The Journal of Social Psychology

ISSN: 0022-4545 (Print) 1940-1183 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/vsoc20

An Indian Modification of the Thematic

Apperception Test

Uma Chowdhury

To cite this article: Uma Chowdhury (1960) An Indian Modification of the Thematic Apperception
Test, The Journal of Social Psychology, 51:2, 245-263, DOI: 10.1080/00224545.1960.9922035

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 T h e Journal of Social Psychology, 1960, 51, 245-263.

AN I N D I A N h l O D I F I C A T I O N OF THE THEMATIC
A P P E R C E P T I O N TEST*
Department of Anthropology, Government of India

UMACHOWDHURY

A. INTRODUCTION
T h e Thematic Apperception Test, which is widely used in Europe and
America, has been one of the most important devices for studying the struc-
ture of personality. I t is, however, not culture-free to the same degree as
the Rorschach, but is based on the cultural pattern of Europe and America.
T o use this important instrument with people whose social patterns are
different and whose social values are oriented from another angle, it would
seem necessary to adopt or modify it to make it applicable to new conditions.
T h i s was attempted by C. E. Thompson ( 7 ) for Negro students in the
United States, as he found from clinical experience that they failed to
identify fully with “White” stimulus figures. Korchin, Mitchell, and
Meltzoff ( 3 ) have, however, questioned the validity of Thompson’s argu-
ments, based on results obtained from a small sample of Southern Negroes,
and not corroborated when larger samples of Negro and White populations
in Philadelphia were tested. They were of the opinion that the substitution
of figures closely resembling their own group was likely not to elicit fuller
response, but to reduce ambiguity, which is a very important feature for
revealing the basic factors of personality in the TAT. There seems to be
some force in this criticism, and there can be no doubt that the universal
character of the TAT figures should not be lost on any account. O n the
other hand, it should not be forgotten that if the human figures and situ-
ations used are very unlike those of daily life, they are not likely to evoke
adequate responses, as measured by length of stories (the criterion used by
Thompson) or by their contents. This difficulty did not arise with the
Negro samples of Philadelphia who, after all, live in the same cultural
climate as their white neighbors.
Granting, therefore, the justification for the criticism of the Thompson
TAT, it is clearly not applicable to people who have different social patterns
and whose life situations are slanted from another angle. T h i s was also the

Accepted for publication by Gardner Murphy of the Editorial Board, received in

the Editorial Office on December 8, 1959, and published immediately in accordance
with our policy of special consideration for cross-cultural research.
245
246 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

view taken by the U. S. Office of Indian Affairs and the Committee on

Human Development of the University of Chicago in their joint research
on Indian Education, when the TAT was to be applied to children of six
Indian communities ( 2 ) . They found that the TAT, representing a dif-
ferent cultural milieu, was not applicable to them, as easy identification with
these test materials was impossible. Accordingly, a set of 12 new cards
drawn by an Indian artist and representing the domain of their experience
was substituted for the TAT ( 2 ) .
A parallel situation was noticed by me in the case of the Abor tribes of
the North Eastern Frontiers of India, among whom the rble of authority in
a group situation was found to be far more important than a single Oedipus
situation. Likewise, sex aggression, triangular situations, and family life
were oriented from angles to which the TAT had hardly any application.
For them, consequently, an entirely different set of stimulus figures had
to be designed.’ Similarly, while Indian thought and religious values have
deeply penetrated Tibet, the cards drawn for Tibetan use by Prince
Peter of Greece on the exact model of my Indian pictures seem to be of
dubious value; for with respect to the Tibetan social system, e.g., polyandry,
the divergence from India is very great. It remains to be seen, when his
results are analyzed, how far the Tibetans have responded to stimulus
figures according to Indian patterns.
In the case of India, while in some respects, such as the joint family and
the wide field of religious phantasy, there are no real counterparts in
modern Euro-American society, there is also a considerable area presenting
allied problems and real comparability of the European and the Indian
system. Here the subject’s identification with Western images is possible,
given an appropriate Indian setting to the pictures.
When, after several months of work, the inadequacy of the original TAT
for Indian subjects had become apparent, steps were taken to evolve a stand-
ard set of pictures for work in India. I n devising such cards, the criteria
of ambiguity and the generalized structure of the pictures have been carefully
retained, to reveal the full range of emotion as well as the possible solutions
of problems in the subjects’ minds. I n the attempt to adapt the TAT for
Indian use, great care was taken to consider these factors. Yet every effort
was made to keep to the original cards as far as possible, and no innovations
were introduced unless they were found absolutely essential for effective
use of the test under Indian conditions.
1 The writer received her training in projective tests, including the TAT,in 1949,
under Mlle. Lezine of the Wallon Vocational Guidance Institute of Paris ; Professor
Ombredane of Brussels; Professor Bleuler and Dr. Bash of Zurich; and Mr. Phillip-
aon of the Tavistock Clinic, London.
 UMA CHOWDHURY 247
As defined by Alurray ( 5 ) , the TAT is a method of revealing to the
trained interpreter some of the dominant drives, emotions, sentiments, com-
plexes, and conflicts of personality. H e explains that the object of the test
is to make the subject project through the medium of these cards his own
underlying needs and phantasies. A critical situation is to be portrayed in
each picture which must be such as to bring out the phantasy associated with
it. Further, the cards should be comprehensive, and each should depict a
person with whom the subject can clearly identify himself ( 4 ) .

B. THEMODIFIED
TAT
Keeping these objects in mind, the categories of difference between the
European and the Indian have first to be defined.
I n certain respects, as has been mentioned, Indian social situations do not
have counterparts in Euro-American society as portrayed in the original
Murray cards; note especially the joint family system and religious phantasy.
About other problems, such as the Oedipus situation, aggression, the triangle,
sex aggression, depression, ambition, there is no basic difference between the
situations in the original and the Indian, although they are revealed through
different social media. Pictures reconstructed a t first from imagination and
published in illustrated journals turned out to be lifeless and stereotyped,
and could not evoke empathy or form a proper basis of identification for
the respondents’ feeling and needs. As a consequence, photos from life models
were substituted. These photographs brought out gestures and postures to
suit the purposes of the tests. They were not, however, exactly copied in the
drawings, but were modified from projections through the epidioscope in
such a manner that the figures, dresses, modes of coiffure, etc., were not
too close to the people, but were more of a generalized nature. Seventeen
cards were drawn and tested on a small sample, and from the experience
gained, 15 cards were selected and given to 260 individuals of rural and
industrial areas of South Bengal. O u t of these 15 cards, 14 were finally
chosen. Among these are Card I1 and VIII to represent especially the
joint family and religious phantasy not found in the original TAT. T h e
importance of the r61e of religion in both European and Indian life is un-
doubted, but in the latter there is a special feature which is not so prevalent
elsewhere, namely phantasy. I n Murray’s cards these aspects of religion
find no expression. Various attempts were made to represent Sivalinga
(Indian phallic symbol) and other characteristic marks of current Hindu
religion, but without success. Card VIII was finally drawn to meet this
need, and an ambiguous picture of a dilapidated temple with a female
devotee was drawn to be equally applicable to the main sections of the
Indian community.
248 J O U R N A L OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

In place of Murray’s original card showing a boy with a violin, an

Indian boy was substituted with a Sitar or Tanpura (popular Indian stringed
instrument). T h e responses evoked from Card I are most valuable. As the
area was under acute economic stresses since 1941, they are largely pervaded
with anxiety and frustration. T h i s overriding influence of economic strain
is shown by many stories indicating the Tanpura as the ( a ) main support
of life, chiefly on a phantasy level; as ( b ) causing frustration of personal
ambition ; and as ( c ) a means of consolation. T h e percentages of individuals
giving such responses are 33, 22, and 9 respectively. Examples follow:
a. Musical Instrument as the Main Support of Life (Upper Caste Hindu
,Male, Case No. 27). “Once the boy was well off. Due to the reverses of
fortune, however, he has now to depend on public charity. T o hold a beg-
ging bowl to each and every person is thought to be damaging to his self
respect. So he chooses a particular spot where, by his music, he can attract
people and thus find a means of living.”
b. Musical Instrument Causing Frustration of Personal Ambition (Upper
Caste Hindu Female, Case No. 9 ) . “A boy was playing the Tanpura
(stringed instrument). Suddenly the string of the instrument broke. T h e n
he sat sadly wondering, with his hand to his cheek. Possibly the boy was
very poor. H e had a great ambition to play the Tanpura, but he was so
poor; how could he buy a new one?”
c. Musical Instrument as a Means of Consolation (Upper Caste Hindu
Female, Case No. 18). “ T h e boy has taken the musical instrument to give
him consolation. H e had once done something bad a t home. For this he
was scolded and beaten. This hurt him very much. H e had a Tanpura
but no other companion. After being scolded at home he went to a certain
place and sat there sorrowfully with his musical instrument.”
T h e story reveals also the tension against parental authority. Other
psychological factors, however, are not entirely absent. Representation of
the parents as protective or domineering, or of ambivalence towards the
mother, is present.
Castration fear and blindness suggesting fear of punishment by the Super
Ego also occur as symbolized in the following stories:
d . (Upper Caste Hindu M a l e , Case No. 25). “A very young orphan is
sitting sorrowfully and sadly wondering when he will grow up. Perhaps
the boy has no relatives. Since his childhood he was interested in songs and
he has learnt a little music. So all the time he thinks how he can grow up
and go out into the world. One day the string of the instrument broke.
T h e n he was greatly worried. Since his childhood the musical instrument
 UMA CHOWDHURY 249
was his companion. So glancing a t it again and again a t this instrument he
thinks that it is my life long friend so I shall grow by its help.”
e. Insecurity, Loss o f Parental Love, Fear o f Castration (Upper Caste
Hindu Male, Case No. 6 ) . “ T h e boy was very poor but had a great am-
bition to play the Tanpura. His father in order to please him bought a
Tanpura. T h e boy was beside himself with joy. After returning from school

FIGURE 1
CARD 1

each afternoon he would sit and play happily. But suddenly one day his
dear instrument got broken. T h e grief that overtook him is clear before
his eyes. T h e ideal father has allowed him to have the desired object, but
the sense of guilt and fear of punishment and castration seem to be upper-
most.”
f . (Upper Caste Hindu Female, Case No. 7). “A little boy is very fond
of music, H e also feels miserable because his mother is dead. But he cannot
let her beloved possession go. T h e thing is a Tanpura. H e is lamenting
250 J O U R N A L OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

the loss of his mother. He could not see his mother when she died. He
thought it was no use brooding over the past. T h e n with T a n p u r a near
him, he thought: ‘If I could see her once.’ ”
T h e response indicates ambivalence, love, and hostility ; feeling towards
the mother is transferred to the musical instrument.

FIGURE 2
CARDI1

9. ( Upper Caste H i n d u Male, Case No. 2 4 ) . “ T h e boy is very poor.

H e makes one think that he must be a fine singer. I think the boy is blind.
H e has no companions, so he sits and thinks all sorts of things. To-day he
cannot sing that is why he is so worried, what will he eat if he is unable
to go out.’’
Murray’s Card I1 represents the single biological type of the European
family, but is inapplicable to the Indian extended family. T h e original
single family situation envisaged by M u r r a y had therefore to be replaced by
the joint family situation. T h e picture was redrawn to include the family
 U M A CHOWDHURY 25 1

group, consisting of the grandmother, father, mother, son (adult) , daughter

(adult), unidentified child, and the reactions of the authority figures to the
meeting of the young boy and the young girl. T h e grandmother’s rile in
the Indian joint family, being very important, has to be shown; and a child

FIGURE 3
CARD111

was introduced in the picture with unidentified sex, the idea being t o note
sibling jealousy and rivalry.
Oedipus situations have been taken into consideration as important factors,
as in the original set. These four situations are: father and son, mother
and daughter, mother and son, father and daughter. Though there is basic
similarity with Murray’s original situations, the cards were modified and
oriented from the standpoint of Indian social patterns.
252 J O U R N A L OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

Card ZZZ, Father and Son. Murray’s Card V I I was replaced by two
Indian figures of father and son (drawing based on life model). T h e father
has the superior and authoritarian rSle, but shows mixed feelings. Expres-
sions in both were made ambiguous as far as possible.

FIGURE 4
CARD111

Curd ZZZ, Mother and Daughter. Murray’s original Card V I I was modi-
fied in terms of Indian ethnic types and social life.
Card Z?‘, Mother and Son. Murray’s original Card V I was replaced by
two Indian figures of mother and son, and changes were made to show
ambivalent attitudes between mother and son (based on life models).
 UMA CHOWDHURY 253

Some other problems dealt with are:

Aggression, Curd V . From the point of view of the study of frustration,
the situation represented in the card is very important. T h i s point was tested
through many cards, but the Card V was chosen in place of the original
Card XVIII and constructed in an ambiguous manner to reveal more clearly

FIGURE 5
CARDIV
the underlying mental attitude. T h i s card elicited good response and formed
a suitable background for revealing sadistic or masochistic reactions.
Triangle. A t first it was found rather difficult to represent this situation.
Several cards were drawn, but all failed to elicit the proper type of reaction.
Finally, Card VII and VII Addl. were drawn. In Indian society, the wife’s
resentment against the husband’s attachment to another woman, though not
very outspoken, is not absent. At first Card VII Addl. was drawn to test
this situation which held more closely to the original idea, but was found
251 J O U R N A L OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

inadequate. I t was necessary to reconstruct the second card, changed some-

what from the original to portray the special situation of a joint family,
involving the presence of the sister-in-law (elder brother’s wife o r husband’s
sister) and also to reveal the sense of deprivation of love and the jealousy
of another woman seen in the usual triangular situation.

FIGURE 6
CARDIV

Curd I S . T h e original C a r d XI11 could not be retained, as preliminary

testings showed that it did not bring out proper responses from the Indian
subjects. I t was then replaced by t w o cards with Indian drawings whose
figures and conditions were based on imagination. Ultimately one of these
two cards, C a r d IX, was found more suitable for the purpose and retained.
 U M A CHOWDHURY 255

Curd X. T h e original Card X I V was redrawn to suit an Indian scene,

with figures and dresses made ambiguous.
Curd XI. T h e original blank Card X I V was retained.
T h e first two cards, Card I (Figure 1 ) and Card I1 (Figure 2), were
presented in the order given by Murray and the rest were presented in a

FIGURE 7
CARDV

somewhat changed order, namely Card I11 (Figure 3 ) ; Card I11 (Figure
4) ; Card IV (Figure 5 ) ; Card IV (Figure 6 ) ; Card V (Figure 7 ) ; Card
V I (Figure 8 ) ; Card VII (Figure 9 ) ; Card V I I I (Figure 10) ; Card IX
(Figure 11 ) ; Card X (Figure 12) ; Blank Card (not illustrated) ; Card
V I I Addl. (Figure 14).
I n applving the test I thought it prudent to profit by the lesson derived
256 J O U R N A L OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

from my experience with the Rorschach that strict adherence to a time limit
is likely t o defeat the very purpose of the test, as Indians of rural areas are
not accustomed to work within specified times. Some relaxation on this
account was necessary. It was also thought advisable not to begin immedi-
ately with the test, as the initial resistance of the subjects to such a novel
thing had first to be resolved. Investigation was therefore started with a set
of direct questionnaires on social life, which was not difficult for them to

FIGURE 8
CARDVI

understand, after which, when the subjects had become somewhat used to
testing, the TAT was applied.

C. THESAMPLE
These 1 1 cards were applied to the upper and the lower sections of the
Hindu community, and to the Muslims. Each group differs in respect to
educational and social background, economic status and religious and ethical
ideals, so as to provide a cross scction of Indian society in general. T h e
 U h l A CHOWDHURY 257
educational backgrounds of the three groups can be briefly summarized as
follows :
Considering the community as a whole, out of 260 individuals tested 30.4
per cent were illiterate, 8.1 per cent could just read and write, 38.2 per cent
had primary education, 24.3 per cent had secondary education. Of these,
43.1 per cent were students, 17.7 per cent were variously occupied, 12 per

FIGURE 9
CARDVII
cent were unemployed, and 17.2 per cent of women engaged only in house-
hold work. W h e n these figures were analyzed according to economic status,
the results were as follows:
Upper Caste Hindus. O u t of 95 individuals tested 5.3 per cent could
only read and write, 49.5 per cent had primary education, 45.2 per cent had
secondary education.
Lower Caste Hindus. O u t of 57 individuals 40.0 per cent were illiterate,
10.5 per cent could just read and write, 36.8 per c,ent read up to the primary
standard, and 11.5 per cent read up to school final standard.
258 J O U R N A L O F SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

hluslirns. O u t of 108 Muslinis, 51.9 per cent were illiterate, 9.3 per cent
could just read and write, 24.7 percent had received primary education,
and only 14.8 per cent read up to the school final standard.

D. RESULTS
T h e adopted version of the TAT was applied in the manner described
above, in strict accordance with the instructions laid down by Murray.

FIGURE 10
CARDVIII

Altogether 3,300 stories were collected which were analyzed separately

according to their content and form and grouped under 15 heads. I n terms
of the stories given, the respondents were divided into six classes:
1. M e r e description, e.g., a tree, a man, etc., without any attempt a t
association o r action.
2. Description in terms of action, but failing to attach any affective
element o r reference to family relationships; e.g., a man is sitting, o r a farmer
is ploughing, etc.
 UMA CHOWDHURY 259

3. Descriptions including elements of kinship, such as “a mother is sitting

with the child,” etc.
4. Reference to affective elements, but not to kinship.
5. Reference both to kinship and to affective elements, such as: “the
mother and son are standing; mother is worried about the son’s health,” etc.
6. Reference to kinship, affect and warmth, with complicated types of
plots.

FIGURE 11
CARDIX

Taken as a whole, the responses were found to reveal quite satisfactorily

the inner drives and repressed wishes of the individuals, as well as fear and
anxiety which were moulding their behavior patterns, and press elements.
T h e incidence and the depth of these hidden forces were found to differ
in the various groups according to their educational and social backgrounds.
Stories with affect were given mostly by the Upper Caste Hindus and
Muslims, and very little by the Lower Caste Hindus. Stories with imagi-
nation, including abstract types of imagination, dramatic situations, humor
260 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

and problem solving attitudes, are found much more among the Upper Caste
Hindus than among the other two groups.
I n Table 1 are given the contents of the responses of the total group.
TABLE 1
AVERAGES OF WORDS, TAKEN
LINES,A N D TIME BY THE 260 INDIVIDUALS

Castes Words Lines Minutes taken

All Castes 649.4 60.7 105.1
Upper Castes 1110.9 99.2 189.6
Lower Castes 487.3 47.4 69.4
Muslims 329.1 33.7 49.6

T h e average of words, lines, and time taken for the group on the total
number of cards are 649.4, 60.7, and 105.1, respectively, for the three
categories. When the groups are compared, it is found that the figures for
the Lower Caste Hindus are higher than those for the Muslims, but much
lower than those for the Upper Caste Hindus. T h e scores of the Muslims
are not far from those of the Lower Caste Hindus. W i t h regard to lines,
the averages of the Lower Caste Hindu subjects and the Muslims are
similar. Compared to the Upper Caste Hindus, however, the differences
are extremely marked. Similarly, with respect to time, Upper Caste Hindus
took nearly three times as long as the rest. Lower Caste Hindus and Mus-
lims used very little thought or judgment; quick responses were given with-
out much consideration and imagination, revealing very little of what the
pictures were expected to evoke, while Upper Caste Hindus gave considerable
thought and judgment to the task. Static or mere descriptive types of re-
sponses were given mostly by the Muslims, illiterate males and women. Next
to the ACuslims came the answers of the Lower Caste Hindus. Among
the Upper Caste Hindus, however, static responses are almost absent ; when
they resorted to simple descriptions, it was definitely with the idea of stating
their actual feelings about love and sex.

E. DISCUSSION
T h e lack of richness of production and imagination among the Lower
Caste Hindus and Muslims do not appear to be due to lack of identification.
Even when mention was made of a search for friends and relations in the
cards, no highly imaginative theme was given. T h e situation can be com-
pared with the finding of William Henry in a review of 63 Oraibi records.
T h e records were short and sketchy and lacking in imaginative details. O n
the basis of previous research he also thought that there would be little value
in studying these records for individual personality. As Murray ( 5 ) has
 UMA CHOWDHURY 26 1

remarked, the average story for 10-year-old children is one of 140 words,
and a group of stories from a non-psychotic adult averaging less than 140
words per story usually indicates lack of rapport and coijperation, lack of
self-involvement. As a rule they are not worth scoring ( 1 ) . For the pur-
pose of exploring this hypothesis, these materials were subjected to individual

FIGURE 12
CARDX

analysis, which proved to be of value ( 1 ) . Similarly, when the records

from the Lower Caste Hindus and the Muslims were studied, they revealed
useful information about the personality which was corroborated by life
history materials.
T h e Rorschach responses of these subjects were likewise congruent with
the T A T . T h e modification of the TAT described in this paper may there-
fore be taken as an adequate and suitable test for Indian subjects, and it
fulfills the purpose for which it has been designed.
262 JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

In conclusion I wish to express my indebtedness to Dr. B. S. Guha,

Director, Department of Anthropology, for the interest taken by him in
this research; to Messrs. Karmaker, Pal, and Mukerjee for the drawing of
the pictures, and lastly to Messrs. D. Mukerjee, S. Mazumdar, and S.
Chatterjee for the statistical analysis of the data.

FIGURE 14
CARDVII Addl.
REFERENCES
1. HENRY,W. E. T h e thematic apperception technique in the study of culture-
personality relations. Genet. Psychol. Monog., 1947, 3-135.
2. -. T h e thematic apperception technique in the study of group and cultural
problems. I n (Anderson, H . H., & Anderson, G. L.) An Introduction t o Pro-
jective Techniques. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1951.
5. KORCHIN, S . J., MITCHELL,
H. E., & MELTZOFF, J. A critical evaluation of Thomp-
son Thematic Apperception Test. J . P r o j . Tcchn., 1950, 14, 445-451.
 UMA CHOWDHURY 263
C. D., k MURRAY,
4. MORGAN, H. A. A method for investigating phantasies: The
Thematic Apperception Test. Arch. Neural. U PJychiai., 1935, M,289-306.
5. MURRAY, H. A. Thematic Apperception Test Manual. Cambridge: Harvard
Univ. Press, 1943.
6. THOMPSON, C. E. The Thompson Modification of the Thematic Apperception
Test. Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1949.
7. -. The Thompson Modification of the Thematic Apperception Test.
Rorschach Res. Exchange and J . Proj. Techn., 1949, 13, 469-478.
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