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Aso-oke: a Nigerian classic style and fashion fabric
A.B. Agbadudu F.O. Ogunrin
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To cite this document:
A.B. Agbadudu F.O. Ogunrin, (2006),"Aso-oke: a Nigerian classic style and fashion fabric", Journal of
Fashion Marketing and Management: An International Journal, Vol. 10 Iss 1 pp. 97 - 113
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ACADEMIC PAPER Aso-oke:


a Nigerian
Aso-oke: a Nigerian classic style fashion fabric
and fashion fabric
97
A.B. Agbadudu and F.O. Ogunrin
Department of Business Administration, University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria

Abstract
Purpose – How hand-weaving skills got to Nigeria, from where and when, have been tentatively
answered in the literature and virtually every ethnic group in the country weaves. Aso-oke fabric has
been woven by the Yorubas of Western Nigeria for decades. This study therefore sets out to find
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possible reasons for the fabric’s continued acceptance by Nigerians.


Design/methodology/approach – A sample of 100 respondents taken in Benin City, capital of Edo
state, Nigeria was studied by means of field survey tool of questionnaire and the responses to rating
scale questions were tested for significance using the “t-test”.
Findings – The analysis revealed that aso-oke consumption is being sustained through frequent
product modification, and deeply rooted socio-cultural factors. The fabric appears to be both a style
and a fashion.
Practical implications – In spite of its long-standing popularity, aso-oke has a number of negative
attributes. Specifically, consumers would be more satisfied if weavers employ only color-fast yarns in
weaving, and produce lighter-weight aso-oke fabrics that suit all purposes and are also
shrinkage-resistant.
Originality/value – The unique contribution of this paper is its emphasis on the consumption of
aso-oke fabric. Previous studies focused on the weaving aspect: weaving technology, weavers’
ingenuity and skills, and the history of cloth weaving in Nigeria. A few of these studies examined the
cultural uses of particular motifs of the fabric.
Keywords Clothing, Fashion, Nigeria, Product life cycle
Paper type Research paper

Introduction
Both academics and practitioners have recognized that products go through a lifecycle of
introduction, growth, maturity and decline. The decline stage is usually precipitated by
changing tastes, changing technology and competition. In Nigeria, as in other emerging
nations, competition has been heightened as western culture’s mass production floods
markets with fashion products that are readily judged as beautiful and high in quality.
We use fashion here in its narrow sense with respect to clothing; not in its broad sense
wherein it is a complex system that pertains to every aspect of human culture.
Aso-oke, a Nigerian hand-woven fabric appears to possess the cyclical life cycle of a
classic style, as well as features of a clothing fashion. This assertion derives from the
fact that, though details about patterns of the fabric, and styles of garment made from
it change from year to year, there is a core use of the fabric which never becomes Journal of Fashion Marketing and
inappropriate. This takes the form of gele (head-tie) and ipele/iborun (wrap-around Management
Vol. 10 No. 1, 2006
shawl or narrow wrapper) for women; and fila (cap) for men. New patterns/styles are pp. 97-113
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
seen first on the elite – politicians and their wives, celebrities, media personalities and 1361-2026
corporate executives as these fashion innovators appear at social gatherings. The DOI 10.1108/13612020610651150
JFMM design or style gradually gains increased visibility and acceptance by large segments
of the society. With time the pattern or style declines to be replaced by newer ones. In
10,1 this manner demand for particular forms of aso-oke fabric peaks and declines but
aso-oke consumption in its entirety is never zero.
The objective of this study is to uncover factors that sustain aso-oke from the
perspective of its consumers. Much has already been written about aso-oke’s weavers
98 and weaving, and its artistic beauty and cultural significance (Lamb and Holmes, 1980;
Aremu, 1982; Akinola, 1988; O’Hear, 1988; Agbadudu and Ogunrin, 2002). This present
study is exploratory in nature. It is designed to generate tentative description of factors
that might have sustained demand for the fabric as a product like any other. We shall
not attempt to estimate the length of any single loop of the fabric’s lifecycle: that would
require a longitudinal study. Second, we acknowledge the failure to obtain a truly
representative sample. Yet we expect that useful insight would be gained from the
discussions in this paper that would propel future studies on the fabric.
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Review of related literature


Major influences on consumers
Factors which shape the purchase decisions of individuals have been divided into four
categories as we can readily see in any texts on marketing or consumer behavior such
as Kotler (1980); and Schiffman and Kanuk (1983). These categories are situational,
seller, product and buyer characteristics.
Buyer and, especially product characteristics are of greater pertinence to this study.
Buyer characteristics have further been divided into cultural, social, psychological, and
personal-outward characteristics. Clothes generally are regarded primarily as bearers
of social identity and status, and as a crucial element in people’s self-presentation
(Wollen, 1998, p. 1). Nigerians in particular are known for buying clothes to keep
themselves cheerful in tough times (since “tough times” seem to tacitly describe daily
life in Nigeria !); striving to always be well – presented; and purchasing new apparel as
means of maintaining morale and making a statement of confidence to their
neighbours. Furthermore, Nigerians regard high quality textiles as near – heirloom
that should be passed from parents to their children (Adams, 1993, pp. 24-25).
Nigerians are also known for their taste for luxury fabrics and ceremonial purposes
(African Textiles, 1984, 1989, pp. 23-24).
With respect to consumption of aso-oke in particular, consumers play a major role in
design specification. Details of aso-oke designs are frequently altered through
suggestions made to weavers by consumers (Agbadudu and Ogunrin, 2002, p. 126).
Moreover, there is a cultural practice whereby a celebrant picks a fabric for her guests to
wear at her party. Such a fabric is called aso-ebi (literally, attire for the family or group).
An opinion in Lamb and Holmes (1980, p. 51) aptly describes this practice: “while the
belle in Western countries is somewhat mortified on finding that her select costume is
duplicated in a crowd, the positive self feeling of the Yoruba is actually enhanced by
having scores of her fellows dressed alike”. The authors believe that the roots of aso-oke
lie deep in Nigerian tradition, and, that it will require more than economy and expediency
to eradicate aso-oke completely (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, p. 57).
Product characteristics of importance for textiles are:
.
appearance –which is determined by light reflection, pattern and drape;
.
comfort – which entails sensitivity to the diffusion of air and moisture through
the fabric, texture, elasticity and stretch;
.
ease of maintenance – which includes soil and stain resistance and removal, Aso-oke:
wrinkle resistance and recovery, and dimensional stability; and a Nigerian
.
durability – which is measured by strength, abrasion resistance and the ability to fashion fabric
withstand attack by sunlight, atmospheric fumes, insects and micro-organisms.

Durability is a function of density of weave. Density of a woven construction is


measured by the yarn/thread count, which is defined as the number of warp and the 99
number of weft yarns in 1in2 (6.5 cm2) of fabric. Heavy, compact constructions are more
durable than lightweight, open fabric (Encyclopedia of Science and Technology, 1997).
All these factors – appearance, comfort, ease of maintenance, and durability are in turn
determined to different degrees by the choice of fiber, yarn construction and finish
(Encyclopedia of Science and Technology, 1997).
Change in color, staining and shrinkage during washing has been found to be
undesirable in fabrics (Fianu and Frank, 1985, pp. 51-60). Quality in clothing is seen as
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a matter of:
.
fabric character, in terms of its weight, its fiber content and how well it is made;
.
its wear or fit;
. performance; and
.
appearance, especially after multiple washings (Cotton Incorporated, 2002b,
pp. 1-7).

Moreover, consumers tend to associate high quality with high durability (Agbonifoh
and Oyegunle, 1985, p. 76). Flexibility in how a fabric can be used seems to be a highly
positive factor in sustaining the demand for that fabric. This factor has been associated
with the return of fur fabric to the fashion scene after about a decade of erratic demand
(Ward, 2000, pp. 1-6).

Product characteristics of aso-oke fabric


The characteristics of aso-oke fabric derive directly from its manual hand weaving
process, weavers’ skill, types of yarns used and yarn count. As regard appearance,
weavers have various ways of introducing designs (patterns) into aso-oke fabrics. In
earlier times, three main methods of patterning were employed: use of holes; use of
inlay float on one side of the fabric; and ikat (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, 41-42). Holes are
better made by gathering together groups of warp threads and weaving them together
with separate wefts to create discontinuities between the various groups thereby
creating slits (holes); a crude method, though faster, entails pushing holes into the cloth
strip with a coarse or blunt comb. Making inlay float involves attaching inlay patterns
to the main web of the ground weave on every twentieth warp thread. The use of ikat
entails weaving with warp threads that have been previously tie-dyed to give
alternating patterns of light and shade.
Today however, the main methods of patterning revolve around mixing machine
spun cotton with a variety of synthetic fibers, including shiny yarns of the metallic
lurex type (siliki- in local parlance). As opined by Lamb and Holmes (1980, p. 38):
. . . the use of these synthetic fibres has of late wrought a profound change in the general
appearance of aso-oke, giving to it a dramatic sparkle which, while perhaps not entirely to the
taste of the traditionalist, has certainly attracted fashion conscious consumers. The colour
JFMM arrangements and emphases of these glittering threads change rapidly with fashion
presenting problems to the suppliers of these yarns to meet changes in demand. Cloth which
10,1 glitter, indeed, have almost become a trademark of modern Yoruba weaving which has
traveled far from the place of origin in Nigeria.
Some designs are based on warp arrangement; for example the use of stripes of
different width and colors. Some are based on the weft, either by varying the color of
100 the weft threads which need not extend right across the web (Lamb and Holmes, 1980,
p. 13). The more intricate the pattern, the more costly the material (Encyclopedia of
Science and Technology, 1997). As at 1978-1979, there were at least 150 patterns of
aso-oke fabric in the markets of Ibadan, Oyo state and Lagos, Lagos state, Nigeria
(Lamb and Holmes, 1980). The authors admit that many more patterns must have
escaped their notice.
The traditional yarn for both warp and weft in Yoruba weaving is hand spun from
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locally grown cotton. Today, however, factory-made yarns have largely replaced
hand-spun yarns. Apart from machine spun cotton, weavers also use natural Nigerian
wild silk known as sanyan, obtained from the Anaphe infracta and from Anaphe
moloneyi moth which abound in Northern Nigeria. Unlike silkworm (of the
Mediterranean and the Far East), Anaphe silk is too fragile to be drawn as a single
fiber. Another variety of silk is a natural bright magenta yarn known as alharini. It
comes from Tunisia, but more recently from European silk industries such as that in
Lyons. There are fake factory made alharini in the market (Lamb and Holmes, 1980,
pp. 36-41).
The dimension of aso-oke fabrics vary with type of loom on which it is woven.
When woven with a single loom, the fabric comes off as a single strip 4 to 5 inches wide
and 84 to 90 inches long, that is about 2 to 2½ yards. This strip is called “idasa” – the
basic measure of aso-oke. This single strip makes one male “cap”. A double loom
makes aso-oke that is two strips wide with the length unchanged. A standard loom
makes 4 to 7 strips wide with the length same as for the single strip (Agbadudu and
Ogunrin, 2002, p. 126).
A strip (idasa) is made up of a total of about 324 warp threads or 72 threads to the
inch (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, p. 35). If hand spun, the warp thread is usually single
strand; but if machine spun yarn is used, it can be twisted from two or more strands.
Weft threads are usually thicker than warp threads, and the weft pick is in the region
of 32 passes per inch. The warp length is determined by the quantity of strips needed
to make up a garment or set of garments. A woman’s complete set of garments can take
up to 72 yards of warp (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, p. 35). To make up a garment, the
aso-oke strips must first be sewn together. This sewing requires skill if the strips are to
lie flat one beside the other and if the designs, be they holes, inlay or ikat must match
up correctly (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, p. 54). The task of making aso-oke garments
however has been eased from the 1990s on with the availability of wider strips of
aso-oke (Agbadudu and Ogunrin, 2002, p. 126).
Durability of aso-oke is determined by the strength of the threads of which it is
composed and the closeness and evenness with which the crossing thread (weft) has
been pressed down and beaten together. Durability is also determined by the density of
weave; density in turn is determined by the tension to which the warp threads are
subjected, and the method used to beat down the weft thread after it has been
introduced (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, pp. 12-13).
Product life cycle (PLC) Aso-oke:
Product life cycle is a marketing concept that posits that products of any kind have a a Nigerian
finite life cycle very similar to the life cycle of the animate humans who originate and
consume them. In that vein, all products go through a life cycle comprising fashion fabric
introduction, growth, maturity and decline (Kotler, 1980; Berkowitz et al., 1997). The
shapes/patterns of product life cycle (PLC) curves differ depending on the type of
product, frequency of purchase, and marketing strategies of manufacturers. Three 101
forms, representing the one – time purchased product, infrequently purchased
product, and frequently purchased product, have been identified by Kotler (1980). Six
patterns have been identified by Cox (1967) – the most recurrent patterns being the
cycle – recycle pattern, and the cyclical pattern that depicts a succession of life cycles
sustained through the addition of new features, and discovery of new uses and new
markets.
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Product life cycles of style, fashion and fad. As far as clothing is concerned the shape
of the product life cycle (PLC) curve is differentiated into that of a style, fashion or fad.
These classifications are not mutually exclusive; a given product may exhibit features
of two or more of them (Wasson, 1971, pp. 31-32). A style is a basic and distinctive
mode of expression appearing in a field of human endeavour. Once a style is invented it
may last for generations, coming in and out of vogue, hence it exhibits a cycle showing
several lives of renewed interest – see Figure 1 (Kotler, 1980). Basic clothing styles
include single piece dresses or skirt with blouse for women and trouser with shirt for
men. The current version may vary slightly in details from year to year, but one
several years old need not look out of date (Wasson, 1971, p. 53). Clothing styles are
culturally specific.
With regard to aso-oke, the traditional female dress consists of three pieces: the
large waist wrapper (iro), usually of 12 to 16 strips and a little over 2 yards in length;
the narrow top wrapper, a kind of wrap-around shawl (ipele or iborun), of eight strips
and the same length; and the head – tie (gele) of four to 16 strips and again of the same
length. An additional type of wrapper which need not come with the set of women’s
garments, in that it can be bought separately, is the baby wrapper which is used to

Figure 1.
Life cycles of style, fashion
and fad
JFMM secure a baby to the mother’s back. All four pieces of garment for the woman can take
10,1 up to 72 yards of warp (Lamb and Holmes, 1980, pp. 35; 55). We observe that the
authors did not include women’s loose blouse (buba) in their description of the female’s
basic aso-oke garments. Perhaps aso-oke buba was not in vogue at the time of their
fieldwork which lasted from 1978 to 1979.
Lamb and Holmes also describe the traditional male aso-oke attire. According to the
102 authors the male attire consists of six garments: four robes – danshiki, gbariye,
dandogo and agbada; a pair of wide waisted trousers (sokoto) and a cap (ikori or fila).
The authors add that the four robes worn ensemble can be both hot and heavy. The
authors note that most times, the gbariye and dandogo alone are worn with the cap,
even though those who are wealthy possess the complete set (Lamb and Holmes, 1980,
p. 55). It is our opinion that danshiki and gbariye are variants of an inner robe, and that
agbada and dandogo are variants of one and same robe – an outer robe. We opine that
men are meant to wear one inner robe, an outer robe, trouser and cap. Dandogo is
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extremely large, wider than agbada, and therefore expensive. A local adage says that
dandogo is not a garment a man sews out of envy for his neighbour’s.
A fashion is a currently accepted or popular style in a given field (Kotler, 1980). It is
a particular combination of attributes that is currently positively evaluated by some
groups of consumers (Solomon, 1999). Fashions tend to grow slowly, remain popular
for a while and decline slowly (see Figure 1). But a clothing fashion such as hemline
lengths on skirts or lapel widths on sports jackets once introduced declines and then
seems to return. Life cycles for fashion products most often appear in women’s and
men’s clothing styles (Berkowitz et al., 1997). More attention has however been paid to
women than men in studies of fashion (Solomon, 1999); perhaps because women spend
more than men on clothes (Agbonifoh and Oyegunle, 1985, p. 72).
Opinion is varied as to whether or not fashion cycles ever come to an end, and on
factors that bring about their decline. It has been suggested that the length of a
particular fashion cycle depends on the extent to which the fashion meets a genuine
need, is consistent with other trends in society as well as with societal norms and
values, and it does not meet technological limits as it develops (Reynolds, 1968). A
fashion can last from a month to a century; when it lasts for a long time it becomes a
classic style (Solomon, 1999). It is believed that fashions come to an end because they
represent an inherent purchase compromise such that the consumer starts looking for
missing attributes after a while (Wasson, 1968). Some authors however see fashions as
living out inexorable cycles regardless of economic, functional or technological
changes in society (Robinson, 1975).
Some have indeed said that fashion has a clear and logical history; that it is not at all
randomized or arbitrarily transient (Wollen, 1998, p. 2). According to Wollen, the
history is made from the interaction of consumers and designers: while consumers
exercise creativity in deciding how clothes should be draped, buttoned or combined
thereby impacting patterns of production, trends launched by designers affect the
choice of consumers. There are behavioral, economic and sociological theories of
determinants of fashion changes. One sociological theory – the trickle down theory –
first proposed by Georg Simmel (1904), cited in Solomon (1999, p. 540) posit that upper
social classes are the drivers of changes in fashion. Once a fashion becomes popular
through the “trickle-down effect”, upper-class consumers tend to abandon it in search
of a new one to maintain the “gap”.
Fads are particular fashions that come quickly into the public eye, are adopted with Aso-oke:
great zeal, peak early and decline very fast (refer Figure 1). They do not satisfy a strong a Nigerian
need and seem to appeal only to people who want to be different (Kotler, 1980). In
clothing, fads are typically novelties such as toe socks (Berkowitz et al., 1997). fashion fabric
Managing the product life cycle. Since all products confront possible decline,
manufacturers and marketers avoid “closing shop” or, rather, manage the life cycles of
their products by introducing a steady stream of new and or improved products. Four 103
main processes of obtaining new product ideas include inspiration, serendipity,
customer request, or formal creativity techniques (Kotler, 1980). PLCs are generally
managed by modifying the product, modifying the market, and repositioning the
product. Product modification entails altering a product’s characteristics such as its
quality, performance or appearance through the addition of new features. Market
modification entails increasing a product’s use among existing customers; creating
new use situations or in Perner’s words, creating problems and thereby new needs and
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new ideal states in consumers’ perception; or finding new customers. Repositioning a


product entails changing the place it occupies relative to its closest substitutes in a
consumer’s mind (Kotler, 1980; Berkowitz et al., 1997; Perner, n.d., p. 26).
In the light of the foregoing discussion, we tentatively propose that:
.
consumers buy aso-oke fabric frequently;
.
the main avenue of purchasing aso-oke is group purchase (aso-ebi) in respect of
upcoming celebrations;
.
the average Nigerian has more than one aso-oke garment;
.
frequent design modifications qualify aso-oke as a clothing fashion;
.
socio-cultural factors qualify aso-oke fabric as a classic style; and
.
aso-oke consumers buy the fabric in spite of its negative attributes.

Methodology
The sample
In February 2003, 140 copies of a questionnaire, specifically designed for this study,
were distributed to workers in four divisions of a federal tertiary educational
institution in Benin City. The divisions are the staff secondary school, two
administrative divisions and one academic faculty of the institution. We visited the
divisions twice a week for six weeks. In the first four weeks we gave out copies of the
questionnaire to every worker we met on their seats. The last two weeks, we
concentrated on retrieving the questionnaires. At the end of the six weeks, 117
questionnaires were retrieved of which 100 were sufficiently usable, giving us a
completion rate of 71 percent. This sampling procedure has been described as
non-probability purposive sampling technique. In non-probability sampling, elements
of a population are not deliberately given equal or known chance of being included in a
sample. In other words, non-probability sampling does not guarantee randomness
(Nachmias and Nachmias, 1982, p. 298). Non-probability purposive sampling technique
describes the process of choosing sample elements while being guided by assumptions
of what typical elements are; elements which are most likely to provide a researcher
with information required (Asika, 1991, pp. 46-47).
The present study regarded all adults (those who are above 18-years-of-age) as
potential aso-oke users. All willing respondents were first asked whether or not they
JFMM have aso-oke in their wardrobes. Subsequently, the questionnaire was administered to
those who answered in the affirmative.
10,1 In studying consumption of aso-oke, we wish to generate tentative answers to the
questions: how often do people buy aso-oke? How often are new designs introduced into
the market? What factors induce Nigerians to keep buying aso-oke fabrics? We wish to
discover the possible range of responses to these questions and learn more about
104 consumption of aso-oke from what its users say. Consequently, non-probability
purposive sampling is sufficient for our purpose at this stage. Our ultimate focus is on
the garment – making industry in Nigeria: its current performance and future potential
as a contributor to the nation’s gross domestic product. In later studies, therefore, we will
employ sampling and statistical techniques with higher predictive power.
Deriving from the objectives of this study, a questionnaire was designed specifically
for this study, and administered to respondents in Benin City, capital of Edo State,
Nigeria. Edo state is located in old mid- western of Nigeria, and is a gateway to the rest
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of the country. The presence of a number of federal institutions necessitates employing


citizens from outside the state, apart from the indigenous Edo people. This has given
Benin City a metropolitan population.
The questionnaire was tested for content (face) validity before it was administered.
In this vein, four senior colleagues, all above senior lecturer status, were requested to
assess the questionnaire for adequate coverage of relevant dimensions of the research
objectives. Two of these colleagues are in marketing, one is in operations research, and
one is in sociology and anthropology. After their various suggestions, the final
questionnaire, which was applied for this study consists of 35 questions that are not
categorized explicitly into sections. We perceived that not categorizing the questions
would impute informality to the exercise that would enhance the completion rate. The
questions do not follow a rigidly logical sequence either; we hope absence of a rigid
order would eliminate the problem of response set, that is, the tendency to answer all
questions in a specific direction regardless of the content of each question.
Broadly speaking, questions 1 to 6 seek from respondents, information on ownership
of aso-oke garments, possibility of owning an aso-oke trading outfit, and number of
aso-oke garments possessed. Question 7 requires respondents to rate the frequency at
which new designs of aso-oke fabrics are introduced to the market. Questions 8 to 14
seek possible information respondents have on Nigerian and African hand-woven
fabrics. These seven questions, while not directly related to our objectives, could
enlighten discussions of our findings. Question 15 seeks information on how respondents
obtain their aso-oke fabrics, that is, points of purchase. Question 16 seeks to know
whether respondents send aso-oke as gift – items to relatives in foreign countries. This is
another question that we included just to learn more about different uses of aso-oke.
Questions 17 to 27 pertain to the core of this study – aso-oke usage. The 11
questions are organized in a matrix format. The questions deal with social-cultural
attributes that could have sustained aso-oke as a fabric and as an item of commerce.
Questions 28 and 29 seek respondents’ opinions on aso-oke fabric’s possible negative
qualities. Questions 30 to 35 investigate respondents’ personal details – age, gender,
educational qualification, religion and state of origin. These questions are posed at the
end in a bid to avoid possible discomfort that self-disclosure could induce in
respondents. The authors hope that if respondents are not unnerved after filling just
two questions, which could happen if personal details are sought first, then the chances
of a high response rate could be enhanced.
The variables Aso-oke:
In addition to basic demographic data we sought information on frequency of purchase,
point of purchase, number of aso-oke attire owned, and frequency at which new aso-oke
a Nigerian
designs arrive on the fashion scene. By fashion scene we meant major social gatherings fashion fabric
like parties and worship services. A four-point scale was applied for rating frequency of
new designs; it ranged from “once-a-year” (one point), to twice-a-year (two points), every
three months (three points) and every month (four points). Lastly, users’ post-purchase 105
evaluations were investigated. Specifically, respondents rated aso-oke’s possible
positive features with an eleven - item matrix question. The items encapsulate 11
positive social – cultural factors that might have kept aso-oke in consumers’ wardrobes.
Each item was rated using a five-point likert scale which ranged from “strongly agree”
(five points) to “strongly disagree” (one point). Responses on negative attributes of
aso-oke fabrics were elicited with an open-ended question that required users to freely
express themselves. The responses were analysed with frequency distribution in terms
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of number of respondents to responses.

Techniques of analysis
Qualitative analysis was done where appropriate. Responses to rating – scale
questions were tested for significance using the “t-test”:
where:
X 2 m0
ðtÞ ¼ pffiffiffi
d n
X ¼ mean of respondents’ ratings of attributes being assessed; d ¼ standard deviation
of the mean: m0 ¼ hypothetical or normative population mean; for a five-point scale, m0
was set at 3.5; for a four-point scale, m0 ¼ 2:5 and for a three-point scale; m0 ¼ 1:75;
and n ¼ sample size (in this case it is 100). Use of Microsoft Excel spreadsheets aided
the computations. Subsequently, computed values of (t) were compared with respective
tabulated values at a ¼ 0:5 (that is 5 percent level of significance) and degree of
freedom ðn 2 1Þ ¼ 99:

Findings
Demographic characteristics of aso-oke consumers
Of the respondents, 27 were males while 73 were females. Of the respondents, seven fell
within the highest age bracket – “above 45 years”. One respondent fell within the
lowest age bracket – “18-25 years”. The modal age bracket turned out to be “36-40
years” with 19 users. The respondents hailed from across 12 of the 36 states of the
country. Most of them (22) hailed from Edo State. A total of 73 had tertiary education
while two did not have any formal education (see Table I).

Consumption of aso-oke
Frequency of purchase. A total of 40 users disclosed that they purchased aso-oke
“sometimes”, with 26 admitting that they “rarely” buy the fabric. Another set of 26
indicated that they purchased aso-oke whenever occasion demanded it. Three admitted
purchasing the fabric regularly (see Table II).
Points of purchase. A total of 32 users indicated that they purchase aso-oke from
itinerants who sell in public places such as offices, churches and so on, with 23 users
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10,1

106

Table I.
JFMM

distribution
education and age
Users’ sex, level of
Age distribution (years) Level of education
Nil
Sex 18-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 41-45 .45 response Total Nil Primary Secondary Tertiary

Male 27 2 6 6 5 6 0 2 27 2 0 6 19
Female 73 16 12 7 14 9 7 8 73 0 2 17 54
Total 100 18 18 13 19 15 7 10 100 2 2 23 73
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Point of purchase Frequency of purchase


Textile Itinerant
Itinerant Textile Joint Itinerant þ þ Nil On Nil
Sex sellers shop purchases þ joint joint textile All response Total Sometimes Rarely demand Regularly response Total

Male 27 11 2 4 6 1 2 0 27 9 7 10 0 1 27
Female 73 21 6 9 17 6 3 9 2 73 31 19 16 3 5 73
Total 100 32 8 13 23 7 5 10 2 100 40 26 26 3 6 100

frequency of purchase
Point of purchase and
a Nigerian
Aso-oke:

fashion fabric

107

Table II.
JFMM disclosing that they obtain theirs from itinerants as well as through joint purchases
10,1 dictated by family and or club social events – ”aso-ebi” in local parlance (refer to
Table II).
Number of aso-oke owned. Of users, 70 had between one and five aso-oke garments
(our emphasis was not on the style of garment). One user had more than 20 garments,
18 users had between six and ten garments (see Table III).
108 Frequency of new designs. Respondents’ ratings of the frequency at which new
aso-oke designs arrive on the fashion scene had a t-value of – 3.634 (see Table III).

Post-purchase evaluation of aso-oke


Positive features. The results of respondents’ ratings of 11 positive attributes of aso-oke
on a five-point likert scale were as reproduced in Table IV.
Negative attributes. Responses to an open-ended question on aso-oke’s possible
negative attributes were analysed in terms of number of respondents to responses as
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shown in Table V.

Discussion of findings/policy implication


Users’ demographic characteristics
More than two-thirds of the sample were females. From our daily interactions with
people and from literature on textile consumption women buy more clothes than men
(Agbonifoh and Oyegunle, 1985, p. 72). Aso-oke consumption specifically, is greatly
influenced by the aso-ebi tradition in Nigeria. The practice makes people buy textiles
out of consideration for significant others (friends, close acquaintances at work,
members of the extended family, and so on). In the same vein, mothers, wives, and
sisters purchase aso-oke for their sons, husbands and brothers along with theirs. It is
convenient for women to do this nowadays when male fashion requires just a strip
(idasa) of aso-oke to make a cap or throw around the neck, muffler style. Women can
wear a head-tie or wrapper that is one strip short without any damage being done.
Friends, close acquaintances and relatives purchase and hand over aso-oke to
individuals, toward up-coming ceremonies, with tacit understanding that those whom
they give would pay for the aso-oke so given when they can. Even where they do not
pay, a celebrant enjoys having large crowd turn out in her chosen aso-ebi; at times she
has to pester them for payment, months after the event.
The age distribution of aso-oke users suggests that the fabric is more extensively
worn by socially active people aged 18 to 45 years. This then is the segment to be
targeted and encouraged to use the fabric in a variety of ways in order to create a
flourishing aso-oke fashion enterprise. Although this was an exploratory study and
limited to one state, albeit a centrally located state, the fact that respondents’ state of
origin spread across 12 states suggests that aso-oke is widely adopted. That most of
the respondents had tertiary education lends credence to their opinions.

Consumption of aso-oke
Our analysis suggests that about 70 percent of the sample purchased aso-oke to an
appreciable extent. Among its 11 positive attributes variety of design had the highest
t-value. The results further suggest that consumers believe that aso-oke is a component
of Nigerian’s culture; that it has prospects of remaining in vogue; that quality of
weaving is high; and that being hand-woven makes the fabric unique. The fabric seems
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Frequency of new design Number of garments


Once in Twice in Every three Every Nil Nil
Sex a year a year months month response Total 1-5 6-10 11-15 16-20 . 20 response Total

Male 27 10 3 4 5 5 27 23 2 1 1 0 0 27
Female 73 14 19 12 16 12 73 47 16 3 1 1 5 73
Total 100 24 22 16 21 17 100 70 18 4 2 1 5 100

and number of garments


Frequency of new design
a Nigerian
Aso-oke:

fashion fabric

Table III.
109
JFMM
Positive attributes t-values
10,1
Quality of weaving is high 3.943
There is variety in design 13.779
Fabric can be worn on any occasion 1.941
Its use cuts across ethnic groups 1.972
110 Demand is high in other African countries 0.475
It has a viable market in Europe 21.628
It has prospects of remaining in vogue 8.696
Its uniqueness is in being hand-woven 2.703
It should be woven by modern mills 0.990
Table IV. It is a profitable business for its weavers 5.766
Positive attitudes It is a component of Nigerian culture 9.496
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Negative attributes Frequency distribution

Quality spoilt by washing 12


Heaviness of the fabric makes washing difficult 26
Its use is limited by weather 9
It comes in small pieces which 2
have to be sewn together
before fabric is made into garments
Its use is dictated and thus limited by social events 3
Its use is limited by ethnicity 2
A high-quality aso-oke is expensive 3
It is not a good fabric for children 2
New designs make old ones undesirable 2
Table V. Cannot really pin-point any negatives 39
Negative attitudes Total 100

to be largely soil, stain and wrinkle resistant, dimensionally stable and durable. A piece
could last for decades, moreso since it is mostly used for ceremonies. With a t-value of
23.634 aso-oke consumers seemed to be saying that new designs are noticed on the
fashion scene about once a year. This in our opinion is quite frequent for a fashion
product. Aso-oke is frequently and easily modified through varying the arrangements,
colors and types of material used as weft and warp yarns. Apart from modifications
based on yarn types, aso-oke designs are modified in a seemingly limitless number of
ways. Checked patterns replace stripes. Modifications are introduced in the width of
aso-oke that terminates with a fringe of warp yarns. Consumers ensure that the fringed
strip is sewn onto their head-tie (gele). Today, the entire width of the small wrapper
(ipele or iborun) or even of the big wrapper could end with fringes. The fringes could be
tied into tiny tassels.
Furthermore, upper class ladies on the cutting edge of fashion frequently modify
how it is worn or draped. This group is readily the bedrock of the fashion world
because of their wealth and taste for good clothing (Cotton Incorporated, 2002a, pp. 1-2).
Once-upon-a-time aso-oke was worn in Yorubas’ basic dressing style. All the pieces
of a complete outfit were from the same aso-oke. From time-to-time one piece or another
of the complete regalia is dropped, substituted with lace or brocade material. With
hindsight we surmise that in the 1970s consumers dropped aso-oke “buba” replacing it Aso-oke:
with lace “buba”. In the 1980s and 1990s aso-oke was retained only as cap (for men), a Nigerian
and “gele” and “ipele” (for women). Retaining mere portions might have been
necessitated by aso-oke’s heaviness. From the late 1980s also, people began to sew fashion fabric
English – styled dresses from aso-oke: skirt suits for ladies, trouser with short –
sleeved jacket for men and a host of other atypical styles. By 2004, the fabric was
dropped from being used as cap, and “gele and ipele”, being replaced by damask and 111
Swiss nylon head-ties (the latter specifically for women). Previously reigning designs
and styles that are no longer in vogue as far as the fashion conscious is concerned,
continue to be worn by the not-so-fashion conscious, and the less-rich. They are also
passed down to daughters and other relations who are not fussy in their fashion
judgment. Wearing previous designs is aided by the excellent craftsmanship in the
average fabric making each piece a work of art. To borrow a phrase from Wollen (1998,
p. 3), aso-oke fabrics are “both objects of use and objects of beauty and exercises of
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skills”. Fashion in general hovers near the interface between art and commerce
(Wollen, 1998).
An outstanding factor about the various modifications, be it in design or draping, is
that almost all are initiated by aso-oke consumers themselves (Agbadudu and Ogunrin,
2002, p. 126). Moreover, the designs are usually named after current events, or the
purpose a particular design is to serve, or a reigning fad, or the dominant color or
yarn-ype.
On the negative side, aso-oke could be very heavy, depending on the thread count,
which usually tends to be high. Wearing a garment made from the fabric in a hot
climate is a sweaty business. Weavers try to reduce heaviness by mixing cotton
threads with metallic lurex-type yarns. It appears lurex-type yarns cannot be beaten
down with as much tension as cotton yarns, therefore aso-oke containing lurex-type
yarns tend to be lighter and more open than pure-cotton aso-oke fabrics. To further
reduce heaviness, the weft is twisted from two threads instead of as many as eight
threads. They also reduce the warp count from about 324 per strip (idasa) to as low as
140. Depending on the skill of the weaver, such mixed fabric, though lighter, tend to be
more shrinkage-prone. In addition, washing aso-oke is tedious, because of its heaviness
and because many designs are not color-fast depending on the ethics and expertise of
the weaver. In more traditional weaving centers, aso-oke is “beaten clean” with wood.
Cleaning aso-oke this way was an ancillary craft to aso-oke weaving craft. Nowadays
consumers employ rules of the thumb such as washing a tiny piece to prove
color-fastness before purchasing the desired aso-oke fabric, and preventing colors from
running by adding salt to water, or using soap rather than detergent in hand-washing
aso-oke.

Conclusion
Aso-oke therefore appears to have an endless life cycle, or a cyclical product life in line
with the observations of Robinson (1975), Berkowitz et al. (1997) and Solomon (1999).
Its life cycle is sustained by the fact that it is both a style and a fashion, by
customer-initiated modifications, ease of customization, flexibility in application,
culturally acquired taste for clothes and the cultural practice of handing over clothes to
relations. The ability of Nigerian fashion designers to apply aso-oke further - in
trimmings, in lightweight casual and office wears, and in luxury curtain draping and
JFMM furnishings will go a long way in promoting aso-oke as a Nigerian fabric genus similar
10,1 to Scotland’s Harris Tweed and Ghana’s Kente. Aso-oke weavers need to be given
feedback on consumers’ negative experiences especially with regard to the fabric’s
weight and color-fastness. Weavers need to employ only color-fast threads in weaving
and weave lighter – weight aso-oke fabrics that suit all-weather clothes without
compromising the fabric’s shrinkage resistance.
112
Areas for further studies
This study has probably raised as many questions as it sought to answer, thereby
leaving ample room for further investigations. More rigoros enquiry into factors that
sustain the production and consumption of aso-oke, patterns and length of the
lifecycles of aso-oke and of other fabrics like cotton-print (ankara) would be useful for
Nigerian textile producers and economy as a whole.
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Further reading
Shank, M. (1989), “Fabrics and fashions”, African Textiles, February/March, p. 34.
Sobhy, K. (1992), “Spotlight on Egypt: a story of emotion, determination and success”, African
Textiles, June/July, p. 48.

Corresponding author
F.O. Ogunrin can be contacted at: bfunmi@uniben.edu

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