Andersson, L. M., Pearson, C. M. (1999) - Tit For Tat - The Spiraling Effect of Incivility in The Workplace.

Tit for Tat?
The Spiraling Effect of Incivility in the Workplace

Author(s): Lynne M. Andersson and Christine M. Pearson
Source: The Academy of Management Review, Vol. 24, No. 3 (Jul., 1999), pp. 452-471
Published by: Academy of Management
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tAcademy of Management Review
1999, Vol. 24, No. 3, 452-471.
TIT FOR TAT? THE SPIRALINGEFFECTOF

INCIVILITYIN THEWORKPLACE
LYNNEM. ANDERSSON
Saint Joseph's University
CHRISTINEM. PEARSON
University of North Carolina
In this article we introduce the concept of workplace incivility and explain how
incivility can potentially spiral into increasingly intense aggressive behaviors. To
gain an understanding of the mechanisms that underlie an "incivility spiral," we
examine what happens at key points: the starting and tipping points. Furthermore, we
describe several factors that can facilitate the occurrence and escalation of an inci-
vility spiral and the secondary spirals that can result. We offer research propositions
and discuss implications of workplace incivility for researchers and practitioners.
You should follow honorable mean and vent your of the many sacrifices we are called to make for
wrath on the wicked (Disticha Catoni, A Medieval the sake of living together" (1998: 11) and Wilson
Textbook, as quoted in Elias, 1982:63).
as "a way of signaling the existence of self-
Civility traditionally has been viewed by so- control" (1993: 83). Although manifest in varied
ciety as a source of power in American cul- ways, norms concerning how people ought to
ture-a means of gaining favor and asserting behave in order to live cooperatively can be
cultural superiority-an acceptable ploy for at- witnessed in every community and culture
taining social advantage. The spread of civility (Elias, 1982; Goffman, 1967; Hartman, 1996). Thus,
has served to muffle the issue of class, softening civility, as a moral standard, can be considered
the divisions between rich and poor and em- a virtue.
ployers and employees (Elias, 1982; Morris, 1996). According to some social scientists and histo-
In scholarly work authors have suggested civil- rians (e.g., Carter, 1998; Chen & Eastman, 1997;
ity serves as the vehicle for providing answers Elias, 1982; Erickson, 1962; Goffman, 1967), the
to unanswered questions of conduct (Bellah, need for civility becomes even greater when the
1970) and have linked civility to such related interactions among people increase in complex-
phenomena as the necessity for ritualized be- ity and frequency. Parties in complex interac-
havior in light of divorce (Johnson, 1988), the tions must attune their conduct to that of others
foundation for human rationality necessary for by behaving in predictably "civil" ways:
successful education (Shulman & Carey, 1984),
and the courteous treatment of professional col- The web of actions must be organized more and
more strictly and accurately, if each individual
leagues in correspondence and feedback (Rob- action is to fulfill its social function. The individ-
erts, 1985). ual is compelled to regulate his conduct in an
Nonetheless, civility is not only functional or increasingly differentiated, more even and more
instrumental but holds moral implications as stable manner.... This seeks to prevent offens-
well. The basis for civility is love of thy neigh- es.. . (Elias, 1982:232).
bor-a demonstration of respect for fellow hu-
As we approach the next millennium, we face
man beings (Carter, 1998; Elias, 1982; Wilson,
the growing challenge of relationships medi-
1993). Carter has referred to civility as "the sum
ated by high-tech, asynchronous, global interac-
tion. With history as counsel, one might assume
a need for increased civility in forging and rec-
We greatly appreciate the inspiring comments of Blake
Ashforth and the three anonymous reviewers on several
onciling increasingly complex interactions. Yet,
drafts of this article. Their patience, persistence, and in- despite the implicit need for increasingly civil
sightful thinking contributed immensely to our conceptual- interaction, a recent poll of the American public
ization of incivility in this and related works. revealed that 90 percent of the respondents
452

1999 Andersson and Pearson 453
think incivility is a serious problem (Marks, number of ways to show disregard for fellow
1996). workers (Carter, 1998; Marks, 1996; Neuman &
Today-some scholars and social critics be- Baron, 1997).
lieve-we support an ethic of self-expression, In the burgeoning stream of research on "de-
and we detest the pretense of civility because viant behavior," "aggression," and "violence" in
we believe it denies our desire for freedom and the workplace, researchers have focused mainly
individuality (e.g., Gordon, 1989; Morris, 1996; on physical, active, and direct forms of aggres-
Steinberg, 1996; Wilson, 1993). This has been sion-those overt types of aggression undoubt-
deemed the age of "whatever," implying that no edly motivated by intent to harm (e.g., Folger,
one wants to make a judgment, impose a stan- Robinson, Dietz, McLean Parks, & Baron, 1998;
dard, or call conduct unacceptable (Morris, 1996). O'Leary-Kelly, Griffin, & Glew, 1996; Perlow &
Historians may view the dawn of the twenty- Latham, 1993; Robinson & Bennett, 1995, 1997;
first century as a time of thoughtless acts and Robinson & O'Leary-Kelly, 1996; VandenBos &
rudeness: we tailgate, even in the slow lane; Bulatao, 1996). Data have confirmed that aggres-
we dial wrong numbers and then slam the sion and violence occur in the American work-
receiver on the innocent respondent; we break place. Over 20 percent of the human resource
appointments with nonchalance. Indeed, the managers participating in a recent study re-
nineties have been characterized by rudeness ported that their organizations had experienced
to such an extent that "etiquette experts" are workplace violence since 1990, and an addi-
proliferating, spreading the gospel of good tional 33 percent reported that there had been
manners to families, social organizations, and threats of violence in their workplace (Romano,
businesses (e.g., Hamilton & Sullivan, 1997; 1994). During a 12-month period ending in 1993,
Martin, 1996).
an estimated 2.2 million U.S. workers were vic-
The business world was thought by many to
tims of physical attacks, 6.3 million were threat-
be one of the last bastions of civility. The rela-
ened, and 16.1 million were harassed (North-
tionship between coworkers was, for decades,
western National Life Insurance Company,
characterized by formality yet friendliness, dis-
1993). It has been estimated that, on the average,
tance yet politeness. However, business has
there are more than 2 million physical assaults
started to reflect the informality of society at
in the workplace per year, and over 1,000 homi-
large. Scholars have cited employee diversity,
reengineering, downsizing, budget cuts, in- cides (Segal, 1994).
creased pressures for productivity, autocratic Little research, however, has been conducted
work environments, and the use of part-time em- on lesser forms of mistreatment, such as rude
ployees as causes for the increase in uncivil and comments, thoughtless acts, or negative ges-
aggressive workplace behaviors (Baron & Neu- tures (Neuman & Baron, 1997). Nonetheless, a
man, 1996; Chen & Eastman, 1997; Neuman & survey of 178 employees revealed that a major-
Baron, 1997). As organizations have flattened ity of the aggression occurring in work settings
and gone casual, there are fewer obvious cues is of a less intense form: verbal rather than
as to what constitutes "proper" business behav- physical, passive rather than active, indirect
ior (Martin, 1996; Morand, 1998). rather than direct, and subtle rather than overt
Examples of incivility in the workplace (Baron & Neuman, 1996). Several other studies
abound: answering the phone with a "yeah," have shown similar findings. In a survey of 338
neglecting to say thank you or please, using university employees in Finland, Bjorkqvist, Os-
voice mail to screen calls, leaving a half cup of terman, and Hjelt-Back (1994) found that 32 per-
coffee behind to avoid having to brew the next cent of the respondents had observed others be-
pot, standing uninvited but impatiently over the ing exposed to verbally harassing behavior at
desk of someone engaged in a telephone con- work. A survey of first-line American workers
versation, dropping trash on the floor and leav- revealed that more than half of the 327 respon-
ing it for the maintenance crew to clean up, and dents reported experiencing acts of mistreat-
talking loudly on the phone about personal mat- ment at work within a 3-year time frame (Ehrlich
ters (Martin, 1996). As the complexity of work- & Larcom, 1994). Moreover, in a survey of 603
place interaction increases, discourteous behav- Toronto nurses, Graydon, Kasta, and Khan
ior has more nuances: there are a greater (1994) found that 33 percent had experienced

454 Academy of Management Review July
verbal abuse during their previous 5 days of DEFINITIONAL

ISSUES
work. Less intense forms of mistreatment in
Civility and Incivility
the workplace, such as incivil-ities, deserve
scholarly attention. The terms civility and incivility have come
Of particular interest is whether these less into vogue in the past several years. Overused
intense forms of mistreatment can be precursors and often misconstrued, both have lost some of
to more intense, overtly aggressive, and/or vio- their intended meaning. Encompassing every-
lent acts (Baron & Neuman, 1996; MacKinnon, thing from etiquette to professional conduct,
1994). In the poll of the American public men- from civic order to a moral imperative (Carter,
tioned previously, 91 percent of the respondents 1998; Gladwell, 1996; Martin, 1996; Roberts, 1985),
surveyed believe that incivility has contributed "civility" has transcended its dictionary defini-
to the increase in violence in this country tion of "courtesy and politeness toward fellow
human beings" (Random House Dictionary).
(Marks; 1996). Some empirical research has ver-
Civil behavior involves treating others with dig-
ified this belief. For instance, researchers have
nity, acting with regard to others' feelings, and
shown incivilities to be highly correlated with
preserving the social norms for mutual respect
crime, progressing in an upward-spiraling pro-
(Carter, 1998; Elias, 1982; Johnson, 1988; Morris,
cess to increasingly serious levels (Goldstein, 1996). Observing formal rules of etiquette has
1994; Taylor & Gottfredson, 1986). In a study of less to do with civility than does being polite
incarcerated males, Felson and Steadman and demonstrating a sensibility of concern and
(1983) revealed that the sequence of events regard (Carter, 1998).
leading up to assault invariably begins with Workplace civility, then-as a behavior in-
an exchange of rude comments, which gener- volving politeness and regard for others in the
ates an attack on identity and spirals ulti- workplace, within workplace norms for re-
mately to physical attack. Further, Spratlen spect-can be distinguished from similar work-
(1994) found workplace mistreatment in a place behaviors and values, such as prosocial
health care setting to be directly related to organizational behavior (e.g., Brief & Motowidlo,
interpersonal violence. 1986), organizational citizenship behavior (e.g.,
It has been suggested that, in the workplace, Organ, 1988), ingratiation (e.g., Yukl & Falbe,
violence is rarely a spontaneous act but more 1990), and concern for others (Ravlin & Meglino,
often the culmination of escalating patterns of 1987). Like many extrarole behaviors in organi-
negative interaction between individuals (Baron zations, civility includes modest, trivial behav-
& Neuman, 1996; Kinney, 1995). Thus, workplace iors that do not often invite public scrutiny or
incivility may very well be a precursor to more official documentation (Van Dyne, Cummings, &
intense, overtly aggressive acts in the work- McLean Parks, 1995). However, unlike such ex-
place. trarole behaviors as prosocial organizational
Our aim in this article is to introduce the con- behavior and organizational citizenship behav-
cept of workplace incivility and examine how it ior, workplace civility does not necessarily im-
may relate to more intense forms of workplace ply the intent of benefit to the organization. One
aggression. To capture some of the less intense may be civil with intent to benefit the organiza-
forms of organizational tion, or one may be civil without intent (e.g.,
mistreatment, we
because it is "the right thing to do").
present the concept of workplace incivility. We
Similarly, one can distinguish civility from the
establish a place for workplace incivility among
influence tactic of ingratiation-a behavior in
several of the the other conceptualizations of which an agent seeks to increase a target's feel-
mistreatment in organizations, portraying inci- ings of positive regard in order to get the target
vility as a social interaction. We then explain, to do something (Yukl & Falbe, 1990)-because
building a framework and offering research of the apparent intent to influence that is inher-
propositions, how incivility can spiral and po- ent in such behavior. Further, workplace civility
tentially escalate into increasingly intense, ag- can be differentiated from the work value "con-
gressive workplace behaviors. Finally, we discern for others" (Ravlin & Meglino, 1987).
cuss some of the research and practical Whereas a work value is an intrinsic, enduring
implications. perspective of what is right or wrong in a work

setting, capable of influencing perceptions and behavior that disrupts mutual respect in the
behaviors, workplace civility is a behavior that workplace.
helps to preserve the norms for mutual respect
in the workplace. Civility reflects concern for
Incivility and Other Forms of Mistreatment in
others.
Organizations
Like civility, "incivility" has taken on a variety
of nuances-from breaches of etiquette to pro- Mistreatment in organizations has been de-
fessional misconduct, from general civil unrest scribed, modeled, and analyzed in various con-
to moral decay (Carter, 1998; Gladwell, 1996; ceptual forms: as aggressive (e.g., Baron & Neu-
Johnson, 1988; Martin, 1996; Roberts, 1985). The man, 1996; O'Leary-Kelly et al., 1996), violent
dictionary definition of incivility is more spe- (e.g., Kinney, 1995; VandenBos & Bulatao, 1996),
cific, however. The Random House Dictionary harassing (e.g., Bjorkqvist et al., 1994), physi-
defines incivility as "the quality or condition of cally abusive (e.g., Perlow & Latham, 1993), ty-
being uncivil, uncivil behavior or treatment" rannical (e.g., Ashforth, 1994), deviant (e.g., Rob-
and uncivil as "without good manners, unman- inson & Bennett, 1995, 1997), and antisocial (e.g.,
nerly, rude, impolite, discourteous." As the an- Giacalone & Greenberg, 1997) workplace behav-
tonym of civility, incivility implies rudeness and iors. Some of these concepts capture more in-
disregard for others, in violation of norms for tense forms of mistreatment-those with obvi-
respect in interpersonal relations (Brown & ous intent to harm-yet neglect to include
Levinson, 1987; Morris, 1996). In the criminology recognition of the less intense forms of mistreat-
literature, for example, authors have defined in- ment, in which intent to harm is less obvious.
civilities as "low-level breaches of community Some represent violation of workplace norms,
standards that signal an erosion of convention- whereas others do not necessarily involve norm
ally accepted norms and values" (LaGrange, violation. What must be addressed at this point
Ferraro, & Supancic, 1992: 311-312). Whereas is how the concept of workplace incivility differs
civil behavior is expected and often goes unno- from and overlaps with these other conceptual-
ticed, uncivil behavior is conspicuous (Brown & izations of mistreatment in organizations.
Levinson, 1987; Sapir, 1927). Aggressive behavior and violence have re-
We have established that incivility involves ceived recent attention in the academic and
acting rudely or discourteously, without regard practitioner management literature (e.g., Baron
for others, in violation of norms for respect in & Neuman, 1996; Folger et al., 1998; Kinney, 1995;
social interactions. It follows, then, that work- Neuman & Baron, 1997; O'Leary-Kelly et al., 1996;
place incivility involves acting with disregard Robinson & O'Leary-Kelly, 1996; VandenBos &
for others in the workplace, in violation of work- Bulatao, 1996; Weisinger, 1995). Although there
place norms for respect. Workplace norms are has been some disagreement among social sci-
the norms of the community of which one is a entists in the fields of criminology, psychology,
part while at work, consisting of basic moral and sociology as to the definitions of and differ-
standards and others that have arisen out of the ences between aggression and violence (Ted-
tradition of that community, including those pre- eschi & Felson, 1994), researchers examining ag-
scribed by formal and informal organizational gression and violence in organizations seem to
policies, rules, and procedures (Feldman, 1984; concur that aggression is attempted injurious or
Hartman, 1996). We recognize that particular destructive behavior, in violation of social
norms differ across organizations, industries, norms, and that violence is a high-intensity,
and cultures, but we posit that in every work- physical form of aggression (Baron & Neuman,
place there exist norms for respect for fellow 1996; VandenBos & Bulatao, 1996).
coworkers-a shared moral understanding and A tremendous range and variety of acts con-
sentiment among the members of the organiza- stitute workplace aggression, from vandalism
tion that allow cooperation (Hartman, 1996; So- and sabotage to harassment, physical abuse,
lomon, 1998)-and that incivility is in violation and homicide (Neuman & Baron, 1997). The com-
of these norms. What is considered to be uncivil mon aspect of all of these acts of aggression is
in one organization may not be universally the obvious intent to harm or injure someone
considered uncivil, yet we can still hold a com- physically or psychologically (Baron & Richard-
mon understanding of workplace incivility as son, 1994; Berkowitz, 1993; Neuman & Baron,

1997; Tedeschi & Felson, 1994). A distinguishing intense negative behaviors associated with the
characteristic of incivility, however, is that the instigator's abuse of position of authority.
intent to harm-as perceived through the eyes of Two other conceptualizations of workplace
the instigator, the target, and/or the observ- mistreatment receiving recent attention are the
ers-is ambiguous. One may behave uncivilly overlapping constructs of deviant and antisocial
as a reflection of intent to harm the target, or one employee behaviors. Robinson and Bennett
may behave uncivilly without intent (e.g., igno- have defined employee deviance as "voluntary
rance or oversight). Furthermore, the instigator behavior that violates significant organization-
may intend to harm the target, yet he or she may al norms and, in so doing, threatens the well-
not even be conscious of such intent. Unlike being of an organization, its members, or both"
instigators of aggression, instigators of incivil- (1995: 556). This definition implies a broad range
ity can easily deny or bury any intent, if present, of mistreatment-both of people and of property
in ignorance of the effect (e.g., "It wasn't meant in organizations, with and without intent to
as an attack"), in misinterpretation by the target harm-and is inclusive of workplace aggression
(e.g., "I didn't mean to be rude; I was just in a and incivility. Even more broadly encompassing
hurry"), or in hypersensitivity of the target (e.g., than employee deviance, and also inclusive of
"Don't take it so personally;" Bies, Tripp, & workplace aggression and incivility, is antiso-
Kramer, 1997; Kramer, 1994; Morrill, 1992). With cial employee behavior, which Giacalone and
incivility, the intent is not transparent and is Greenberg have defined as "any behavior that
subject to varying interpretation. brings harm, or is intended to bring harm, to an
Incivility is similar in intensity to several di- organization, its employees, or stakeholders"
mensions of the construct of petty tyranny (Ash- (1997: vii).
forth, 1994). Both constructs include behaviors To summarize, we can illustrate (as shown in
demonstrating a lack of consideration toward Figure 1) how incivility differs from and over-
others, in which the intent to harm is ambigu- laps with some of these other forms of mistreat-
ous. Petty tyranny, however, is a profile attrib- ment in organizations. Antisocial employee be-
uted to leaders, referring also to a host of more havior, as behavior that brings harm to the
FIGURE 1
Incivility and Other Forms of Mistreatment in Organizations
Antisocial - Behavior that harms organization

behavior and/or members
Deviant - Antisocial behavior that violates

ms.u. ;3;.;;;.,
; ;;;.;;u.;.;.m....ummummbehavior norms
*.uagu.a.~u~ ;;Violence - High-intensity, physically

No ;.;..........,; .aggressive behavior
Aggression - Deviant behavior with

intent to harm
Incivility - Low-intensity deviant behavior with

ambiguous intent to harm

organization and/or its stakeholders, is inclu- taken with the intent of imposing harm on an-
sive of the other conceptualizations of mistreat- other person. Encompassing a fairly wide range
ment in organizations. Deviant employee behav- of behaviors-from threats (the communication
ior is a type of antisocial behavior that violates of intention to harm) to maligning insults, vio-
workplace norms and includes employee ag- lence, and homicide-the term coercive actions
gression and incivility. Aggression is inclusive includes all those moderate- to high-intensity
of violence and of some forms of incivility (e.g., behaviors that occur to deter and compel others,
those with intent to harm, but in which the in- to obtain justice, or to assert and defend one's
tent-as perceived by the instigator, the target, identity. Because the term corresponds well with
and/or observers-is ambiguous). Yet other our current conceptualization, we have chosen
forms of incivility (e.g., those without intent to to use "coercive actions" and not "aggression" to
harm, but in which the intent is ambiguous, describe those more intense behaviors beyond
such as those that occur out of ignorance or incivility that involve the obvious intent to harm
oversight) lie outside the realm of aggression. in organizations. Thus, in adopting the social
Thus, incivility is, like aggression, a deviant interactionist perspective and the accompany-
behavior, but one that is less intense and am- ing terminology, we propose that incivilities are
biguous as to intent to harm. exchanged between individuals and that this
Thus, based on the previous discussion and in dynamic interchange can, in turn, emerge into
light of the conceptual similarities and distinc- an exchange of coercive actions whereby the
tions among incivility and existing constructs, obvious intent to harm comes into play.
we offer the following working definition of Unlike much of the recent research in which
workplace incivility: researchers model workplace aggression and
deviance as single acts in time-focusing on the
Workplace incivility is low-intensity motives of the instigator (e.g., O'Leary-Kelly et
deviant behavior with ambiguous in- al., 1996; Robinson & Bennett, 1997)-our social
tent to harm the target, in violation of interactionist perspective emphasizes the inter-
workplace norms for mutual respect. personal and situational factors involved in the
Uncivil behaviors are characteristi- exchange of incivilities and coercive actions.
cally rude and discourteous, display- This perspective allows us to examine incivility
ing a lack of regard for others. and coercive action as processes rather than as
events-processes affected by a particular set of
constraints that make up the situation.
Workplace Incivility As a Social Interaction
That is not to say that the determination of
Incivility is an interactive event-an event in whether an uncivil or coercive behavior is good
which two or more parties are involved (Brown & or bad is dependent on the situation. We assert
Levinson, 1987; Carter, 1998). The instigator(s), that incivility and coercive actions are negative
the target(s), the observer(s), and the social con- behaviors but that it is important to consider the
text all contribute to and are affected by an situation in understanding how the process of
uncivil encounter. Emphasizing this characteris- exchange between parties unfolds. For exam-
tic of incivility while recognizing its moral im- ple, the situation can sometimes cause instiga-
plications, we adopt a social interactionist per- tors to perceive their own incivilities as legiti-
spective on the concept of incivility and its mate or moralistic, potentially perpetuating the
escalation, just as a recent and prominent the- exchange of negative behaviors. This does not
ory of aggression-the theory of coercive actions make incivility "right" or "good;" it merely helps
(Tedeschi & Felson, 1994)-takes a social inter- to explain how the negative behaviors continue
actionist perspective on the concepts of aggres- or escalate. Considering the situation allows us
sion and violence. to acknowledge that specific workplace norms
In viewing aggression as a social interaction, do, indeed, vary, at the same time recognizing
Tedeschi and Felson (1994) solve some of the that in every organization norms for mutual re-
definitional problems inherent in the concept of spect are necessary for employees to work to-
aggression by integrating the concepts of ag- gether (Hartman, 1996; Solomon, 1998).
gression and violence into the concept of "coer- In the next section we provide a framework,
cive action," which they describe as an action based on our view of incivility as a social inter-

action between two or more parties, depicting dying. The use of coercion usually leads to coun-
how incivility spirals begin and how they can tercoercion, resulting in an escalating spiral. As
potentially escalate into an exchange of coer- the escalation of coercion progresses, the stakes
cive actions within an organization. of the dispute seem to rise for both sides, and
inhibitions about hurting the other side are re-
duced (Pruitt & Rubin, 1986). Despite strong evi-
THEINCIVILITY
SPIRAL dence of the existence of these spirals, however,
The pleasantries are the first to go: the pleases, scholars have devoted relatively little theoreti-
the thank-yous, and the excuse-mes. Pretty soon, cal and empirical attention to the mechanisms
no one holds a door open, returns a smile, or lets that underlie the escalation of coercive behavior
another driver move ahead of them in traffic
(Steinberg, 1996:13). (Kim & Smith, 1993).
Baron and Neuman (1996) have posited that, in
Spirals or circular patterns have been used to organizations, acts of "aggression" that are ver-
explain several important phenomena in organ- bal and/or less intense in nature serve as the
izations, at varying levels of analysis. For exam- initial step in an upward spiral that leads to
ple, scholars have used spirals to explain such physical and/or more intense forms of aggres-
phenomena as organizational decline (Ham- sion. Thus, we address this question in the fol-
brick & D'Aveni, 1988; Masuch, 1985), the rela- lowing paragraphs: What sort of social interac-
tionship between efficacy and performance tion transpires prior to the more overt acts of
(Lindsley, Brass, & Thomas, 1995), and the per- aggression, before obvious intent to harm comes
petuation of tyrannical leadership behaviors into play? We propose that an important aspect
(Ashforth, 1994). Defined as a pattern of consec- of workplace incivility is that it can be a factor
utive increases or decreases (Lindsley et al., in the formation and escalation of conflict spi-
1995), spirals in organizations are created by rals in organizations-that incivility may be a
human actors because they lack adequate un- precursor to the exchange of coercive actions. In
derstanding of their situation or are unwilling or an attempt to understand the mechanisms that
unable to alter their behavior (Masuch, 1985). In underlie these incivility spirals, we examine
examining the escalation of incivility into coer- what happens at key points in the spiral: the
cive action in organizations, one would term the starting and tipping points. Furthermore, we de-
potential spiral deviation amplifying, as the scribe some of the factors that can facilitate the
negative action of one party leads to the nega- occurrence and escalation of an incivility spiral,
tive action of the second party, which results as well as the secondary spirals that can result.
in increasingly counterproductive behaviors Figure 2 presents a conceptual framework sum-
(Masuch, 1985). marizing this potential spiraling effect of inci-
The existence of interpersonal conflict spirals vility in the workplace. Although incivility spi-
has been well documented. A number of re- rals can take numerous forms, involving varying
searchers have demonstrated the relation be- numbers of parties and diverse types of uncivil
tween perceived wrongdoing and subsequent and coercive behaviors, we show a sample inci-
aggressive actions that escalate into a spiral of vility spiral depicting a possible dyadic interac-
conflict (e.g., Bies & Tripp, 1995; Felson & Stead- tion in Figure 3.
man, 1983; Luckenbill, 1977; Pruitt & Rubin, 1986;
Youngs, 1986). One person mocks another; the
second responds with an obscene insult. The The Starting Point
first shoves; the second hits. And the conflict In a study of the sequence of events in aggres-
escalates until one person is seriously wounded. sive interactions, Felson (1982) found that violent
Examining 70 transactions that ended in mur- incidents usually begin when someone believes
der, Luckenbill (1977) found that all involved a that a norm has been violated. Incivility, as a
transaction in which the victim issued what the breach of norms for mutual respect, can engen-
offender deemed an offensive move; the of- der perceptions of interactional injustice (Bies,
fender retaliated with a verbal or physical chal- in press; Bies & Moag, 1986). When norms con-
lenge; a working agreement favoring the use of cerning demeanor, consideration, and polite-
violence was forged with the victim's response; ness are not met, perceptions of unfairness con-
and a battle ensued, leaving the victim dead or cerning interpersonal treatment (interactional

mLso~>
p U
CL4
ai i >
P-
> .~~~~~~~~~~~~~>
.. .... .. ..-O
4 C1 CO

FIGURE3
Sample Incivility Spiral
- .< Perceived Coercive 4< Desire for

coercive behavior nonproportional
action (threat of physical revenge
attack) I
Anger
Desire for Coercive Perceived Loss of )

revenge behavior coercive face
( (counterinsult) action
Anger
_%umm Loss of 4 Perceived Coercive 4 Desire for

face coercive behavior revenge
action (maligning insult) l
Anger
Tipping Point 4 )
Desire for _ Uncivil Perceived _ Loss of

%reciprocation behavior coercive face
(rude remark) action
Negative
affect Departuri
iInteractional -.A Perceived Uncivil _ Desire for
injustice incivility behavior reciprocation
(thoughtless act)
Negative
Starting Point affect
Uncivil Perceived Interactional 4
behavior incivility injustice
(thoughtless act)
Departure
Party A Party B
(Instigator) (Target)
injustice) occur (Bies, in press; Bies & Moag, 1994). The most commonly employed means of
1986; Solomon, 1998). Perceptions of interactional releasing negative affect and restoring fairness
injustice then create negative affect and stimu- in this situation is to reciprocate with further
late a desire to reciprocate the perceived unfair unfairness (Donnerstein & Hatfield, 1982; Kim &
act (Berkowitz, 1993; Bies & Tripp, 1995; Donner- Smith, 1993), which, in turn, may lead to similar
stein & Hatfield, 1982; Kim & Smith, 1993; Skar- perceptions and reactions by the other party,
licki & Folger, 1997). Negative affect can cause thus potentially resulting in a cycle of injustice
an individual to be less attentive to politeness (Patterson, 1982).
norms and less inhibited by future costs of var- In the workplace an incivility spiral may be-
ious action alternatives (Tedeschi & Felson, gin when an employee or group of employees

(Party A) performs an uncivil act toward another Proposition 1: Perception of interac-

employee or group of employees (Party B). As tional injustice by the target in a so-
depicted in the sample incivility spiral in Figure cial interaction will increase the prob-
3, Party B perceives the incivility and may cog- ability of the occurrence of an
nitively interpret it as an interactional injustice. incivility spiral.
This cognition may result in negative affect, Proposition 2: Feelings of negative af-
which can stimulate in Party B a desire to recip- fect by the target in a social interac-
rocate. This desire to reciprocate may not reflect tion will increase the probability of
intent to psychologically or physically harm the occurrence of an incivility spiral.
Party A, but merely to display the negative af-
fect that has been aroused. Party B then per- Proposition 3: Desire to reciprocate the
incivility by the target in a social in-
forms an uncivil act in response to Party A, who
teraction will increase the probability
perceives the incivility, attributes it to Party B,
of the occurrence of an incivility spi-
and goes through the same cognitive, affective,
ral.
and behavioral response sequence experienced
by Party B.
Either party to the uncivil interaction may The Tipping Point
choose departure as an alternative to continu- In a classic article Gouldner (1960) postulated
ing the uncivil interaction: an uncivil behavior a generalized positive norm of reciprocity, stip-
may be ignored by one of the parties at any time, ulating that (1) people should help those who
or even if one party perceives an interactional have helped them, and (2) people should not
injustice, he or she may choose not to respond in harm those who help them. Extending this
kind, releasing the emotional energy (negative premise, Helm, Bonoma, and Tedeschi demon-
affect) without reciprocating (Bies et al., 1997). strated that a negative norm of reciprocity ex-
For example, Party B may depart from the spiral ists: the "frequency of reciprocated (counterag-
by ignoring Party A, giving Party A the "benefit gression) was a direct and linear function of
of the doubt," or deeming Party A unworthy of frequency of initial aggression delivered" (1972:
further attention (Bies & Tripp, 1995; Shriver, 97). Further, they found that when initial aggres-
1995); or Party A may apologize, deny intent, sion is perceived by the target as unprovoked,
and/or offer an excuse for the uncivil behavior the target employs counteraggression for re-
(e.g., I'm sorry; I didn't mean to be rude, I was venge, rather than as a counterdeterrence. Thus,
under a lot of stress"), prompting Party B to for- Helm and associates discovered that, in re-
give Party A. In such situations the incivility venge, punishment may be more severe than the
spiral will end. Several of the potential points of crime. This finding was replicated by Youngs,
departure for Party B are illustrated by the who concluded that "one of the keys to the ex-
dashed arrows in Figure 3. plosiveness of some (interaction) spirals may be
Although Figure 3 shows only two parties, in the size of the deviation involved in overmatch-
reality any number of parties can be involved in ing during the initial stages of conflict" (1986:
545). In this manner an ordinary conflict situa-
this exchange of incivilities. For example, Party
tion can suddenly develop into a crisis.
A's incivility may be perceived by Parties B and
Epidemiologists have used the term tipping
C, who, in turn, act uncivil. Party A may then
point to describe how an infectious disease sud-
reciprocate in response solely to the incivility of
denly escalates into epidemic proportions (e.g.,
Party B, or may reciprocate in response to the
Gladwell, 1996). Others have also used the term
multiple incivilities of Parties B and C. In what- to describe social phenomena, such as crime,
ever form it takes, incivility represents a viola- denoting the point at which seemingly trivial
tion of norms of mutual respect. As a conse- problems like petty crime and graffiti can esca-
quence, such interactions are inherently late into widespread serious crime (Brown, 1978;
disruptive to the social equilibrium, whether of Gladwell, 1996; Wilson & Kelling, 1982). Perhaps
a group or an organization (Goffman, 1967). the most famous social science research on the
The arguments in this section suggest the fol- tipping point is Zimbardo's (1969) "broken win-
lowing propositions (shown in Figure 2): dow hypothesis," which posits that a single bro-

ken window, if left unrepaired, can serve as a change of increasingly counterproductive be-
tipping point to more heinous crimes: the rela- haviors-each with the obvious intent to harm
tively trivial signal suggests to potential insti- the other party (Masuch, 1985). Because of one
gators that no one cares enough about the prop- particularly offensive incivility or the accumula-
erty to replace the window, thus signaling that tion of incivilities over a period of time, one
inflicting additional damage in the area will not party perceives an identity threat or a loss of
warrant reprimand (Wilson & Kelling, 1982). The face, and the spiral suddenly escalates (Felson,
term tipping point, therefore, is analogous to the 1982).
transformation of water into steam with the ap- Identities play an important role in the esca-
plication of heat; it can refer to a change in lation of coercive encounters (Felson & Stead-
scope (escalation), as well as a change in com- man, 1983; Luckenbill, 1977). One's desired iden-
position (alteration of form). tity-one's social face-is the combination of
The concept of the tipping point can be ap- attributes (e.g., smart, capable, or strong) and
plied to individual-level phenomena as well. social identities (e.g., gender or race) that one
For example, an individual may experience the wants to present in a given situation (Erez &
"straw that breaks the camel's back": the point Earley, 1993). In times of conflict, an image of
at which the last small injustice in a chain of strength becomes very important to the identity
injustices suddenly invokes a strong punitive of the individual (Tjosvold, 1983). Schlenker
response (Morrill, 1992; Tedeschi & Felson, 1994). (1980) states, in his self-presentation theory, that
A recovering alcoholic attempting to self- individuals engage in protective self-presenta-
regulate her intake of alcohol at a party may tion (coercive actions) when their desired iden-
sneak one drink, activating a "snowballing pat- tities are challenged or threatened. Thus, the
tern" that involves her consuming ten more perception of an incivility as destructive criti-
drinks during the course of the party (Baumeis- cism, an insult, or a threat-as an attack on
ter, Heatherton, & Tice, 1994). In the workplace one's desired identity-can lead to the use of
an employee may experience one incident after coercive behavior (Tedeschi & Felson, 1994).
a series of aggravating encounters that acts as a Field and laboratory studies have revealed
"triggering mechanism," causing the employee the effects of identity threats on aggressive be-
to arrive at work the next morning with a gun havior. For example, in their study of incarcer-
(Kinney, 1995). Each of these examples-the ated males who committed homicides and as-
"straw that breaks the camel's back," the lapse saults, Felson and Steadman (1983) showed that
in self-regulation leading to the "snowballing attacks on identity led to an exchange of threats
pattern," and the "triggering mechanism"- and, ultimately, to physical attacks. Further-
demonstrates a tipping point at which the indi- more, in a field study of former mental patients,
vidual suddenly feels threatened by an adverse former criminal offenders, and the general pop-
situation and somehow loses the motivation to ulation, Felson (1982) found that individuals are
maintain control over his or her actions. more likely to act aggressively when they have
We use the notion of the tipping point in this been insulted.
article to describe the relatively infrequent oc- The affective response to perceived loss of
casion in which an exchange of incivilities es- face is usually anger (Averill, 1983; Berkowitz,
calates into an exchange of coercive actions. We 1993; Tedeschi & Felson, 1994); the behavioral
postulate that when at least one of the parties response can be revenge (Bies & Tripp, 1995;
involved in an exchange of incivilities perceives Bies et al., 1997; Felson, 1982; Morrill, 1992). An-
an identity threat, the tipping point is reached, ger, which increases the propensity for various
prompting a more intense behavioral response forms of aggression (Allcorn, 1994; Anderson,
by the threatened party (Helm et al., 1972; Deuser, & DeNeve, 1995; Weisinger, 1995), can
Youngs, 1986) so that it escapes the confines of breed a particularly unconstrained urge to seek
incivility (in which the goal of inflicting harm on revenge. Revenge, as the expression of per-
the target remains ambiguous) and crosses into ceived loss of face and anger, is a claim by an
the realm of coercive action (in which the goal of individual that he or she has socially valued
inflicting harm to the target becomes obvious). attributes and is deserving of respectful behav-
This is the point at which an incivility spiral ior. Revenge, unlike mere desire for reciproca-
becomes a deviation-amplifying spiral-an ex- tion, obviously is intended to have harmful con-

sequences (Bies et al., 1997; Tedeschi & Felson, from the situation. Furthermore, even after
1994), and the taking of revenge can serve to reaching the tipping point, either party can re-
restore one's degraded sense of self-worth-to frain from entering into an exchange of coercive
reinstate a favorable identity (Kim & Smith, 1993; actions. Rather than engaging in the scenario
Tjosvold, 1983). described above, for example, Party B could
The level of revenge administered by an indi- choose to depart from the situation by ignoring
vidual is a function of the perceived severity of the perceived coercive action or by cognitively
harm to identity and the importance of the norm reinterpreting the situation (Bies et al. 1997; Ma-
that has been violated (Tedeschi & Felson, 1994). such, 1985). Or, after experiencing a loss of face
Revenge can act as a deterrence function, ward- and anger, Party B could choose to release his or
ing off future conflict. If this were always the her anger without revenge behavior, venting to
case, however, revenge would reduce, rather others about the situation, choosing a de-
than escalate, conflict. Hard feelings would end escalating action alternative, or doing nothing
once the score was evened. But research shows (Bies & Tripp, 1995; Bies et al. 1997; Shriver, 1995).
that conflict escalation is frequently the result of It is also possible that Party A may apologize for
nonproportional revenge (e.g., Felson & Stead- the behavior, prompting Party B to forgive Party
man, 1983; Helm et al., 1972; Youngs, 1986). Re- A. We illustrate several of the potential points of
venge produces counterattacks because one departure after the tipping point for Party B by
party has subjective and often exaggerated as- the dashed arrows in Figure 3.
sessments of the severity of the harm to his or Based on this discussion, we extend the fol-
her identity. When one party's revenge is an lowing propositions (shown in Figure 2):
overreaction, it creates the groundwork for a
fresh attack on identity, and it grants victim Proposition 4: Perception of a dam-
status to the other party, resulting in both par- aged social identity by the target in a
ties believing they are victims (Kim & Smith, social interaction will increase the
1993; Youngs, 1986). One party's nonproportional probability of the escalation of an in-
revenge may provoke the other party's nonpro- civility spiral.
portional counterrevenge, causing an escalat- Proposition 5: Feelings of anger by the
ing spiral of revenge and counterrevenge (Bies target in a social interaction will in-
& Tripp, 1995; Kim & Smith, 1993; Youngs, 1986). crease the probability of the escala-
At the tipping point in the sample incivility tion of an incivility spiral.
spiral shown in Figure 3, the incivility per-
formed by Party A may or may not be intended Proposition 6: Desire for revenge by
as the first step in an aggressive attack, yet it is the target in a social interaction will
perceived as a coercive act by Party B (Baumeis- increase the probability of the escala-
ter et al., 1994). Party B may cognitively interpret tion of an incivility spiral.
the situation as a loss of face (Felson, 1982; Ma-
such, 1985; Tedeschi & Felson, 1994), which then
may result in the affective state of anger. To- Facilitators of the Spiral
gether, loss of face and anger can stimulate a The social interactionist perspective we take
desire for revenge, potentially of a magnitude emphasizes that the interaction between two
nonproportional to the act performed by Party A parties is not the only factor that comes into play
(Helm et al., 1972; Youngs, 1986). Party B may in an incivility spiral. Prominent researchers
then respond with the first coercive act, perhaps viewing aggression as a social interaction (e.g.,
a maligning insult, thereby eliciting a similar Bandura, 1973; Baron & Richardson, 1994;
cognitive, affective, and behavioral response se- Berkowitz, 1993; Tedeschi & Felson, 1994) have
quence from Party A that seems to justify an found that certain characteristics of the individ-
even more coercive subsequent move by Party B uals involved in the interaction, as well as cer-
(Bies & Tripp, 1995; Kim & Smith, 1993; Youngs, tain features of the social context, can inhibit or
1986). In this manner the spiral escalates. facilitate an aggressive exchange. These re-
As implied earlier, reaching the tipping point searchers have studied and proposed a wide
is not inevitable. At various points during the array of variables-from physical features and
exchange of incivilities, either party can depart personality traits of individuals to the social

network and physical environment in which the (Berkowitz, 1993; Buss, 1961). Furthermore, indi-
aggressive exchange takes place. In summariz- viduals who are rebellious-those who value
ing and borrowing from this research, we focus independence, desire self-sufficiency, and resist
on two facilitators: (1) the "hot" temperament of group pressures-are more likely to use uncivil
an involved party and (2) a workplace climate of or coercive behaviors. Because of experienced
informality. We believe these facilitators are societal pressures for conformity and submis-
particularly important in determining whether sion, rebellious individuals perceive more irri-
an exchange of incivilities will occur and tants in their everyday interactions, thereby in-
whether it will escalate into an exchange of creasing the likelihood of an uncivil or coercive
coercive actions in today's organizational set- reaction (Buss, 1961).
ting. Individuals who are impulsive, emotionally
The "hot" temperament. Temperament refers reactive, and rebellious-those who fit the pro-
to characteristics of behavior that, through life, file of the hot temperament-tend to handle
remain relatively unchanged. One's tempera- stress by reacting discourteously or aggres-
ment conveys the way in which one tends to sively (Baumeister et al., 1994; Buss, 1961). In
respond to life situations. Classic aggression today's stressful workplace, which is full of cir-
researchers (e.g., Berkowitz, 1993; Buss, 1961; cumstances (e.g., diversity, reengineering,
Lorenz, 1966) long have recognized several di- downsizing, or temporary work) conducive to
mensions of temperament that help to deter- role ambiguity, role conflict, situational con-
mine the likelihood an individual will respond straints, and heavy workload, the stimuli for ig-
with some form of aggressive behavior when niting those with a hot temperament are numer-
provoked or subjected to stressful situations. ous (Carter, 1998; Chen & Spector, 1992; Neuman
Likewise, consultants and security experts ana- & Baron, 1997). Moreover, individuals with this
lyzing incidents of workplace aggression have hot temperament are more likely to abuse alco-
suggested that individuals who perform aggres- hol and drugs while at work, causing them to
sive or violent acts at work tend to fit a particu- lose yet more inhibition and to become even
lar temperamental profile (e.g., Allcorn, 1994; more likely to use uncivil and coercive behav-
Kinney, 1995; Segal, 1994). Self-regulatory capac- iors (Baumeister et al., 1994; Tedeschi & Felson,
ity, emotional reactivity, and rebelliousness are 1994). Thus, we propose (as portrayed in Figure
three key dimensions of temperament that, to- 2) that if at least one of the parties involved in a
gether, can be used to help determine whether social interaction can be characterized by this
or not an individual will be likely to use uncivil hot temperament, it is more likely that an inci-
and coercive behaviors. vility spiral will occur and/or escalate into an
Individuals who are impulsive-those with a exchange of coercive actions:
weak capacity to self-regulate their behavior-
are more likely to use verbal slurs and coercive Proposition 7: The probability of the
actions than individuals with a strong capacity occurrence andlor escalation of an in-
to self-regulate (Baumeister et al., 1994; Hynan & civility spiral is enhanced if one or
more parties in a social interaction
Grush, 1986). Impulsives have less inhibition
than those with stronger self-regulatory capac- has a hot temperament.
ity to prevent them from acting out their current Climate of informality. Organizational cli-
emotional state and intentions (Baumeister et mate refers to the observable practices and pro-
al., 1994). Likewise, individuals who are emo- cedures that compose the surface of organiza-
tionally reactive-highly sensitive to insults, tional life (Schneider & Reichers, 1983). In
easily offended, and who perceive threats in attempting to stimulate creativity and innova-
seemingly innocent exchanges-are more likely tion, level status, and promote free-flowing com-
to experience feelings of interactional injustice, munication, many organizations today have as-
loss of face, and negative emotions, increasing sembled a set of practices and procedures that
the likelihood that they will commit uncivil or create a casual and informal workplace-a "cli-
coercive acts (Berkowitz, 1993; Buss, 1961; Tede- mate of informality" (Martin, 1996; Morand, 1998).
schi & Felson, 1994). These individuals have a The degree of formality/informality in an organ-
more intense reaction in response to stimuli that ization can be expressed through dress, word
would elicit only mild agitation in most people choice, conversational patterns, postural and

nonverbal cues, emotional expression, and portrayed in Figure 2) that an incivility spiral
modes of decor and architecture (Morand, 1998). will be more likely to occur and/or escalate into
For example, one could describe an organiza- an exchange of coercive actions in an organiza-
tion in which members wear formal business tion with a climate of informality:
attire, address superiors by title, use deliberate
Proposition 8: The probability of the
and regulated speech patterns, exhibit emo-
occurrence and/or escalation of an in-
tional restraint, and reside in neat offices with
civility spiral is enhanced if the social
businesslike decor as having a formal climate.
interaction takes place in an organi-
In contrast, one could describe an organization
zation that has an informal climate.
in which members wear shorts and T-shirts, ad-
dress one another by nicknames, engage in
lively banter about their personal lives, freely Secondary Spirals
express their emotions, and reside in comfort- Norms for civil behavior in an organization
able and personally decorated offices as having often become eroded as organizational mem-
an informal organizational climate. bers experience or witness incivility spirals
Despite the atmosphere of open communica- (Carter, 1998). Frequently, an incivility spiral be-
tion and innovation it can foster, a climate of tween two parties spawns secondary incivility
informality may inadvertently encourage em- spirals, ultimately spreading incivility through-
ployees to behave in ways that are disrespectful out the organization (Masuch, 1985). The incivil-
of fellow coworkers (Morand, 1998). When the ity spiral perpetuated by Parties A and B, for
organizational climate is more formal, there is example, may be observed by Party C, who, in
little ambiguity regarding what is acceptable turn, may model that behavior and initiate an
interpersonal behavior, and employees follow incivility spiral with Party D. Or Party A may
unspoken rules of politeness and professional- misplace her desire to reciprocate, directing an
ism in their relationships with one another incivility at Party C rather than at Party B. These
(Elias, 1982; Martin, 1996; Morand, 1998). More- patterns may fuel further incivility, spreading
over, when employees have to pay attention to the phenomenon throughout the organization
mode of dress, enunciation, and conversational and enabling incivility to become the new or-
cues, they are forced to pause and think before ganizational norm.
they act. Without the trappings of formality to Secondary spirals are not only spawned by
routinize interactions and control for deviations, experienced and witnessed incivilities but also
employees may have trouble maintaining their by the general negative response to incivility
professional distance and objectivity (Goffman, and coercive acts within the organization. Em-
1967; Morand, 1998). In an informal setting it is ployees become aware of the mounting incivil-
more difficult for employees to discern accept- ity, and their response can be increasing levels
able behavior from unacceptable, both in others of negative affect, distrust, and fear (Carter,
and in themselves, thereby creating greater po- 1998; MacKinnon, 1994). The loss of civility
tential for misinterpretation and subsequent changes employees' expectations of one an-
deviant behavior (Elias, 1982; Erickson, 1962; other. The irritable, intolerant, or fearful em-
Robinson & Bennett, 1997; Wouters, 1990). Fur- ployee is then unwilling to extend the minimal
thermore, manifestations of informality, such as courtesies and the tolerance of others that con-
casual dress and nicknames, can signify that stitute day-to-day civility, thus creating further
employees do not have to "be on their best be- spirals of incivility (LaGrange et al., 1992;
havior"-that they can "let down their guard" MacKinnon, 1994).
while at work (Martin, 1996; Morand, 1998; We offer the following propositions (shown in
Rafaeli & Pratt, 1993). Figure 2):
Therefore, in a climate of informality, employ-
ees may be more likely to engage in uncivil Proposition 9: Observation of an inci-
behaviors. Likewise, researchers have sug- vility spiral by other members of the
gested that an informal climate may contribute organization will increase the proba-
to escalation to more intense deviant behaviors, bility of a secondary incivility spiral.
such as coercive actions (Berkowitz, 1993; Tede- Proposition 10: Observation of nega-
schi & Felson, 1994). Therefore, we predict (as tive response (negative affect, distrust,

and fear) to uncivil behavior within volved parties with a hot temperament and an
the organization will increase the organizational climate of informality may facil-
probability of a secondary incivility itate the formation and escalation of such
spiral. spirals and that these spirals may spawn sec-
ondary spirals, which can permeate an organi-
Can so many spirals form that an organiza- zation. Potential relationships between incivil-
tion actually becomes an "uncivil organiza- ity and more intense forms of mistreatment,
tion?" Again using the analogy of the tipping captured in the present spiral framework,
point, this time at the organizational level, we should be of great interest to researchers study-
hold that an organization may become "uncivil" ing aggressive behavior in organizations, as
once the number of incivility spirals reaches a well as to managers determined to prevent
critical threshold. At that critical threshold, "ex- workplace aggression and violence. We now
plosive clusters" of incivility may occur, discuss some of the specific research and prac-
whereby dozens of incivility spirals are trig- tical implications of this important workplace
gered simultaneously, each feeding off the other behavior.
(Masuch, 1985). This critical threshold may be
reached when employees, involved potentially
in multiple spirals at once, perceive loss of iden- Research Implications
tity as members of the organization and feel that In alignment with recent research on aggres-
the organization is coercive or "out to get them." sion in the workplace (e.g., Folger et al., 1998;
When a majority of employees believe that the O'Leary-Kelly et al., 1996; Robinson & O'Leary-
organization intends to harm or discount them, Kelly, 1996), our perspective views incivility and
the organization itself may become an uncivil coercive actions as stemming from social inter-
entity (Kamp & Brooks, 1991). actions. Much of the recent conceptual research
on workplace aggression (e.g., Neuman & Baron,
1997; O'Leary-Kelly et al., 1996), however, focuses
CONCLUSIONAND IMPLICATIONS
on classifying types of aggressive behavior in
The overwhelming majority of acts of mis- organizations, rather than on detailing the pro-
treatment in organizations are more subtle than cess of how aggression evolves. Moreover, in
those involving physical violence (Neuman & much of the recent research on workplace ag-
Baron, 1997). Researchers studying deviant and gression, researchers have attempted to model
aggressive behavior in the workplace (e.g., Neu- aggression as a single act in time-not as a
man & Baron, 1997; Robinson & Bennett, 1995, process systemically linked with social interac-
1997) have given the rude comments, thought- tions occurring prior to the aggressive act (e.g.,
less acts, insinuating glances, and negative Baron & Neuman, 1996). Our perspective is
gestures that transpire within organizations lit- unique in that it not only defines a behavior that
tle attention. Here we have introduced a new may be a precursor to aggression but also pro-
concept-workplace incivility-to account for poses that the various forms of mistreatment in
these lesser forms of mistreatment in organiza- organizations are related, as part of one system.
tions in which the intent to harm is ambiguous. The conceptualization of an incivility spiral as a
Defined here as behavior characterized by rude- system is important in bridging the gap be-
ness and disregard for others in the workplace, tween the behavior of individual participants in
in violation of workplace norms for mutual the spiral and the behavior of the organization
respect, workplace incivility represents one of as a whole.
the less intense forms of deviant workplace The research propositions we offer in this ar-
behavior. ticle await empirical testing. Tests of these
We have argued that workplace incivility can propositions, however, will require that a valid
spiral, beginning with one party's perception of and reliable measure of incivility be con-
an incivility and reciprocation with a counterin- structed. We envision the process of develop-
civility, which can potentially escalate to an ment of the incivility measure and testing of the
exchange of coercive actions when one party propositions to be a multimethod endeavor, con-
reaches a tipping point (i.e., perceives an iden- sisting of a combination of inductive and deduc-
tity threat). Further, we have argued that in- tive methodologies. First, to grasp the complex-

ities and subtle ambiguities of workplace time, as the spiral progresses. Perhaps a sample
incivility, we believe the use of interviews, field of employees could be asked to track uncivil
observations, and small group discussion would incidents that they experience or witness while
be beneficial. These techniques would allow ac- at work, maintaining a detailed diary as the
cess to the nuances of experience that constitute incidents occur.
an uncivil interaction, granting a depth of un- Beyond testing of the propositions, it is our
derstanding of the construct and enabling the hope that this article will provoke further re-
development of a "laundry list" of behaviors search into the construct of workplace incivility,
that employees consider to be uncivil. Next, a its antecedents and consequences, and its facil-
survey instrument focusing on critical incidents itators and inhibitors. We have not attempted to
of incivility and more intense deviant workplace describe or model the possible antecedents of
behaviors could be administered, preferably to incivility that may stem from the organizational
several different samples that are known or environment, nor have we addressed how inci-
likely to experience such behaviors. This would vility may affect certain organizational out-
allow for a preliminary understanding of the comes. For example, the following questions are
dimensions and boundaries of the construct. pertinent to incivility in today's workplace: How
More rigorous survey research, in which the might the fast-paced and global nature of to-
researcher analyzes the dimensions of incivility day's work environment spawn incivility? How
espoused in this article (rude and discourteous might incivility affect client/network relation-
behaviors, ambiguous intent to harm, and vio- ships and temporary workers? Further, we have
lation of workplace norms for mutual respect), not predicted how the facilitators of incivility
as well as other dimensions that emerge from and coercive actions (the hot temperament and
research, would be warranted before a univer- a climate of informality) may interact, or how
sal definition and measure of workplace incivil- other features of the organizational context may
ity could be accepted. A key objective at this facilitate or inhibit incivility. It would be inter-
stage of research would be to empirically dis- esting, for example, to examine whether an in-
tinguish incivility from similar workplace be- dividual with a hot temperament would be more
haviors. Laboratory and field experiments, often likely to "explode" in a very informal or a very
useful in providing valid first tests of a new formal organizational climate. Finally, the spe-
construct, probably would not be useful in the cific behaviors that make up workplace incivil-
case of incivility, since it would be difficult to ity likely differ somewhat among cultures and,
simulate, and possibly unethical to generate, possibly, even industries and organizations;
the intensity of affect and behavior under con- thus, it would be fascinating to examine work-
trived conditions. place norms across cultures and discover if
Once the incivility measure is honed, one baseline norms for mutual respect in the work-
could perform survey research that samples em- place are, indeed, universal.
ployees from a diverse range of organizations
and hierarchical levels in order to test the prop-
ositions. To capture the possibility that incivility Practical Implications
spirals occur over varying lengths of time, the There is a market in doing business consider-
researchers should employ longitudinal meth- ately: people choose to do business with those
ods. Alternatives to self-report measures should who grant them respect and make them feel
also be developed, as employees may be hesi- good (Martin, 1996; Solomon, 1998). A certain
tant to report on their own use of such a socially level of civility is fundamental to the operation
undesirable behavior as incivility. To combat of any business. When civility is absent, work
this potential bias, one could use content anal- relations can become frayed. An organizational
yses of employee e-mail and telephone conver- climate characterized by rudeness can make
sations, for example, to complement self-report workers miserable on the job, resulting in ag-
measures. Furthermore, one should consider the gressive behavior, higher turnover, lower pro-
varying perspectives of the multiple parties in- ductivity, and lost customers (Kamp & Brooks,
volved in a uncivil interaction. Ideally, all of the 1991; Neuman & Baron, 1997). Thus, incivility not
participants involved in a spiral could be sur- only makes the office unpleasant but may neg-
veyed and interviewed, at various points in atively impact a company's bottom line.

Incivility spirals, like other deviation-amplify- and that it will permeate the organization. In the
ing spirals in organizations, can be dangerous: worst case an organization that condones rude-
they can damage organizations, careers, and ness and aggressive behavior will attract others
people (Masuch, 1985). The spiral framework who act similarly, potentially causing increased
presented here provides managers with a start- turnover among the more considerate members
ing point for assessing factors in their organiza- of the organization and increased anger among
tions that may contribute to incivility and its others.
escalation into aggressive behaviors. In addi- Those who instigate uncivil behavior must be
tion, the examination of two of the individual held accountable, regardless of their hierarchi-
and organizational contextual characteristics cal prestige or special talents. Setting policies
that contribute to an incivility spiral is relevant and reinforcing norms that inhibit the occur-
to managers, because it suggests the types of rence and escalation of uncivil interaction, such
individuals who are more likely to commit un- as zero tolerance for shouting matches, could
civil and aggressive acts, as well as the organ- reduce the likelihood of witnessed rudeness and
izational policies that might inhibit an uncivil secondary incivility spirals. In addition, the pro-
encounter. vision of such stress release options as corpo-
To begin, managers might evaluate how their rate fitness centers, human resource hot lines, or
own behaviors could contribute to a norm for conflict mediators might encourage employees
incivility. Correcting subordinates by pounding to develop means of releasing pent-up emotions
one's fist, swearing, or personally debasing without displacing them on other employees.
them sets an uncivil tone. Similarly, interactions Incivility is of increasing concern in American
between managers that are discourteous, result- society (Carter, 1998; Marks, 1996; Morris, 1996).
ing in loss of face, negatively impact not only Incivility in the workplace seems to be spread-
those in direct confrontation but also those who ing as the complexities of competition, technol-
witness or hear about the incident. As noted, ogy, and globalization intermingle. Workplace
these bystanders may then re-enact similar en- incivility, as a negative behavior with moral
counters with their own subordinates, peers, or implications and as a potential precursor to in-
customers. creasingly aggressive acts, deserves more
If curtailing incivility and aggression is im- scholarly attention. The ways in which incivility
portant to an organization, the organization affects organizational productivity and
should attempt to recruit and hire people whose employee well-being have yet to be tested.
characteristics may be expected to facilitate po- Organizations have much to gain by under-
lite, courteous interaction. Practical means of standing the factors that disrupt mutual respect
achieving this outcome include (1) conducting and prompt aggression; likewise, organizations
multiple interviews of applicants by a wide rep- have much to lose when uncivil, tit-for-tat inter-
resentation of future associates and then listen- actions occur and escalate.
ing to and acting on the feedback from those
interviewers; (2) building internship programs
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Lynne M. Andersson is an assistant professor of management at St. Joseph's Univer-

sity. She received her Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Her
research interests focus on individual attitudes and behaviors in the workplace,
particularly those of a deviant nature and related to pressing business-society issues.
Christine M. Pearson is an assistant professor of management at the University of
North Carolina at Chapel Hill. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Southern
California. Her research interests involve deterring and managing the dark side of
organizational life.


Andersson, L. M., Pearson, C. M. (1999) - Tit For Tat - The Spiraling Effect of Incivility in The Workplace.

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Tit for Tat?

The Spiraling Effect of Incivility in the Workplace

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TIT FOR TAT? THE SPIRALINGEFFECTOF

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verbal abuse during their previous 5 days of DEFINITIONAL

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Antisocial - Behavior that harms organization

Deviant - Antisocial behavior that violates

*.uagu.a.~u~ ;;Violence - High-intensity, physically

Aggression - Deviant behavior with

Incivility - Low-intensity deviant behavior with

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- .< Perceived Coercive 4< Desire for

Desire for Coercive Perceived Loss of )

_%umm Loss of 4 Perceived Coercive 4 Desire for

Desire for _ Uncivil Perceived _ Loss of

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(Party A) performs an uncivil act toward another Proposition 1: Perception of interac-

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Lynne M. Andersson is an assistant professor of management at St. Joseph's Univer-

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