The Prevalence of Wild Food Knowledge Among Nomadic

Turkana of Northern Kenya

Author(s): Tammy Y. Watkins
Source: Journal of Ethnobiology, 30(1):137-152. 2010.
Published By: Society of Ethnobiology
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.2993/0278-0771-30.1.137
URL: http://www.bioone.org/doi/full/10.2993/0278-0771-30.1.137

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Journal of Ethnobiology 30(1): 137–152 Spring/Summer 2010

THE PREVALENCE OF WILD FOOD KNOWLEDGE AMONG

NOMADIC TURKANA OF NORTHERN KENYA

Tammy Y. Watkins

Food insecurity is a chronic problem for much of East Africa and especially among Turkana
pastoralists of northern Kenya. Uncertain physical and social environments, high seasonality of
rainfall with cyclical droughts, human and animal diseases and civic insecurity contribute to food
insecurity. Researchers often paint the environment as harsh, unforgiving and desolate, yet also
acknowledge that the Turkana use wild food resources. This research explores the persistence of wild
food knowledge using methods drawn from both cognitive and ethnoecological anthropology and the
possible implications among the Turkana. Wild food resources are a strong domain of knowledge that
crosses boundaries of age, sex and location. I assess differences in cultural salience between sexes.
Follow up questions suggest that cultural practices related to division of labor explain some of these
differences. Wild food resources are clearly important to Turkana livelihoods, yet they are
infrequently addressed in development programs and only marginally addressed in food security
research. More research needs to be conducted on the nutritional contributions of these resources,
specific management practices of the resources and how they could be incorporated into policy and
development programs for the region.

Key words: wild foods, Turkana, pastoralists, East Africa

Inseguridad alimentaria es un problema crónico en gran parte de Africa Oriental y especialmente

entre los pastores Turkana del norte de Kenya. Incertidumbre en and el ambiente fı́sico y social,
temporadas altas de lluvias con sequı́as cı́clicas, enfermedades humanas y de animals e incertidumbre
cı́vica contribuyen la inseguridad alimentaria. Investigadores frecuentemente pintan el ambiente
como duro y desolado pero tambien frecuentemente reconocen el uso de recursos de alimentos
silvestres por los Turkana. Esta investigación explora la persistencia del conocimiento de los
alimentos silvestres y las implicaciónes posibles entre los Turkana utilizando métodes tomados de la
antropologı́a cognocitiva y etnoecológica. Recursos de alimentos silvestres son un campo fuerte de
conocimiento que entrecruza las fronterasde edad, sexo y procedencia. Evalúo las diferentes
relevancias culturales entre sexos. Preguntas subsecuentes siguieren que prácticas culturales en la
division social del trabajo explican algunas de estas differencias. Recursos de alimentos silvestres son
claramente importantes para el sustento de los Turkana, sin embargo no son mencionados
frecuentemente en programas de desarollo y solo marginalmente en investigaciones de seguridad de
alimentos. Mayor investigación se debe llevar a cabo sobre la contribución nutricional de estos
recursos, sobre prácticas de manejos especı́ficos y como pueden ser incorporados dentro de programas
de polı́tica pública y desarollo de la región.

Introduction

This research focuses on the Turkana pastoralists who live in the arid
environment of North Turkana District of Kenya, near the borders of Uganda and
Sudan in the Rift Valley Province. The climate is seasonal and unpredictable
while the landscape is spatially heterogeneous (Gray et al. 2003; Little and Leslie
1999). Many Turkana practice nomadic pastoralism, a livelihood that maximizes
the unreliable resources of the semi-arid environment (Dyson-Hudson and

Tammy Y. Watkins, 17525 Grapevine Road, Chester, AR, 72934 (e-mail: tywatkins@yahoo.com)
138 WATKINS Vol. 30, No. 1

McCabe 1985). Nomadic pastoralism, moving large numbers of livestock across

the drylands, persists in part due to limited opportunities for access to regional
and national markets, out of cultural identity and pride in ownership of cattle,
and as an adaptation to the limitations of the arid landscape. Water and fodder
for livestock are two important resources around which they manage their
movements to minimize risk and maximize resource access (Layton et al. 1991).
Some have settled into year-round villages, originally established as feeding
camps during severe droughts of the 1980s (Little and Leslie 1999), but those who
have been forced into settled village life and wage labor still desire to purchase
livestock and return to a nomadic life (Broch-Due and Anderson 1999). For this
reason, settled Turkana maintain social ties to nomadic family and friends, often
through rights to livestock and visits to nomadic camps. Semi-nomadic
pastoralists, who move freely between nomadism and sedentism, are probably
the most numerous among the Turkana population.
Northern Kenya, like much of East Africa, experiences unreliable seasonal
rains, frequent droughts and subsequent food insecurity. Malnutrition, especially
among children, remains prevalent in Africa across subsistence modes and
cultural groups. In this area, regional and household food insecurity and
malnutrition are often the result of environmental factors such as drought or
flooding, animal predation, as well as social factors such as violence or
displacement (Nyariki et al. 2002). Civic insecurity, due most frequently to
raiding between pastoral groups, presents an additional barrier to food security
for the Turkana (Pike 2004). Pastoralists use an array of strategies to deal with the
unpredictable and patchy environments of East Africa. They manage herd
composition and move herds and households attempting to minimize the risks
inherent in variations in access to forage, water and, ultimately, food production
(Dahl and Hjort 1976; Mace 1993).
The Turkana use many resources for food. Meat, milk and blood are the
staples of their diet, but they obtain flour from maize, sorghum or millet through
trade. As national borders have restricted peoples’ movements, trade to the north
and west has been limited, and the Turkana must purchase flour or obtain it from
food distribution programs. Before the irregular seasonal rains begin, milk
production diminishes and the Turkana limit the bleeding of livestock for human
consumption to decrease stress on animals (Dahl and Hjort 1976), thus reducing
this important source of nutrition. Wild food resources can be extremely
important during this time. It is unclear how many wild food resources are
available or known to the pastoralists who have resided in this socially and
ecologically challenging region for hundreds of years. Wild game are
occasionally hunted and consumed (Broch-Due and Anderson 1999) and wild
fruits, nuts, and greens could play an important part in nutrition and food
security. In fact, many pastoral groups collect nuts and palm fruits for regular use
as well as for famine food during the dry season (Galvin 1992). Ethnobotanical
studies in Ethiopia (Guinand and Lemessa 2001), Uganda (Tabuti 2001), coastal
Kenya (Pakia 2001) and of the Loita Maasai in southern Kenya (Maundu et al.
2001) consistently report local peoples’ knowledge of wild plants for food,
medicine, and other uses. Previous research of the Turkana often mentions, but
fails to quantify or fully describe, foraging (Gray et al. 2004; Gulliver 1955; Little
Spring/Summer 2010 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 139

and Leslie 1999), but my research suggests that wild foods are important for
maintaining food security in this challenging environment.
In addition, decades of development projects in East Africa have resulted in
foreign and invasive species which may out-compete native flora (Mwangi and
Swallow 2005). The fact that indigenous plant resources are important to food
security makes understanding and controlling invasive species an even more
pressing need. Little and Leslie (1999) noted that these wild foods are used by the
Turkana, but there is little empirical data regarding who collects these resources,
in what quantities, or if nomadic pastoralists managed them in any way.
This paper explores Turkana knowledge of and preferences for wild plant
resources and documents and analyzes their preparation, storage, and
consumption. It does not examine the Turkana’s knowledge of wild plants for
human or veterinary medicine or any other uses. Drawing from cognitive
anthropology and cultural domains of knowledge, cultural consensus theory and
the associated model suggest that knowledge of a given domain can be described
and measured among a group of people with a shared culture (Romney et al.
1986). Thus consensus or agreement among informants about what plants
resources do or do not belong in the domain of wild foods reflects knowledge or
competence within the shared culture. Consensus can be statistically modeled
and used to comment not only on the domain itself but also on the competence of
individual informants. This analysis considers gender, age and differences in
location with associated differences in ecology. The framework of cultural
domain analysis (Borgatti 1994) was used to analyze information obtained from
31 Turkana, 15 men and 16 women, in three different locations. Elements of
cultural domain analysis used here include a factor analysis, to analyze the
strength of the domain and cultural salience, using both frequency and ranking
of items on free lists to calculate the importance of different wild food resources
as well as the preparation methods of these resources.

Methods

I collected information about the Turkana’s use of plants from individuals at

three locations, each successively farther from trading centers. Individuals
nearest the trading center were more likely to have access to wage labor and less
likely to own extensive livestock, falling primarily into the group of settled
Turkana. The two locations further from the trading center did not have access to
wage labor and ranged from semi-nomadic to nomadic Turkana.
I chose these locations based on their relationship with a trading center and
accessibility by available transportation (Figure 1). Lokichoggio is the main
market town and a point of reference. Nadome is a village 2.2 km east by a
seasonal road. As you continue 22 km east down this seasonal road you reach
Nanam. Lokangae is approximately 70 km southeast of Lokichoggio. While the
most direct route to Lokangae is a footpath that requires crossing two seasonal
riverbeds, the settlement can also be reached by going south on a paved road
approximately 65 km to the smaller market town of Kakuma, then turning east
on a seasonal road for approximately 50 km. The majority of Turkana travel to
and from markets by foot, either along roads or footpaths.
140 WATKINS Vol. 30, No. 1

FIGURE 1. Location of research sites in northern Kenya.

Once the villages’ chiefs granted permission to proceed, I approached

individuals for participation. Oral consent was obtained from each participant. I
chose participants first by selecting individuals opportunistically and then
balancing sex in an effort to maintain an even ratio. In addition, children and
adults were included to allow for analysis of how widely the domain of wild
foods was shared.
Following other studies of cultural consensus modeling (Caulkins 1998; Miller
2004; Ryan et al. 2000), I collected data from informants using free lists. Free lists
give information on salience, perceptions, classification and ranking of items
within a cultural domain (Weller and Romney 1988), in this study, knowledge of
wild plant foods. Free lists are generated by an open-ended question, preferably
with one-word answers, here plant names. Those most easily recalled will be
ranked higher than those recalled later or lower on the list. Each participant listed
all of the wild food plants he or she could recall. Most began with plants that
provide greens. Informants were prompted to add any roots, fruit or seeds to the
list if these were absent after the initial question. Follow up questions regarding
availability and preparation for each item provided additional information in
successive lists (Ryan et al. 2000). With successive lists to complement assessment
of cultural consensus, I made comparisons based on location, sex of the informant,
and preparation methods of wild foods (Weller and Baer 2002).
Free lists were gathered in June and July of 2005. During subsequent visits to
the same villages from July of 2006 to July of 2007, specimens of plants and their
Spring/Summer 2010 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 141

TABLE 1. Characteristics of Turkana participants by location.

Nadome Lokangae Nanam Totals
Households 7 7 6 20
Individuals 10 13 8 31
Men 4 7 4 15
Women 6 6 4 16

associated foods were collected for identification and analysis. During these three
years, each location was visited multiple times and included both the rainy and
dry seasons, first in 2005 and then again in 2006 to 2007. Free lists were obtained
in 2005 at a time when greens, seeds and some fruits were available. At
subsequent visits informal discussions of food, food preferences, livestock
management, and nomadic movements of livestock and households provided
qualitative insight into free list data and analysis. During these visits, I lived in
the community, carried water, acquired food and visited participating
households during the morning, midday and afternoon to observe activities
and common behaviors of each member, including their various contributions to
household production and food security. During 2006 and 2007 food security was
measured from three different perspectives. First, food basket monitoring
involved quantifying any and all food resources of the household. Second,
dietary diversity was measured through a structured interview that included
past week consumption, current week consumption and plans for next week’s
consumption. Finally, coping mechanisms for food insecurity such as working
for food or skipping of meals were discussed in a semi-structured interview.
During late 2006 and early 2007, wild food specimens were collected,
prepared as for consumption, and preserved for transport to the University of
Nairobi, Upper Kabete Campus where the laboratory in the Department of Food
Science, Nutrition and Technology conducted proximate and Vitamin A and C
analyses. Proximate analysis consists of measurements of moisture, protein, fat,
carbohydrates, fiber and ash, expressed as percentage of total.

Results

Thirty-one Turkana informants provided free list information (Table 1)

giving the names of 155 different wild foods. There was some duplication when
one species provided both fruit and sap or roots and greens. This duplication
occurred with approximately four trees that provide both fruit and sap and two
herbaceous plants that provide both tuber and greens, reducing the total names
to approximately 149. When possible, plant specimens were collected, and 50 of
them have been identified to species (Table 2) using available plant keys.
Specimens were identified with the assistance of the East Africa Herbarium and
the Kenya Resource Center for Indigenous Knowledge (KENRIK), both a part of
the National Museums of Kenya. Of these 50, 15 are herbaceous plants, 27 are
trees or woody shrubs, 6 are vines and 1 is a fungus.
I analyzed the data to test for cultural consensus. In order for this test to be
valid, the following conditions must be met: the informants must share a
142 WATKINS Vol. 30, No. 1

TABLE 2. Turkana wild foods identified to species.

Local Name1 Scientific Name2 Family Description
Akaporait Ipomea mombassana Vatke Ipomaceae Herbaceous plant
Aurengo Hydnora abyssinica Schweinf. Hydnoraceae Fungus
(H. johannis Becc.)
Dodo (TYW02) Amaranthus hybridus L. Amaranthaceae Herbaceous plant
Ebei Balanites rotundifolia(Van Tiegh.) Blatt. Balanitaceae Tree
Ebekut Prosopis juliflora Fabaceae Tree or shrub
Ebenyo Acacia mellifera (Vahl) Benth. Mimosaceae Tree
Ebolo (TYW05) Cucumis figarei Nand. Cucurbitaceae Vine
Echoke Ficus sycomorus L. Moraceae Tree
Edadalasikin Kedrostis gijef (J.F. Gmet.) C. Jeffrey Cucurbitaceae Vine
Edapal Dobera glabra (Forssk.) Poir. Salvadoraceae Tree
Edome Cordia sinensis Cam. Boraginaceae Tree
Edung Boscia coriacea Pex. Capparidaceae Tree
Egilae Vatovaea pseudolablab (Harms) Gillett Papilionaceae Vine
Ekadela (TYW07) Coccinia grandis (L.) Voigt Cucurbitaceae Vine
Ekadeteo Rhus natalensis Krauss Anacardiaceae Herbaceous plant
Ekalale Ziziphus mauritiana Lam. Rhamnaceae Tree
Ekaletelete Portulaca oleracea L. Portulacaceae Herbaceous plant
Ekamongo (TYW10) Leptadenia hastata (Pers.) Decne. Asclepiadaceae Tree or woody shrub
Ekerereu Lycium europaeum L. Solanaceae Herbaceous plant
Ekolese Cucumis prophetarum L. Cucurbitaceae Vine
Ekoromait Acacia seyal Del. Mimosaceae Tree
Ekunoit Acacia senegal (L.) Willd. Fabaceae Tree
Elamach Balanites pedicullaris Mildbrix Schlecht. Balanitaceae Tree
Elamae Ximenia americana L. Olacaceae Tree or woody shrub
Emeyen Berchemia discolor (Klotzch) Hemsl. Rhamnaceae Tree or woody shrub
Engol Hyphaene compressa H. Wendl. Palmae Tree
Engomoo Grewia tenax (Forssk.) Fiori Tiliaceae Tree or woody shrub
Eome Cucumis dipsaceus Spach Cucurbitaceae Vine
Eosin Aikeny (TYW09) Justicia uncinulata Acanthaceae Herbaceous plant
Epat Grewia mollis Jass. Tiliaceae Tree or woody shrub
Epeduru Tamarindus indica L. Caesalpiniaceae Tree
Epete(t) Sterculia Africana (lour) Fiori Sterculiaceae Tree
Epetet Acacia nubica Benth. Mimosaceae Tree
Epongae Grewia villosa Willd. Tiliaceae Tree or woody shrub
Eputen Brachystelma johnstonii N.E. Br. Asclepiadaceae Herbaceous plant
Eregae Acacia reficiens Wawra. Mimosaceae Tree
Eroronyit Balanites aegyptiaca (L.) Del. Balanitaceae Tree
Erut Maerua decumbens (Brongn.) DeWolf Capparidaceae Tree
Esekon Salvadora persica L. Capparidaceae Tree
Esugumaran Meyna tetraphylla (Heirn.) Robyns Rubiaceae Herbaceous plant
Esuguru (TYW01) Tribulus cistoides ssp. cistoides Zygophyllaceae Herbaceous plant
Loarakimak (TYW08) Adenia volkensii (Harms) Passifloraceae Herbaceous plant
Loderekae Dregea Schimperi (Decne.) Bullock Asclepiadaceae Herbaceous plant
Lokiliton Amaranthus graecizans L. Amaranthaceae Herbaceous plant
Lokito Kayep Cocculus hirsutus (L.) Diels. Menispermaceae Tree
Lorodo Cissus rotundifolia (Forsk.) Vahl Vitaceae Tree
Loyei Ngorok (TYW03) Amaranthus graecizans L. Amaranthaceae Herbaceous plant
Murere (TYW04) Corchorus trilocularis L. Tiliaceae Herbaceous plant
Namunye Citrullus lanatus (Thunb.) Mansf. Cucurbitaceae Vine
Ngitit Acacia tortilis (Forssk.) Hayne Mimosaceae Tree
Suuya Solanum villosum Mill. Solanaceae Herbaceous plant
1
Local names were given by informants in Lokichoggio Division, North Turkana District in July of 2005. There are
multiple spellings of these names in various references. Species identified with voucher specimens that are stored at
the Kenya Resource Center for Indigenous Knowledge at the Museums of Kenya in Nairobi are marked (TYW).
2
Plants were identified using the following sources: Agnew (1974), Beentje (1994), Dharani (2002), and Maundu et al.
(1999).
Spring/Summer 2010 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 143

TABLE 3. Comparison of male and female knowledge scores as calculated by ANTHROPAC.

N Highest Lowest Average
Male 15 93 81 87.7
Female 16 95 81 89.2

common culture, they must have been interviewed individually and the
questions must come from a common domain (Borgatti 1994). I analyzed free
list data using ANTHROPAC 4.0. Factor analysis uses a matrix of matches
between the lists to calculate an Eigen value ratio. Because the ratio of Eigen
values between the first and second factor was 41:1, this analysis suggests that
the large number of plant names provided represents a single domain. The free
lists analyzed here meet the three conditions described above and the ratio is far
greater than the 3:1 ratio required to indicate a single factor in consensus analysis
(Bernard et al. 1986). Consensus analysis was repeated using age, location and
sex of the informants as a factor. None of these variables affected the ratio,
indicating that these groups do not represent subcultures. This indicates that the
informants generally knew the same suite of wild plant resources and lists were
not measurably affected by age, gender or location.
ANTHROPAC also generates a knowledge score, which reflects the level of
agreement between a respondent’s free list and the composite of all free lists: the
higher the knowledge score, the more plant names shared with the group. In
addition to the strong cultural consensus, each informant’s knowledge score was
uniformly high (Table 3). Knowledge scores are not significantly affected by
location (ANOVA F 5 1.908, p 5 0.167) or by age (ANOVA F 5 .527, p 5 0.877).
This suggests that children and adults share a similar body of knowledge
regarding wild foods that is not measurably influenced by location. As
previously mentioned, the Turkana District environment is heterogeneous, so
this shared knowledge reflects the mobility of the people across the landscape.
Free listing assumes those plants most salient to the individual will be
recalled first, without getting at personal preference, or preponderance. Thus the
free list reflects just ‘‘general knowledge.’’ The frequency of wild plant foods
provided in the free lists are interesting when compared by sex (Table 4). The
first 13 wild foods mentioned by both male and female respondents are similar,
with only minor variations in their order. Differences begin to emerge at the 14th
plant food mentioned. Ngapongae, ngalam, emeyen, esekon and ngitit
(numbers 14 to18 for males) are all consumed when collected and require no
preparation. Eminae ekunoit and eminae ebenyo (numbers 19 and 20 for males)
are both tree saps that can also be consumed with no preparation. From this
information, ANTHROPAC calculates cultural salience by factoring the rankings
along with the frequencies of each name to calculate Smith’s solution (Smith’s S)
for a salience index (Borgatti 1995).
When sorted by cultural salience or Smith’s S, a similar pattern emerges.
Here, cultural salience is measured by Smith’s S, which is a combination of
frequency and ranking (Table 5). The top 10 or 12 wild foods mentioned by both
males and females are similar, with limited variation in ordering, but differences
emerge in the second set of 10. Tree saps or types of eminae emerge as more
144 WATKINS Vol. 30, No. 1

TABLE 4. The 20 most frequently listed Turkana wild plant foods. Plants in bold were listed in a
significantly different order by men than by women.
Order Total Male Female
1 Edome Engomoo Edome
2 Elamach Edome Elamach
3 Engomoo Elamach Edung
4 Edung Edapal Elero
5 Elero Elero Engomoo
6 Edapal Ekolese Erut
7 Erut Ebei Edapal
8 Ebei Engilae Esekon
9 Engilae Edung Engilae
10 Ekolese Erut Ataikol
11 Ebolo Ebolo Ebei
12 Ataikol Ngakalalio Ngakalalio
13 Ngakalio Ataikol Lokiliton
14 Esekon Ngapongae Ebolo
15 Emeyen Ngalam Ekolese
16 Ngalam Emeyen Lorakimak
17 Lokiliton Esekon Atadita
18 Atadita Ngitit Emeyen
19 Eroronyit Eminae Ekunoit Ebekut
20 Loyongorok Eminae Ebenyo Ngalam

culturally salient to males than females, not occurring until after the top 20 for
females. Males also focus on fruits and seeds, ngitit, ngalam, ngapongae, esekon,
that require little or no preparation.
I asked informants about preparation methods for each food provided in his
or her original free list. All informants were able to provide at least basic
descriptions of most foods. Fourteen foods had no specified method of
preparation mentioned by any informant. Methods of preparation that were
only mentioned once, for example chewing, fermentation and crushing, could

TABLE 5. Comparison of Turkana wild foods by cultural salience (Smith’s S).

Combined Male
Rank and Female Smith’s S Male Smith’s S Female Smith’s S
1 Edome 0.719 Engomoo 0.675 Edome 0.659
2 Elamach 0.626 Edome 0.784 Elamach 0.589
3 Elero 0.620 Elamach 0.666 Edung 0.516
4 Engomoo 0.580 Edapal 0.611 Elero 0.613
5 Edapal 0.545 Elero 0.629 Engomoo 0.491
6 Edung 0.532 Ekolese 0.557 Erut 0.436
7 Erut 0.461 Ebei 0.542 Edapal 0.483
8 Ekolese 0.443 Engilae 0.276 Esekon 0.326
9 Ebei 0.412 Edung 0.550 Engilae 0.218
10 Ngakalalio 0.382 Erut 0.488 Ataikol 0.408
11 Ataikol 0.370 Ebolo 0.424 Ebei 0.292
12 Ebolo 0.346 Ngakalalio 0.404 Ngakalalio 0.363
13 Esekon 0.288 Ataikol 0.329 Lokiliton 0.132
14 Emeyen 0.246 Ngapongae 0.221 Ebolo 0.274
15 Engilae 0.245 Ngalam 0.205 Ekolese 0.338
16 Lorakimak 0.184 Emeyen 0.300 Lorakimak 0.223
17 Ngalam 0.179 Esekon 0.248 Atadita 0.189
18 Eroronyit 0.168 Ngitit 0.180 Emeyen 0.195
19 Ngapongae 0.152 Eminae Ekunoit 0.111 Ebekut 0.106
20 Ekalale 0.145 Eminae Ebenyo 0.073 Ngalam 0.155
Spring/Summer 2010 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 145

TABLE 6. Cultural salience of methods of preparation of 99 Turkana wild foods.

Method of Preparation Frequency Smith’s S
Boil or Cook 35 0.259
Fresh 31 0.170
Fresh or Boil 18 0.139
Dry 8 0.162
Roast 4 0.051
Boil with Milk 3 0.073

TABLE 7. Comparison of Turkana methods of food preparation mentioned by males and females.
Male Frequency Female Frequency
Boil 19 Boil 18
Fresh 17 Fresh 16
Fresh/Boil 14 Fresh/Boil 10
Unspecified 8 Dry 7
Boil w milk 4 Unspecified 6
Dry 3 Roast 3
Boil/Roast 3 Boil/Dry 2
Fresh/Boil w blood 2 Boil w milk 1
Ferment 2 Soak 1
Fresh/Dry 2 Ferment 1
Roast 1 Fresh/Roast 1
Roast/Fresh 1

not be included in statistical calculations. I sorted methods of wild food

preparation by frequency and calculated cultural salience using Smith’s S
(Tables 6 and 7). Respondents most frequently mention wild foods that can be
prepared simply by boiling or cooking. This suggests that anyone could prepare
these foods for themselves or for those who share a cooking pot, usually
household members. However, men are frequently away from the home tending
livestock for long periods and may share cooking pots with other men and boys.
In contrast to some characterizations of pastoralists, such as for the Nuer (Evans-
Pritchard 1950), my research also demonstrates that men and boys have the
knowledge and skills of food preparation beyond consuming raw milk and
blood. A close second in frequency for both sexes are those plants that require no
preparation and can be consumed immediately. Males mention various
preparations with milk or blood more frequently than females consistent with
their frequent access to these food sources while herding alone or in small
groups. Females are more likely to mention drying of wild foods, saving them for
consumption at a later date. Females are the only ones that reported soaking, also
very time consuming, as a method of preparation.

Discussion

Some elements of the domain of knowledge for wild foods among this
pastoralist population are surprising. This knowledge seems to be widespread,
without strong divisions by location, age or sex. It has long been accepted that
men and boys forage when they are herding livestock. Exactly what they forage
for or what it may contribute to health or nutrition is just beginning to be
146 WATKINS Vol. 30, No. 1

explored (Johns et al. 2000). These results seem to suggest that not only men and
boys have knowledge and experience in foraging but women and girls also share
this knowledge and access these resources on a regular basis when they are
available. This is compatible with findings among foraging societies where
women and girls do the most foraging (Hawkes et al. 1997). Availability is
dependent on rainfall and sometimes the region’s soil. Given the heterogeneity of
the Turkana District environment and the unpredictable rainfall patterns,
availability of different species may be brief. Greens appear fairly quickly after
the rains begin but herbaceous plants may not bear fruit without lengthy rains.
Some trees bear fruit after both long and short rains while most shrubs and other
trees in this sample only bear fruit (and nuts) once a year. The wide array of types
of wild foods (greens, fruits, seeds and nuts) suggests that each would be
available at different points in the plant’s lifecycle, aiding in general availability
across seasons.
Interesting differences in frequency and salience arise in the comparison of
lists provided by male and female respondents. There are definitely wild plant
foods commonly known to all of the respondents, but specialization of
subsistence practices and food preferences emerge. More specifically, in follow
up questions the salience of certain wild food resources became apparent,
primarily related to food preparation. Males mentioned fruits, seeds, nuts and
tree saps, which require little preparation while females mentioned fruits that
required more time and some special knowledge to prepare. In addition, the few
wild foods more salient to females are more likely to be stored and utilized by
entire households. A more detailed analysis of observed behavior in a stratified
sample will yield useful insight into gender-based knowledge and practices.
It is surprising that the harsh, arid, and challenging environment of northern
Kenya offers such an array of foods. This region is often portrayed as ‘‘marginal’’
and ‘‘desolate’’ (Dyson-Hudson and McCabe 1985). Non-governmental organi-
zations and governments focus on drought and malnutrition in efforts to gain
funds for development and relief projects (Nyariki et al. 2002). In contrast to this
common portrayal, a handful of informants were easily able to recall over 150
edible foods offered by this environment. By comparison, ethnobotanical surveys
of wild food plants and their uses in Ethiopia across several ecological zones
provided 100 wild food plants (Guinand and Lemessa 2001). An ethnobotanical
study of the Loita Maasai in savanna and bushlands of southern Kenya yielded
only 48 different plant species used as food (Maundu et al. 2001). A six month
study in agricultural grasslands of Uganda identified 98 species of plants that can
provide food, but many of these are threatened by habitat destruction and loss of
knowledge due to low preference in a society focused on market production and
exchange (Guinand and Lemessa 2001).
Besides providing calories during seasonal food shortages or droughts, the
micronutrient contributions and availability of different wild foods across
seasons can have important implications for Turkana health. Nutritional analyses
of 22 of the wild food plants collected in Turkana District reveal that they provide
important vitamins, minerals and calories as well as flavor and variety to the diet
(Table 8; Ogoye-Ndegwa Aagaard-Hansen 2003). Fruits and nuts are dispersed
throughout the Sahel and savanna environment. Many greens sought by the
Spring/Summer 2010 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 147

Turkana grow in environments disturbed by livestock and human activities, and

are available during the rainy season.
Many fruiting trees and shrubs are located near rivers, as are seasonally and
continuously occupied settlements, villages and trading centers. Although the
Turkana are knowledgeable about wild food resources, they only rarely
transplanted or nurtured any wild foods in their compounds or near settlements.
If a fruiting tree or shrub volunteers inside a compound, probably from seeds
deposited after the fruit is consumed, it may be protected from livestock or
human damage. However, most compounds do not have these trees or shrubs
present. Some informants suggested that access rights to wild food products is
restricted when a plant grows inside a compound, but most wild foods in public
spaces were considered an open resource. However, there did not seem to be
consensus on this issue.
There was a great deal of variation in the proximity of wild foods to the
different study locations. Nadome, is located on the banks of a seasonal river
where there were many edome and ngakalalio trees as well as other fruit bearing
shrubs. Nanam, though also near a seasonal river, is on the perimeter of a large
plain, which is often brown and devoid of vegetation for most of the year.
Availability of greens and wild vegetables is highly seasonal. The gallery forest
along the seasonal riverbed is limited, and I noted few fruit trees or shrubs in any
season. The third location, Lokangae, is two or more kilometers from a seasonal
river and is devoid of any trees other than some acacia and scrub ebekut, Prosopis
juliflora, an introduced species that has become quite invasive. Most people here
refer to plants that are found in other places. Many discussed wild greens and
tubers that are found ‘‘in the mountains,’’ the nearest of which are the Pelekech
range approximately 50 km to the south. The fact that the knowledge of these
plants did not vary by location is a testament to the mobility of even semi-
nomadic Turkana.
Wild food resources are a part of local knowledge of the environment
associated with long residence and use of the environment. However, local and
global influences are changing that landscape and threatening some resources.
As settlement continues, the gallery forests along rivers are threatened. Many
trees, shrubs and vines that offer wild foods grow in this riparian environment.
While surface water in these seasonal rivers is absent for most of the year, there is
often water, just below the sandy surface, that is available to species adapted to
this particular environment. These gallery forests are threatened by aggressive
erosion due to the heavy monsoonal rains combined with increased human and
animal use. As trees fall due to seasonal floods, women quickly turn them to
charcoal and sell them in trading centers. Some small trees are cut and used for
housing and fencing. The increased presence of small livestock, especially year
round in more settled areas, does not allow natural re-seeding of native flora. All
of these activities are having a cumulative effect of deforestation in the gallery
forests of Turkana Districts.
The Turkana are increasingly using the invasive species P. juliflora (ebekut)
for thorn fences and house construction, partially because it is abundant in the
landscape but also in an effort to remove it from the landscape. Some Turkana
consume the pods. Children in particular chew ebekut seedpods and then spit
 148

TABLE 8. Nutrition analysis of Turkana wild foods.1

Total Ash/ Vit A Vit C
Scientific Name Description % Moisture % Protein % Fat % Fiber minerals % Carbohydrates mg/100g mg/100g
Maerua decumbens dried fruit 8.37 20.75 0.89 1.25 2.08 66.67 0.11 135.950
Cucumis prophetarum dried fruit 9.10 18.13 6.90 21.63 11.54 32.70 0.55 85.400
Dobera glabra dried nut 8.63 20.40 1.55 2.03 5.79 61.60 0.14 173.000
Boscia coriacea dried fruit 7.72 21.01 1.79 1.80 3.64 64.04 0.03 496.900
Dobera glabra tree sap 15.50 5.17 1.20 0.35 5.80 71.98 0.02 71.690
Dobera glabra red flesh/fruit 0.82 145.850
Dobera glabra fresh-nut 42.60 11.26 0.34 1.54 3.28 40.98 0.27 1344.760
Balanites pedicullaris fresh nut 67.64 4.39 0.73 4.59 1.88 20.77
Cordia sinensis fresh fruit 80.70 1.98 0.51 1.10 1.22 14.49 12.18 129.280
Ziziphus mauritiana fresh fruit 48.26 2.67 0.78 2.85 2.39 43.05 50.43 0.033
Cucumis prophetarum fresh fruit 84.70 0.16 415.300
Cucumis figarei fresh fruit 83.15 3.44 2.41 4.68 2.00 4.32 13.83 0.015
WATKINS

Coccinia grandis fruit 84.90 4.62 56.860

Portulaca oleracea leaves and stems 89.70 2.00 0.59 1.32 2.47 3.92 0.57 173.070
Corchorus trilocularis leaves 72.90 6.24 0.75 2.25 3.61 14.25 3.35 650.150
Ipomea mombassana leaves 81.80 5.16 0.46 2.16 2.93 255.800
Amaranthus hybridus leaves 76.30 6.48 0.63 4.26 4.35 1344.800
Leptadania hastata leaves 60.00 7.04 2.15 4.66 5.75 20.40 3.47 64.520
Adenia volkensii leaves 86.80 3.94 0.67 1.37 1.88 5.34 3.54 272.650
Justicia uncinulata leaves 86.30 3.27 0.50 1.77 2.96 5.20 5.25 5.930
Vatovea pseudolablab leaves 17.04 2.050
Vatovea pseudolablab tuber 75.07 0.26 2.47 0.26 1.15 19.52 27.17 0.130
1
These nutritional analyses were completed on specimens collected in North Turkana District in 2006 and 2007. Foods were cleaned and prepared as if for consumption. They were
then transported to University of Nairobi, Upper Kabete Branch, preserved in iced coolers during the 36 to 48 hour journey. Jeremiah M’thika and Rosemary Kamau of the Laboratory
in the Department of Food Science, Nutrition and Technology conducted the analysis.
Vol. 30, No. 1
Spring/Summer 2010 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 149

out the insoluble fiber after the slightly sweet taste has been extracted. Some
women grind the seedpods, much as they do maize or seeds like ngitit, using this
flour to flavor maize or wheat flour.
As the species becomes more of a problem through its invasive nature, its bad
reputation follows. There are many Turkana beliefs about this species, which they
generally view as an ‘‘enemy of the Turkana.’’ For example, the Turkana believe this
tree is poisonous to both plants and animals. They have observed little vegetation
around large trees and how invasive the small, scrub trees are. The Turkana explain
the preponderance of ebekut by suggesting that it ‘‘steals the water’’ from other
plants and lowers the ground water levels in the seasonal riverbeds. Some observed
that donkeys suffer and die after consuming the tree or its seedpods because, they
suggest, the insoluble fiber present in the seedpods causes intestinal obstruction.
Deaths of other animals, especially sheep and goats, after browsing on ebekut are
also attributed to the foliage or seedpods. However, animal scientists have found
that the intestinal tracts of small livestock are able to tolerate consumption of limited
amounts of the seedpods (Mahgoub et al. 2005) and simply pass the undigested
material. After one woman ground and used the flour, her husband became angry
and demanded she stop. Local tales of children developing swollen stomachs and
becoming sick, like the donkeys that consume the insoluble fiber, became quite
common. This is in spite of a government program conducted by the Arid Resources
Land Management Program that is trying to encourage utilization of this plant.
Better information is needed about the species and its interactions in the
environment with both people and their animals. Involving Turkana in this process
will allow these people to build on present observations and knowledge of ebekut as
well as aid in dispelling myths about the plant.
Future research will need to include more in-depth analyses of the micro-
and macro-nutrient contributions of these wild food resources. This will aid in
better understanding of the nutrition and health impacts they have on individual,
household and even regional scales. In addition, a more extensive and fine-
grained study of who accesses these resources, how often, and when will need to
be conducted. This will aid in a better understanding of current management
practices of resources, the potential of these resources to household and regional
food security as well as better range management of northern Kenya for
continued pastoral production and ecosystem management.

Concluding Remarks

Arid lands ecosystems are still being explored by researchers and are just
beginning to be scientifically understood. The South Turkana Ecosystem Project
(STEP) was a long term, multidisciplinary research project with the Ngisanyoka
Turkana in South Turkana District (Little and Leslie 1999). This project focused
on one particular group of Turkana and the southern part of the region.
According to McCabe (2004) who focused on livestock and environment
interactions, much of the Turkana District could be classified as in a state of
persistent disequilibrium. The presence of such a variety of resources important
for human consumption, not just livestock and wildlife consumption, underlines
the need to continue research in these ecosystems.
150 WATKINS Vol. 30, No. 1

There are ongoing attempts, primarily by NGOs, in Kenya and Sudan to base
micro-development schemes on some fruits and nuts (Armstrong et al. 2008). It is
unclear if any consideration of management of or access to these resources is
considered (Fratkin 1997). For example, access rights and privileges to water
have been well documented for South Turkana District (Broch-Due and
Anderson 1999; McCabe 2004) but there is no information regarding manage-
ment of other resources such as wild foods. As pressure increases on all
resources, existing rights and privileges need to be better understood to ensure
continued access and avoid conflict. Information presented in this study shows
that wild plant food resources and the Turkanas’ knowledge of them are critical.
Care should be taken in development projects to recognize and consider
protection, not only of the environment, but also the knowledge of that
environment and the importance of continued access to its wild plant resources.

Acknowledgments

This research was supported by the National Science Foundation and the Wenner
Gren Foundation. Nutritional analysis was specifically funded by Sigma Xi. Nutritional
analysis was performed by Jeremiah M’Thika and Rosemary Kamau. Plant specimens
were identified primarily with the assistance of Joshua Muasya and Patrick Maundu. John
Ebenyo provided field assistance. AMREF-Kenya assisted with initial transportation and
introductions to communities. Many communities in Lokichoggio Division, Turkana
District, Kenya were very open and helpful, as were the local and District administrators.
None of this would have been possible without their cooperation and assistance.

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