Notes

Introduction
1. Although it is commonly known as “Spanish–American War” in English,
the title does not involve the other two countries closely associated with
the war, Cuba and the Philippines. In the Spanish-speaking world, it is
often called “War in Cuba” (“Guerra de Cuba”), “War of Independence”
(“Guerra de la Independencia”), or “War of 98” (“Guerra del 98”).
2. In fact, Havana and Manila can be called “twin cities” that shared
the history of colonial administration not only under Spain and the
United States but also during a brief British occupation in the eighteenth
century.
3. For previous allusions to the links between Martí and Rizal, see
Zea (1981), Anderson (1983, 2005), Blanco (2004), Kim (2004), and
Lifshey (2008, 2012).
4. Zea writes that
[Rizal] can and should be alongside the great Latin Americans, alongside
the liberators and teachers of our America. Together with Bolívar, Morelos,
Juárez, Mora and Justo Sierra; with José Martí, his twin brother, and with
America; with Bilbao, Lastrarria, Montalvo, González Prada and many
others who made Spanish an instrument for liberation. (175)

While Zea’s comparison points to a necessarily expansive Latinoamerica-

nism that seeks to include the Philippines, it ultimately eschews the
complex historical context of each figure.
5. The term indio was used differently in the Philippines than in Spanish
America during colonial times. In the Philippines, indios referred to the
people of indigenous ancestry who were “inside” Catholic evangeliza-
tion and “unmixed” in blood, representing the masses of lowland peoples
(Kramer 39).
6. Martí studied law and philosophy in Madrid and Zaragoza between
1871 and 1874, and Rizal studied medicine and philosophy in Madrid
from 1882 to 1885; both enrolled in the Universidad Central de
Madrid.
158 ● Notes

7. Although Rizal is generally known as a “reformist,” some critics have

argued that a close reading of his work illustrates his belief that reform
was only a necessary step toward the ultimate goal, independence from
Spain. Schumacher points out, for instance, that “Rizal had been a sepa-
ratist from early in his career, but one who understood quite clearly the
preconditions by which that independence from Spain would mean true
freedom and justice” (1991, 99). See also Ambeth Ocampo’s essay “Mem-
ory and amnesia: Rizal on the eve of his centenary” in his Meaning and
History: The Rizal Lectures (2001).
8. It is worth recalling that the images of Martí and Rizal have been frequently
used and even manipulated by their countries’ politicians as well as by the
US government.
9. Blanco’s term also seems to echo with Benedict Anderson’s “spectre of
comparisons,” which is a translation of Rizal’s words “demonio de las
comparaciones” in his novel Noli me tangere (Anderson, 1998, 2).
10. Alfred J. López examines different ways in which people in Havana and
Miami attempt to define national identities through their own interpreta-
tions of Martí. See López (2006), especially chapters 1 and 2.
11. In this book, all translations are my own, unless otherwise noted. For cita-
tions by Martí and Rizal, my translations are accompanied by original texts
in Spanish. For other citations (e.g. secondary sources), I only provide
translations in English. Unless otherwise noted, all references to Martí’s
works are from Obras completas de José Martí (Complete Works of José
Martí), and I indicate parenthetically the volume and the page number for
each citation.
12. Recent scholarships on Martí include, for example, Ramos (1989), Belnap
and Fernández (1998), Rotker (2000), Montero (2004), López (2006),
Lomas (2008), and Bejel (2012). For Rizal, see Anderson (1983, 1998,
2005), Rafael (1988, 2005), Ileto (1998), Quibuyen (1999), Ocampo
(2001, 2008 [1990]), Blanco (2004), and Nery (2011).
13. Related to Anderson’s discussion, see also Manuel Sarkisyanz’s Rizal and
Republican Spain and Other Rizalist Essays (1995).
14. Notable studies on the literary and cultural relations between Latin
America and Asia include Kushigian (1991), Tinajero (2003), López-
Calvo (2008, 2013), Pierce and Otsuka (2009), Lifshey (2012), and
Tsurumi (2012).
15. Some important publications on the history of nineteenth-century Cuba
include Corwin (1967), Pérez (1983, 2011 [1988]), Ferrer (1999),
and Schmidt-Nowara (1998, 2006). For studies on the Filipino history
during the same period, see Schumacher (1973, 1991), Ileto (1979),
Anderson (1983, 2005), and Francia (2010).
16. For discussions on the historiography of European empires and
imperialisms, see Hobson (1902), Lenin (1916), Arendt (1951), and
Hobsbawm (1987).
 Notes ● 159

17. Hobson studies the economic aspect of modern imperialism through a

discourse of Western “parasitism” in the late 1890s. His idea of “para-
sitism” refers to the situation in which a few global industrial countries
in Europe exercised dominant power in the world. Imperialism, which
he calls “a depraved choice of national life” (125), fundamentally endan-
gers the future of world civilization because it “parasitically” exploits the
poor in underdeveloped countries in order to enhance economic progress
and create industrial foundations for dominant nations. Hannah Arendt
would famously advance and complicate Hobson’s model in The Origins of
Totalitarianism.
18. Throughout the nineteenth century, Spain witnessed disputes between
progressives, liberals, and conservatives within the country. Following the
liberal revolution of 1868, numerous incidents intensified the pace of
political instability in the metropolis, such as the restoration of a constitu-
tional monarchy under Amadeo de Saboya (1870), the Carlist war (1872),
the declaration of the First Republic (1873) and its fall (1874), and the
reestablishment of the Bourbon Monarchy (1874).
19. Some nineteenth-century authors in Latin America incorporated the his-
tory of the Manila Galleons into their literature as they discovered new
interest in Asian symbols and imagery. One of the examples is the represen-
tation of Asia in José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi’s El Periquillo Sarniento
(1816). See my analysis of the novel in Hagimoto (2012).
20. Unlike Filipinos, Cubans enjoyed certain privileges within the Spanish
empire. For example, they had the right to send representatives to the
Spanish Parliament, the political domination of the Church was relatively
little, and there was a similar kind of legal system as in the metropolis,
together with a secular and state-provided educational system.
21. Ferrer argues that the most intense conflict in Cuba’s independence move-
ment was the one between racism and antiracism. For her, the legacy of the
Ten Years’ War was “the impossibility of racial conflict,” which would later
be articulated by Martí through his discourse of nationalism (124).
22. The category of “Filipino” did not have the connotation that we associate
today with the native population in the archipelago. From the sixteenth
century to the nineteenth century, “Filipinos” referred to the Spaniards
born in the Philippines (i.e. those who would be considered “Creoles”
in Spanish America), as opposed to more privileged “peninsulares” (the
Spaniards born in Spain). In other words, the “Filipino” identity, at least
until the 1890s, was associated with both an ancestral link to Spain and
the ability to speak the imperial language. Often overlooked is the fact that
it was Rizal and his generation that first appropriated the term “Filipino”
to refer to themselves and, by doing so, started looking at the Philippines
as their mother country rather than Spain. León Ma. Guerrero rightfully
called Rizal the “first Filipino” because there was no clear definition of
the “Filipino” before him (Ocampo, 2001, 12). In fact, the notion of the
160 ● Notes

“Filipino” already appeared in Rizal’s earlier poem, “A la juventud filipina”

(To the Filipino Youth), which he wrote at the age of 18 while studying at
the University of Santo Tomas.
23. For a comparative analysis of the impacts of the Spanish colonial enterprise
in the Philippines and in the New World, see Phelan (1967), especially
chapters 8 and 11.
24. As the presence of these native languages suggests, there is rich ethno-
linguistic diversity in the Philippines. Historically, the most important
language has been Tagalog, used by the ethnic group residing in the
region of Luzon. When a revolutionary organization against the Spanish
empire was established in 1892, Tagalog played an important role as the
movement’s lingua franca. As I discuss in Chapters 1 and 3, Rizal also
considered the native language crucial for his works. His mother tongue
was Tagalog, and he characterized his first novel as a “Tagalog novel.”
Toward the end of his life, Rizal even began to write his third novel
in Tagalog, entitled Makamisa, but it was never finished. See Ocampo
(1992).
25. The figure of the Spanish-speaking population in the nineteenth
Philippines varies depending on interpretations. Whereas Phelan claims
that Spanish was understood by 10 percent of the total population (131),
Anderson suggests that it was less than 5 percent (2005, 5).
26. Nevertheless, the evangelization of the Philippines did not mean that the
non-Christian beliefs and rituals had disappeared completely. In fact, there
was strong resistance against Spanish colonization in some parts of the
archipelago, especially in Muslim Mindanao (Francia 90–95).
27. In Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Christian Conversion in Tagalog
Society under Early Spanish Rule, Vicente Rafael examines how the imperial
language influences both the dominant power of clerical orders and the
natives’ response to Christianity. For him, evengelization and anticolonial
resistance during the early colonial period essentially depended on the
practice of translation.
28. Ileto studies the history of Apolinario de la Cruz, whom he considers a
Christ-like figure. See Ileto (1979), especially Chapter 2.
29. For a historical overview of the Propaganda Movement, see Schumacher
(1973).
30. The United States’ imperial ambitions were of course nothing new. After
the massacre of Native Americans, the country bought Louisiana from
France in 1803 and conquered almost half of the Mexican territory after
the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848.
31. In her recent work, God’s Arbiters: Americans and the Philippines, 1899–
1902, Susan Harris studies the way in which the idea of American excep-
tionalism was constructed through the events and discourses surrounding
the Philippine–American War.
 Notes ● 161

32. Currently, there are over 170 languages in the Philippines. Among them,
the two official languages are English and Filipino, which is the de facto
standard version of Tagalog.
33. The notion comes from Fradera’s book Filipinas, la colonia más peculiar:
Las finanzas públicas en la determinación de la política colonial, 1762–
1868 (Philippines, the Most Peculiar Colony: The Public Finances in
the Determination of the Colonial Policy, 1762–1868), which examines
the complex interplay of the economic and political system between the
metropolis and its Asian colony. Fradera attributes the Filipino “pecu-
liarity” to the unique characteristic of economic development in the
Philippines. During the early nineteenth century, the most important com-
ponent of the Filipino economy was the state sector. It was the fiscal
monopolies of the state sustained by the tobacco and alcohol industries
that allowed the Spanish empire to maintain its power. In other words,
while the colonial system in Cuba and Puerto Rico economically depended
on the external trade of sugar and coffee, the economy in the Philippines
was principally based on the profits provided by the internal monopoly of
tobacco and alcohol products.
34. In this sense, the Philippines could form a productive part of the
“Latinamericanism” that Román de la Campa identifies with a “transna-
tional discursive community” (1). De la Campa’s concept defies readily
apparent geographical boundaries and suggests an alternative way to
understand the idea of “Latin America.”
35. In his often-cited letter to Manuel Mercado written the day before his
death, Martí stated that “I lived in the monster, and I understand his inner
workings” (“Viví en el monstruo, y le conozco las entrañas”) (4:168).

Chapter 1
1. I employ the term “melodrama” in the sense used by Peter Brooks, who
argues that “the melodramatic mode of conception and representation may
appear to be the very process of reaching a fundamental drama of the moral
life and finding the terms to express it” (12). According to Brooks, the
melodrama, as a concept derived from romanticism and opposed to natu-
ralism, represents a modern form that “starts from and expresses the anxiety
brought by a frightening new world in which the traditional patterns of
moral order no longer provide the necessary social glue” (20).
2. As mentioned earlier, he attempted to write a third novel Makamisa in
Tagalog but never finished it.
3. It is important to clarify that Rizal was not against revolution per se but
its timing. As I show in Chapter 2, he actually refers to the possibility of
violence in “Filipinas dentro de cien años,” which indicates that he did not
reject the idea of revolution as a last resort.
162 ● Notes

4. When Rizal wrote the Noli in the late nineteenth century, the novel was
a relatively new genre in the Philippines. For the history of the Filipino
novel, see Mojares (1983).
5. Both terms—denationalization and denaturalization—may invoke Giorgio
Agamben’s theory concerning the European history of ethnic cleansings
during the first half of the twentieth century. As Agamben argues in Homo
sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, these concepts symbolize a state-
sponsored project of mass destruction, which produced a large number of
refugees in various European nation-states. While he refers to the notions
in order to highlight the “exceptional” nature of those stripped of their
national status, I employ the terms in order to show the process in which an
individual seeks to disassociate himself or herself from the organic, natural,
and national subjectivity.
6. For the separation between Martí and Zayas Bazán, see Vitier (2004,
110–111).
7. See, for example, González, P. M. (1969), Morales (1994), Martínez-San
Miguel (1996), and Schulman (2005).
8. The only exception I have found is David Luis-Brown’s reading of the
novel. I am following his assessment that “[n]o critic of the novel has read
Lucía Jerez as an allegorical figure of the greed of Spanish colonialism”
(264, n.77).
9. Martí’s criticism against the artificiality of the novel seems to contradict his
own affirmation that he has actually met some of the characters in Lucía
Jerez in his real life:

The author has never met either Sol or Lucía. Mr. Manuel, yes, and
Manuellillo, Ms. Andrea as well as the Director.
ni a Sol ni a Lucía, ha conocido de cerca el autor. A don Manuel, sí. Y a
Manuelillo, y a doña Andrea, así como a la propia Directora. (47)

10. Martí’s admiration for Hugo is evidenced in many of his writings,

including his translation of Hugo’s Mes Fils (24:15–18).
11. In Colonialism and Culture: Hispanic Modernisms and the Social Imag-
inary (1992), Iris Zavala offers a political reading of Latin American
modernismo, arguing that this movement calls for “the inscription of a ‘mas-
ter narrative’ or ‘master plot’ of decolonization and anti-imperialism” (8).
For her, Martí is “an exemplary illustration of modernism’s anti-colonial
narrative” (26).
12. According to Morales, “although our writer does not allude to any partic-
ular country, the abundance of details and the consistency of the fictional
space make us think of a Hispanic American country, which the author
knew well and which had provoked admired and memorable fascination
in him” (65).
 Notes ● 163

13. In this passage, the way Pedro reads Amalia and María to Sol is sim-
ilar to how Efraín studies Chateaubriand with María in Isaacs’s novel
(Zanetti 191).
14. In Foundational Fictions, the only time Sommer makes reference to
Martí is when she mentions his general admiration for European
romantic novels and the way in which he celebrates Manuel de
Jesús Galván’s novel Enriquillo (1882) as a model for Latin American
writers (9).
15. Paulette Silva Beauregard maintains that the feminine aspect of Juan’s char-
acter represents “the new representations of the hero” in Latin American
literature (138).
16. Aníbal González interprets Lucía’s figure as a metaphor for artificiality.
In his study, he analyzes Lucía’s artificial aspect based on three levels: the
referential, the symbolic, and the allegorical (68–70).

Chapter 2
1. Because of the nature of my study, I focus on the political aspect of the
manifesto genre rather than its aesthetic quality. However, it is important
to acknowledge that the manifesto has also been used for an artistic pur-
pose around the world. In Latin America, many vanguardistas from the
early twentieth century incorporated the manifesto form for their cul-
tural production, creating an innovative style of art in such countries as
Chile, Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil. Some of the most notable exam-
ples include Vicene Huidobro’s “Non serviam” (I Will Not Serve, 1914),
Jorge Luis Borges’s “Manifiesto del Ultra” (Ultraist Manifesto, 1921),
and Oswald de Andrade’s “Manifiesto antropófago” (Cannibal Manifesto,
1928).
2. The text is found in Obras completas de José Martí, 4:93–101. For
subsequent citations from this article, I will only indicate the page number.
3. The article is divided into four parts: I (September 30, 1889);
II (October 31, 1889); III (December 15, 1889); and IV (February 1,
1890).
4. My emphasis on the “againstness” of the manifesto form follows Mary Ann
Caws’ study, which suggests that “as if by defining a moment of crisis, the
manifesto generally proclaims what it wants to oppose, to leave, to defend,
to change. Its oppositional tone is constructed of againstness and generally
in a spirit of a one time only moment” (xxiii).
5. The manifesto has been one of the least studied fields. It is only in the
last decades that this genre began to attract serious attention from critics.
Two books stand out as key texts in the field of manifesto studies: Janet
Lyon’s Manifestoes: Provocations of the Modern (1999) and Mary Ann Caws’
Manifesto: A Century of Isms (2001).
164 ● Notes

6. For Althusser’s discussion of “interpellation” as a mode of subjectification,

see his “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes Toward and
Investigation)” (1970).
7. Based on her analysis of Derrida’s attention to the Declaration’s “indeter-
minacy of performativity,” Lyon makes a step further and concludes that
“the manifesto is, after all, a text of radicalism which forges an audience
through its efforts at affective and experiential intelligibility” (28).
8. Puri examines the effect of the author’s confidence in the manifesto from
the viewpoint of hyperbole. For her, hyperbole not only produces “the
appearance of confidence, whether that confidence is genuine or a mas-
querade” but also “seeks to inspire in the reader a similar confidence so as
to expand the collective projected by the manifesto” (91).
9. See, for example, Ortiz (1953), Martínez-Echazábal (1991), Helg (1995),
Ferrer (1999), Rojas (2000), and Montero (2004).
10. His emphasis on “faith” reflects the nature of the manifesto form that is
often used for religious discourses. The theological use of the term “man-
ifesto” refers to the concept of divine revelation and can be found in
seventeenth-century England as well as nineteenth-century America (Lyon
12–16).
11. As Enrico Mario Santí notes, Martí’s critique of Latin America has not
been fully explored by critics who tend to overemphasize Martí’s defense
of “Our America” against US imperialism (180).
12. In Caribbean Discourse, Glissant explains that the exploration of history is
“related neither to a schematic chronology nor to a nostalgic lament. It
leads to the identification of a painful notion of time and its full projection
forward into the future, without the help of those plateaus in time from
which the West has benefited, without the help of that collective density
that is the primary value of an ancestral cultural heartland. That is what
I call a prophetic vision of the past” (emphasis in original, 64).
13. In his study, Puchner focuses on the performativity of the manifesto genre,
which he calls “futurist performativity.” According to him, the mani-
festo is “a genre geared towards successfully accomplishing the act that is
to create a zero point in history, a revolutionary overturn. All previous
history becomes a preparation for this point zero, which itself is preg-
nant with futurity; the present act of revolt is the beginning of a new
future” (452).
14. Rizal’s conceptualization of “race” is also against the derogatory interpreta-
tion of the Filipino race that was articulated by such Spanish historians as
W.E. Retana and Víctor Balaguer at that time. In an article published in
La política de España en Filipinas (The Politics of Spain in the Philippines,
1891), Retana states, “Why should it cause offense that I conceive of the
Malay race as inferior to the European races? This is a purely scientific
 Notes ● 165

opinion that I do not sustain by myself but in agreement with many

learned anthropologists” (quoted in Schmidt-Nowara, 2006, 176).

Chapter 3
1. I employ the term “nature” to indicate the natural world or environment
that is not created by humans. My definition involves both objects (plants,
animals, landscape, etc.) and phenomena (snow, flood, earthquakes, etc.).
The assumption is that in Martí’s conceptualization, there is an ontolog-
ical premise of the world, the premise that underlines the existence of an
alternative reality independent of the human experience.
2. Rizal’s confidence in the United States was later shared by Emilio
Aguinaldo who, in his True Version of the Philippine Revolution (1899),
expressed his positive feeling (at least initially) that the United States would
remain fair to the deal concerning the future of the Philippines. In listing
his reasons for trusting Admiral Dewey, acting for the US government,
he evoked the American Founding Fathers: “I trust in the rectitude of the
great of the United States of America where, if there are ambitious Imperi-
alists, there are defenders of the humane doctrine of the immoral Monroe,
Franklin, and Washington” (quoted in Harris 187).
3. Two of the most infamous phenomena related to this history are the cre-
ation of the Chinese Exclusion Act (1882) and the massacre of 20 Chinese
in Rock Springs, Wyoming (1885).
4. Laura Lomas goes so far as to suggest that Martí draws his fundamen-
tal concept of “Our America” from Emerson’s late essay “Fate” written in
1860. Her argument is based on Emerson’s following words: “Our America
has a bad name for superficialness. Great men, great nations, have not been
boasters and buffoons, but perceivers of the terror of life, and have manned
themselves to face it” (quoted in Lomas, 2008, 16).
5. José Ballón calls this moment “Martí’s intellectual encounter with
Emerson” (1995, 3). According to him, it is “a spiritually intense moment,
the highest point of self-consciousness, whereby the angle of vision was
framed within an Emersonian perspective. In these moments of interior
construction, we see a young Cuban readjusting his intellectual framework
through which he finds himself consistently in the world” (1986, 30).
6. The essay can be found in Obras completas de José Martí, 13:17–30. For the
subsequent citations from this article, I will indicate only the page number.
7. For Martí, an individual would not be “complete” without his or her close
connection to the environment:

a man is not complete, is not revealed to himself, and does not see the
invisible, if not by his intimate relationship with nature.
166 ● Notes

Y el hombre no se halla completo, ni se revela a sí mismo, ni ve lo invisible,

sino en su íntima relación con la naturaleza. (13:26)

8. Analogy is an important concept in many of Martí’s writings, especially as

it creates a political nuance to his conceptualization of “our” America. He
states that

[e]verything is analogous to the earth, and every existing order is related

to another order. Harmony was the law of birth, and it will forever be the
beautiful, logical law of relationship.
todo es análogo en la tierra, y cada orden existente tiene relación con otro
orden. La armonía fue la ley del nacimiento, y será perpetuamente la bella
y lógica ley de relación. (14: 20)

Regarding the meaning of analogy in Martí, Ivan Schulman argues that

“the analogy as the basis of the image is perhaps the most significant and
consistently articulated principle used by Martí in his theory of symbol-
ism” (1960, 34). For Julio Ramos, Martí’s analogical proceeding represents
a powerful enunciation of universal harmony on the one hand, and a figu-
rative process against the divisive force of modernity on the other (172).
9. The comparison between Martí and Emerson in terms of their shared
analogical impulse is discussed by Ivan Schulman (1960, 35–36,
52–64).
10. Some of his other chronicles that directly deal with the representation of
nature are “Nueva York bajo la nieve” (New York Under the Snow, 1888)
and “Johnstown” (1889).
11. The article can be found in Obras completas de José Martí, 11:65–76. For
the subsequent citations from this article, I will indicate only the page
number.
12. The article can be found in Obras completas de José Martí, 6:15–23. For the
following citations, I will indicate only the page number.
13. Here I am indebted to Homi Bhabha’s idea that “the question of repre-
sentation of difference is therefore always also a question of authority”
(89), although I invoke it in a different register. While Bhabha discusses
a kind of authoritarianism (the maintenance colonial difference), I employ
the idea in the context of anticolonialism (the declaration of a colonized
difference).
14. A similar notion can be seen in his other chronicle, “La verdad sobre los
Estados Unidos” (The Truth about the United States, 1894), in which he
states that “ideas, like trees, must come from deep roots and compatible
soil in order to develop a firm footing and prosper” (“las ideas, como los
árboles, han de venir de larga raíz, y ser de suelo afín, para que prendan y
prosperen”) (28:293).
 Notes ● 167

15. According to Cintio Vitier, “the seven-league giant” alludes to “a fab-

ulous character in children’s stories (like Charles Perrault’s ‘Little Tom
Thumb’),” which Martí uses to “symbolize the disproportion and the dan-
ger of the most powerful countries (whose development is ‘seven times’
faster)” (2005, 33).
16. In his well-known work Calibán: Apuntes sobre la cultura en nuestra América
(Caliban: Notes Toward a Discussion of Culture in Our America, 1971),
Fernández Retamar employs the term calibán to portray Martí as a proto-
Marxist Pan-American revolutionary. His discussion points to a particular
gesture of Latin America’s resistance to US imperialism in which the col-
onized subject seeks to appropriate and harness the power of his or her
colonizer. After its publication, the book became an important manifesto
for many Latin American and Caribbean writers working against European
and US (neo)colonial discourses. See also Jáuregui (2008).
17. Allusion to the romantic style of Spanish poet José Zorrilla (1817–1893).
18. Besides his visit to the United States, his view on the country was also influ-
enced by his reading of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852)
and Evert Duyckinck’s Lives and Portraits of the Presidents of the United
States, from Washington to Johnson (1865).
19. David Haekwon Kim mentions a parallel between Rizal’s Liga Filipina and
Martí’s organization La Liga, which he created in 1890 with the goal of
promoting nationalist causes for Cuba and Puerto Rico (86, n. 35).
20. The term “indio bravo” also existed in the history of Cuba but was used in
a different context, referring to a ferocious bandit from Puerto Príncipe in
the beginning of the nineteenth century. It is said that he provoked terror
in the community because people believed that he attacked travelers on the
street, especially children, and ate human flesh. See Marrero Companioni
(1960).
21. Oxford English Dictionary offers three primary meanings for the word “fili-
buster”: (1) one of a class of piratical adventurers who pillaged the Spanish
colonies in the seventeenth-century West Indies; (2) in a wider sense, one
who engages in unauthorized and irregular warfare against foreign states;
(3) in the United States, one who practices obstruction in a legislative
assembly.
22. For a critical analysis of the relationship between Simoun and Bolívar, see
Blanco (2004) and Lifshey (2008).

Chapter 4
1. For the history of Spanish Freemasonry and its relation to colonialism,
see Ferrer Benimeli (1999). For a discussion on the influence of Masonic
writings in the construction of Caribbean cultural and literary discourses,
see Jossiana Arroyo-Martínez’s recent book (2013).
168 ● Notes

2. As Arroyo-Martínez points out, Masonic lodges were important meet-

ing sites for Creole intellectuals in nineteenth-century Cuba and Puerto
Rico where they discussed radical ideas, organized various insurgents, and
developed a shared agenda for the abolitionist movement (2008, 147).
3. Rizal’s Masonic name was Dimasalang, which was his pseudonym and also
the Tagalog version of the title of his novel Noli me tangere (Francia 126).
4. For the Filipino ilustrados, the function of “Solidaridad” was twofold.
On the one hand, they used it to seek assistance from Spanish Masons
for their reformist agenda, including the Filipino representation in the
Cortes, the teaching of Spanish to the majority of the population in the
archipelago, and the greater involvement of native friars in the religious
orders. On the other hand, the Masonic lodge was also a central place for
the elaboration of nationalist aspirations among the Filipino expatriates in
Spain.
5. For instance, another Masonic lodge named “Revolución” was established
in 1889 by three Filipinos and two Cubans.
6. The anticlerical characteristic of Freemasonry has long been a sub-
ject of debate. While the Catholic Church has always been critical of
Masonic societies, many Masons have claimed that their principles are
not against any particular religious faith. See Payne (1984) and Clark and
Kaiser (2003).
7. For Labra’s contribution to the collective antislavery campaign in the
Spanish Caribbean, see Corwin (1967) and Schmidt-Nowara (1999).
8. Both Estrade (1999) and Anderson (2005) make references to the connec-
tion between Ponce and Izquierdo, but they never discuss this important
relationship in depth in their studies.
9. Ponce also had an epistolary communication with Labra. In his letter
(February 25, 1898), he called the Cuban reformist “our teacher” and asked
him to share his political writing:

You have always been our teacher. Now that the Filipino matter is entering
a new period, it is essential that we take as a basis the doctrines that you
teach and have taught.
Usted ha sido siempre nuestro maestro, y ahora que entra en un nuevo
período la cuestión filipina nos es de imprescindible necesidad tomar por
base las doctrinas que predica y ha predicado. (111–112)

Here, the “doctrines” refer to Labra’s La república y las libertades en ultramar

(The Republic and the Freedoms Overseas, 1897).
10. To this day, I have not been able to locate the correspondences between
Ponce and Martí implied in these words.
11. Ponce acknowledges that one of the documents he received from Izquierdo
was “Álbum de José Martí” (59).
 Notes ● 169

12. It may be worth recalling that Martí briefly talks about the Philippines
in some of his articles. Although his reference to the problem of Spanish
imperialism in the Philippines is sporadic, he mentions the colony in
Asia in at least four articles. By calling Filipinos “the unfortunate ones
from Manila” (“los desgraciados de Manila”) (5:85), he recognizes that
the Filipinos are also enduring the colonial experience like his fellow
Cubans. When comparing the sociopolitical situations of Cuba, Puerto
Rico, and the Philippines, he analyzes a function of Spain’s imperial project
that entails an unfair commercialization of the three colonies’ products in
Madrid (14:186).
13. Ponce makes numerous references to Betances in his letters. Besides his
direct correspondence to Betances, see his letter to Izquierdo (7, 31, 238)
and to Gonzalo de Quesada (167).
14. On the relationship between Betances and Martí, see Betances (1975,
1985), Ojeda Reyes (1984, 2001), and Estrade (2001).
15. Three articles entitled “España en Filipinas” (Spain in the Philippines)
appeared in Patria on June 23, 1894, December 8, 1894, and January 26,
1895.
16. Once again, Betances played a key role in the transmission of these news-
papers across the Pacific. He wrote to the editor of La República Cubana,
expressing his desire to send articles to Hong Kong (Estrade, 1999, 78).
Some of Ponce’s letters to Izquierdo show his knowledge of the Cuban
organization in Paris and its journal (Ponce, 59, 239).
17. Both articles seem to be written by a group of editors, including Domingo
Figarola-Caneda, Ramón Emeterio Betances, Vicente Mestre Amábile, and
Alberto Ruz.
18. La Solidaridad followed the nationalist path initiated by the earlier news-
paper known as Diariong Tagalog, which was founded by Marcelo H. del
Pilar in 1882.
19. The article is signed by “Juan,” which most likely refers to Cañarte.

Afterword
1. The so-called “People Power Revolution” was a three-day series of nonvi-
olent protests against the authoritarian government of Ferdinand Marcos
that took place in 1986. More than two million civilians participated in
the demonstrations, and the revolution later inspired numerous nonviolent
movements around the globe.
2. The English translation comes from Benítez-Rojo (1996).
3. Some recent scholarship on the Asian–Caribbean relationship include
Sanjek (1990), Birbalsingh and Samaroo (1999), Wilson (2004), López-
Calvo (2008), Peguero (2008), and Yun (2008).
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 Index
Note: Letter ‘n’ followed by locators refers to notes
Agamben, Giorgio, 52, 162 n5
Agoncillo, Felipe, 134–5
Aguinaldo, Emilio, 20, 165 n2
Althusser, Louis, 66, 67, 164 n6
Anderson, Benedict, 6–7, 22, 28,
129–30, 158 n9, 158 n13
Aquino, Corazon, 153, 154
Balibar, Etienne, 70–1, 75, 87–8
Benítez-Rojo, Antonio, 155–6
Betances, Ramón Emeterio, 141–4,
146, 155, 169 n16
see also El Comité Cubano
Bhabha, Homi, 166 n13
Blanco, John, ix, 3, 17, 80–1, 93,
158 n9
Blumentritt, Ferdinand, 64,
88, 116
Bolívar, Simón, 10, 122, 131, 141
Bonifacio, Andrés, 17, 27, 111, 123,
131, 153
Buffalo Bill’s Wild West, 19, 92,
110–11
Burgos, José, 16, 115, 116
Caribbean
and Asia, 143, 156, 169 n3
and Freemasonry, 167 n1
see also Benítez-Rojo, Antonio;
Betances, Ramón Emeterio;
Cuba; Fernández Retamar,
Roberto; Glissant, Édouard;
Hostos, Eugenio María de;
Puerto Rico
Cuba, 1–5, 9–18, 61, 158 n15,
159 n20
as model for Filipino nationalism,
20, 126, 136, 142
see also Havana; Martí, José
Castro, Fidel, 3, 4, 154
Cavite mutiny, 16
Céspedes, Carlos Manuel de, 13, 61
Chatterjee, Partha, 129–30
Chinese Exclusion Act, 95, 165 n3
El Comité Cubano, 143–6
see also La República Cubana
Comité Revolucionario Filipino
(Philippine Revolutionary
Committee), 125, 133, 145
Constantino, Renato, 85–6, 110
Darío, Rubén, 43
“Declaration of
Independence,” 67–9, 73
Decolonization, 6
Del Pilar, Marcelo H., 16, 131,
169 n18
Denationalization/Denaturalization,
31, 37, 51, 162 n5
Derrida, Jacques, 67–8
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 92, 97, 98–9,
165 n5
see also “Emerson” (essay);
Martí, José
184 ● Index
“Emerson” (essay), 19, 92, 96, 97,
100–3, 105, 109
Escenas norteamericanas (North
American Scenes), 19, 92, 96–7,
103, 123
see also “Emerson”; “Nuestra
América”; “El terremoto de
Charleston”
Fernández Retamar, Roberto, 11
Calibán: Apuntes sobre la cultura en
nuestra América (Notes Toward
a Discussion of Culture in Our
America), 108–9, 112, 167 n16
Ferrer, Ada, 13–14, 73, 159 n21
Flag
of Cuba and of the Philippines, 1,
19–20
El filibusterismo (The Subversion),
19, 92, 115–23, 126
epigraph of, 116–17
history of the term “filibustero,”
115–16
plot of, 117–19
see also Simoun (character)
“Filipinas dentro de cien años”
(Philippines Within One
Hundred Years), 5, 18–19, 59–60,
62–5, 79–89, 93, 126, 163 n3
background of, 62–3
futurity in, 79, 87
idea of “race” in, 60, 79–87, 148,
164 n14
nationalism in, 81–9
possibility of armed revolution in,
65, 161 n3
rewriting of Filipino history in,
63–4, 86–7
Foucault, Michel, 22, 84, 85
Freemasonry, 131–2, 167 n1,
168 n6
see also Solidaridad
Gaze, 39, 48, 49, 53
Gender, 18, 21, 22, 40, 47–9, 57–8
see also Lucía Jerez; Noli me tangere
Glissant, Édouard, 79, 87, 164 n12
Gómez, Mariano, 16, 115, 116
Gómez, Máximo, 41, 61, 143
González, Aníbal, ix, 44, 163 n16
Guerrero, León María, 15, 28, 159 n22
Havana, 121, 140–1, 157 n2
as cosmopolitan port city, 12–13
Martí’s monuments in, ix, 4
Hegel, G.W.F., 8–9
“hombre natural” (natural man), 19,
92, 107–9, 112, 118–19
see also “Indios Bravos”; “Nuestra
América”
Hostos, Eugenio María de, 74–5,
142, 155
Hugo, Victor, 43, 162 n10
Ileto, Reynaldo, 64, 160 n28
Imperialism
European, 9–10, 158 n16, 159 n17
as represented in the figure of Lucía,
47–57
see also Spain; United States
“Indios Bravos” (fierce Indians), 19, 92,
111–13, 116, 123, 167 n20
see also “hombre natural”
Intercolonial alliance, 5–9, 18, 20, 21,
57, 60, 127, 136, 139–40, 143,
152, 154
definition of, 5–6
as critique of Hegel’s Eurocentrism,
7–9
see also Anderson, Benedict; Martí,
José; Martí, Rizal; Ponce,
Mariano
Isaacs, Jorge
María, 45–6, 163 n13
Izquierdo, José Alberto, 125, 126,
133–41
jíbaro, 74
Joaquín, Nick, 35, 121–2
Katipunan, 17, 27, 123, 153
Labra, Rafael María de, 132–3, 138,
168 n7, 168 n9

El Latino-Americano, 45
La Liga Filipina, 16, 111, 167 n19
Letter-writing, 136
López Jaena, Graciano, 16, 136
Lucía Jerez, 18, 21–3, 41–58
Ana (character), 50, 55–7
art in, 55–7
background of, 41–3
as compared to María, 45–6
Latin American aspect of, 45,
162 n12
Lucía (character), 47–57
and modernismo, 41, 43, 57,
162 n7
plot of, 44–5
Sol (character), 50–5
Maceo, Antonio, 41
Madrid, 16, 128, 131, 132, 133, 149,
157 n6
“manifest destiny,” 17, 149
Manifesto
definition of, 65–6, 163 n1, 163 n4,
163 n5
theatricality of, 19, 60–1, 66–8,
164 n13
see also “Filipinas dentro de cien
años”; “Manifiesto de
Montecristi”
“Manifiesto a algunos filipinos”
(Manifesto to Some Filipinos),
27–8, 123, 153
“Manifiesto de Montecristi”
(Montecristi Manifesto), 18–19,
59–62, 69–79, 125, 139
background of, 61–2
implication of violence in,
62, 65
idea of “people” in, 60, 69–79, 83,
89, 148
performative confidence in,
71–2
race in, 73–4
Manila Galleon, 11–12, 159 n19
Martí, José, 157 n3, 158 n12
on analogy, 97–8, 102–3,
166 n8
Index ● 185
on Betances, 143, 169 n14
biography of, 2–3
and Cuban independence
movement, 2, 13–14, 61, 91
death of, 3, 153
as Freemason, 131
as historical memory for Filipinos,
138–40
Ismaelillo, 41
monuments of, ix, 4
as national icon, 3–4, 158 n8,
158 n10
on nature, 100–1, 165 n1, 165 n7,
166 n11
on the Philippines, 169 n12
on race, 73, 164 n9
Versos sencillos (Simple Verses), 153
see also Cuba; “Emerson”; Lucía
Jerez; “Manifiesto de
Montecristi”; “Nuestra
América”; “El terremoto de
Charleston”
Martí, José Francisco, 41
Melodrama, 21, 22, 161 n1
see also Lucía Jerez; Noli me tangere
Mercado, Manuel, 156, 161 n35
mestizaje, 14, 107
Modernismo, 41, 43–4, 57, 103,
162 n11
Monroe Doctrine, 17
Morga, Antonio de
Sucesos de las islas Filipinas (Events
on the Philippine Islands), 64,
80, 85
Nationalism, 2, 3, 10, 16, 25, 28, 60,
73, 82, 83, 86, 112, 126, 129–30,
131, 136, 141
see also Anderson, Benedict; Cuba;
Denationalization/
Denaturalization, “Filipinas
dentro de cien años”;
Imperialism; “Manifiesto de
Montecristi”; Noli me tangere;
Philippines
New York, 62, 91, 95, 134–5, 144
186 ● Index
Noli me tangere, 4, 18, 21–40, 92, 111,
123, 162 n4
conflict between Ibarra and
Elias, 24–6
dedication of, 26
Doña Consolación (character),
30–1, 36–40, 49
Doña Victorina (character),
30–6, 49
María Clara (character), 29–30, 39
as national literature, 28–9
plot of, 23–4
Sisa (character), 39–40
“Nuestra América” (Our America), 19,
92, 106–9
see also “hombre natural”
Ocampo, Ambeth, ix, 64, 110, 127,
158 n7
Partido Revolucionario Cubano
(Cuban Revolutionary Party), 91,
97, 134, 143
Patria, 139, 144, 169 n15
People Power Revolution, 154,
169 n1
Philippines, 1–5, 9–18, 62–5, 157 n5,
160 n26, 161 n33
category of “Filipino” in, 14, 85–6,
159 n22
Hispanization of, 14, 17, 160 n23
as part of “Latin America,” 17–18,
148–9, 157 n4, 161 n34
Spanish friars in, 14–16
see also “Indios Bravos”; Propaganda
Movement; Rizal, José; Tagalog
(language)
Philippine-American War, 17, 160 n31
Platt Amendment, 17
Ponce, Mariano, 16, 125–7, 142, 143,
147, 152
Cartas sobre la revolución (Letters on
the Revolution), 20, 133–41
Postcolonial discourse, 9, 18, 40,
155, 156
Propaganda Movement, 16, 62, 126,
139, 160 n29
see also La Solidaridad
Puerto Rico, 17, 74–5, 131–2,
143, 155
see also Betances, Ramón Emeterio;
Hostos, Eugenio María de
Quesada, Gonzalo de, 134, 139, 143
Race, 60, 73–4, 75, 79–89, 164 n14
Rafael, Vicente, 15, 30, 114, 116,
160 n27
Ramos, Julio, 106, 166 n8
La República Cubana (The Cuban
Republic), 20, 144–5, 151–2
“¿Qué quiere Filipinas?” (What Does
the Philippines Want?), 147–9
“¡Viva Filipinas Libre!” (Long Live
Free Philippines!), 145–7
Revaloración de la historia de Cuba por
los congresos nacionales de historia
(Reevaluation of the History of
Cuba by the National Congresses
of History), 78
Rizal Day, 4
Rizal, José, 157 n3, 158 n12
biography of, 2–3
on Cuba, 126–7
death of, 3–4, 17, 110, 153
Diarios y memorias (Diaries and
Memories), 93–5
on Filipino independence, 2–3,
26–8, 122–3
and the Katipunan, 17, 27, 123
as national icon, 3–4, 158 n8
and Ponce, 126
as reformist, 2–3, 16, 110, 158 n7
rewriting of Filipino history by,
63–4, 80, 85–7
as Tagalog Christ, 4
“Último adiós” (Last Farewell), 153
as U.S.-sponsored hero, 110
see also El filibusterismo; “Filipinas
dentro de cien años”; “Indios
Bravos”; “Manifiesto a algunos

filipinos”; Philippines; Noli me
tangere
Rizal Park or Luneta Park, 3, 110, 154
Saco, José Antonio, 61
as compared to Rizal, 64
San Martín, José de, 10, 131
Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, 43,
74, 101
Schumacher, John, 16, 28, 131, 158
n7, 160 n29
Simoun (character)
as compared to Bolívar, 121–2,
167 n22
and Cuba, 121
and the United States, 120–1
see also El filibusterismo
Slavery, 13, 132
Hegel’s view on, 8
as historical memory, 137–8
Smith, Paul, 35–6
Solidaridad (Masonic lodge), 131–2,
168 n4
La Solidaridad, 20, 139, 149, 169 n18
“¿Se vende Cuba?” (Is Cuba for
Sale?), 149–51
Sommer, Doris, 22–3, 29, 31, 36,
46–7, 163 n14
Spain, 10–11, 128, 159 n18
see also Freemasonry; Madrid;
Spanish (language)
Spanish (language)
Index ● 187
in the Philippines, 14, 160 n25,
160 n27
in Noli me tangere, 23, 37–9
Spanish–American War, 1, 17, 152,
157 n1
Tagalog (language)
as compared to Nahuatl, 12
as national language, 14, 161 n32
Rizal’s use of, 126, 160 n24, 168 n3
“El terremoto de Charleston” (The
Charleston Earthquake), 19, 92,
103–5, 109
Trans-Pacific studies, 9, 158 n14
Treaty of Paris, 17, 135
United States, 1, 10, 17, 149, 155,
160 n30
Martí’s view on, 4–5, 91–2, 95–6,
166 n14
Rizal’s view on, 5, 63, 91–5, 110,
167 n18
see also Buffalo Bill’s Wild West;
New York
Valenzuela, Pío, 127
Vitier, Cintio, 154, 162 n6, 167 n15
Weyler, Valeriano, 128
Zamora, Jacinto, 16, 115, 116
Zayas Bazán, Carmen, 41, 162 n6
Zea, Leopoldo, 2, 157 n4