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Aso-oke: a Nigerian classic style and fashion fabric
A.B. Agbadudu F.O. Ogunrin
Article information:
To cite this document:
A.B. Agbadudu F.O. Ogunrin, (2006),"Aso-oke: a Nigerian classic style and fashion fabric", Journal of
Fashion Marketing and Management: An International Journal, Vol. 10 Iss 1 pp. 97 - 113
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http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13612020610651150
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Abstract
Purpose – How hand-weaving skills got to Nigeria, from where and when, have been tentatively
answered in the literature and virtually every ethnic group in the country weaves. Aso-oke fabric has
been woven by the Yorubas of Western Nigeria for decades. This study therefore sets out to find
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Introduction
Both academics and practitioners have recognized that products go through a lifecycle of
introduction, growth, maturity and decline. The decline stage is usually precipitated by
changing tastes, changing technology and competition. In Nigeria, as in other emerging
nations, competition has been heightened as western culture’s mass production floods
markets with fashion products that are readily judged as beautiful and high in quality.
We use fashion here in its narrow sense with respect to clothing; not in its broad sense
wherein it is a complex system that pertains to every aspect of human culture.
Aso-oke, a Nigerian hand-woven fabric appears to possess the cyclical life cycle of a
classic style, as well as features of a clothing fashion. This assertion derives from the
fact that, though details about patterns of the fabric, and styles of garment made from
it change from year to year, there is a core use of the fabric which never becomes Journal of Fashion Marketing and
inappropriate. This takes the form of gele (head-tie) and ipele/iborun (wrap-around Management
Vol. 10 No. 1, 2006
shawl or narrow wrapper) for women; and fila (cap) for men. New patterns/styles are pp. 97-113
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
seen first on the elite – politicians and their wives, celebrities, media personalities and 1361-2026
corporate executives as these fashion innovators appear at social gatherings. The DOI 10.1108/13612020610651150
JFMM design or style gradually gains increased visibility and acceptance by large segments
of the society. With time the pattern or style declines to be replaced by newer ones. In
10,1 this manner demand for particular forms of aso-oke fabric peaks and declines but
aso-oke consumption in its entirety is never zero.
The objective of this study is to uncover factors that sustain aso-oke from the
perspective of its consumers. Much has already been written about aso-oke’s weavers
98 and weaving, and its artistic beauty and cultural significance (Lamb and Holmes, 1980;
Aremu, 1982; Akinola, 1988; O’Hear, 1988; Agbadudu and Ogunrin, 2002). This present
study is exploratory in nature. It is designed to generate tentative description of factors
that might have sustained demand for the fabric as a product like any other. We shall
not attempt to estimate the length of any single loop of the fabric’s lifecycle: that would
require a longitudinal study. Second, we acknowledge the failure to obtain a truly
representative sample. Yet we expect that useful insight would be gained from the
discussions in this paper that would propel future studies on the fabric.
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a matter of:
.
fabric character, in terms of its weight, its fiber content and how well it is made;
.
its wear or fit;
. performance; and
.
appearance, especially after multiple washings (Cotton Incorporated, 2002b,
pp. 1-7).
Moreover, consumers tend to associate high quality with high durability (Agbonifoh
and Oyegunle, 1985, p. 76). Flexibility in how a fabric can be used seems to be a highly
positive factor in sustaining the demand for that fabric. This factor has been associated
with the return of fur fabric to the fashion scene after about a decade of erratic demand
(Ward, 2000, pp. 1-6).
locally grown cotton. Today, however, factory-made yarns have largely replaced
hand-spun yarns. Apart from machine spun cotton, weavers also use natural Nigerian
wild silk known as sanyan, obtained from the Anaphe infracta and from Anaphe
moloneyi moth which abound in Northern Nigeria. Unlike silkworm (of the
Mediterranean and the Far East), Anaphe silk is too fragile to be drawn as a single
fiber. Another variety of silk is a natural bright magenta yarn known as alharini. It
comes from Tunisia, but more recently from European silk industries such as that in
Lyons. There are fake factory made alharini in the market (Lamb and Holmes, 1980,
pp. 36-41).
The dimension of aso-oke fabrics vary with type of loom on which it is woven.
When woven with a single loom, the fabric comes off as a single strip 4 to 5 inches wide
and 84 to 90 inches long, that is about 2 to 2½ yards. This strip is called “idasa” – the
basic measure of aso-oke. This single strip makes one male “cap”. A double loom
makes aso-oke that is two strips wide with the length unchanged. A standard loom
makes 4 to 7 strips wide with the length same as for the single strip (Agbadudu and
Ogunrin, 2002, p. 126).
A strip (idasa) is made up of a total of about 324 warp threads or 72 threads to the
inch (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, p. 35). If hand spun, the warp thread is usually single
strand; but if machine spun yarn is used, it can be twisted from two or more strands.
Weft threads are usually thicker than warp threads, and the weft pick is in the region
of 32 passes per inch. The warp length is determined by the quantity of strips needed
to make up a garment or set of garments. A woman’s complete set of garments can take
up to 72 yards of warp (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, p. 35). To make up a garment, the
aso-oke strips must first be sewn together. This sewing requires skill if the strips are to
lie flat one beside the other and if the designs, be they holes, inlay or ikat must match
up correctly (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, p. 54). The task of making aso-oke garments
however has been eased from the 1990s on with the availability of wider strips of
aso-oke (Agbadudu and Ogunrin, 2002, p. 126).
Durability of aso-oke is determined by the strength of the threads of which it is
composed and the closeness and evenness with which the crossing thread (weft) has
been pressed down and beaten together. Durability is also determined by the density of
weave; density in turn is determined by the tension to which the warp threads are
subjected, and the method used to beat down the weft thread after it has been
introduced (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, pp. 12-13).
Product life cycle (PLC) Aso-oke:
Product life cycle is a marketing concept that posits that products of any kind have a a Nigerian
finite life cycle very similar to the life cycle of the animate humans who originate and
consume them. In that vein, all products go through a life cycle comprising fashion fabric
introduction, growth, maturity and decline (Kotler, 1980; Berkowitz et al., 1997). The
shapes/patterns of product life cycle (PLC) curves differ depending on the type of
product, frequency of purchase, and marketing strategies of manufacturers. Three 101
forms, representing the one – time purchased product, infrequently purchased
product, and frequently purchased product, have been identified by Kotler (1980). Six
patterns have been identified by Cox (1967) – the most recurrent patterns being the
cycle – recycle pattern, and the cyclical pattern that depicts a succession of life cycles
sustained through the addition of new features, and discovery of new uses and new
markets.
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Product life cycles of style, fashion and fad. As far as clothing is concerned the shape
of the product life cycle (PLC) curve is differentiated into that of a style, fashion or fad.
These classifications are not mutually exclusive; a given product may exhibit features
of two or more of them (Wasson, 1971, pp. 31-32). A style is a basic and distinctive
mode of expression appearing in a field of human endeavour. Once a style is invented it
may last for generations, coming in and out of vogue, hence it exhibits a cycle showing
several lives of renewed interest – see Figure 1 (Kotler, 1980). Basic clothing styles
include single piece dresses or skirt with blouse for women and trouser with shirt for
men. The current version may vary slightly in details from year to year, but one
several years old need not look out of date (Wasson, 1971, p. 53). Clothing styles are
culturally specific.
With regard to aso-oke, the traditional female dress consists of three pieces: the
large waist wrapper (iro), usually of 12 to 16 strips and a little over 2 yards in length;
the narrow top wrapper, a kind of wrap-around shawl (ipele or iborun), of eight strips
and the same length; and the head – tie (gele) of four to 16 strips and again of the same
length. An additional type of wrapper which need not come with the set of women’s
garments, in that it can be bought separately, is the baby wrapper which is used to
Figure 1.
Life cycles of style, fashion
and fad
JFMM secure a baby to the mother’s back. All four pieces of garment for the woman can take
10,1 up to 72 yards of warp (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, pp. 35; 55). We observe that the
authors did not include women’s loose blouse (buba) in their description of the female’s
basic aso-oke garments. Perhaps aso-oke buba was not in vogue at the time of their
fieldwork which lasted from 1978 to 1979.
Lamb and Holmes also describe the traditional male aso-oke attire. According to the
102 authors the male attire consists of six garments: four robes – danshiki, gbariye,
dandogo and agbada; a pair of wide waisted trousers (sokoto) and a cap (ikori or fila).
The authors add that the four robes worn ensemble can be both hot and heavy. The
authors note that most times, the gbariye and dandogo alone are worn with the cap,
even though those who are wealthy possess the complete set (Lamb and Holmes, 1980,
p. 55). It is our opinion that danshiki and gbariye are variants of an inner robe, and that
agbada and dandogo are variants of one and same robe – an outer robe. We opine that
men are meant to wear one inner robe, an outer robe, trouser and cap. Dandogo is
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extremely large, wider than agbada, and therefore expensive. A local adage says that
dandogo is not a garment a man sews out of envy for his neighbour’s.
A fashion is a currently accepted or popular style in a given field (Kotler, 1980). It is
a particular combination of attributes that is currently positively evaluated by some
groups of consumers (Solomon, 1999). Fashions tend to grow slowly, remain popular
for a while and decline slowly (see Figure 1). But a clothing fashion such as hemline
lengths on skirts or lapel widths on sports jackets once introduced declines and then
seems to return. Life cycles for fashion products most often appear in women’s and
men’s clothing styles (Berkowitz et al., 1997). More attention has however been paid to
women than men in studies of fashion (Solomon, 1999); perhaps because women spend
more than men on clothes (Agbonifoh and Oyegunle, 1985, p. 72).
Opinion is varied as to whether or not fashion cycles ever come to an end, and on
factors that bring about their decline. It has been suggested that the length of a
particular fashion cycle depends on the extent to which the fashion meets a genuine
need, is consistent with other trends in society as well as with societal norms and
values, and it does not meet technological limits as it develops (Reynolds, 1968). A
fashion can last from a month to a century; when it lasts for a long time it becomes a
classic style (Solomon, 1999). It is believed that fashions come to an end because they
represent an inherent purchase compromise such that the consumer starts looking for
missing attributes after a while (Wasson, 1968). Some authors however see fashions as
living out inexorable cycles regardless of economic, functional or technological
changes in society (Robinson, 1975).
Some have indeed said that fashion has a clear and logical history; that it is not at all
randomized or arbitrarily transient (Wollen, 1998, p. 2). According to Wollen, the
history is made from the interaction of consumers and designers: while consumers
exercise creativity in deciding how clothes should be draped, buttoned or combined
thereby impacting patterns of production, trends launched by designers affect the
choice of consumers. There are behavioral, economic and sociological theories of
determinants of fashion changes. One sociological theory – the trickle down theory –
first proposed by Georg Simmel (1904), cited in Solomon (1999, p. 540) posit that upper
social classes are the drivers of changes in fashion. Once a fashion becomes popular
through the “trickle-down effect”, upper-class consumers tend to abandon it in search
of a new one to maintain the “gap”.
Fads are particular fashions that come quickly into the public eye, are adopted with Aso-oke:
great zeal, peak early and decline very fast (refer Figure 1). They do not satisfy a strong a Nigerian
need and seem to appeal only to people who want to be different (Kotler, 1980). In
clothing, fads are typically novelties such as toe socks (Berkowitz et al., 1997). fashion fabric
Managing the product life cycle. Since all products confront possible decline,
manufacturers and marketers avoid “closing shop” or, rather, manage the life cycles of
their products by introducing a steady stream of new and or improved products. Four 103
main processes of obtaining new product ideas include inspiration, serendipity,
customer request, or formal creativity techniques (Kotler, 1980). PLCs are generally
managed by modifying the product, modifying the market, and repositioning the
product. Product modification entails altering a product’s characteristics such as its
quality, performance or appearance through the addition of new features. Market
modification entails increasing a product’s use among existing customers; creating
new use situations or in Perner’s words, creating problems and thereby new needs and
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Methodology
The sample
In February 2003, 140 copies of a questionnaire, specifically designed for this study,
were distributed to workers in four divisions of a federal tertiary educational
institution in Benin City. The divisions are the staff secondary school, two
administrative divisions and one academic faculty of the institution. We visited the
divisions twice a week for six weeks. In the first four weeks we gave out copies of the
questionnaire to every worker we met on their seats. The last two weeks, we
concentrated on retrieving the questionnaires. At the end of the six weeks, 117
questionnaires were retrieved of which 100 were sufficiently usable, giving us a
completion rate of 71 percent. This sampling procedure has been described as
non-probability purposive sampling technique. In non-probability sampling, elements
of a population are not deliberately given equal or known chance of being included in a
sample. In other words, non-probability sampling does not guarantee randomness
(Nachmias and Nachmias, 1982, p. 298). Non-probability purposive sampling technique
describes the process of choosing sample elements while being guided by assumptions
of what typical elements are; elements which are most likely to provide a researcher
with information required (Asika, 1991, pp. 46-47).
The present study regarded all adults (those who are above 18-years-of-age) as
potential aso-oke users. All willing respondents were first asked whether or not they
JFMM have aso-oke in their wardrobes. Subsequently, the questionnaire was administered to
those who answered in the affirmative.
10,1 In studying consumption of aso-oke, we wish to generate tentative answers to the
questions: how often do people buy aso-oke? How often are new designs introduced into
the market? What factors induce Nigerians to keep buying aso-oke fabrics? We wish to
discover the possible range of responses to these questions and learn more about
104 consumption of aso-oke from what its users say. Consequently, non-probability
purposive sampling is sufficient for our purpose at this stage. Our ultimate focus is on
the garment – making industry in Nigeria: its current performance and future potential
as a contributor to the nation’s gross domestic product. In later studies, therefore, we will
employ sampling and statistical techniques with higher predictive power.
Deriving from the objectives of this study, a questionnaire was designed specifically
for this study, and administered to respondents in Benin City, capital of Edo State,
Nigeria. Edo state is located in old mid- western of Nigeria, and is a gateway to the rest
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Techniques of analysis
Qualitative analysis was done where appropriate. Responses to rating – scale
questions were tested for significance using the “t-test”:
where:
X 2 m0
ðtÞ ¼ pffiffiffi
d n
X ¼ mean of respondents’ ratings of attributes being assessed; d ¼ standard deviation
of the mean: m0 ¼ hypothetical or normative population mean; for a five-point scale, m0
was set at 3.5; for a four-point scale, m0 ¼ 2:5 and for a three-point scale; m0 ¼ 1:75;
and n ¼ sample size (in this case it is 100). Use of Microsoft Excel spreadsheets aided
the computations. Subsequently, computed values of (t) were compared with respective
tabulated values at a ¼ 0:5 (that is 5 percent level of significance) and degree of
freedom ðn 2 1Þ ¼ 99:
Findings
Demographic characteristics of aso-oke consumers
Of the respondents, 27 were males while 73 were females. Of the respondents, seven fell
within the highest age bracket – “above 45 years”. One respondent fell within the
lowest age bracket – “18-25 years”. The modal age bracket turned out to be “36-40
years” with 19 users. The respondents hailed from across 12 of the 36 states of the
country. Most of them (22) hailed from Edo State. A total of 73 had tertiary education
while two did not have any formal education (see Table I).
Consumption of aso-oke
Frequency of purchase. A total of 40 users disclosed that they purchased aso-oke
“sometimes”, with 26 admitting that they “rarely” buy the fabric. Another set of 26
indicated that they purchased aso-oke whenever occasion demanded it. Three admitted
purchasing the fabric regularly (see Table II).
Points of purchase. A total of 32 users indicated that they purchase aso-oke from
itinerants who sell in public places such as offices, churches and so on, with 23 users
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10,1
106
Table I.
JFMM
distribution
education and age
Users’ sex, level of
Age distribution (years) Level of education
Nil
Sex 18-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 41-45 .45 response Total Nil Primary Secondary Tertiary
Male 27 2 6 6 5 6 0 2 27 2 0 6 19
Female 73 16 12 7 14 9 7 8 73 0 2 17 54
Total 100 18 18 13 19 15 7 10 100 2 2 23 73
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Male 27 11 2 4 6 1 2 0 27 9 7 10 0 1 27
Female 73 21 6 9 17 6 3 9 2 73 31 19 16 3 5 73
Total 100 32 8 13 23 7 5 10 2 100 40 26 26 3 6 100
frequency of purchase
Point of purchase and
a Nigerian
Aso-oke:
fashion fabric
107
Table II.
JFMM disclosing that they obtain theirs from itinerants as well as through joint purchases
10,1 dictated by family and or club social events – ”aso-ebi” in local parlance (refer to
Table II).
Number of aso-oke owned. Of users, 70 had between one and five aso-oke garments
(our emphasis was not on the style of garment). One user had more than 20 garments,
18 users had between six and ten garments (see Table III).
108 Frequency of new designs. Respondents’ ratings of the frequency at which new
aso-oke designs arrive on the fashion scene had a t-value of – 3.634 (see Table III).
shown in Table V.
Consumption of aso-oke
Our analysis suggests that about 70 percent of the sample purchased aso-oke to an
appreciable extent. Among its 11 positive attributes variety of design had the highest
t-value. The results further suggest that consumers believe that aso-oke is a component
of Nigerian’s culture; that it has prospects of remaining in vogue; that quality of
weaving is high; and that being hand-woven makes the fabric unique. The fabric seems
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Male 27 10 3 4 5 5 27 23 2 1 1 0 0 27
Female 73 14 19 12 16 12 73 47 16 3 1 1 5 73
Total 100 24 22 16 21 17 100 70 18 4 2 1 5 100
fashion fabric
Table III.
109
JFMM
Positive attributes t-values
10,1
Quality of weaving is high 3.943
There is variety in design 13.779
Fabric can be worn on any occasion 1.941
Its use cuts across ethnic groups 1.972
110 Demand is high in other African countries 0.475
It has a viable market in Europe 21.628
It has prospects of remaining in vogue 8.696
Its uniqueness is in being hand-woven 2.703
It should be woven by modern mills 0.990
Table IV. It is a profitable business for its weavers 5.766
Positive attitudes It is a component of Nigerian culture 9.496
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to be largely soil, stain and wrinkle resistant, dimensionally stable and durable. A piece
could last for decades, moreso since it is mostly used for ceremonies. With a t-value of
23.634 aso-oke consumers seemed to be saying that new designs are noticed on the
fashion scene about once a year. This in our opinion is quite frequent for a fashion
product. Aso-oke is frequently and easily modified through varying the arrangements,
colors and types of material used as weft and warp yarns. Apart from modifications
based on yarn types, aso-oke designs are modified in a seemingly limitless number of
ways. Checked patterns replace stripes. Modifications are introduced in the width of
aso-oke that terminates with a fringe of warp yarns. Consumers ensure that the fringed
strip is sewn onto their head-tie (gele). Today, the entire width of the small wrapper
(ipele or iborun) or even of the big wrapper could end with fringes. The fringes could be
tied into tiny tassels.
Furthermore, upper class ladies on the cutting edge of fashion frequently modify
how it is worn or draped. This group is readily the bedrock of the fashion world
because of their wealth and taste for good clothing (Cotton Incorporated, 2002a, pp. 1-2).
Once-upon-a-time aso-oke was worn in Yorubas’ basic dressing style. All the pieces
of a complete outfit were from the same aso-oke. From time-to-time one piece or another
of the complete regalia is dropped, substituted with lace or brocade material. With
hindsight we surmise that in the 1970s consumers dropped aso-oke “buba” replacing it Aso-oke:
with lace “buba”. In the 1980s and 1990s aso-oke was retained only as cap (for men), a Nigerian
and “gele” and “ipele” (for women). Retaining mere portions might have been
necessitated by aso-oke’s heaviness. From the late 1980s also, people began to sew fashion fabric
English – styled dresses from aso-oke: skirt suits for ladies, trouser with short –
sleeved jacket for men and a host of other atypical styles. By 2004, the fabric was
dropped from being used as cap, and “gele and ipele”, being replaced by damask and 111
Swiss nylon head-ties (the latter specifically for women). Previously reigning designs
and styles that are no longer in vogue as far as the fashion conscious is concerned,
continue to be worn by the not-so-fashion conscious, and the less-rich. They are also
passed down to daughters and other relations who are not fussy in their fashion
judgment. Wearing previous designs is aided by the excellent craftsmanship in the
average fabric making each piece a work of art. To borrow a phrase from Wollen (1998,
p. 3), aso-oke fabrics are “both objects of use and objects of beauty and exercises of
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skills”. Fashion in general hovers near the interface between art and commerce
(Wollen, 1998).
An outstanding factor about the various modifications, be it in design or draping, is
that almost all are initiated by aso-oke consumers themselves (Agbadudu and Ogunrin,
2002, p. 126). Moreover, the designs are usually named after current events, or the
purpose a particular design is to serve, or a reigning fad, or the dominant color or
yarn-ype.
On the negative side, aso-oke could be very heavy, depending on the thread count,
which usually tends to be high. Wearing a garment made from the fabric in a hot
climate is a sweaty business. Weavers try to reduce heaviness by mixing cotton
threads with metallic lurex-type yarns. It appears lurex-type yarns cannot be beaten
down with as much tension as cotton yarns, therefore aso-oke containing lurex-type
yarns tend to be lighter and more open than pure-cotton aso-oke fabrics. To further
reduce heaviness, the weft is twisted from two threads instead of as many as eight
threads. They also reduce the warp count from about 324 per strip (idasa) to as low as
140. Depending on the skill of the weaver, such mixed fabric, though lighter, tend to be
more shrinkage-prone. In addition, washing aso-oke is tedious, because of its heaviness
and because many designs are not color-fast depending on the ethics and expertise of
the weaver. In more traditional weaving centers, aso-oke is “beaten clean” with wood.
Cleaning aso-oke this way was an ancillary craft to aso-oke weaving craft. Nowadays
consumers employ rules of the thumb such as washing a tiny piece to prove
color-fastness before purchasing the desired aso-oke fabric, and preventing colors from
running by adding salt to water, or using soap rather than detergent in hand-washing
aso-oke.
Conclusion
Aso-oke therefore appears to have an endless life cycle, or a cyclical product life in line
with the observations of Robinson (1975), Berkowitz et al. (1997) and Solomon (1999).
Its life cycle is sustained by the fact that it is both a style and a fashion, by
customer-initiated modifications, ease of customization, flexibility in application,
culturally acquired taste for clothes and the cultural practice of handing over clothes to
relations. The ability of Nigerian fashion designers to apply aso-oke further - in
trimmings, in lightweight casual and office wears, and in luxury curtain draping and
JFMM furnishings will go a long way in promoting aso-oke as a Nigerian fabric genus similar
10,1 to Scotland’s Harris Tweed and Ghana’s Kente. Aso-oke weavers need to be given
feedback on consumers’ negative experiences especially with regard to the fabric’s
weight and color-fastness. Weavers need to employ only color-fast threads in weaving
and weave lighter – weight aso-oke fabrics that suit all-weather clothes without
compromising the fabric’s shrinkage resistance.
112
Areas for further studies
This study has probably raised as many questions as it sought to answer, thereby
leaving ample room for further investigations. More rigoros enquiry into factors that
sustain the production and consumption of aso-oke, patterns and length of the
lifecycles of aso-oke and of other fabrics like cotton-print (ankara) would be useful for
Nigerian textile producers and economy as a whole.
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Downloaded by University of Mississippi At 02:16 24 June 2015 (PT)
Further reading
Shank, M. (1989), “Fabrics and fashions”, African Textiles, February/March, p. 34.
Sobhy, K. (1992), “Spotlight on Egypt: a story of emotion, determination and success”, African
Textiles, June/July, p. 48.
Corresponding author
F.O. Ogunrin can be contacted at: bfunmi@uniben.edu