reciprocity,
according to Racelis, is a group of farmers agreeing to take turns in
plowing each other’s fields, with the same level of effort and amount
of time or period. Only when all fields have been plowed would the
obligation be settled. Failure to comply will result to the group
marginalizing the shirker by not extending assistance to him in the
future. Another example cited by Racelis is how the Tulayan
workmen have a contract with a prearranged sum to be given when
the work has been accomplished.
A. Contractual Reciprocity
Contractual reciprocity possesses the following traits:
• Reciprocal acts are equivalent.
• Mutual assistance
• Participants know what is expected of them.
• There is a minimum affective sentiment.
• Participants are in a state of equilibrium when the obligation is
fulfilled.
B. Quasi-contractual Reciprocity
Quasi-contractual reciprocity happens when repayments are
dictated by the culture of a certain community. Reciprocity ensues
without necessitating prior arrangements. An example in the
Tulavan community is the abuloy, the contribution given to the
bereaved family when someone dies. A notebook is used to record
the donor and the amount bestowed. Reciprocity occurs when
death happens in the donor's family. The same amount of abuloy
is donated, without any additional interest. This arrangement
takes place when both parties are of equal social status.
On instances when the social statuses are different, the higher status family is
expected to give an amount which cannot be equaled by the lower status
family. In return, the lower status family would settle the debt through
services, such as being helpers to prepare the food during the wake, keeping
vigil during the wake for several nights, and attending prayers and the funeral.
Other examples include borrowing rice, main dishes, or viands, kitchen
wares, and household goods like ladders and bolos. The item borrowed
should be immediately returned or replaced within a few days. The same
applies to cooperative labor projects such as lusong or bayanihan (cooperative
work bee). In the building of a salambao (fishing-raft), an individual will
invite his neighbors and relatives to work on the salambao. Refreshments will
be provided by the individual who sought assistance. Afterward, it is expected
that the individual will repay the obligation when his friends and relatives
called for another lusong.
Quasi-contractual reciprocity exhibits the following traits:
• Exchange should have an equivalent value, or identical in form.
• No interests unless there is a failure to return within a certain
period.
• Expected cultural norms compel individuals.
• Repayment has no significant time period, but individuals are i
expected to reciprocate to those who provided assistance when a
similar situation arises.
C. Utang na Loob or Reciprocity
Utang na loob or reciprocity refers to "a transfer of goods or
services taking place between individuals belonging to two
different groups." This type of reciprocity is considered an
"ancient Filipino operating principle" and has long been in
existence. Racelis cited Colin's work written in 1663 where utang
na loob existed between the barangay chief and his people, and a
landlord and his tenant in Polson and Pal's work in 1952.
C. Utang na Loob or Reciprocity
Utang na loob reciprocity has the following traits:
• Unequal repayment with no previous agreement
• Repayment comes with additional interests Debtor afraid of
being dubbed as "walang utang na loob" or "walang hiya."
• Feeling of insecurity over repayment or settlement of obligation
• Affective sentiment is at a maximum (e.g. debt of gratitude as
high)
JAIME BULATAO: MANILENO'S OFFSPRINGS
• Based on a study conducted with fifty men and forty
women aged eighteen to thirty-five, Jaime Bulatao
interpreted their stories and found four dominant Filipino
values: (1) emotional closeness and security in a family (2)
authority value; (3) economic and social betterment; and
(4) patence, suffering, and endurance.
A. Emotional Closeness and Security in a Family
• Bulatao claimed that the family has a double function: as
an outlet through a "free and unguarded emotional
exchange," and as a provider of "understanding,
acceptance, a place where, no matter how far or how
wrongly one has wandered, he can always return."
• He further elaborated the importance of family in relation to
values:
1. The individual's self-interest is sacrificed for the good of the
family. This can be seen in several instances, as listed by
Bulatao:
• a. Parents are responsible in ensuring that their children have an
education.
• b. Older siblings sacrifice their self-interests for the younger
ones.
• c. The thought of marriage is, at times, put off to support the
family first.
• d. Mothers tend to sacrifice themselves for the family by
contributing to the household income as much as possible.
2. In parenting, parents enforce a strict and firm discipline in
ensuring that their children do not meet with disasters, such
as physical harm and moral harm. This relates to how
parents attempt to attain a sense of security by asserting it
toward their children.
3. Women’s roles as mothers and housekeepers are seen by
the community to be of great importance.
4. Relationships are seen to have a quality of tenderness
through interactions characterized with carino and
lambingan. A married couple who is observed to be close to
each other, a man who feels pain when he is away from his
wife, and a jilted girl who runs to her mother are examples
of this tenderness.
B. Authority Value
Authority value refers to the "approval by the authority
figure and by society, the authority’s surrogate." It pertains to
the individual's ability to think about oneself and shape his
behavior accordingly. This reinforces the need to have
smooth interpersonal relations, where one assesses "people
who count."
B. Authority Value
1. Asserting firm authority is deemed important for the family to remain close
and secure. One example is how children only marry with their parents' approval.
2. Authority figures are treated with respect and are obeyed. A child following his
parents' advice or the mother's influence over marriage choices are examples of
this.
3. Authority figures serve as intermediaries for seeking a job and other benefits.
They may have connections with business owners or managers, or those in higher
positions. Their relationships are established through patronage and gifts.
4. Following tradition is seen as strictly imposed.
5. The neighbors' approval is also significant in shaping the behavior of people in
the community. Anxiety arises from what neighbors think about one's behavior.
C. Economic and Social Betterment
The desire for social mobility is important in the community.
Because of this, everyone strives to obtain a certain level of
economic security for their family. Studying and working
hard are similar practices important to reinforce this value.
Social recognition in school and in work, such as being
praised or getting awards or a diploma, is also important.
D. Patience, Suffering, and Endurance
Because the hardships faced in everyday life, such as poverty,
sickness, and injustice, are too overwhelming, individuals resort
to the values of patience, suffering, and endurance to adapt.
Taking refuge in prayer and religion, and sometimes even in
music, is an example of how Filipinos express this value.
In an attempt to tally the number of people subscribing to these
values, Bulatao surveyed ninety respondents. Out of these four
values, Values A and C, which refer to the family value and the
socio-economic value respectively, were chosen as the more
important values by the respondents.
JOHN J. CARROLL: FILIPINO ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN MANUFACTURING
• For a period of one year, Carroll conducted a study with

Filipino entrepreneurs engaged in manufacturing. His main
question pertained to the social origins of Filipino
entrepreneurs who are able to contribute to economic change
in a developing economy. Carroll was interested in their
social status, occupational groups, factors favoring their
appearance, and their "source of capital, technology, and
management skills."
• He interviewed 109 Filipinos who are in manufacturing
industries such as "sawmilling, sugar milling, abaca, ramie
and nipa processing newspaper and magazine publishing, and
purely repair work." Out of 109 however, only ninety-two
cases were used for analysis.
Carroll looked at the following factors to establish the social origins of

Filipino entrepreneurs:
A. Geographic Origins
Based on Carroll's study, Filipino entrepreneurs were mostly from interisland
ports or towns within five kilometers of a railroad. Other entrepreneurs came
from Manila and adjoining towns such as Mandaluyong, Malabon, San Juan,
and Pasay. A possible pattern of entrepreneurs is that, despite originating
from towns outside Manila they had access to modes of transportation such
as ports and railroads. These modes of access might have been built around
towns where the economic productivity was already high. More than
transportation modes, Carroll thus assumes that the "whole culture and
economy of an area may provide an atmosphere which is productive of
entrepreneurs."

B. Father's Socioeconomic Position
Carroll factored in the descendants of entrepreneurs and determined whether
they were "new men," which meant that they rose from a lower social class
and were not children of wealthy landowners and businessmen. He assessed
whether social mobility had a role in the creation of Filipino entrepreneurs.
In doing so, he correlated the entrepreneur’s education attainment with the
socioeconomic position of the entrepreneur’s father. He found that majority
of the entrepreneurs are indeed "new men" who were from the lower social
classes and had experienced an upward mobility. Carroll deduced that
education is an important factor in socioeconomic mobility, after noting that
entrepreneurs from the lowest social classes were able to attain a college
degree."

C. Mobility over Two Generations
In order to determine whether economic mobility was possible tor two
generations, Carroll also looked at three major actors: the entrepreneur, his
father-in-law and his maternal and paternal grandfathers. He found that there
was a significant upward mobility from the socioeconomic status of the
entrepreneur's grandfathers.
Mobility, however, was greater during the entrepreneur's lifetime, and usually
from the time they started their enterprises. Marriage did not have an impact
on mobility. According to Carroll, this might be related to the norm of men
"marrying down" and women "marrying up" the social ladder.

D. Socioeconomic Mobility by Time Periods
Carroll wanted to determine whether mobility was also related to time
periods. As such, he categorized the time periods when the entrepreneurs
founded their enterprises: before 1945, from 1945 to 1949, and from 1950 to
1960. He found that before 1950, opportunities were available tor enterprises,
and it was a means of achieving socioeconomic mobility. On the other hand,
the period after 1950 was where "consolidating or enhancing an upper-
stratum position" for mobility which was "already acquired." This, however,
meant a privileging of the well-established entrepreneurs over the craftsman.
entrepreneurs, who had little capital.
Carroll looked at the following factors to establish the social origins

of Filipino entrepreneurs:
E. Industrial and Occupational Origin and Religion
Carroll observed how the fathers of entrepreneurs were initially in the
industries of agriculture and fishing, commerce, and manufacturing.
Few worked in government and had professions. But at the time of
the entrepreneurs' first job and before the founding of their own
enterprises, a great majority jumped into commerce and
manufacturing, and there were very few who pursued jobs in the
agriculture industry. There were, i however, no data supporting
claims on possible relationships between mobility and religion.
• According to Carroll, the study on the origin of Filipino

entrepreneurs might provide insights into opportunities for
socioeconomic mobility. As Carroll has shown, educational
attainment, access to modes of transportation, structural and
cultural opportunities shaping entrepreneurs and even family
background may be factors contributing to mobility.
SIKOLOHIYANG PILIPINO
• Sikolohiyang Pilipino, or Filipino psychology is a movement for understanding Filipino

thought and experience using a Filipino orientation. This movement emerged as a reaction
against the prevalent acceptance and application of Western psychological constructs in the
Philippine setting. These orientations are often inadequate and unfair in interpreting Filipino
behavior and had resulted in characterizations seen as judgmental and impressionistic. The
movement called for a practice of psychology in the Philippines that is in tune to the
peculiarities and nuances of Filipino culture-an alternative psychology based on Filipino values,
beliefs, and orientations.
• Let us take the case of the indirect style of Filipino communication. for most Filipinos, this
non-confrontational manner of expressing thoughts or strong sentiments is a way of
considering the feelings of others. Such behavior might be prone to misinterpretation by those
who lack insight on the nuances of Filipino culture. It can be mistaken as a communication
pattern in which the speaker tends toward inaccurate, deceptive, or downright dishonest
descriptions. This is in sharp contrast with the more direct or confrontational style preferred in
the West. Filipino traits would fail in comparison to these models, hence, the move to reject and
correct this Western view of psychology in the Philippines.
• Virgilio Enriquez became the initiator of this movement.
Sikolohiyang Pilipino was born when he returned to the
Philippines after finishing his PhD in Social Psychology in
1970. Together with his cohorts in the Department of
Psychology at the University of the Philippines, Enriquez
conducted research to give form to his vision of Filipino
psychology. His work covered the identification of indigenous
concepts and approaches in Philippine psychology. He wrote,
published, gave talks, created tools, founded a center
(Akademya ng Skolohiyang Pilipino), and inspired a network
of practitioners. These activities institutionalized and
promoted Sikolohiyang Pilipino not just in the Philippines
but also abroad.
• Those who adhered to the vision of Sikolohiyang Pilipino
espouse the commitments of the movement, which include: a
dedicated nationalist stance; Filipino as the medium for
scholarship, instruction, and communication; use of research
methods that are indigenous; and most importantly, focusing
research on recovering Filipino worldview. These ideals
reverberated across many students, faculty, and scholars alike.
Together with the systematic plan of action initiated by
Enriquez, the practice of Sikolohiyang Pilipino continues
after almost fifty years since its inception. The center, the
professional organizations, its followers in different schools
and universities, and the yearly conferences show that it still
has traction even after the passing of its main proponent.
INDIGENIZATION FROM WITHIN AND FROM
WITHOUT
• The indigenous paradigm uses concepts extracted from local culture as reflected in the
language. In Sikolohyang Pillpino, this is the source of knowledge about one's psychology. This
should be contrasted with the exogenous perspective or the process of indigenization from
without. This means that Western-oriented paradigms take precedence over the indigenous
ones.
CORE CONCEPT OF SIKOLOHLYANG PLLPINO:
KAPWA
• Social interaction is an important aspect of life. We deal with different people constantly each
day. At home we interact with family and household members the moment we wake up. As we
head for school, we might drop by a store and buy some baon or supplies and interact with
neighbors and people in our community. In school, teachers, school employees, and fellow
students and friends are the usual people we talk to or deal with.
KAPWA
• The significance of interaction in the Philippine society can be seen in the notion of kapwa.
Loosely translated in Sikolohlyang Pilpino as "shared being" or identity, kapwa constitutes the
core of the Philippine value system. In analyzing associated words, the notion of kapwa gets
elaborated through the distinction that Filipinos give in different levels and modes of
interaction.
KAPWA
• In analyzing the words on the list, the levels, and gradients of kapwa can be further grouped.
On the one hand, there are those who are considered to belong to the "outsider" category or
ibang tao. This is evident in the words pakikitungo, pakikisalamuha, pakikilahok, pakikibagay,
and pakikisama. On the other hand, the "one-of-us" or hindi ibang tao categony gets reflected in
the words pakikipagpalagayang-loob, pakikisangkot, and pakikisa, These levels of interactions
range from the relatively uninvolved as seen in pakikitungo, to a strong sense of identification in
pakikisa.
KAPWA
• For Enriquez, Filipinos are more concerned with pakikipagkapwa, or treating another as a
fellow human being or kapwa, than on maintaining smooth interpersonal relationships as
suggested by Lynch.
REVIEWING
FILIPINO
VALUES
• Apart from identifying indigenous concepts to express Filipino psychology

Enriquez also took it upon himself to re-conceptualize negatively interpreted
Filipino values. He referred to these as colonial or accommodative surface
values, said to be framed using a Western lens. Sikolohiyang Pilipino attempts
to reverse the negative stereotypes associated with these values, as a testament
to its principle of indigenization from within.
• Some of the values that were problematic for Sikolohlyang Pilipino were
bahala na, utang na loob (roughly, debt of gratitude), pakikisama (getting
along), and hiya (shame). He encouraged Filipino scholars to revisit and take
a second look at these values using an indigenous orientation.
REVIEWING
FILIPINO
VALUES
• Bahala na. There is no exact English translation for this value,
Loosely translated by comparing it to American fatalism, it is
defined as the attitude of accepting one's fate and leaving
everything to God-"bahala na ang Diyos. " It is a sign of
withdrawal from a crisis. For Sikolohiyang Plipino, that is not
the case. It is in fact, the exact opposite, as it refers to
determination and risk-taking. So when Filipinos call on God,
it is a statement that they are ready to face the challenge to the
full extent of their capabilities.
REVIEWING
FILIPINO
VALUES
• Utang na loob. Translated as "debt of gratitude," Enriquez
challenges the idea of obligatory repayment of a favor
received. He dismisses it and speculates that this notion of
reciprocity is very favorable for the purposes of colonizer as
benefactor. In the context of Filipino culture, it suggests
gratitude or solidarity. It is a binding element in most social
relationships.
REVIEWING
FILIPINO
VALUES
• Pakikisama vs pakikipagkapwa. Pakikisama suggests getting
along with the majority or going along with group decisions.
It is, in a way, a form of conformity. Enriquez offers a deeper
take on pakikisama as subsumed under the core value of
pakikipagkapwa.
REVIEWING
FILIPINO
VALUES
• Hiya. Often translated as shame, or the feeling of discomfort when one is

in a socially unacceptable position. For example, when being scolded by
a boss, one feels hiya. Another is when one spends elaborately on fiestas
to please the visitors. This interpretation of hiya is considered inadequate
because it fails to account for the permutations of hiya in various
contexts, when the concept takes on different meanings based on how the
value is played out For instance, it could mean nakakahiya
(embarrassing) napahiya (placed in an awkward position), or ikinahiya
(be embarrassed with someone). In some contexts, it can be positive, in
others, negative.
PANTAYONG PANANAW
• Pantayong Pananaw (PP) is derived from two Filipino words: tayo and pananaw. The word
tayo, or we, serves to be inclusive and pertains to both speakers and listeners. More specifically,
it means "from us to us," where the speaker is talking to listeners who also belong to the
speaker’s community. Pananaw refers to perspective, or a certain frame or point of view. As
such, Pantayong Pananaw seeks to study history from the point of view of its actors—the
speakers and listeners—using one’s own language. Pantayong Pananaw asserts that Philippine
history written by a Filipino in a Western language or written by non-Filipinos using their own
language and ideology, are considered flawed and problematic due to the difference in cultural
framing. It means that Filipino history should be written by Filipinos (as speakers), for the
Filipinos (as listeners).
PANTAYONG PANANAW
• Zeus Salazar: a historian and anthropologist, was the
intellectual proponent of the Pantayong Pananaw. He saw
that the history of the Philippines was problematic, in the
sense that it was written from a Western perspective and
language. Language, for Salazar, highlights and embodies
the experience of a certain group; therefore, it is necessary
to write history through the speakers' and the listeners'
language. Similarly, Salazar asserts that there is an
imbalance in Filipino self-representation and discourse,
due to the way history was written by foreigners and in a
foreign language.
PANTAYONG PANANAW
• Salazar’s proposed perspective was seen as a way of
renewing a nationalist perspective, said to have been lost
during the Marcos era. In 1991, he published his work
Ang Pantayong Pananaw Bilang Diskursong
Pangkabihasnan. Salazar believes that non-Filipinos
cannot wholly capture the meaning of "local ideas,
symbols, definitions and feelings" of the Filipino. As a
result, the sources of Pantayong Pananaw include songs,
letters, games, or oral histories, rather than foreign and
conventional sources.
PANTAYONG PANANAW
• Historian Reynaldo lleto may also be seen as a proponent of the Pantayong
Pananaw, because he used cultural materials in the local language in producing
an account of "history from below". Critics, however, claim that he is not a true
proponent because his work was written in English. Ileto is best known for the
book Pasyon and Revolution published in 1979. In Pasyon and Revolution, Ileto
writes from the perspective of the masses using poems, folk songs, and religious
traditions. Ileto attest that by analyzing these sources, the thinking masses can
be highlighted. He gives as an example the use of the Pasyon as a cultural
reference for framing the masses' revolutionary movements, and their
persistence during the Spanish and American periods. His work served as a
departure from an elite interpretation of historical movements, and from
perceptions of the masses as passive. Because of this and other works, lleto was
dubbed as a historian who told "history from below."
PANTAYONG PANANAW
• While the Pantayong Pananaw encouraged and renewed interest in nationalistic framing, it
nevertheless met several criticisms.
• Pantayong Pananaw is restrictive, in the sense that there is a limited space for dialogue. There is a
need to comply with its parameters, for instance, speaking in Filipino, and is dismissive of the use of
foreign languages.
• Pantayong Pananaw also perceives historical materials already written by foreigners and written by
Filipinos in a foreign language as having a “wrong" view and disregards the facilitation and
production of historical knowledge. Aside from this, PP assumes that there is a l "right" way to view
history.
• Writing in Filipino would not necessarily encourage more Filipinos (as audience or as listeners) to
read the works of historians, as originally envisioned by proponents.
PANTAYONG PANANAW
• While the Pantayong Pananaw encouraged and renewed interest in nationalistic framing, it
nevertheless met several criticisms.
• Distinguishing between what is foreign and what is indigenous may il be contentious, as cultural
influences on one's language cannot be easily determined as purely local.
• The use of Filipino language proposed by Pantayong Pananaw is mostly Tagalog, when other ethno-
linguistic groups do not recognize it as the national language. There is a tendency to accuse the
Pantayong Pananaw proponents as Tagalog-centric.

Indigenizing The Social Sciences: Module 4 Lesson 1

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Indigenizing The Social Sciences: Module 4 Lesson 1

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INDIGENIZING

• Other influential social scientists include Fr. Jaime Bulatao, S),

• Shame, in its general definition, is defined as "the uncomfortable feeling that

• In lowland Philippines, hiya serves as a universal social sanction as

• For a period of one year, Carroll conducted a study with

Carroll looked at the following factors to establish the social origins of

Carroll looked at the following factors to establish the social origins of

Carroll looked at the following factors to establish the social origins of

Carroll looked at the following factors to establish the social origins of

Carroll looked at the following factors to establish the social origins

• According to Carroll, the study on the origin of Filipino

• Sikolohiyang Pilipino, or Filipino psychology is a movement for understanding Filipino

• Apart from identifying indigenous concepts to express Filipino psychology

• Hiya. Often translated as shame, or the feeling of discomfort when one is

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