JAPANESE LEXICAL PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY

By

MARTIN JOHN ELROY ROSS

B . S c , The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1977

M.Ed., The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1980

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

in

THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

Department o f L i n g u i s t i c s

We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s conforming

to the required standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

©
copyright:
September, 1985

M a r t i n John E l r o y Ross, 1985

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Date

/HI
 Abstract

Over the years, phonologists working i n the generative framework

have encountered a number of p e r s i s t e n t problems i n t h e i r descriptions

of Japanese phonology. Several of these problems concern phonological

r u l e s that sometimes do and sometimes do not apply i n seemingly i d e n t i -

c a l phonological environments. Many of the proposed analyses achieve

observational adequacy, but, nonetheless, are i n t u i t i v e l y d i s s a t i s f y -

ing.

The f i r s t of two such problems involves the desiderative s u f f i x

- t a and the homophonous p e r f e c t i v e i n f l e c t i o n - t a , both of which attach

to verb roots. When the verb root i s v o w e l - f i n a l , the d e r i v a t i o n s are

straightforward.

(1) (a) tabe + t a + i > tabe-ta-i 'want to e a t '

mi + t a + i > mi-ta-i 'want to see'

(b) tabe + t a > tabe-ta 'ate'

mi + t a > mi-ta 'see (past)'

Derivations are not so straightforward when the verb root i s

consonant-final. In such cases an intervening i_ i s i n s e r t e d between the

root and the desiderative s u f f i x , but not between the root and the

perfective i n f l e c t i o n .

(2) (a) tat + ta + i > tat-i-ta-i 'want to stand'

kat + t a + i > kat-i-ta-i 'want t o win'

(b) tat + ta > tat-ta 'stood'

kat + t a > kat-ta 'won'

McCawley (1968) i s not s p e c i f i c i n how he accounts f o r t h i s differen-

t i a l i n s e r t i o n of _ i i n these phonological i d e n t i c a l environments, but

ii
i t appears that he favours the adoption of a morphological r u l e such as

(3) (from Koo, 1974).

(3) 0 > i / C] v +tai

Koo (1974) has attempted t o reanalyze the desiderative s u f f i x as

- i t a , but, since there i s no evidence of W cluster simplification i n

the language, he i s l e f t with the even more d i f f i c u l t problem of d e l e t -

ing the i n i t i a l i_ of the s u f f i x f o l l o w i n g v o w e l - f i n a l verb roots.

(4) tabe + i t a + i > tabe-ta-i 'want t o e a t '

mi + i t a + i > mi-ta-i 'want t o see'

Maeda (1979) has chosen a boundary s o l u t i o n , p o s i t i n g that t-initial

i n f l e c t i o n s are joined t o verb roots by morpheme boundaries (+), while

other s u f f i x e s such as the desiderative s u f f i x are joined by a stronger

boundary (:). By making the i_ i n s e r t i o n r u l e s e n s i t i v e t o boundaries

of level :, the c o r r e c t outputs can be derived. This solution, though,

i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y since the assignment of boundaries i s not independent-

l y motivated.

A second d i f f i c u l t y encountered by McCawley (1968) and others

involves a high vowel syncopation r u l e that deletes the f i n a l i or u of

Sino-Japanese monomorphemes when the i n i t i a l consonant of a f o l l o w i n g

Sino-Japanese monomorpheme i s v o i c e l e s s .

(5) i t i + too > it-too 'first class'

roku + ka > rok-ka 'sixth lesson'

However, a morpheme- or word-final high vowel at the boundary between a

Sino-Japanese compound and a Sino-Japanese monomorpheme does not delete

under those conditions.

iii
(6) zi-ryoku 'magnetism' (X-Y)
zi-ryoku + k e i > zi-ryoku-kei 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z)

hai-tatu ' d e l i v e r y ' (Y-Z)

betu + h a i - t a t u > betu-hai-tatu 'special d e l i v e r y ' (X-Y-Z)

McCawley a c c o u n t s f o r t h i s p a t t e r n by i n v o k i n g i n t e r n a l b o u n d a r i e s of

different s t r e n g t h s : + and _#.

(7) i t i + too
r o k u + ka
z i + ryoku # k e i
betu # h a i + t a t u

He c l a i m s , then, t h a t h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n i s s e n s i t i v e t o boundaries

o f s t r e n g t h + and i s , t h e r e f o r e , blocked from a p p l y i n g t o the u of

z i + ryoku # kei. H i s a n a l y s i s i s c o r r e c t , b u t h i s a s s i g n m e n t of boun-

dary strengths i s rather arbitrary.

A n a l y s e s such as t h e two above w h i c h a p p e a l t o boundary s t r e n g t h

h i e r a r c h i e s have o f t e n been i n t u i t i v e l y d i s s a t i s f y i n g because o f a l a c k

o f independent motivation. The r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t t h e o r y o f lexical

morphology and phonology as f o r m u l a t e d by K i p a r s k y (1982) i s i d e a l l y

s u i t e d f o r t h i s t y p e o f problem. One o f t h e theory's most c o m p e l l i n g

a t t r i b u t e s i s t h a t p h o n o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s e s may be p u t i n t o a much broad-

e r c o n t e x t t h a t i n c l u d e s m o r p h o l o g i c a l p r o c e s s e s as w e l l . T h i s more i n -

t e g r a t e d approach i s o f t e n a b l e t o f i t f o r m e r l y i s o l a t e d f a c t s i n t o a

network o f r e l a t e d f a c t s t o p r o v i d e c o m p e l l i n g independent motivation

f o r d i v e r s e processes. The p u r p o s e o f t h i s t h e s i s , then, i s to f i t i

i n s e r t i o n , h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n , and o t h e r Japanese p h o n o l o g i c a l p r o -

c e s s e s i n t o t h e l e x i c a l phonology n e t w o r k t o see e x a c t l y how they are

r e l a t e d t o e a c h o t h e r and t o t h e m o r p h o l o g i c a l phenomena o f t h e lan-

guage.

iv
.3.0..£.^ll«d}&:.'.$8S'
P a t r i c i a A. Shaw
Thesis Supervisor

v
 (

Table of Contents

Abstract . .11

Table of Contents . .vi

Acknowl edgement ..viii

Chapter I: Introduction . .1

1.1: T h e o r e t i c a l Outline ..1

1.2: Source of Data ..4

Chapter I I : L e x i c a l Morphology and Phonology ..5

Notes f o r Chapter I I . .9

Chapter I I I : Phonological Representation of the S y l l a b l e . .10

Chapter IV: Japanese S y l l a b l e Structure ..15

Chapter V: High Vowel Syncopation: Evidence f o r Levels I

and I I 20

V.l: High Vowel Syncopation 20

V.2: Generative Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation 24

V.3: L e x i c a l Phonology Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation 28

Notes f o r Chapter V 31

Chapter VT: Accent System: Further Evidence f o r Levels I

and I I .. .32

Notes f o r Chapter VT ...38

Chapter VII: - ' s i , - 'ka, and - t e k i : Further evidence f o r

Levels I and II . .39

Notes f o r Chapter VII . .46

Chapter VTII: Stem Formatives and s/r Deletion . .47

VIII.1: Stem Formative i ..47

VIII.2: s/r Deletion . .52

VIII.3: Level I I Compounding R e v i s i t e d . .55

Notes f o r Chapter VIII . .57

Chapter IX: Level I I I . .58

vi
 IX.1: Stem Formative Truncation . 59

IX.2: Infinitives/Connectives ....60

IX.3: Real Epenthesis ....62

IX. 4: s/r Deletion 63

IX.5: Accent ....64

Notes f o r Chapter IX 67

Chapter X: Conclusion ....68

Bibliography ....70

vii
 AdaK>wledgenen.t

My s p e c i a l t h a n k s a r e e x t e n d e d to.Dr. P a t r i c i a A. Shaw, my thesis

s u p e r v i s o r , whose i n s i g h t f u l comments based on h e r i m p r e s s i v e knowledge

o f t h e f i e l d made t h i s t h e s i s p o s s i b l e . Also, I greatly appreciate her

p a t i e n c e and encouragement t h a t saw me t h r o u g h t h e i n e v i t a b l e low s p o t s

a l o n g t h e way.

Despite t h e help I r e c e i v e d from a v a r i e t y of people, r e s p o n s i -

b i l i t y f o r any e r r o r s , o m i s s i o n s , o r o t h e r weaknesses i n t h i s work r e s t s

s o l e l y on my own s h o u l d e r s .

viii
 Chapter I

Jjitroduction

1.1: Theoretical Outline

Over t h e y e a r s , phonologists working i n the generative framework

have e n c o u n t e r e d a number o f p e r s i s t e n t p r o b l e m s i n t h e i r descriptions

o f Japanese phonology. Several of these problems concern phonological

r u l e s t h a t sometimes do and sometimes do n o t a p p l y i n s e e m i n g l y identi-

c a l phonological environments. Many o f t h e p r o p o s e d a n a l y s e s achieve

observational adequacy, but, nonetheless, are i n t u i t i v e l y dissatisfy-

ing.

The f i r s t o f two such problems i n v o l v e s the d e s i d e r a t i v e suffix

- t a and t h e homophonous p e r f e c t i v e i n f l e c t i o n - t a , b o t h o f w h i c h attach

to verb roots. When t h e v e r b r o o t i s v o w e l - f i n a l , t h e d e r i v a t i o n s are

straightforward.

(1) (a) tabe + t a + i > tabe-ta-i 'want t o eat'

mi + t a + i > mi-ta-i 'want t o see'

(b) tabe + t a > tabe-ta 'ate'

mi + t a > mi-ta 'see (past) '

In ( l a ) , the final i. i s the i n d i c a t i v e , adjectival inflection (see

C h a p t e r IX). D e r i v a t i o n s are not so s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d when t h e v e r b r o o t

i s consonant-final. I n s u c h c a s e s an i n t e r v e n i n g i i s i n s e r t e d between

t h e r o o t and t h e d e s i d e r a t i v e s u f f i x , b u t n o t between t h e r o o t and the

perfective inflection.

1
(2) (a) tat + ta + i — > tat-i-ta-i
;
'want t o stand'
kat + t a + i > kat-i-ta-i 'want t o win'

(b) tat + ta > tat-ta 'stood'

kat + t a > kat-ta 'won'

McCawley (1968) i s not s p e c i f i c i n how he accounts f o r t h i s d i f f e r e n -

t i a l i n s e r t i o n of i i n these phonological i d e n t i c a l environments, but

i t appears that he favours the adoption of a morphological r u l e such as

(3) (from Koo, 1974).

(3) 0 > i / C] y +tai

Koo (1974) has attempted t o reanalyze the desiderative s u f f i x as

- i t a , but, since there i s no evidence of W cluster simplification i n

the language, he i s l e f t with the even more d i f f i c u l t problem of d e l e t -

ing the i n i t i a l i of the s u f f i x f o l l o w i n g v o w e l - f i n a l verb roots.

(4) tabe + i t a + i > tabe-ta-i 'want to e a t '

mi + i t a + i > mi-ta-i 'want t o see'

Maeda (1979) has chosen a boundary s o l u t i o n , p o s i t i n g that t - i n i t i a l

i n f l e c t i o n s are joined t o verb roots by morpheme boundaries (+), while

other s u f f i x e s such as the desiderative s u f f i x are joined by a stronger

boundary (:). By making the i. i n s e r t i o n r u l e s e n s i t i v e t o boundaries

of level :, the c o r r e c t outputs can be derived. This solution, though,

i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y since i t s main motivation i s merely that t - i n i t i a l

i n f l e c t i o n s behave d i f f e r e n t l y from t - i n i t i a l d e r i v a t i o n a l s u f f i x e s

with respect t o i_ i n s e r t i o n . Hence, the proposed weaker boundary

before t - i n i t i a l i n f l e c t i o n s serves as l i t t l e more than a d i a c r i t i c

exempting such s u f f i x e s from i. i n s e r t i o n .

2
 A second d i f f i c u l t y encountered by McCawley (1968) and others

involves a high vowel syncopation r u l e that deletes the f i n a l i or u of

Sino-Japanese monomorphemes when the i n i t i a l consonant of a f o l l o w i n g

Sino-Japanese monomorpheme i s v o i c e l e s s .

(5) i t i + too > it-too 'first class'

roku + ka > rok-ka 'sixth lesson'

However, a morpheme- or word-final high vowel a t the boundary between a

Sino-Japanese compound and a Sino-Japanese monomorpheme does not delete

under those conditions.

(6) zi-ryoku 'magnetism' (X-Y)

zi-ryoku + k e i > zi-ryoku-kei 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z)

hai-tatu 'delivery' (Y-Z)

betu + h a i - t a t u > betu-hai-tatu 'special d e l i v e r y ' (X-Y-Z)

Like Maeda (1979), McCawley accounts f o r t h i s pattern by invoking i n -

t e r n a l boundaries of d i f f e r e n t strengths: + and _#.

(7) i t i + too
roku + ka
z i + ryoku # k e i
betu # h a i + t a t u

He claims, then, that high vowel syncopation i s s e n s i t i v e t o boundaries

of strength + and i s , therefore, blocked from applying t o the u of

z i + ryoku # k e i . His a n a l y s i s i s correct, but as w i l l be shown l a t e r ,

his assignment of boundary strengths i s rather a r b i t r a r y .

Analyses such as the two above which appeal t o boundary strength

h i e r a r c h i e s have often been i n t u i t i v e l y d i s s a t i s f y i n g because of a lack

of independent motivation. The r e l a t i v e l y recent theory of l e x i c a l

morphology and phonology as formulated by Kiparsky (1982) i s i d e a l l y

3
suited f o r t h i s type of problem. One of the theory's most compelling

a t t r i b u t e s i s that phonological processes may be put i n t o a much broad-

er context that includes morphological processes as well. This more

integrated approach t o the grammar of a language i s o f t e n able to f i t

formerly i s o l a t e d f a c t s i n t o a network of r e l a t e d f a c t s t o create a

convincing whole that can provide compelling independent motivation f o r

any number of d i f f e r e n t processes. The purpose of t h i s paper, then, i s

to f i t i i n s e r t i o n , high vowel syncopation, and other Japanese phono-

l o g i c a l processes i n t o the l e x i c a l phonology network t o see exactly how

they are r e l a t e d t o each other and t o the morphological phenomena of

the language.

1.2: Source of Data

Data used throughout t h i s paper were drawn from a v a r i e t y of

sources. By f a r the most useful sources were: (1) Takenobu, Y. 1940.

Kenkyusha's New Japanese-English Dictionary, and (2) Martin, S.E. 1975.

A Reference Grammar of Japanese. Lesser amounts of data were obtained

from Block (1946), Kageyama (1982), McCawley (1968, 1977), and Parker

(1939). In a d d i t i o n t o these published sources, several examples were

drawn from f i e l d notes based on utterances supplied by Mrs. Keiko

Shibanuma, a native speaker of the Tokyo (standard) d i a l e c t .

4
 Chapter II

Lexical Morphology and Phonology

The b a s i c i n s i g h t o f l e x i c a l morphology and phonology i s t h a t the

l e x i c o n i s d i v i d e d i n t o a s e r i e s o f l e v e l s , e a c h w i t h i t s own component

o f m o r p h o l o g i c a l and phonological rules. The generalized diagram i n (8)

shows t h e r o u t i n g t h a t a b a s i c , u n d e r i v e d l e x i c a l i t e m may t a k e on i t s

way t o Decerning a f u l l y d e r i v e d and p h o n o l o g i c a l l y w e l l - f o r m e d word.

;.8) (from K i p a r s k y , 1982)

lexicon

underived l e x i c a l
items

level I morphology < > level I phonology

/
/
/

level I I morphology < > | l e v e l I I phonology

/
/

/
/
/
/

level n morphology | < > [ level n phonology

/
/
/
L/
syntax < > p o s t l e x i c a l phonology

According t o (8), basic lexical items are fed d i r e c t l y i n t o the

phonological component o f l e v e l I. R u l e s o f s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n and metri-

5
cal structure ( s t r u c t u r e - b u i l d i n g r u l e s ) may apply immediately at t h i s

p o i n t , i f such r u l e s a r e i n f a c t found a t l e v e l I i n the particular

language under d i s c u s s i o n . Structure-changing r u l e s of l e v e l I are

b l o c k e d by t h e S t r i c t C y c l e C o n d i t i o n f r o m a p p l y i n g t o t h e s e f o r m s t h a t

a r e , as y e t , n o n d e r i v e d . From l e v e l I phonology, the items proceed t o

l e v e l I morphology. I f and when a m o r p h o l o g i c a l r u l e i s a p p l i e d t o an

i t e m , t h a t i t e m i s f e d i m m e d i a t e l y back t o l e v e l I phonology where t h e

newly d e r i v e d form i s run through a l l the p h o n o l o g i c a l r u l e s o f t h a t

level t o see i f any a p p l y . A t t h e end o f t h e b a t t e r y o f p h o n o l o g i c a l

rules, that c y c l e of l e v e l I i s s a i d t o be complete. Any internal brac-

k e t s r e m a i n i n g a t t h i s s t a g e a r e erased.-*" The i t e m i s then returned t o

l e v e l I morphology where t h e n e x t c y c l e b e g i n s . L e x i c a l items are cyc-

l e d back and f o r t h i n t h i s manner between t h e p h o n o l o g i c a l and m o r p h o l o -

g i c a l components o f l e v e l I u n t i l no more r u l e s a p p l y and t h e i t e m s exit

l e v e l I.

K i p a r s k y (1982) c l a i m s t h a t t h e o u t p u t s o f each l e v e l must c o n -

s t i t u t e well-formed l e x i c a l entries. In t h e c a s e o f Japanese nouns, i t

i s t r u e t h a t o n l y f r e e l y o c c u r r i n g nouns e v e r emerge f r o m a l e v e l . How-

e v e r , K i p a r s k y ' s c l a i m i s u n t e n a b l e f o r Japanese v e r b s and adjectives,

w h i c h a r e n o t w e l l - f o r m e d u n t i l a t l e a s t one i n f l e c t i o n i s a t t a c h e d t o

t h e stem. These i n d i s p e n s a b l e i n f l e c t i o n s a r e n o t a v a i l a b l e u n t i l late

i n t h e grammar. T h i s means t h a t v e r b a l and a d j e c t i v a l o u t p u t s f r o m low-

e r l e v e l s c o n s i s t o f a stem o n l y and a r e n o t a b l e t o s t a n d on t h e i r own

as words. I t w i l l be assumed t h r o u g h o u t t h i s paper, then, t h a t t h e v e r -

b a l and a d j e c t i v a l o u t p u t s o f e a c h l e v e l need n o t be w e l l - f o r m e d lexical

e n t r i e s , a t l e a s t as f a r as t h e p r e s e n c e o r absence of i n f l e c t i o n s i s

concerned.

6
 There i s some d i s c u s s i o n i n the l i t e r a t u r e about how the l e v e l s

are linked — whether the l i n k goes from the phonology of one l e v e l to

the phonology of the next l e v e l , or whether i t goes from phonology t o

morphology (as shown i n (8)). Kiparsky (1982) argues i n favour of the

former p o s s i b l i t y . However, inconsistencies i n h i s argumentation, a

f u l l d i s c u s s i o n of which i s beyond the scope of the present work, sug-

gest that the l a t t e r a l t e r n a t i v e i s the c o r r e c t one. Indeed, subsequent

work of Kiparsky's (1985) reverts t o the e a r l i e r d i r e c t i o n of flow mod-

e l l e d i n (8), a l b e i t without e x p l i c i t d i s c u s s i o n of the issue. Follow-

ing Kiparsky (1985), therefore, I w i l l assume i n t h i s paper a phonology

to morphology link.

From l e v e l I, then, items advance d i r e c t l y t o the morphological

component of l e v e l II and are cycled back and. f o r t h through that l e v e l

and, subsequently, through a l l the l a t e r l e v e l s i n the lexicon. Upon

emerging from the lexicon, the items are f e d i n t o the s y n t a c t i c compo-

nent of the grammar and, from there, i n t o the p o s t - l e x i c a l phonological

component. In contrast t o l e x i c a l r u l e s , p o s t - l e x i c a l r u l e s are noncyc-

l i c and are sometimes c a l l e d p o s t - c y c l i c rules. They are characterized

by exceptionless, across-the-board a p p l i c a t i o n . Also, they are exempt

from the S t r i c t Cycle Condition and, unlike c y c l i c r u l e s , may apply i n

a structure-changing function i n nonderived environments.

There are no published accounts of l e x i c a l morphology and phono-

logy treatments of Japanese grammar. However, a level-ordered d e s c r i p -

t i o n of Japanese word formation has been worked out by Kageyama (1982)

and i s a useful reference. Recently, an unpublished Ph.D. t h e s i s has

been completed on the subject by Grignon (1985).^ The theory has been

7
s u c c e s s f u l l y applied with i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t s t o Malayalam (Mohanan,

1981), Spanish (Harris, 1982), E n g l i s h (Rubach, 1984), and Dakota (Shaw,

1985).

8
Notes for Chapter II:

1. Kiparsky (1982) argues f o r a weaker Bracket Erasure Convention which

applies only a t the end of each l e v e l . There i s no c r u c i a l evidence
i n t h i s t h e s i s f o r the weaker convention, so the stronger version,
which applies a t the end of each cycle, i s adopted here.

2. Unfortunately, the Grignon t h e s i s was not a v a i l a b l e a t the time t h i s

t h e s i s was being prepared.

9
 Chapter III

Phonological Representation of the Syllable

The phonological component of Japanese grammar includes many s y l -

l a b l e s e n s i t i v e r u l e s that are best characterized by a three dimensional

representation of the s y l l a b l e . Background information on that repre-

sentation i s provided i n t h i s s e c t i o n .

Three dimensional phonology represents an area of overlap between

autosegmental phonology and m e t r i c a l phonology. The c o n t r i b u t i o n of

autosegmental phonology i s that, w i t h i n that framework, the l e x i c a l rep-

resentation of morphemes c o n s i s t s of a segmental t i e r with i t s i n d i v i d u -

a l members mapped onto an independent s k e l e t a l t i e r . One conception of

the s k e l e t a l t i e r sees i t composed of s t r i n g s of C and V positions (9),

a conception that works w e l l i n analyses of Arabic (McCarthy, 1981) and

r e d u p l i c a t i o n (Marantz, 1982; Yip, 1982).

(9) Skeletal Tier C V C C

I I I I
Segmental T i e r b e t s baits

The purpose of the skeleton i n such analyses i s t o a c t as a r e l a t i v e l y

stable "backbone" t o ensure t h a t c o r r e c t temporal structure i s main-

tained independently from whatever processes take place i n the segmental

tier.

An important objection t o the autosegmental approach i s that,

despite the supposed independence of the two t i e r s , there remains an

element of redundancy between the two. In p a r t i c u l a r , since i t i s ex-

p l i c i t l y required that [+syllabic] segments be matched with V p o s i t i o n s

([+syllabic]) on the skeleton and [ - s y l l a b i c ] with C p o s i t i o n s ([-sylla-

10
bic]) (Marantz, 1982), the feature [+syllabic] can be predicted, one

t i e r from the other. Kaye and Lowenstamm (1982) argue that t h i s redun-

dancy can be eliminated by reducing the CV p o s i t i o n s t o bare s k e l e t a l

points (x) unspecified f o r the feature [ + s y l l a b i c ] .

(10) Skeletal Tier X X X

Segmental T i e r b e t 'bait'

They further argue that [+syllabic] information which i s unquestionably

important i n most analyses i s recoverable from a t h i r d t i e r , the proso-

d i c t i e r , which i s a c o n t r i b u t i o n from m e t r i c a l phonology.

(11) $
/ \
Prosodic T i e r / \
/ / \

Skeletal Tier X X X

Segmental T i e r b e t 'bait'

To best understand the workings of the prosodic t i e r , i t i s

necessary to s t a r t with a l e x i c a l entry and trace i n d e t a i l the estab-

lishment of s y l l a b l e structure, the most relevant aspect of prosodic

structure as f a r as t h i s t h e s i s i s concerned. S t a r t i n g with a l e x i c a l

entry such as (10), r u l e s of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n attempt to s y l l a b i f y the

string. A useful analogy i n t h i s regard i s t o imagine that the s k e l e t a l

p o s i t i o n s are portholes i n the side of a ship. Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n

use these portholes t o peer i n t o the ship to see what segments l i e with-

in. Depending on what segments are discovered, a unique s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n

based on universal p r i n c i p l e s i s erected. In t h i s case, b, e, and t are

discovered and a s y l l a b l e i s erected with the structure shown i n (12).

11
(12) $
/ \
/ \
/ rime
/ A
/ / \
/ / \
onset nucleus coda

X X X
I
b e t

Throughout t h i s t h e s i s , (12) w i l l be s i m p l i f i e d t o (13)

(13) $
/ \
/ \ 0 = onset
/ / \
0 N C N = nucleus
1
1 1
1 1 1
X X X C = coda

b e t

If the segments b, a, and y_ had been discovered, the s y l l a b l e

structure erected would have been that shown i n (14a) or, s i m p l i f i e d ,

(14b).

(141 (a) $ (b) $

/ \ / \
/ \ / \
/ rime 0 N
/ 1 / \
/ X X X
onset nucleus I I I
/ \ b a y
/ \
X X X

As a consequence of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , the onset, nucleus, or coda

status of each s k e l e t a l p o s i t i o n i s established. Since only consonants

can occupy onset or coda p o s i t i o n s and only vowels can occupy nucleus

12
p o s i t i o n s , i t i s i n d i r e c t l y determined which s k e l e t a l p o s i t i o n s are "C"

and which are "V". In t h i s manner, then, [+syllabic] information about

s k e l e t a l p o s i t i o n s i s recoverable, even though the p o s i t i o n s themselves

are unspecified f o r that feature.

In a three dimensional (or three tiered) representation, the

terminal nodes of the s y l l a b i c hierarchy correspond to p o s i t i o n s on the

s k e l e t a l t i e r rather than t o segments, as has more t r a d i t i o n a l l y been

supposed. The advantage of the three dimensional v e r s i o n i s that seg-

ments are freed from t h e i r one t o one correspondence with terminal

nodes. This new independence permits configurations such as those i n

(15) to occur, which characterize geminate consonants (15a), long vowels

(15b), and complex segments (15c).

(15) (a) X X (b) X X (c) X

\ / \ / / \
C V c c

Notice that the phonetic length of a segment i s determined by the number

of s k e l e t a l p o s i t i o n s or points associated with i t .

The independence between the segmental and s k e l e t a l t i e r s permits

unassociated or f l o a t i n g segments t o e x i s t (16).

(16) $ $
I / \
N 0 N

X X X

'causative s u f f i x ' (Japanese)

F l o a t i n g segments a r e n o t a s s o c i a t e d w i t h " p o r t h o l e s " and hence a r e

invisible, at least initially, t o r u l e s of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n . However, i f

13
"wrinkles" i n the s y l l a b l e contour persist after initial syllabifica-

tion, the f l o a t i n g s e g m e n t may b e p r o v i d e d w i t h a s k e l e t a l p o i n t a n d may

participate in syllabification if i t s presence i s required. Several

examples of f l o a t i n g segments w i l l be e n c o u n t e r e d in later chapters.

The s e g m e n t a l a n d s k e l e t a l t i e r s a r e a l s o i n d e p e n d e n t in the

s e n s e t h a t changes i n t r o d u c e d by r u l e s t o one t i e r do n o t necessarily

effect changes i n the o t h e r . By t h e same t o k e n , though, r u l e s can exist

t h a t do i n t r o d u c e change s i m u l t a n e o u s l y t o b o t h tiers.

14
 Chapter IV

Japanese Syllable Structure

The unmarked s y l l a b l e shape o f J a p a n e s e i s t h e u n i v e r s a l l y un-

marked C V ( s k e l e t a l t i e r n o t shown). Other p o s s i b l e s y l l a b l e shapes

are:

(17) (a) $ (b) $ (c) $ $

I / \ / \ /
N / \ / \ /
I O N / / \ /
X I / \ 0 N C 0
I X X X I I I !
V I I I X X X X
(C) V V I I I I
(C) V C C

Of p a r t i c u l a r r e l e v a n c e t o t h i s t h e s i s i s t h e n a t u r e o f t h e coda

i n Japanese s y l l a b l e s (see 17c).. . . F i r s t o f a l l , there are severe r e s -

t r i c t i o n s g o v e r n i n g w h i c h c o n s o n a n t s can occupy t h e coda position.

D e a l i n g f i r s t w i t h w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n , t h e o n l y c o n s o n a n t t h a t can

a p p a r e n t l y s t a n d a s a coda i s n.

(18) preliminary version

$
/ \
/ \
/ / \
0 N C
1 I I
X X X

b u n] N 'part'

Even t h i s n has a tenuous e x i s t e n c e a s a coda. Whenever a l t e r n a t e

s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s p o s s i b l e , the n i s whisked out o f the apparent

coda p o s i t i o n and i n t o an o n s e t p o s i t i o n .

15
(19) bun + e i > bun-ei ' s e p a r a t e camp'

$
/ \
$ / \
/ \ / /\
0 N 0 N N
1
1
X X X X X

b u e

N o r m a l l y a f u l l - f l e d g e d coda p e r s i s t s a s a coda t h r o u g h o u t subsequent

resyllabifications. I n o t h e r words, p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d syllable

s t r u c t u r e t e n d s t o be r e s p e c t e d . The h a l f - h e a r t e d n a t u r e o f t h e word-

f i n a l coda n s u g g e s t s t h a t i t may n o t be a coda a t a l l . I t i s proposed

h e r e and s u b s t a n t i a t e d f u r t h e r i n Chapter V I I I t h a t w o r d - f i n a l conso-

nants a r e a c t u a l l y e x t r a m e t r i c a l and a r e l a r g e l y i n v i s i b l e t o r u l e s o f

syllabification. The c o r r e c t v e r s i o n o f ( 1 8 ) , t h e n , i s found i n ( 2 1 ) .

(20) extrametricality

X
| > [ex] / _
C

(21) $
/ \
0 N

X X X
I I
b u n] N part
[ex]

D e s p i t e t h e s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e e s t a b l i s h e d i n (21), i f bun i s used

i n d e p e n d e n t l y a s a word, t h e n must be pronounced and, hence, must be

incorporated i n some way i n t o t h e s y l l a b l e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e language.

Following e a r l i e r p r o p o s a l s , then, i t i s t h e o r i z e d t h a t t h e p o t e n t i a l

coda n becomes l o o s e l y a t t a c h e d t o t h e s y l l a b l e a s an a p p e n d i x (A) and

16
retains i t sextrametricality.

(22) $
/ \
/ \
/ /
0 N A

X X X

In c o n t r a s t t o w o r d - f i n a l p o s i t i o n , g e n u i n e codas a r e found i n

m e d i a l p o s i t i o n wherever an o n s e t d i r e c t l y follows.

(23) bun + s a n > bun-san 'break-up'

$
/ \
/ \ $
/ / \ / \
0 N C 0 N

X X X X X

b u n s a
[ex]

Throughout t h e language i t can be seen t h a t t h e r e i s a c l o s e relation-

s h i p between coda and f o l l o w i n g o n s e t . In fact, almost the e n t i r e set

o f f e a t u r e s o f t h e coda i s c o p i e d d i r e c t l y f r o m t h e o n s e t . The only

i n d e p e n d e n t f e a t u r e p o s s e s s e d by t h e coda i s n a s a l i t y . T h i s means t h a t

a n a s a l consonant i n coda p o s i t i o n w i l l r e t a i n i t s nasality regardless

o f the n a s a l i t y o f the f o l l o w i n g onset. However, a l l t h e f e a t u r e s o f

place w i l l be c o p i e d f r o m t h e o n s e t , a p r o c e s s w h i c h c r e a t e s a homorga-

nic nasal coda.

(24) bun + b e t u > bum-betu 'separation'

bun + k a i > bun-kai 'dissociation'

17
Where t h e c o d a i s n o n - n a s a l , i t s s e t o f f e a t u r e s i s e n t i r e l y c o p i e d f r o m

t h e o n s e t ( t o t a l a s s i m i l a t i o n ) and a geminate c l u s t e r i s p r o d u c e d .

(25) (a) kaw + t a —-> kat-ta 'buy (past)'

(b) wakar + t a r i > wakat-tari 'understand ( a l t e r n a t i v e ) '

The dependency of the coda on the f o l l o w i n g onset suggests that the

onset i n some sense governs (Kaye, Lowenstamm, and Vergnaud (1985)) the

coda. Furthermore, since no genuine codas e x i s t i n the language without

governing onsets, i t i s reasoned that a coda government p r i n c i p l e e x i s t s .

(26) Coda Government Principle: Only those consonants that are

governed d i r e c t l y by following onsets may be s y l l a b i f i e d
as codas. With the exception of n a s a l i t y , the features
of the coda consonant are copied d i r e c t l y from the gover-
ning onset.

To i l l u s t r a t e the a c t i o n of the Coda Government P r i n c i p l e , a complete

d e r i v a t i o n of (25a) i s presented.

(27) kaw + t a > kat-ta (from (25a)) (preliminary version)

(a) extrametricality, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n

$
/ \
/ \
/ / ".
0 N A

X X X
1 I I
k a w] v

[ex]

The appendix (A) cannot be analyzed as a coda since there i s no f o l l o w -

ing onset present t o govern the coda p o s i t i o n .

18
(27) (b) i n f l e c t i o n , loss of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n

$
/ \ •
/ \ $
/ / \ / \
0 N C 0 N

X X X X X
1 I I i I
k a w t a]y

In (27b) the appendix of (27a) i s reanalyzed as a coda f o l l o w i n g the

i n t r o d u c t i o n of the onset (t) which can govern the coda p o s i t i o n . By

the coda government p r i n c i p l e (26) the features of the coda consonant

are copied d i r e c t l y from the governing onset (t) t o produce a geminate

cluster (tt).

(27) (c) coda government p r i n c i p l e

$
/ \
/ \ $
/ / \ / \
0 N C 0 N
1 I I I I
X X X X X
I I I I I
k a t t a] v

By the o b l i g a t o r y contour p r i n c i p l e , (27c) automatically reduces t o

(27d).

(27) (d) o b l i g a t o r y contour p r i n c i p l e

$
/ \
/ \ $
/ / \ / \
0 N C 0 N

X X X X X
1 I \/ I
k a t a]y

19
 Chapter V
High Vowel Syncopation: Evidence for Levels I and II

V.l: High Vowel Syncopation

Over t h e c e n t u r i e s , Japanese has b o r r o w e d a l a r g e number o f mor-

phemes f r o m C h i n e s e . The shape o f t h e s e S i n o - J a p a n e s e morphemes i s gov-

e r n e d by s t r i c t morpheme s t r u c t u r e c o n s t r a i n t s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , t h e mor-

phemes must b e f r o m two t o f o u r segments i n l e n g t h and must c o n f o r m t o

one o f t h e p a t t e r n s d e s c r i b e d i n ( 2 8 ) .

(28) {V }
(C)V({N })
{CV}

Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t a r e t h e morphemes o f t h e shape (C)VCV, composed

o f two l i g h t s y l l a b l e s . I n t h e s e t h r e e and f o u r segment morphemes t h e

f i n a l p a i r o f segments must be a member o f t h e f o l l o w i n g s e t : k i , ku,

ti, or tu^. A widespread r u l e o f h i g h vowel syncopation d e l e t e s t h e

f i n a l h i g h v o w e l o f s u c h p a i r s when t h e n e x t morpheme i s a l s o S i n o -

Japanese and b e g i n s w i t h a v o i c e l e s s consonant .

(29) H i g h Vowel S y n c o p a t i o n

X
I — > 0 / C ] N C
V [+Sino] [+Sino]
[+hi] [-vcd ] [-vcd ]

As i n d i c a t e d , t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e r u l e d e l e t e s t h e h i g h v o w e l t o g e -

ther with i t s associated skeletal point — an example o f a r u l e t h a t

a c t s s i m u l t a n e o u s l y on two t i e r s .

20
(30) teki + koku > tek-koku 'enemy c o u n t r y '

(a) S i n o - J a p a n e s e compounding, syllabification

$ $ $ $
/ \ / \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N 0 N 0 N

X X X X X X X X
1 1
1 1
t e k k o k

(b) h i g h vowel s y n c o p a t i o n

$ $ $
/ \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N 0 N
1 1
1 1
X X X X X X X
I 1
1 1
t e k o k

(c) resyllabification

$
/ \
/ \ $ $
/ / \ / \ / \
0 N C 0 N 0 N
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
1 1 I 1 1 1 1
X X X X X X X
1 1
t 1 1 1
k
1
o k u] N

e k] N

In (30c), t h e k i s p e r m i t t e d t o be r e s y l l a b i f i e d a s a coda because i t i s

g o v e r n e d by a f o l l o w i n g o n s e t .

(d) o b l i g a t o r y contour principle

$
/ \
/ \ $ $

0
/ N
/ \C 0
/ \N 0
/ Y
N
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
X X X X X X X
1 1
e
\k / 1o k
1 1u]
t N

21
(31) more a p p l i c a t i o n s of high vowel syncopation

roku + ka > rok-ka 'sixth lesson'

i t i + too > it-too 'first class'
butu + t a i > but-tai 'solid object'

High vowel syncopation does not u s u a l l y occur when e i t h e r or both of the

elements are native.

(32) m i t i + kusa > mitikusa ' l o i t e r ' (road + grass)

[+nat] [+nat]

' kutu + s i t a > kutusita 'socks' (shoe + under)\

[+nat] [+nat]

The d e l e t i o n o f the high vowel i n the examples of (30) and (31) creates

consonant c l u s t e r s that are permitted i n Japanese. That i s not always

the case.

[33) (a) i t i + sen •> * i t s e n 'one thousand'

(b) i t i + k i > *itki ' f i r s t period'
(c) butu + s i t u > *butsitu 'substance'

The underlined c l u s t e r s i n (33) are not permitted i n Japanese because

they are i n v i o l a t i o n of the coda government p r i n c i p l e (26), as revealed

i n (34).

(34) butu + s i t u > bus-situ (33c)

(a) Sino-Japanese compounding, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n

$ $ $ $
/ \ / \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N
1 1 1
1 1 1
X X X X
1
1
U t U J n o
s i t U jii] N

22
 (b) h i g h vowel s y n c o p a t i o n

$ $ $
/ \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N
1
1
X X X X X
1 1
1
1 1 1
b u t ;l N s i u] N

The i s o l a t e d t i n (34b) i s r e s y l l a b i f i e d as a coda and, by t h e coda

government p r i n c i p l e , t a k e s on t h e f e a t u r e s o f i t s g o v e r n i n g o n s e t and

becomes an s.

(c) coda government

$
/ \
/ \ $ $
/ / \ / \ / \
0 N C 0 N 0 N

X X X X X X X

b u s ] N s i t u] N

(d) o b l i g a t o r y contour principle

$
/ \
/ \ $ $
/ / \ / \ / \
0 N C 0 N 0 N
1 I I I I I I
X X X X X X X
I I \/ I I I
b u s i t u] N

T h e ' c o r r e c t d e r i v a t i o n s f o r t h e words i n (33), t h e n , r e s u l t f r o m t h e ap-

p l i c a t i o n o f h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n , t h e coda government p r i n c i p l e , and

the o b l i g a t o r y contour principle.

(36) i t i + sen > is-sen 'one t h o u s a n d '

iti + ki > ik-ki 'first period'
butu + s i t u > bus-situ 'substance'

23
V.2: Generative Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation

The story of high vowel syncopation as described above would be

neat and t i d y i f i t were not f o r other f a c t s . F i r s t of a l l , some high

vowels that are i n a p o s i t i o n to be deleted by (29) are immune to the

rule.

(39) hai + tatu > hai-tatu 'delivery' (Y-Z)

betu + hai + t a t u > betu-hai-tatu 'special d e l i v e r y ' (X-Y-Z)

sya + z i t u > sya-zitu 'realism' (X-Y)

sya + z i t u + ha > sya-zitu-ha ' r e a l i s t movement' (X-Y-Z)

z i + ryoku > zi-ryoku 'magnetism' (X-Y)

z i + ryoku + k e i > zi-ryoku-kei 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z)

As noted by McCawley (1968), the e x c e p t i o n a l i t y of these cases i s sys-

tematic. The immediate constituent structure of the three i n (39) i s as

follows:

(40) A A A
/ \ / \ / \
/ A A \ A \
/ / \ / \ \ / \ \

betu-hai-tatu sya-zitu-ha zi-ryoku-kei

[specia1[delivery]] [[realist]movement] [[magnetism]instrument]

C l e a r l y , i n each example, the vowel that f a i l s to delete i s the one that

f a l l s at the major constituent break. To account f o r t h i s pattern,

McCawley proposes that high vowel syncopation i s s e n s i t i v e to boundaries

of strength + (morpheme boundary) and not t o boundaries of strength #

(internal word boundary). Thus, the components of (39) betuhaitatu are

joined as betu#hai+tatu and the u of betu i s not i n the appropriate

environment to be deleted. McCawley j u s t i f i e s t h i s assignment of boun-

daries by noting that the constituents of hai-tatu, s y a - z i t u , and

zi-ryoku are bound i n the sense that they never stand alone as words.

24
The immediate constituents of the words i n (40), on the other hand, are

f r e e l y occurring words. Hence, the words of (40) are examples of "words

embedded w i t h i n words" which by convention carry i n t e r n a l word boun-

daries. What McCawley i s apparently claiming, then, i s that high vowel

syncopation can only apply between bound morphemes:

Note now that i n the [examples i n 40] the constituents

zi-ryoku, s y a - z i t u , and h a i - t a t u are not merely sequen-
ces of Sino-Japanese morphemes but are indeed words i n
the sense that these compounds are formed by r u l e s which
embed a word within a word (as contrasted with r u l e s
which form compounds by j o i n i n g together two pieces
neither of which i s a word, as i n psychology, telegraph,
e t c . ) . According to convention, when a word i s aitedded
within a word, i t c a r r i e s an i n t e r n a l word boundary with
it. (McCawley 1968; 117)

McCawley's c l a i m i s demonstrably inadequate. There are many instances

of high vowel syncopation between one bound and one f r e e morpheme and

even between two f r e e morphemes.

(41) (a) f r e e + bound

(i) t e t - t e i 'horseshoe'
from tetu]p ' s t e e l ' and - t e i ] g 'hoof

( i i ) tak-ken 'far-sightedness'

from taku]p 'desk' and - k e n ] B 'view'

(b) bound + f r e e

(i) h i t - t a n 'stroke of the pen'

from h i t u ] g 'writing' and tan]p o r i g i n a t e
( i i ) bos-syo 'dead l e t t e r '
from b o t u ]
R 'dead' and s y o ] 'writing'
p

25
 (c) free + free

(i) has-sya 'departure of t r a i n '

from hatu 'leaving' and sya ' t r a i n '

( i i ) hap-pyaku 'eight hundred'

from h a t i 'eight' and hyaku 'hundred'

( i i i ) gyak-kyoo 'adversity'
from gyaku 'contrary' and kyoo 'state'

(iv) tak-kyuu 'ping pong'

from taku 'table' and kyuu 'ball'

The components of the words i n (41c) are obvious'examples of "words em-

bedded w i t h i n words", and as such should be joined by McCawley's i n t e r -

nal word boundary (#) and thus be i n e l i g i b l e f o r high vowel syncopation.

That something other than boundary information i s involved i n the

high vowel syncopation story i s demonstrated by the behavior of the verb

s u r u 'to do'. Suru i s an unusual v e r b i n t h a t i t can s t a n d on i t s own

or i t can be a f f i x e d t o verbal nouns t o derive verbs. Verbal nouns com-

p r i s e a s p e c i a l l e x i c a l category i n Japanese that function i n some r e s -

pects l i k e nouns and i n other respects l i k e verbs (Kageyama, 1982).

Many Sino-Japanese elements count as verbal nouns and can p a r t i c i p a t e i n

suru d e r i v a t i o n . Suru i s a l s o unusual i n t h a t i t i s a native element

that t r i g g e r s high vowel syncopation. As i l l u s t r a t e d i n (42) and (43),

suru can combine with bound as w e l l as free Sino-Japanese forms.

(42) bound + suru

(a) mes-suru 'perish' (from metu-]g)

(b) tas-suru 'reach' (from t a t u - ] )

B

(c) bos-suru 'sink' (from botu-] ) R

26
(43) f r e e + s u r u

(a) r i s - s u r u 'measure' (from ritu-] ) F

(b) h a s - s u r u ' d i s c h a r g e ' (from hatu-]p)

(c) kes-suru 'decide' (from ketu-]p)

S u r u c a n a l s o a t t a c h t o Sino-Japanese compounds. I n a l l such

cases suru f a i l s t o t r i g g e r h i g h vowel syncopation.

(44) compound + s u r u

(a) k o o - t a t u - s u r u 'notify verbally' ( c f . 42b)

from koo-tatu ' o f f i c i a l announcement'

(b) ma-metu-suru 'wear down' ( c f . 42a)

from ma-metu 'abrasion'

(c) sen-ritu-suru 'shudder' ( c f . 43a)

from s e n - r i t u 'a s h i v e r '

The obvious f a c t t o be a c c o u n t e d f o r i n a l l t h e s e d a t a (40-44) i s

t h a t , r e g a r d l e s s o f whether i n d i v i d u a l e l e m e n t s a r e f r e e o r bound, h i g h

vowel s y n c o p a t i o n can o n l y a p p l y t o t h e h i g h vowel a t t h e boundary b e t -

ween t h e i n n e r m o s t two e l e m e n t s . High vowel syncopation w i l l not apply

to high vowels adjacent t o boundaries c r e a t e d by t h e a d d i t i o n o f third

elements. T r a d i t i o n a l boundary n o t a t i o n can h a n d l e t h i s p a t t e r n , b u t

only i n a contrived way.

(45) (a) metu + s u r u > mes-suru 'perish' (42a)

(b) ma + metu # s u r u > ma-metu-suru 'wear down' (44b)

S i n c e , as n o t e d i n (29), t h e s t r u c t u r a l d e s c r i p t i o n o f h i g h v o w e l synco-

p a t i o n i n c l u d e s a morpheme boundary, t h e r u l e o p e r a t e s on (45a) and

along with c l u s t e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and s p r e a d i n g p r o d u c e s t h e c o r r e c t

output. The # boundary i n (45b) c o r r e c t l y b l o c k s t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f the

rule. T h i s a n a l y s i s , however, i s o b j e c t i o n a b l e f o r one main r e a s o n .

27
Evidently, the rank of the boundaries i n (45) i s determined s o l e l y by a

r u l e something l i k e (46) that t o t a l l y disregards the nature of the e l e -

ments that are being joined together.

(46) Assign rank + t o the boundary between the innermost p a i r of

elements i n a compound. Assign rank # t o any other boun-
daries that may occur.

This i n d i s c r i m i n a t e assignment of rank ignores the f a c t that hatu and

sya (41c), f o r example, are f r e e forms that would normally be joined as

hatu#sya.

V . 3 : Lexical Phonology Analysis of High Vowel Syncopation

Consider now how these several f a c t s might be treated i n a l e x i c a l

phonology framework.

Since the output from each l e v e l must be a l e x i c a l entry, bound

morphemes cannot survive unoompounded t o l e v e l II. The f a c t that Sino-

Japanese compounding often involves bound forms has lead Kageyama (1982)

to conclude that such compounding occurs a t l e v e l I i n Japanese. One

would a l s o want t o include Sino-Japanese and suru compounding a t l e v e l I

since suru a l s o attaches t o bound Sino-Japanese morphemes (42). If

these processes do i n f a c t occur i n the morphological component of l e v e l

I, then high vowel syncopation must occur i n the phonological component

of l e v e l I since the r u l e i s s e n s i t i v e t o the-boundary information bet-

ween Sino-Japanese elements o f compounds. That boundary information i s

l o s t through bracket erasure by the time the compound reaches l e v e l I I .

An i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t about Japanese i s that one never finds com-

pounds of three bound forms. The t h i r d element, i f present, i s always

28
free. A l s o , as p r e v i o u s l y noted, h i g h vowel syncopation never occurs a t

t h e boundary c r e a t e d by t h e t h i r d element. It i s difficult to imagine

how t h e s e two f a c t s c o u l d be a c c o u n t e d f o r i n any framework o t h e r t h a n

t h e one o u t l i n e d here. A p p a r e n t l y , t h e compounding o f monomorphemes

( u s u a l l y Sino-Japanese morphemes) t a k e s p l a c e a t l e v e l I and a l l s u b s e -

quent compounding i n v o l v i n g t h i r d members must be p o s t p o n e d until level

II. As an example o f t h i s l e v e l - o r d e r e d process, the d e r i v a t i o n a l his-

tories of (42a) and (44b) ( s e e - ( 4 5 ) ) a r e compared i n ( 4 7 ) .

(47) (a) /metu + s u r u / (b) /ma + metu + s u r u /

Level I
moncmorphemic compd metu + s u r u ma + metu
high V syncopation 0
coda government s

Level I I
compounding ma-metu + s u r u

mes-suru ma-metu-suru

In (47), t h e u of. ma-metu c a n n o t be d e l e t e d a t l e v e l I s i n c e i t i s not

i n a s u i t a b l e environment f o r h i g h vowel syncopation. At l e v e l I I , i t

c a n n o t be d e l e t e d , because h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n i s n o t a v a i l a b l e a t

that level.

In t h e same manner, i t i s e a s y t o a c c o u n t f o r the f a i l u r e of the

u o f z i - r y o k u (39) t o d e l e t e .

29
(48) / z i + ryoku + k e i /

Level I
monomorphemic compd z i + ryoku
high V syncopation

Level I I
compounding zi-ryoku + k e i

zi-ryoku-kei

30
Notes for Chapter V:

1. I n s t a n c e s o f t u and k u outnumber t h o s e o f t i and k i by o v e r f i v e t o

one.

2. The a p p l i c a t i o n o f h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n i s more r e s t r i c t e d i n t h e
c a s e o f morphemes e n d i n g i n k i and k u t h a n i t i s f o r t h o s e e n d i n g i n
t i and t u . I n t h e f o r m e r , t h e h i g h v o w e l i s o n l y d e l e t e d when t h e
f o l l o w i n g consonant i s a k.

(a) t e k i + koku > tek-koku 'enemy c o u n t r y '

gaku + koo > gak-koo 'school'

(b) seki + tan > seki-tan 'coal'

t o k u + hon > toku-hon 'anthology'

Of t h e two, ku morphemes a r e l e s s p r o b l e m a t i c a l t h a t k i morphemes

w h i c h sometimes d i s p l a y o p t i o n a l h i g h v o w e l d e l e t i o n and sometimes do
not permit i t a t a l l .

(c) s e k i + kan > s e k i - k a n o r sek-kan 'sarcophagus'

h e k i + ken > heki-ken ' p r e j u d i c e ' (*hek-ken)
t e k i + ka > teki-ka ' d r i p ' (*tek-ka)

31
 Chapter VT
Accent System: Further Evidence for Levels I and II

The rudimentary l e v e l - o r d e r e d d e s c r i p t i o n developed i n the pre-

ceding chapter helps t o e x p l a i n a very s t r i k i n g p a t t e r n i n v o l v i n g the

accentual system.

S y l l a b l e s o f J a p a n e s e may c a r r y e i t h e r a h i g h tone (H) o r a low

tone (L). Only c e r t a i n p a t t e r n s o f tones a r e p e r m i t t e d . For example,

amongst t r i s y l l a b i c nouns t h a t a r e f o l l o w e d by m o n o s y l l a b i c c a s e mark-

ers, only four surface patterns are possible.

(49) H L L L
makura ga 'pillow'

L H L L
k o k o r o ga 'heart'

L H H L
atama ga 'head'

L H H H
sakana ga 'fish'

•Since t h e r e i s no more t h a n one p i t c h f a l l f r o m H t o L p e r word, e a c h

p a t t e r n c a n be p r e d i c t e d f r o m t h e p l a c e m e n t o f an a c c e n t mark (') mark-

ing that pitch f a l l . Words w i t h o u t a p i t c h f a l l a r e l e f t unaccented, as

i n sakana ga (50).

(50) ma'kura ga
k o k o ' r o ga
atama' ga
sakana ga

All s y l l a b l e s f o l l o w i n g t h e a c c e n t mark c a r r y L t o n e s , w h i l e most o f

t h o s e p r e c e d i n g t h e a c c e n t mark c a r r y H t o n e s . The e x c e p t i o n i s t h e

f i r s t s y l l a b l e w h i c h , i n t h e Tokyo d i a l e c t , i s L i f t h e f o l l o w i n g t o n e

32
i s H. Notice that i n i s o l a t i o n atama' and unaccented sakana carry iden-

t i c a l tone patterns.

(51) L H H L H H
atama sakana

Thus, the accentedness of a word often cannot be determined c o n c l u s i v e l y

from i t s tone pattern heard i n i s o l a t i o n .

In contrast t o nouns, verbs and adjectives have only two accen-

t u a l p o s s i b l i t i e s regardless of length. To best understand these pat-

terns i t i s e a s i e s t t o think i n terms of rnorae rather than s y l l a b l e s .

The mora has been l i g h t h e a r t e d l y defined by McCawley (1977) as "some-

t h i n g of which a [heavy] s y l l a b l e c o n s i s t s of two and a [ l i g h t ] s y l -

l a b l e c o n s i s t s of one". Since a heavy s y l l a b l e c o n s i s t s of what would

make up a l i g h t s y l l a b l e , plus a d d i t i o n a l material, one can take the

i n i t i a l (C)V- of a heavy s y l l a b l e t o be i t s f i r s t mora and the remaining

-V or -C t o be i t s second mora. Thus semboo envy' can be divided i n t o

two s y l l a b l e s (sem-boo) and four morae (se-m-bo-o).

Verb and a d j e c t i v e stems are accented e i t h e r on the penultimate

mora ( i . e . the p i t c h f a l l s a f t e r the penultimate mora) or not at a l l .

(52) (a) ta'be-] v 'eat'

tano'm-]V 'ask f o r '

ake-] 'open' (unaccentable)

V
susum- ]V 'advance' (unaccentable)

(b) ta'ka-] 'high'

A
kura-] 'dark' (unaccentable)
A

33
 Concatenations o f d e r i v a t i o n a l s u f f i x e s may be a t t a c h e d t o t h e

v e r b o r a d j e c t i v e stem. The s u f f i x a t i o n o f e a c h s u c c e s s i v e morpheme

c r e a t e s a new, l o n g e r s t e m t h a t , l i k e t h e s h o r t e r stems, i s a c c e n t e d on

t h e stem p e n u l t i m a t e mora. P r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d a c c e n t s a r e dropped

in f a v o u r o f t h e newest, r i g h t m o s t a c c e n t . Concatenations b u i l t on un

a c c e n t e d stems r e m a i n u n a c c e n t e d (53a). In (53) the s u f f i x e s i n paren-

theses are present i n d i c a t i v e i n f l e c t i o n s t h a t w i l l be i g n o r e d f o r t h e

t i m e being"'".

(53) (a) ake]y+ (ru) > ake-(ru) 'open'

ake] + sase] +
v v (ru) > ake-sase-(ru) 'makes o p e n '

(b) tabe] + v (ru) > ta'be-(ru) 'eat'

ta'be] + v sase] + v (ru) > tabe-sa'se-(ru) 'makes e a t '

tabe-sa'se] + v rare] + v (ru) > tabe-sase-ra're-(ru)

'makes e a t (pas)'

(c) yom] + (ru)

v > yo'm-(ru) 'read'

yo'm] + t a ] + v A (i) > yom-i'-ta-(i) 2

'want t o r e a d '

yam-i'-ta] + gar] + A v (ru) > yom-i-ta-ga'r-(ru)

'behaves l i k e he wants t o r e a d '

R e l a t i n g t h i s s e c t i o n t o t h e p r e v i o u s one, v e r b s c a n be d e r i v e d .

from Sino-Japanese monomorphemes, compounds, and o t h e r v e r b a l nouns by

suru. One m i g h t e x p e c t t h a t t h e d e r i v e d v e r b s w o u l d a l l be a c c e n t e d on

the stem-penultimate mora ( i . e . s t e m ] + s u r u ]

V N v > stem-su'ru]^)

according t o the p a t t e r n evident i n (53). Yet the expected accent

p l a c e m e n t o n l y o c c u r s when s u r u i s a t t a c h e d t o a monomorpheme (54a).

When s u r u i s a t t a c h e d t o a compound, t h e o r i g i n a l a c c e n t o f t h e compound

prevails (54b).

34
(54) (a) a ' i ] ^

ai-su'ru] v 'love'

sa'n]^

san-su'ru] v 'produce'

(b) se'i-ri]^,

se ' i - r i - s u r u ] v 'arrange'

*sei-ri-su'ru

ki-to']^

ki-to'-suru] v 'scheme'

*ki-to-su'ru]
V

The d i f f e r e n c e between the (a) and (b) patterns i n (54) can

e a s i l y be accounted f o r by p l a c i n g the verbal and a d j e c t i v a l accent r u l e

i n the phonological component of l e v e l I.

(55) (a) / a ' i + suru/ (b) /se' + i r i + suru/

level I
monomorphemic compd a'i]™ + s u r u ] v s e
' W i r i ]
VN
V/A accent ai-su r u ] v

level II
compounding s e ' - i r i l y j ^ i - suru]

ai-su ru se - l r i - s u r u -V

As shown i n (53), the f o l l o w i n g s u f f i x e s provide input t o the

level I V/A accent r u l e : -rare (passive), -sase (causative), - t a

(desiderative), and -gar (A—>V). Consequently, consider the e f f e c t s of

the concatenation i n (56) (from M a r t i n (1975)):

35
(56) tabe] +sase]y+rare] +ta] +gar]y-i-(ru)
v v A > tabe-sase-rare-ta-gar-ru

'make him behave l i k e he wants to be eaten'

Another s u f f i x , the semblative - r a s i 'seems like', can f i t i n t o t h i s

sequence of s u f f i x e s before -gar, e.g. o t o k o ] ~ r a s i ] ~ g a r ] ~ ( r u ) N A v

"behaves i n a manly fashion', - r a s i derives a d j e c t i v e s from nouns

(primarily), from a few verbs, and even from a few adjectives.

(57) otoko] ~rasi] -i N A > otoko-rasi ' - i 'man-1ike '

ame] ~rasi] -i
N A > ame-rasi'-i 'rain-like'

' kitana] ~rasi ] - i A A > k i t a n a - r a s i ' - i 'dirty-looking'

niku] -rasi] ~i
A A > niku-rasi'-i 'hateful-looking'

The s u f f i x -kata i s a verb nominalizer that can attach to v i r -

t u a l l y any verb (derived or nonderived) t o derive an a b s t r a c t noun. The

nouns created by -kata are unusual^ i n that they seem capable of being

accented by the V/A accent r u l e . Unaccentable verb stems y i e l d unaccen-

t a b l e nouns (58a) and accentable become accentable on the penultimate

mora (58b), just l i k e ordinary verbs and adjectives.

(58) (a) unaccentable verb stems

ake] + k a t a ] ^
v > ake-kata 'way t o open'

umare] + k a t a ] v N > umare-kata 'way of being born'

(b) accentable verb stems

mi]y+sase] + k a t a ] v N > mi-sase-ka'ta

'way of causing to see'

kawai] + garJ + k a t a ]
A v N > kawai-gar-(i)-ka'ta
'way of being loved'

Since a l l the s u f f i x e s -sase, -rare, - t a , - r a s i , -gar, and -kata .

provide input t o the V/A accent r u l e , a l l of them must be added a t the

36
same l e v e l as t h e r u l e , i.e. l e v e l I. I f t h i s were not so and - r a r e ,

f o r example, were added a t a l a t e r l e v e l , then *tabe-sa'se-rare-(ru)

'cause t o be eaten' would be the expected accentuation. The s u f f i x e s of

(59) occur a t l e v e l I .

(59) -;sase (causative)

-rare (passive)

-ta (desiderative)

-rasi (semblative)

-gar (A—>V)

-kata (N,V,A—>N)

Up t o t h i s point, then, the f o l l o w i n g morphological and phonolo-

g i c a l processes have been i d e n t i f i e d a t the f i r s t two l e v e l s of Japanese

grammar.

;60) Level I

rnonomorphemic compd high vowel syncopation

d e r i v a t i o n : -sase V/A accent

-rare
-ta
-rasi
-gar
-kata

Level I I

compounding

37
Notes for Chapter VI

1. As noted i n Chapter I I , these i n f l e c t i o n s are not a v a i l a b l e u n t i l

l a t e r i n the grammar. The minor e f f e c t s on accent of a few i n f l e c -
. t i o n s w i l l be discussed i n Chapter IX.

2. The extra i i s a stem formative which i s automatically s u f f i x e d t o

consonant-final verb stems. However, under c e r t a i n conditions, the i
may not be expressed. See Chapter IX.

3. Suru i s an i r r e g u l a r verb, making i t impossible t o decide exactly

what c o n s t i t u t e s the verb root and what c o n s t i t u t e s the i n f l e c t i o n .
Since t h i s issue does not a f f e c t the a n a l y s i s , suru i s introduced
here as a complete u n i t rather than as two separate morphemes.

4. Normally the accentuation of derived nouns i s much l e s s p r e d i c t a b l e .

38
 Chapter VII

- ' s i , -"ka, and -teki: Further Evidence for Levels I and II

U s i n g the l e v e l o r d e r e d d e s c r i p t i o n i n (60), ' s i 'regard as', 'ka

'-ize', and t e k i '-type, - i c , - i c a l ' can now be placed a t appropriate

levels. T r a d i t i o n a l l y these morphemes have been analyzed as s u f f i x e s

(Martin, 1975), but evidence presented i n t h i s section challenges that

view. The t r a d i t i o n a l a n a l y s i s i s based mainly on the observation that

these morphemes u s u a l l y occupy p o s i t i o n s t o the r i g h t of l e x i c a l mor-

phemes, s l o t s t y p i c a l l y occupied by s u f f i x e s . Also, as with s u f f i x e s ,

t h e i r function seems p r i m a r i l y grammatical.

F i r s t consider ' s i and "ka. Both attach almost e x c l u s i v e l y to

f o r e i g n nouns and a d j e c t i v a l nouns (mostly Chinese and English o r i g i n )

t o derive verbal nouns. A d j e c t i v a l nouns (AN), l i k e verbal nouns, com-

p r i s e a s p e c i a l l e x i c a l category i n Japanese. They share properties of

both nouns and adjectives. Interestingly, a l l borrowed f o r e i g n adjec-

t i v e s f a l l i n t o the a d j e c t i v a l noun category (Kageyama, 1982). Martin

(1975) suggests that ' s i d e r i v a t i v e s are bound i n the sense that they

are u s u a l l y followed d i r e c t l y by suru. The verbal nouns created by 'ka,

on the other hand, may o p t i o n a l l y take suru. Both morphemes are l e x -

i c a l l y pre-accented which causes the p i t c h of a derived form t o fall

a f t e r the penultimate mora of the stem.

39
(61) betu] + B 'SOJVN > be's-si 'disregard'
from b e t u - 'contempt'

gen] + B 'si]^ —> ge'n-si 'visual h a l l u c i n a t i o n '

from gen- 'supernatural'

koku] + B 'JsaJvN > ko'k-ka 'blackening'

from koku- 'black'

kotu] + F 'kalyjj > ko'k-ka 'ossification'

from k o t u 'bone'

The examples i n ( 6 1 ) show t h a t b o t h ' s i and 'ka a t t a c h t o ( S i n o -

Japanese) morphemes (bound and f r e e ) and t r i g g e r h i g h v o w e l syncopation.

This involvement w i t h h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n " f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e s ' s i and

"ka a t l e v e l I. But t h e r e i s e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e s e morphemes may also be

added a t l e v e l I I . When a t t a c h e d t o Sino-Japanese compounds o f two or

more elements, h i g h vowel s y n c o p a t i o n does n o t occur.

(62) (a) t o k u + betu] g+ AI "si]y^+ suru]y > toku-betu'-si-suru

'regard as s p e c i a l ' (from t o k u b e t u 'special')

*toku-be ' s - s i - s u r u

(b) doo + i t u ] ^ * "si]yfl+ s u r u ] v > doo-itu'-si-suru

'regard as i d e n t i c a l ' (from d o c i t u 'sameness')

*doo-i's-si-suru

(c) g e n + zitu]y^+ ' k a ] ^ > gen-zitu'-ka 'actualization'

*gen-zi'k-ka

The pattern i n (62) i s s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r t o that i n v o l v i n g suru i n

(44), w h i c h i n d i c a t e s t h a t ' s i ( 6 3 ) and Tea must be available at level

I I a s w e l l a s a t l e v e l I.

40
(63) /toku + betu + ' s i + suru/ (62a)

Level I
S-J compounding t o k u ]
AN +
k^-^AN

Level II
' s i attachment t o k u - b e t u ] ^ + 'sijyjj
compounding toku-betu- 3 1 ] ^ + suru]y

toku-betu- 'si-suru

C o n c l u s i v e evidence o f the l e v e l I I nature o f ' s i i s found i n (64) where

'si i s c l e a r l y attached outside a level I I compound.

(64) (a) kiken-zimbutu 'a dangerous c h a r a c t e r '

(b) kiken-zimbutu'-si-suru 'regard a s a dangerous c h a r a c t e r '
(c) *zimbutu'-si-suru
(d) kiken'-si-suru 'look askance a t '

In (64b), ' s i must be a t t a c h e d t o t h e compound k i k e n - z i m b u t u a s a whole,

and n o t t o t h e s i n g l e word zimbutu, s i n c e *zimbutu'-si-suru (64c) i s

ungrammatical. S i n c e t h e t y p e o f compounding shown i n (64a) i s a l e v e l

I I phenomenon and s i n c e ' s i i s added a f t e r t h e compounding (i.e. i s

a t t a c h e d t o t h e compound), ' s i must o c c u r a t l e a s t a t l e v e l I I .

I t would a l s o appear t h a t lea i s a t t a c h e d o u t s i d e l e v e l I I com-

pounds, s i n c e 'ka i s n e v e r found compound-internally (65c). Therefore,

'ka must a l s o be found a t l e a s t a t l e v e l I I .

(65) (a) zyuukagaku-koogyoo 'heavy c h e m i c a l i n d u s t r y '

(b) zyuukagaku-koogyoo-ka "heavy c h e m i c a l i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n '
(c) *zyuukagaku'-ka-koogyoo

There i s s t r o n g evidence, then, t h a t ' s i and "ka a r e added a t

both levels I and I I . U s i n g t h e same t y p e o f arguments, i t c a n be

determined t h a t t e k i i s a l s o a b i - l e v e l morpheme, t e k i attaches t o

nouns, t h e v a s t m a j o r i t y o f w h i c h a r e [ + f o r e i g n ] (mostly Sino-Japanese),

to derive adjectival nouns. Translated i n t o English, t e k i imparts a

41
meaning something l i k e "-type, - i c , or - i c a l " . A l l t e k i d e r i v a t i v e s are

unaccented even i f the stem o r i g i n a l l y c a r r i e d a l e x i c a l accent"'". As

exemplified i n (66a), t e k i attaches t o Sino-Japanese monomorphemes and

undergoes high vowel syncopation, e s t a b l i s h i n g i t a t l e v e l I. As

expected, high vowel syncopation does not apply a f t e r attachment t o

Sino-Japanese bimorphemes (66b), which i n d i c a t e s that a l e v e l II t e k i i s

involved.

(66) (a) si-teki 'poetic' (from s i ] N 'poetry')

but-teki 'physical' (from b u t u ] N 'material')

(b) gi-zutu-teki ' t e c h n i c a l ' (from g i - z u t u ] N 'technique')

*gi-zut-teki

hoo-katu-teki ' i n c l u s i v e ' (from hoo-katu] N 'inclusion'

*hoo-kat-teki

The f a c t that t e k i can be attached t o various kinds of elements ranging

ing from simple nouns t o long compounds such as taisyuu-syoosetu-teki

'popular-novelish' has lead Kageyama (1982) t o a l s o conclude that t e k i

i s found a t l e v e l II .

So i t would seem t h a t ' s i , Tea, and t e k i each occur on a t l e a s t

two d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . I f the -three are i n f a c t s u f f i x e s as i s commonly

supposed, then the s i t u a t i o n i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y complex. Amongst the l a n -

guages of the world, i t i s u s u a l l y observed t h a t each language has a

f i x e d sequence t o i t s s u f f i x e s , whereby s u f f i x X always precedes s u f f i x

Y ( i f present) which, i n turn, precedes a f f i x Z ( i f present), and so on.

The ordering of the sequence i s determined i n two ways. F i r s t l y , each

s u f f i x i s ordered ( i f necessary) with respect t o the other s u f f i x e s

42
w i t h i n i t s l e v e l and, secondly, s u f f i x e s of lower l e v e l s always precede

those of higher l e v e l s . Thus, i n (67), a p e r m i s s i b l e s u f f i x sequence i s

A-C-Z, but not *C-A-Z or *A-Z-C.

(67) level I A > B > C

level II X > Y > Z

Needless t o say, i f the same s u f f i x e s appear a t more than one l e v e l ,

then numerous ordering paradoxes are possible. In (68), f o r example, a

sequence such as A-B-A would be p o s s i b l e even though A i s ordered before

B at level I.

(68) level I A > B > C

level II A > Y > Z

If some s u f f i x e s i n Japanese have b i - l e v e l membership, then one would

expect t o f i n d ordering paradoxes throughout the language. In a c t u a l -

i t y , such paradoxes are a t best rare. I t i s p o s s i b l e that the grammar

of Japanese i s complex enough t o ensure that paradoxes are f i l t e r e d out

before they surface. In t h i s case, though, there i s evidence that the

three "suffixes" are a c t u a l l y bound l e x i c a l morphemes and not s u f f i x e s

at a l l .

Dealing f i r s t with ' s i , examination of (61), (62a, b), and (64)

reveals c e r t a i n s i m i l a r i t i e s between the English glosses f o r ' s i

"suffixed" words. Most glosses take the form 'regard as X'. For exam-

ple, i n (61a) ge'n-si 'visual hallucination', gen- i s more r e l a t e d t o to

' h a l l u c i n a t i o n ' than t o ' v i s u a l ' . In zu'nsi- 'tour of inspection', zun-

means 'tour'. In these two words, then, ' s i seems t o mean 'visual' and

'inspection' r e s p e c t i v e l y , both of which are r e l a t e d t o "seeing". Even

43
 r e g a r d as X' i n t u i t i v e l y i n v o l v e s "seeing", i.e. 'seeing as X'. This,

impression i s borne out by the words i n (69) where ' s i i s the f i r s t

member of compounds and, just l i k e the a l l e g e d s u f f i x ' s i , c a r r i e s the

meaning "seeing, visual, etc.".

(69) si-tyoo 'sight and hearing'

si'-wa ' l i p reading ( v i s i b l e speech)'

si'-ya 'field of v i s i o n '

Incidently, i t may a l s o be pointed out that 'si i s w r i t t e n i n Japanese

with the same character no matter whether i t s p o s i t i o n i s w o r d - i n i t i a l

or - f i n a l . I t i s hypothesized here, therefore, that the two 'si's

( w o r d - i n i t i a l and word-final) are the same morpheme. Since true suf-

f i x e s never occupy a w o r d - i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n , a case can be made that ' s i

i s j u s t an ordinary Sino-Japanese verbal noun that i s capable of com-

pounding with other Sino-Japanese morphemes.

As with ' s i , 'ka may a l s o appear as the f i r s t member of a com-

pound and can be considered a l e x i c a l Sino-Japanese morpheme. An i n t e r -

e s t i n g t w i s t i s that, a t l e a s t i n the case of (70), the ordering of the

members has no discernable e f f e c t on the meaning of the compound.

(70) ko'k-ka 'ossification' (from kotu 'bone' + 'ka)

ka-kotu 'ossification' (from 'ka + kotu)

I t i s more d i f f i c u l t t o prove that t e k i may occur as the f i r s t

element of a compound. There are a few instances of compounds that

begin with a t e k i (71) that i s w r i t t e n with the same Japanese character

as the s u f f i x - l i k e t e k i of (66), but the problem i s demonstrating that

the two are one and the same.

44
(71) teki-tyuu ' h i t t h e mark'

teki-kaku 'accurate'

Neither o f t h e two t e k i ' s has a c l e a r l y defined semantic content that i s

c a r r i e d w i t h i t f r o m compound t o compound, so a d i r e c t c o m p a r i s o n o f the

meanings o f t h e two teki's i s problematical. However, s i n c e , i n the

examples I have s t u d i e d , Japanese c h a r a c t e r s a r e r e l i a b l e "tags" identi-

f y i n g w h i c h morpheme i s w h i c h , I w i l l assume t h a t t h e t e k i o f (66) i s

t h e same as t h a t i n (71). Under t h a t a s s u m p t i o n , teki is a lexical

morpheme.

I t c a n be c o n c l u d e d , t h e n , t h a t ' s i , 'ka, a n d t e k i a r e a l l b o u n d

l e x i c a l morphemes t h a t may appear a t any l e v e l t h a t p e r m i t s compounding

(i.e. l e v e l s I and II).

45
Notes for Chapter VTI

1. The p r e c i s e mechanism o f t h i s phenomenon i s u n c l e a r , and a c o m p l e t e

i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s beyond t h e scope o f t h i s t h e s i s .

2. Kageyama a p p a r e n t l y r e j e c t s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t e k i m i g h t a l s o be
found a t l e v e l I. However, s i n c e h i s work i s b a s e d s o l e l y on morpho-
l o g i c a l d a t a , he has n o t c o n s i d e r e d t h e c r u c i a l p h o n o l o g i c a l e v i d e n c e
t h a t has l e a d me t o my b i - l e v e l interpretation.

46
 Chapter VIII

Stem Formatives and s/r Deletion

Most v e r b r o o t s are consonant-final (e.g. kak- 'write') rather

than v o w e l - f i n a l (e.g. t a b e - 'eat'). Complicated phonological inter-

a c t i o n s may r e s u l t when t h e s e r o o t - f i n a l c o n s o n a n t s a r e b r o u g h t adjacent

o t h e r consonants. Two o f t h e s e i n t e r a c t i o n s i n v o l v e stem f o r m a t i v e s and

s/r d e l e t i o n .

VTII.l: Stem Formative i

When t - a n d k-initial s u f f i x e s are attached to consonant-final

roots at level I, an i n t e r v e n i n g i materializes (72b-e). This inter-

v e n i n g i does n o t appear f o l l o w i n g a v o w e l - f i n a l r o o t (72a).

(72) (a) tabe + t a + ( i ) > tabe-ta-(i) 'want t o e a t '

(b) tat + ta + (i) > . t a t - i - t a - ( i ) • 'want t o s t a n d '
(c) kak + t a + ( i ) > kak-i-ta-(i) 'want t o w r i t e '
(d) kak + k a t a > kak-i-kata 'way t o w r i t e '
(e) s i n + kata > sin-i-kata 'way t o d i e '

The n a t u r e o f t h i s i n t e r v e n i n g _i has been t h e s u b j e c t o f considerable

debate i n the literature. As n o t e d i n t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h i s paper,

phonological and morphological analyses have been propounded t o a c c o u n t

f o r the i n s e r t i o n , non-insertion, and/or d e l e t i o n o f t h e i.. E v i d e n c e f o r

t r e a t i n g the i_ as e p e n t h e t i c i s weak, s i n c e i t does n o t appear t o serve

a phonological f u n c t i o n . I f t h e i_ were s e r v i n g a p h o n o l o g i c a l function,

i t s p r e s e n c e w o u l d r e d u c e t h e markedness o f t h e s y s t e m by b r e a k i n g up

unacceptable consonant c l u s t e r s , smoothing out s y l l a b l e contours, or

m a x i m i z i n g t h e number o f unmarked s y l l a b l e s . Examination of (72), f o r

example, r e v e a l s t h a t t h e f u n c t i o n o f t h e i n t e r v e n i n g i i s p l a i n l y not

47
to break up unacceptable consonant c l u s t e r s and thereby maximize the

number of unmarked CV s y l l a b l e s . Geminate stops such as the t - t and k-k

broken up i n (72b) and (72d) r e s p e c t i v e l y , and the n-k c l u s t e r broken

up i n (72e) are a l l p e r f e c t l y acceptable. Furthermore, the same i n t e r -

vening i appears a f t e r consonant-final i n i t i a l members of verb com-

pounds, regardless of whether the second member o f the compound i s

consonant- (73a) or v o w e l - i n i t i a l (73b).

(73) (a) kak] + yam] + (ru) -—> kak-i-yam-(ru)

v v 'write-stop'

yob] + das] + (ru) —-> yob-i-das-(ru)

v v 'call-stop'

°y°g]v + k i r
]v +
~ —> oycg-i-kir-(ru) 'swim-through'

(b) yom] + owar] +(ru)

v v —-> yart-i-owar-(ru) 'read-finishes'

k i k ] + a k i r ] + (ru) -— >
v v kik-i-akir-(ru) "hear-wearies'

u r ] + i s o g ] + (ru) —-> u r - i - i s o g - ( r u )
v v 'sell-busy

The data of (73b) show c l e a r l y that the purpose of the i_ i s not phono-

l o g i c a l , since i t s presence adds t o the markedness of the s t r i n g by

c r e a t i n g two n u c l e i adjacent t o each other. I t would appear that the

only c o n s i s t e n t function of the i i s a morphological one t o a c t as a

stem formative t o create v o w e l - f i n a l verb roots i n a l l cases. As w i l l

become c l e a r e r subsequently, i t turns out that a morphological a n a l y s i s

i n v o l v i n g a stem formative i s best able t o handle the observed data.

The stem formative i i s introduced by r u l e (74) f o l l o w i n g each

consonant-final verb stem a t l e v e l I. Once introduced, the stem forma-

t i v e has a rather tenuous existence. As w i l l be shown l a t e r , i f the

d e r i v a t i o n a l f u n c t i o n of the stem formative i s unused, the _i w i l l simply

drop. This ephemeral nature suggests the stem formative lacks the per-

manence of an associated s k e l e t a l point. For t h i s reason, the i i s

48
introduced as a f l o a t i n g segment (see c h a p t e r I I I ]

(74) stem formative

0 > i ] v / C] v

To see how the stem f o r m a t i v e functions, consider the three

dimensional a n a l y s i s of (72e) presented i n (75).

(75) s i n + kata > sin-i-kata (72e)

(a) l e v e l I, c y c l e I: extrametricality, syllabification

$
/ \
0 N
1
1
X X X
1
1
s i n]
V
[ex]

(b) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : stem formative

$
/ \
0 N

X X X

s i n] i] v v

[ex]

I t i s assumed h e r e t h a t t h e mere segmental p r e s e n c e o f t h e f l o a t i n g i o f

t h e stem f o r m a t i v e does n o t d i s r u p t t h e e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y o f t h e n. That

is, s i n c e i t i s t h e s k e l e t a l X p o i n t s r a t h e r t h a n t h e segments them-

selves which are p r o s o d i c a l l y relevant, i t may be hypothesized" - t h a t

1
the

s k e l e t a l point dominating n w i l l r e t a i n i t s extraprosodic s t a t u s as long

as i t i s the rightmost s k e l e t a l p o i n t i n the s t r i n g . Presumably o n l y a

segment w i t h an a s s o c i a t e d s k e l e t a l p o i n t would p r e c i p i t a t e the l o s s of

extrametricality.

49
 Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n are obligated to s y l l a b i f y a l l s k e l e t a l

points that are v i s i b l e to them. Once that i s accomplished, and i f the

r e s u l t a n t s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s unmarked, then s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s complete

and the r u l e s are "content". In (75b), an unmarked s y l l a b l e has been

created and the extrametrical consonant and the f l o a t i n g i_ are prosodi-

cally invisible. Therefore, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s complete f o r that cycle.

[75) (c) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I I : bracket erasure, d e r i v a t i o n , l o s s

of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y

$ $ $
/ \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N
1
1
X X X X X
I1
s i n i] v k a a] N

The a d d i t i o n of the new material -kata, forces the loss of extrametrical-

ity. The formerly extrametrical n i s now v i s i b l e t o the r u l e s of s y l -

l a b i f i c a t i o n and must be s y l l a b i f i e d . In t h i s case, the n cannot be

s y l l a b i f i e d as a coda, because i t cannot be governed d i r e c t l y by the

f o l l o w i n g onset k due t o the presence of the intervening _ i . With no

other options, the r u l e s of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n are forced t o punch some

holes i n the side of the ship and look f o r segments without portholes

that might be of assistance. The f l o a t i n g i i s discovered, provided

w i t h a porthole (point), and i s pressed i n t o s y l l a b i c s e r v i c e (75d).

(75) (d) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I I : resyllabification

$ $ $ $
/ \ / \ / \ / \
0 N 0
1 1 |
1 1 1
X X X
1
1
s i n ] v k a t a] N

50
 Consideration of a second type of example shows that the l e v e l I

f l o a t i n g stem formative accounts well f o r patterns evident a t l e v e l II

where the i appears between elements of verbal compounds (73). The

d e r i v a t i o n a l h i s t o r y of (73a) i s traced i n (76).

(76) kak + yam + (ru) > kak-i-yam-(ru) (73a)

(a) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n ,
stem formative

$
/ \
0 N
1 I
X X X
k a k] i ]y y

At l e v e l I, yam- follows a s i m i l a r d e r i v a t i o n a l h i s t o r y t o kak-. At

l e v e l I I , however, there are some d i f f e r e n c e s which, though i l l u s t r a t e d

below, w i l l be discussed i n d e t a i l i n chapter IX.

(75) (b) l e v e l I I , c y c l e I: compounding, loss of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y

$ $
/ \ / \
O N O N
I I I I
X X X X X X '

[ k a k ilyty a m
[ex]

(c) l e v e l I I , c y c l e I: s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n ( c f . (75d))

$ $ $
/ \ / \ . / \
0 N 0 N 0 N
1 1
1 1
X X X X X X
1 1 1 l
[I a
1 1
k
1 .
1 a
1

MY

51
 . The examples i n (73b) are e s p e c i a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g since the second

members of the compounds are v o w e l - i n i t i a l . They w i l l be examined f u r -

ther i n s e c t i o n VIII.3.

VIII.2: s/r Deletion

When one of the s_- or r - i n i t i a l s u f f i x e s of l e v e l I attaches t o a

consonant-final verb root, the s or r d e l e t e s .

(77) (a) ake + sase + (ru) > ake-sase-(ru) 'open (caus) '
(b) ake + rare + (ru) > ake-rare-(ru) 'open (pas)'
(c) hanas + sase + (ru) > hanas-ase-(ru) 'speak (caus)'
(d) isog + sase + (ru) > isog-ase-(ru) 'hurry (caus)'
(e) isog + r a s i + (i) > isog-asi-(i) ' i s busy'
(f) itam + r a s i + (i) > itam-asi-(i) ' i s sad'
(g) yorokob + r a s i + ( i ) > yorokob-asi-(i) 'is joyful'
(h) wakar + rare + (ru) > wakar-are-(ru) 'understand.(pas) '
(i) s i n + rare + (ru) > sin-are-(ru) 'die (pas)'

There are two p o s s i b l e analyses of t h i s process, one i n v o l v i n g a s p e c i a l

s/r d e l e t i o n r u l e and the other, with a s l i g h t modification, being a

consequence of three dimensional representation.

Under the former analysis, the appropriate s/r d e l e t i o n r u l e can-

not simply delete every s or r i n the language that follows a consonant

(*s/r > 0 / C] v ). The c l u s t e r s s-s and n-r, f o r example, are

very common even though the s/r d e l e t i o n r u l e functions t o delete the

second segment i n cases l i k e (77c) and (77i). Neither can the appropri-

ate r u l e simply delete every s_ or r that follows a consonant-final stem

(*s/r > 0 / C] ), since c l u s t e r s such as n-r and n-s are r e g u l a r i -

ly found across ] N boundaries (e.g. ken] + r o ]

N N > ken-ro 'steep path')

(cf. 7 7 i ) . I n f a c t , s / r d e l e t i o n o n l y a p p l i e s t o the i n i t i a l s o r r o f

verbal s u f f i x e s , f o l l o w i n g consonant-final verb roots. A suitable s/r

d e l e t i o n r u l e , then, would be (78). Note that the r u l e a l s o deletes the

52
skeletal point associated with the s o r r .

(78) s/r deletion

X
| >0/ c ] v _ _
s/r

A sample a n a l y s i s u t i l i z i n g (78) i s p r e s e n t e d i n ( 7 9 ) .

(79) hanas + s a s e + ( r u ) > hanas-ase-(ru) (77c)

(a) level I, c y c l e I: extrametricality, syllabification

$ $
/ \ / \
0 N 0 N
1
1
X X X X
1
1
h a n a s] v

[ex}

(b) level I, c y c l e I I : derivation, loss of extrametricality

$ $ $ $
/ \ / \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N N 0 N
1 1 1 l 1
1 1 l 1 1
X X X X X X X
1 1 l l 1 1
1 1 1 1 1 1
h a n a SJy S aa o s ^
e]Jy

At t h i s p o i n t the f o r m e r l y e x t r a m e t r i c a l s_ c a n be s y l l a b i f i e d a s a coda

s i n c e i t i s g o v e r n a b l e by a f o l l o w i n g onset.

(c) level I, cycle I I : syllabification

$
/ \
$ / \ $ $
/ \ / / \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N C 0 N 0 N
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
X X X X X X X X X
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
h a n a s] v
s a s e

53
The i n i t i a l s o f sase i s then d e l e t e d by r u l e ( 7 8 ) .

(79) -(d) level I, cycle I I : £ deletion

$
/ \
$ / \ $
/ \ / / \ / \
0 N 0 N C N 0 N
1 1 1 1
1 1 1 1
X X X X X X X X
1 1 1 1 1 | 1 1
1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1
h a n a s ] v
a s e]V

Under t h i s a n a l y s i s , t h e d e l e t i o n o f t h e js seems u n m o t i v a t e d since i t

disrupts a stable s y l l a b l e structure. Following t h i s disruption, the

f o r m e r coda JB i s r e a n a l y z e d a s an o n s e t f o r t h e i s o l a t e d n u c l e u s a.

(e) level I, cycle I I : resyllabification

$ $ $ $
/ \ / \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N 0 N 0 N
1 1
1 1
X X X X X X X X
1 1
1 1
h a n a s] v a s e]V

The second p o s s i b l e a n a l y s i s o f s / r d e l e t i o n p o s i t s t h a t t h e i n i -

tial s or r of verbal suffixes i s lexically floating. The r e s u l t a n t

analysis i s more e l e g a n t t h a n (79) s i n c e a r u l e t h a t d i s r u p t s stable

syllable structure i s not required.

(80) hanas + s a s e + ( r u ) > hanas-ase-(ru) (77c)

(a) level I, cycle I: extrametricality, syllabification

$ $
/ \ /\
0 N 0 N
1 1 1 1
1 1 1 1
X X X X
I
1
h a n a
[ex]

54
(80) (b) level I, c y c l e I I : derivation, loss of extrametricality

$ $ $ $
/ \ / \ I / \
0 N 0 N N 0 N
1 1 1 1
1 1 1 1 I I I
X X X X X X X X

h a n a s] v s a s e] v

Rules of s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n proceed t o s y l l a b i f y (80b). In t h i s case, the

final s_ o f hanas- can a c t as an o n s e t f o r t h e i s o l a t e d nucleus a o f

-sase. The r e s u l t a n t s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n i s c o m p l e t e l y unmarked and the

r u l e s are content. The floating s, then, i s not required and simply

drops out.

(80) (c) l e v e l I, c y c l e I I : resyllabification, d e l e t i o n of

f l o a t i n g segment

$ $ $ $
/ \ / \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N 0 N 0 N
1
1 1
| 1
1 1
I
1 I
X X X X X X X X

h a n a. s"l v a s e] v

T h i s second, more e l e g a n t a n a l y s i s i s chosen i n t h i s t h e s i s as t h e b e s t

alternative.

VTII.3: Level II Ccnipouriding Revisited

R e t u r n i n g t o t h e examples i n (73b), t h e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n o f verb

compounds whose second e l e m e n t s a r e v o w e l - i n i t i a l i s n o t as one might

predict at f i r s t . Consider (81).

55
(81) yom + owar + (ru) > ycm-i-owar-(ru)

(a) l e v e l I I , c y c l e I: loss of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y ( c f . 76b)

• $ $ $
/ \ | /\
0 N N 0 N
1
1
1
I 1 1
X X X
X X X 1 1 1
II I
1 I1
i] [ov w a r
[ex]

Based on (80b) and (80c), the f o l l o w i n g s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n and subsequent

d e l e t i o n of the f l o a t i n g _i might be expected.

(82) * $ $ $
/ \ / \ / \
0 N 0 N
1 1 I
1 1 1
X X X X
1 1 |
1 1 1
m] [ov
w a
[ex]

However, (82) does not occur. Instead, the f l o a t i n g _i i s provided with

a point, and r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n produces (81b).

(81) (b) l e v e l I I , cycle I: resyllabification

$ $ $ $
/ \ / \ I / \
0 N N 0 N
1
1
X X X X X
1 1 1 1 1
1 1 1 1 1
m i] [ov w a r...
[ex]

Apparently s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n across a ][ boundary i s prohibited, a con-

s t r a i n t that prevents (82) above from occurring.

56
Notes for Chapter VIII:

1. Following a suggestion of Shaw (personal communication).

57
 Chapter IX

Level III

The p r i n c i p a l morphological process that takes place a t l e v e l I I I

i s the a f f i x a t i o n of verbal and a d j e c t i v a l inflections. Ten v e r b a l and

nine a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n s are recognized by Bloch (1946).

Verbal Adjectival

indicative (Ind) -ru -i

past i n d i c a t i v e (PInd) -ta - 'katta

non-past presumptive (Pve) -yo'o -karo 'o

past presumptive (PPve) -taro 'o - 'kattaroo

conditiona1 (Cnd) - t a 'ra - 'kattara

alternative (Alt) -ta ' r i -'kattari

provis iona1 (Pro) -re'ba - 'kereba

i n f i n i t i v e (Inf) -0 -ku

gerundive (Ger) -te - 'kute

imperative (Imp) -0, -e, -ro

As exemplified throughout t h i s paper by the i n f l e c t i o n s -ru and

-i, every verb and adjective must have one (and only one) i n f l e c t i o n a l

s u f f i x ^ attached a t the very end of the word. Inflections are always

found outside the d e r i v a t i o n a l s u f f i x e s of l e v e l I, and are never found

inside l e v e l I I compounds (e.g. *mi-ru]y+ k i r - ( r u ) ] v 'see-cut'). These

f a c t s indicate that i n f l e c t i o n s are added l a t e r than l e v e l I I compound-

ing. In f a c t , phonological process associated with the a f f i x a t i o n of

these i n f l e c t i o n s show that they are found a t a completely d i f f e r e n t

l e v e l — l e v e l III.

58
IX. 1: Stem Formative Truncation

F i r s t of a l l , i t i s evident from (84) t h a t , i n most c a s e s , no

stem f o r m a t i v e i . o r any o t h e r t y p e o f i n t e r v e n i n g i i s i n s e r t e d between

c o n s o n a n t - f i n a l r o o t s and c o n s o n a n t - i n i t i a l inflections.

(84) (a) tat] + t a ]

v v > tat-ta 'stood'

*tat-i-ta

(b) kaw] + t a ] y
v > kat-ia 'bought'

*kaw-i-ta

(c) hur] + t a ]
v v > hut-ta 'rained'

*hur-i-ta

C l e a r l y t h e s t e m fornv-.tive t h a t p e r s i s t e d t h r o u g h l e v e l s I and I I i s

somehow t r u n c a t e d by t h e t i m e i t g e t s t o l e v e l III. In some sense this

t r u n c a t i o n i s reasonable. At e a r l y levels, the stem formative's func-

t i o n was d e r i v a t i o n a l , t o e n s u r e t h a t a l l v e r b r o o t s were v o w e l - f i n a l .

S i n c e a l l d e r i v a t i o n a l morphology i s c o m p l e t e d by t h e end o f l e v e l I I i n

Japanese, t h e r e i s no need f o r s t e m f o r m a t i v e s beyond t h a t p o i n t . The

complete d e r i v a t i o n o f (84c), then, i s presented i n (85).

(85) hut + t a > hut-ta (84c)

(a) level I: extrametricality, s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , stem

formative

$
/ \
0 N
1 I
X X X
I I I
h u t ] v i ] v

[ex]

59
 (b) l e v e l I I I : stem formative truncation, i n f l e c t i o n ,
loss of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y

$ $
/ \ / \
O N O N

X X X X X
I I I I I
h u t ] t v a] v

(c) l e v e l I I I : s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , coda government p r i n c i p l e ,

o b l i g a t o r y contour p r i n c i p l e

$
/ \
/ \ $
/ / \ / \
0 N C 0 N
1 I I ! I
X X X X X
I I \ / I
h u t a] v

IX.2: I n f i n i t i v e s / C o n n e c t i v e s

The Japanese language frequently uses i - f i n a l verbal constructions.

These are known v a r i o u s l y as i n f i n i t i v e s (Martin, 1975) or connectives.

(86) (a) yom] +[ v > yam-i 'read (inf).'

(b) sin] +[v > sin-i 'die (inf) '

(c) oyog]y+[ > oyog-i 'swim ( i n f ) '

T r a d i t i o n a l grammarians i d e n t i f y t h i s f i n a l i as a stem formative,

presuming i t t o be of the same o r i g i n as any other stem formative^.

However, i t has been shown i n the previous s e c t i o n that stem formatives

are truncated a t the beginning of l e v e l I I I . This means that the f i n a l

i of the examples i n (86) cannot p o s s i b l y be a stem formative, since i t

p e r s i s t s through l e v e l I I I . Furthermore, u n l i k e a stem formative, the

f i n a l i_ of the i n f i n i t i v e must be introduced complete with a s k e l e t a l

60
point. Consider (87). (87a) r e p r e s e n t s t h e f i r s t step i n the deriva-

tion o f yom-i read (inf)'. The t a r g e t s t r u c t u r e i s r e p r e s e n t e d i n

(87b).

[87) yom +• i > yom-i (86a)

(a) l e v e l I: e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y , s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , stem
formative

$
/ \
0 N

X X X

y o m] v i ] v

[ex]

(b) level I I I :

$ $
/ \ / \
0 N 0 N

X X X X

y o m] v i ] v

[ex]

If the f l o a t i n g stem formative i n (87a) were the same i_ present i n

(87b), then i t would be d i f f i c u l t t o motivate the target s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n

of (87b). In the f i r s t place, the i does not s t a r t out with a skeletal

point f o r s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n r u l e s t o work on and, secondly, the m i s

extrametrical and, hence, i n v i s i b l e t o the s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n r u l e s .

Instead, i t i s more p l a u s i b l e to truncate the stem formative at

the beginning of l e v e l I I I (87c) and then reintroduce an i_ (with a

skeletal point) as an i n f i n i t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n (87d). I conclude, there-

fore, that the f i n a l i_ of yom-i i s a c t u a l l y an i n f i n i t i v a l inflection

rather than a stem formative. A major d i f f e r e n c e between the two i / s ,

61
then, i s that the inflectional i i s accompanied by a skeletal point,

whereas the stem formative i_ i s not.

(87) (c) level III: stem formative truncation

$
/ \
0 N
1 1
1 1
X X X
1
1
o ii]
y
[ex]

(d) level III: inflection, loss of extrametricality,

resyllabification

$ $
/ \ / \
0 N 0 N

1 I I I
X X X X

y o m] i ]
v v

[ex]

IX.3: Real Epenthesis

An true case of i_ epenthesis at level III occurs between s-final

roots and consonant-initial inflections.

(88) hanas] + t a ] v v > hanas-i-ta 'speak (PInd)'

os] + t a ]
v v > os-i-ta 'push (PInd)'

mas] + t a r a ]
v v > mas-i-tara 'increase (PInd) '

Unlike the derivational stem formative - i _ and the i n f i n i t i v a l inflec-

tional i. discussed above, this - i has no morphological function whatso-

ever. It i s s t r i c t l y phonological, occurring to break up the impermis-

sible sequence s-t. Consequently, I propose to introduce the - i by the

rule formulated i n (89).

62
(89) epenthesis (level III)

X [+cor]
0 > | / [+str] C
i

IX. 4: s/r Deletion

An s/r d e l e t i o n phenomenon has already been i d e n t i f i e d a t l e v e l I

(section VTII.2). The same f l o a t i n g segment a n a l y s i s i s required a t

l e v e l I I I t o delete the r of r - i n i t i a l i n f l e c t i o n s f o l l o w i n g consonant-

final roots.

(90) suwar]y+ r u ] y > suwar-u 'sit'

hanas] + £ u l v v > hanas-u 'speak'

asob] + r e b a ]
v v > asob-eba 'play (pro)'

nom] + r e b a ]
v v > nom-eba 'drink (pro)'

(91) kaw + r u > kaw-u 'buy'

(a) l e v e l I I I : i n f l e c t i o n , l o s s of e x t r a m e t r i c a l i t y

$ $
/\ I
O N N
I I I
X X X X

k a w] v r u] v

(b) l e v e l I I I : r e s y l l a b i f i c a t i o n , d e l e t i o n of f l o a t i n g segment

$ $
/ \ / \
0 N 0 N
1 I I I
X X X X

k a w] u ]
v v

63
IX.5: Accent

Each J a p a n e s e word e x h i b i t s e i t h e r one a c c e n t o r none a t a l l ,

r e g a r d l e s s o f whether t h a t word i s a noun, v e r b , compound, o r s t e m with

a long s t r i n g o f suffixes. S i t u a t i o n s f r e q u e n t l y a r i s e where more t h a n

one a c c e n t may be a s s i g n e d t o a word by a c c e n t r u l e s o r by p r i n c i p l e s o f

l e x i c a l assignment during i t s derivation. In these cases, there a r e

b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s which d e c i d e which accent w i l l predominate and become

t h e s i n g l e a c c e n t o f t h e word. I t s o happens t h a t t h e a c c e n t p r e d o m i n -

a t i o n p r i n c i p l e o f l e v e l I i s t h e same a s t h a t o f l e v e l II, while that

of level III i sdifferent. T h i s provides a d d i t i o n a l evidence f o r t h e

autonomous s t a t u s o f l e v e l I I I .

At l e v e l I a verb root w i l l r e c e i v e a n a c c e n t on i t s p e n u l t i m a t e

m o r a b y t h e V/A a c c e n t r u l e o n t h e f i r s t c y c l e (e.g. t a b e - 'eat').

When a d e r i v a t i o n a l s u f f i x i s added on a subsequent c y c l e , a second a c -

c e n t i s a d d e d (e.g. t a ' b e - s a ' s e - 'eat ( c a u s ) ' ) . I n such a case i t i s

a l w a y s t h e second (or r i g h t m o s t ) a c c e n t t h a t p r e d o m i n a t e s (i.e. tabe-

sa'se-), w h i l e t h e i n i t i a l accent i s eliminated. No m a t t e r how l o n g t h e

concatenation o f s u f f i x e s i s , t h e Right Accent Predomination Principle

(RAPP) s t i l l h o l d s (e.g. t a b e - s a s e - r a r e - t a - g a r - ) .

At l e v e l I I , c o n f l i c t i n g p a t t e r n s o f accentuation can a r i s e i n

several situations. F o r example, t h e a c c e n t o f S i n o - J a p a n e s e compounds

of level I i s l e x i c a l l y determined. When 'ka i s added t o s u c h com-

pounds, t h e r e s u l t a n t c o m b i n a t i o n may c o n t a i n t w o a c c e n t s . Once a g a i n ,

RAPP d e l e t e s t h e l e f t m o s t a c c e n t and p r e s e r v e s t h e r i g h t .

64
(92) ge'n + d a i + 'ka > gen-da'i-ka 'modernization'

/ge'n + d a i + 'ka/
level I
moncmorphemic compd ge'n + d a i

level II
compounding ge'n-da'i + ka
RAPP gen-da 'i-ka

gen-da 'i-ka

The compound noun accent r u l e of l e v e l I I i s complex and a com-

p l e t e d i s c u s s i o n of i t i s beyond the scope of t h i s paper (see McCawley

(1977)). S u f f i c e i t t o say that regardless of the accentuation of the

i n d i v i d u a l elements, the accent of the compound, i f present, i s always

borne by the rightmost member.

(93) no'ogyoo] + k u m i a i ]
N N > noogyoo-ku'miai ' a g r i c u l t u r a l union'

tu'uka] + ryo'ori'J
N N > tuuka-ryo'ori 'Chinese cooking'

iso'ppu] + monoga'tari]^
N > isoppu-monoga'tari 'Aesop's f a b l e s '

By contrast, a t l e v e l I I I i t i s the leftmost accent that survives

accentual c o n f l i c t s . Several of the verbal and a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n s

i n (83) contain l e x i c a l accents which surface when they are attached t o

unaccented stems. However, when these i n f l e c t i o n s are added t o accented

stems, the accent of the stem i s preserved by the L e f t Accent Predomina-

t i o n P r i n c i p l e (LAPP) and the accent of the i n f l e c t i o n i s l o s t .

(94) (a) unaccentable stems

ake + t a ' r a > ake-ta'ra 'open (end) '

susum + re'ba > susum-e'ba 'advance (pro)'
kura + 'katta > kura'-katta 'was dark'

(b) accentable stems

ta'be + t a ' r a > ta'be-tara 'eat (end)'

tano'm + re'ba > tano'm-eba 'ask f o r (pro)'
ta'ka + 'katta > ta'ka-katta 'was h i g h '

65
 On t h e t o p i c o f a c c e n t , a r u l e o f V/A a c c e n t a d j u s t m e n t w i l l also

be needed t o a c c o u n t f o r t h e " a c c e n t a t t r a c t i o n " phenomenon o f t h e i n d i -

c a t i v e a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n - i _ and t h e r - i n i t i a l v e r b a l inflections

following vowel-final stems. T h i s r e a d j u s t m e n t r u l e w i l l draw t h e a c -

c e n t f r o m i t s b a s i c s t e m - p e n u l t i m a t e mora p o s i t i o n and r e a s s i g n i t to

the stem-final mora p o s i t i o n .

(95) (a) adjectives

t a ' k a + ku > ta'ka-ku ' i s high ( i n f ) '

ta'ka + i > taka'-i 'is high' (*ta 'ka-i)

(b) verbs

ta'be + t a > ta'be-ta 'eat ( P I n d ) '

ta'be + r u > tabe'-ru 'eat' (*ta 'be-ru)
ta'be + re'ba > tabe'-reba 'eat ( p r o ) ' (*ta'be-reba)

66
Notes for Chapter IX:

1. Many of the a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n s are c l e a r l y bimorphemic, being

composed o f an a d j e c t i v a l element followed by the corresponding ver-
bal i n f l e c t i o n from column 1. The most common a d j e c t i v a l element i s
'kar which i s found i n -"kat-ta, -kar-ob, -'kat-taroo, -Tcat-tara, -
and - " k a t - t a r i . The coda government p r i n c i p l e transforms the r of
'kar t o t i n most of the examples. The a d j e c t i v a l i n f l e c t i o n s - i ,
- 'ker-eba, -ku, and - 'ku-te are exceptional.

2. Since t r a d i t i o n a l grammarians consider the f i n a l i t o be a stem

formative and not an i n f l e c t i o n , and since each verb must end with an
i n f l e c t i o n , t r a d i t i o n a l grammarians have been forced to invoke a 0
i n f l e c t i o n a l s u f f i x f o r i n f i n i t i v e s (see (83)).

67
 Chapter X

Conclusion

The f o l l o w i n g morphological and phonological processes have been

i d e n t i f i e d a t the three l e v e l s within the Japanese lexicon.

(96) morphology phonology

level I monomorphemic compounding extrametrica1ity

stem formative high vowel syncopation

derivation: -sase V/A accent

-rare
-ta PAPP
-rasi
-gar
-kata

level II compounding RAPP

level I I I stem formative t r u n c a t i o n epenthesis

inflection LAPP

accent adjsutment

In a d d i t i o n t o the phonological processes i d e n t i f i e d above, a

p r i n c i p l e of coda government defined i n (26) i s assumed t o hold through-

out the l e x i c a l component.

The l e v e l ordered grammar o u t l i n e d i n (96) provides elegant solu-

t i o n s t o the two problems introduced i n Chapter I i n v o l v i n g i_ i n s e r t i o n

and high vowel syncopation. With respect t o i i n s e r t i o n , the desidera-

t i v e s u f f i x - t a behaves d i f f e r e n t l y from the homophonous p e r f e c t i v e

i n f l e c t i o n because the two are found a t d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s i n the grammar:

the former a t l e v e l I and the l a t t e r a t l e v e l I I I . More s p e c i f i c a l l y ,

68
t h e i w h i c h i s i n t r o d u c e d a s a stem f o r m a t i v e a t l e v e l I and o f t e n

appears i n conjunction w i t h the l e v e l I - t a i s t r u n c a t e d a t the begin-

ning of level I I I and, hence, i s n e v e r found i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the

level III -ta.

In t h e same way, whether o r n o t h i g h vowel s y n c o p a t i o n d e l e t e s

t h e h i g h v o w e l between two e l e m e n t s o f a Sino-Japanese compound depends

entirely on what l e v e l t h e compound was e s t a b l i s h e d at. I f t h e compound

was f o r m e d a t l e v e l I, t h e n h i g h v o w e l s y n c o p a t i o n w i l l a p p l y s i n c e t h e

r u l e i s found a t l e v e l I. Compounds f o r m e d l a t e r t h a n l e v e l I w i l l

n e v e r t r i g g e r h i g h vowel syncopation.

Perhaps most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , e v i d e n c e f r o m numerous m o r p h o l o g i c a l

and p h o n o l o g i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n s has p o s i t i o n e d e a c h o f t h e v a r i o u s p r o c e s -

s e s o f (96) a t i t s a p p r o p r i a t e l e v e l . The result i s a well-motivated

grammar t h a t c a n be e x p e c t e d t o shed l i g h t on i s s u e s beyond t h e s c o p e o f

this thesis.

69
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