Agustin Barrios and Musical Idenity

ABSTRACT
AGUSTIN BARRIOS AND MUSICAL IDENTITY:
TANGOS IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY
GUITAR REPERTORY
By
Robert J. Wahl
May 2012
Within the last five decades, the Paraguayan guitarist and composer Agusti'n
Barrios has become known as a key figure in guitar repertoire of the twentieth century.
In this thesis, the musical and cultural significance of three tangos by Barrios, for which
both published scores and primary recordings exist, will be examined. Barrios spent the
duration of his professional career concertizing throughout Latin America while
familiarizing himself with the local genres and styles of the regions through which he
travelled. By comparing the musical qualities of primary recordings and published scores
for his works Don Perez Freire, La bananita, and Tango No. 2 with the predominant
characteristics of Argentine tango circa 1910, elements of his "Pan-American"
compositional style will be authenticated.

AGUSTIN BARRIOS AND MUSICAL IDENTITY:
TANGOS IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY
GUITAR REPERTORY
A THESIS
Presented to the Bob Cole Conservatory of Music
California State University, Long Beach
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts in Musicology
Committee Members:
Alicia M. Doyle, Ph.D. (Chair)

Roger Hickman, Ph.D.
Adriana Verdie de Vas-Romero, Ph.D
College Designee:
Carolyn Bremer, Ph.D.
By Robert J. Wahl
B.M., 2009, San Diego State University
May 2012
UMI Number: 1517559
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the following people for their assistance and support;
Dr. Alicia Doyle, Professor of Music at California State University, Long Beach
and my Thesis Committee Chair, whose support, guidance, and advice have helped me to
realize my potential and the true value of my research. I am thankful for the eagerness
with which she has shared her wealth of knowledge, and the many doors she has opened
in both my academic and professional careers.
Dr. Roger Hickman and Dr. Adriana Verdie de Vas-Romero, Professors of Music
at California State University, Long Beach and my thesis committee members, who
contributed to the development of this thesis through their thoughtful suggestions, and
insightfulness that can only come from years of experience and dedication to the study of
music.
Dr. Kristine Forney, Professor of Music at California State University, Long
Beach, for encouraging me in the field of musicology with her enthusiasm, knowledge,
and support. She has been an inspiration as I have expanded both my understanding, and
my participation in the field of musicology.
The entire faculty and staff of the Bob Cole Conservatory of Music for their
patience and support over the past years. Countless times they have helped to open
doors, both physically and metaphorically, while patiently helping to guide me on the
path to success.
iii
My fellow graduate students who have been an inspiration to my studies, and my
friends who have supported me throughout my entire collegiate career. Without these
people it would have been a more difficult and lonely endeavor than necessary. They
have all encouraged and pushed me towards excellence.
I would also like to thank my family. I cannot thank them enough for the support
and encouragement they have shown in my study of music. From my first trumpet and
guitar lessons, to graduation with my Bachelors of Music, they have been there with kind
words and eager ears. The thanks on this page cannot express how much they have
meant to me.
Finally, this thesis is dedicated to my parents, Brad and Cheryl Wahl, who
encouraged my love of music from the earliest of years. From blowing notes on the flute,
to teaching me my first notes on the guitar, they always been there to help wherever my
curiosity has led me. Whether driving across town for guitar lessons, or hundreds of
miles to hear me perform, their unwavering support cannot be equated. For everything, I
am forever grateful.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
LIST OF FIGURES vii
PREFACE xi
CHAPTER
1. EARLY LIFE AND CONCERT CAREER OF AGUSTIN BARRIOS 1
2. LATIN AMERICAN HISTORY 15
Colonial Conquest 15
Paraguay 18
Conclusion 19
3. LATIN AMERICAN POPULAR DANCES 20
Introduction 20
Polka 22
Maxixe 26
Zamacueca 28
Cueca 30
Zamba 31
Milonga 33
Tango 36
Conclusion 43
4. TANGO SCORE ANALYSES 44
Introduction 44
Tango No. 2 45
Don Perez Freire 50
La Bananita 52
Conclusion 54
v
CHAPTER Page
5. CONCLUSION 56
BIBLIOGRAPHY 58
vi
LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE PAGE
1. Polka rhythms before 1850 24
2. Polka rhythms after 1850 24
3. Rendering of maxixe rhythm 28
4. Map of Argentina 32
5. Rendering of two zamba rhythmic figures 33
6. Rendering of milonga rhythm and supporting habanera rhythm 35
7. Rendering of three step milonga pattern in 2/4 meter 36
8. Rendering of typical habanera and tango rhythms 42
9. Diagram of Tango No. 2 47
10. Three-note anacrusis in Tango No. 2 mm. 16 - 17 as notated and realized as

recorded by Barrios 48
11. Tango No. 2 realized as recorded by Barrios and Choro No. 1 mm. 1-2 as
published by Heitor Villa-Lobos 48
12. Example of habanera rhythm in Tango No.2 mm. 1-6 49
13. Example of maxixe rhythm in Tango No. 2 mm. 16 and 75 49
14. Diagram of Don Perez Freire structure 50
15. Example of passing F-natural in Don Perez Freire mm. 10-12 51
16. Example maxixe rhythm in Don Perez Freire mm. 34-35 52
17. Diagram of La Bananita structure 53
vii
FIGURE PAGE
18. Example harmonic progression from La Bananita mm. 5-10 53
viii
PREFACE
Paraguayan Agustfn Pio Barrios [Mangore] (1885-1944) is remembered as not
only one of the most talented guitarists in recent memory, but also as one of the greatest
composers for the instrument. This paper investigates the authenticity of three works by
Barrios with the descriptive title of tango for which Barrios personally recorded and
published. Barrios's career took him through most South and Central American countries
before embarking to Europe, where he received critical acclaim and international
recognition. His ventures across the great expanses of Latin America allowed him to
connect with the indigenous sprit of the people he encountered on a spiritual level, while
his European ventures reinforced his position as an international figure on guitar.
The political and cultural transitions within Latin America at the turn of the
nineteenth century were readied for a figure to unify the people through a common
element such as music. Barrios continuously found himself in touch with the indigenous
aspects of the regions through which he travelled as he toured new territories and
absorbed local musical traditions. Mid-way through his performance career, Barrios
assumed the persona of a Guarani name Chief Nistusa Mangore helped to solidify
himself as both a Paraguayan national hero and an "American" musical icon. The short
lived character, however, proved to have a lasting impact upon not only his
compositional output, but also the people for whom he performed.
ix
Many of the countries through which Barrios travelled had national and regional
dances with distinct characteristics. It was these unique qualities within each dance that
helped Barrios to replicate the local sounds in his own works. His compositional voice
came to represent the Latin American musical voice that helped him to earn the title of a
true Pan-American composer.
This paper analyzes of the cross-cultural musical characteristics within three
Argentine tangos written and recorded by Agustin Barrios in the second decade of the
twentieth century. The authenticity of the descriptive title "tango" for the pieces Don
Perez Freire, La bananita, and Tango no. 2 are be evaluated through formal and aural
analysis of score and primary recordings. Each element within the compositions will be
compared with the traits of the Argentine tango between the years 1910 and 1920.
x
CHAPTER 1
EARLY LIFE AND CONCERT CAREER OF AGUSTIN BARRIOS
Agustin Pfo Barrios, a guitarist who came to change the way artists and audiences
the world over would view the classical guitar, was born May 5, 1885 in a small province
of central Paraguay. Musical training for Agustin began at a young age with his father,
Doroteo, forming a small family orchestra comprised of the various instruments available
to the family. Each of the seven boys in the Barrios family took up a different
instrument, and the family ensemble consisted of flute, harp, guitar, and cornet.
Fortunately, Agustin's natural musical abilities were recognized and nurtured from an
early age. The level of training Barrios was able to receive in Paraguay was limited, and,
eventually, he was compelled to travel abroad to pursue advanced studies.1
By the time Agustin was fifteen, he was studying under the tutelage of guitarist
and fellow Paraguayan Gustavo Sosa Escalada (1877-1943). As one of the most
influential musicians in Barrios's youth, Escalada introduced him not only to the most
1 A great debt is owed to the biographical research conducted on Agustin Barrios

to Richard "Rico" Stover in his book Six Silver Moonbeams: The Life and Times of
Agustin Barrios Mangore. This has been an invaluable resource for not only helping to
follow Barrios's wandering performance tours throughout Latin America, but also an
intimate look into the relationships maintained between Barrios and his supporters and
patrons; Richard D. Stover, Six Silver Moonbeams: The Life and Times of Agustin
Barrios Mangore (Clovis, California: Querico Publications, 1992), 10, 23.
1
well known guitar methods of the time by Fernando Sor, Dionisio Aguado, and Fernando
Carulli, but also to the compositions of the lesser-known Julian Areas, Antonio Jimenez
Manjon, and Gaspar Sagreras.
Barrios's life as a concert artist began when he left Paraguay in 1910 for Buenos
Aires, a city that was equated culturally to New York. Upon his arrival, the concert
repertoire he presented on a guitar with steel strings, rather than modern gut, consisted of
little more than popular music based on tangos and traditional themes. At this time,
Barrios was better versed in folk songs than art music literature; he was described as
more "familiar with the streets than the concert halls." The two years Barrios spent in
Buenos Aires were essential to the type of composer and performer he would soon
become. However, his concerts in Buenos Aires did not result in much financial success,
as the people of the city had already been exposed to the concert genius of Spaniard
Andres Segovia. Although the Argentine audience may have been resistive to the
romantic character of Barrios's live performances, he began what would become a
notable career in recordings. From the city of Buenos Aires, he made his way to
Uruguay, where he continued to concertize but also began serious study of compositions
by European masters. Barrios recognized that to become a successful artist, he needed to
add pieces of substantial character and sophistication to his concert catalogue, pieces that
belonged to the art music repertory.
2 Stover, Six Silver Moonbeams, 38.
2
It was clear through the example set by Andres Segovia during the time that, in
order to find success in the concert hall, a combination of works by historically
successful composers was essential on a program. From the year 1916, programs from
Barrios's concerts demonstrate that he began to include works by Bach, Verdi, Chopin,
Grieg, and Mendelssohn. Barrios, however, did not seem content with commercial
success based solely on the compositions of Europeans.
Despite his goal of improving his reception with art music, it was his original
compositions, such as the tango Bicho Feo, that stole the show.3 This young Paraguayan
artist, composing in an Argentine style to receive praise in Brazil, was the beginning
pattern of a Pan-American style that was set to repeat throughout the rest of his life.
Barrios spent the years between 1916 and 1920 in Brazil concertizing throughout smaller
towns and venues. Program evidence indicates that he added works to his repertoire by
Tchaikovsky, Mozart, Schumann, Beethoven, and the nineteenth-century Spanish
composer of guitar works, Francisco Tarrega.4
A set of programs from Uruguay in 1916, the same year as the Brazilian encore of
Bicho Feo, indicate three nights of performances prominently featuring some of his
original compositions. Strategically, Barrios used his pieces to open and close each
performance as well as alternating them with well-known works. In the first two nights
3Bicho Feo (ugly bug) is an Argentine tango encored twice in Brazil on

December 12, 1918 while on the same program as works by the aforementioned
European composers.
3
of this series, the repertory was comprised primarily of works by other composers from
both Europe and South America, and the third night was dedicated entirely to the works
of Barrios. The program was a display of what he had learned through his studies of
other composers when combined with indigenous and folk-like characteristics. Barrios's
ability to capture folk melodies and rhythms within his pieces is largely responsible for
his enduring popularity throughout large regions of Latin America. His style was
described by Paraguayan guitarist and Barrios historian Cayo Sila Godoy (1919):
Passing through the distinct countries of the continent, he stopped and listened for
a while, understanding immediately the soul of the region, and soon after would
be heard in his own artistic and emotional voice. There are countries in America
in which the compositions of Barrios on folkloric motifs have not been surpassed
by native musicians of those nations.5
The years spent concertizing throughout Brazil allowed Barrios to perfect his
performance techniques and create the reputation for himself as an outstanding composer
and performer. In 1919, Barrios was invited to perform a private concert in Rio de
Janeiro for the Italian Conductor Gino Marinuzzi of La Scala Opera in Milan. During
this visit, Barrios performed his own compositions with Marinuzzi congratulating the
Paraguayan as both a composer and performer.6 The same year, Barrios was invited to
perform for the President of Brazil in the company of other high ranking officials; here
too he was saluted and praised for his artistry.
5 Stover, Six Silver Moonbeams, 181; Cayo Sila Godoy is a Paraguayan guitarist
and musicologist who achieved national success by securing government funding to
travel, perform, and research along the same route as Agustin Barrios. Godoy has also
enjoyed an international career as performer and lecturer.
6 Ibid., 54.
4
The life of a pan-American artist continued for Barrios as he moved to Uruguay,
where, in 1921, he wrote one of his most famous compositions, La Catedral. This work
is a Baroque inspired study in counterpoint and is considered a fine example of his
maturing compositional style. Eventually he returned to Buenos Aires and had the
opportunity to attend a concert given by Segovia who, by this time, was becoming a
successful international figure. Remarkably, in 1921, Barrios was able to perform an
intimate personal concert for Segovia. It was in this private setting that Barrios presented
several of his own compositions, including La Catedral. Barrios left this encounter with
confidence in both his performance and compositional techniques, as Segovia is said to
have given him kind words and even requested a copy of La Catedral. Despite
increasing notoriety and praise from concert audiences, diplomats, and renowned
musicians alike, Barrios was still at a loss as to how to achieve international and financial
success.
In 1922, Barrios left Buenos Aires, toured throughout Chile and eventually
returned to his home country of Paraguay. Upon his arrival in Paraguay, Barrios was
treated to both kind press and successful concerts, as, by this time, he was one of, if not
the, most famous Paraguayan musicians. At most of the concerts, he included a native
folk melody performed as an encore. It was in Paraguay at this time that Barrios
established a desire to embody the spirit of the pan-American people in his performances.
The idea of connecting with indigenous roots was realized in an August 27th
performance in the Teatro Belvedere in Asuncion, Paraguay as it marked the first
appearance of his piece titled Aires sudamericanos. The piece, a combination of many
5
popular South American melodies, was immediately followed by one of his most
successful works, Souvenir d'un Reve (later retitled Un Sueno en la Floresta, 1930). The
time Barrios spent in Paraguay was also a time in which he began to become in tune with
the indigenous spirit of his people. A November 4th performance in the Granados Theater
featured the first public appearance of his highly successful work Leyenda Guarani—a
reference to the large population of Guarani Indians still remaining in Paraguay, Brazil,
Argentina, and Bolivia. Again, six months later, Barrios composed another work with
allusions to indigenous cultures, Jha Che Valle. This piece, translating to "Oh My
Homeland," exhibits mestizo characteristics, and is titled in the native Guarani language
still spoken by the majority of citizens in Paraguay. The work is written in the form of a
polka, one of the most popular folk dances in South America at this time.
Despite success in Paraguay and Brazil, Barrios seemed dissatisfied with
remaining in one location for too long. He returned to the more metropolitan setting of
Argentina in 1923 in order to produce additional recordings with the aspiration of
achieving critical acclaim through his refined performance technique, improved
repertoire, and diverse compositional catalogue. Several months were spent composing
in the outskirts of Buenos Aires before Barrios arranged a series of three concerts
comprised entirely of his own original works. Unfortunately, only one of these concerts
actually took place due to lack of public interest. The Buenos Aires audience by this time
had acquired a taste for the more modern, European style thanks in large part to Andres
6
Segovia and his frequent performances. Works that Barrios had intended to perform at
the three concerts exhibited diverse connections and roots in South American music,
including a Danza, Vals, Habanera, Mazurka, Aire de Zamba, Three Paraguayan Airs
(titled in Guarani), and his piece Leyenda Guarani. Curiously, this program for Buenos
Aires, distinctly lacks any reference to local music such as the milonga, tango, chacarara,
etc.
Shortly after the reduced performance series, Barrios left Buenos Aires for Brazil,
joined, by his poet brother Francisco Martin. The two were forced to leave Brazil for the
safety of Uruguay when civil war erupted in Brazil shortly after their arrival in December
of 1923. Over the next several years, while touring throughout Uruguay, Barrios became
more connected with cultural identities of the region. An examination of various
programs from this time reveals the inclusion of numerous pieces with reference to South
America and Paraguay in particular. Titles in Guarani, pieces in South American genres,
references to South America as a single entity, and poetry by his brother Francisco
O
prominently stand out on programs from this period.
The Barrios brothers returned to Paraguay in August of 1924, for what would be
Agustin's last stay in his home country. It was during this visit that Barrios appropriately
recited his sonnet Bohemio upon conclusion of the last of his many successful concerts in
the country.9 In concert programs from this era, more titles with allusions to various

9 Ibid.,183; Agustin's sonnet Bohemio (1922) is a reflection of the enduring
hardship he faced in his life as a bohemian artist travelling the great expanse of South
7
regions of South America, such as Potpourri of National Polkas, Chopi-Danza National,
various National Airs including Aire de Quena (a reference to an indigenous Andean
instrument). Other works with Guarani titles, including poetry by his brother Francisco,
are noticeable in programs from this period. Barrios generated great momentum in his
concert success through a Pan-American appeal that only continued to build over the next
decade.
Desiring one last attempt to win over the public of Buenos Aires, Barrios returned
in 1927. A more traditional program was planned for this concert series in comparison to
his last attempt, which consisted entirely of original works. Barrios once again
programmed the standards of Albeniz, Granados, and Tarrega as well as Mozart, Chopin,
and Bach. He also included his own works, such as the newly composed Pericon (based
on a folk dance found in Paraguay, Argentina, and Uruguay).10 Unfortunately for
Barrios, Segovia was also in Buenos Aires performing during this time and had already
secured an international reputation as one of the top performers in the world. In contrast
to the enormous international success of Segovia, Barrios had scarcely managed a
successful tour of South America.
Due to the progressive taste of the concert public in Buenos Aires, Barrios was
unable to fill the hall for his first concert, and cancelled the following two nights. The
public of 1928 Buenos Aires desired modern works and guitar with traditional gut strings,
America that concludes with a final line referencing his grave will be in a distant
unknown port.
10 Ibid., 102.
8
not the steel strings with which Barrios continued to play. Utterly dejected by the
outcome, Barrios swore off Argentina and left shortly thereafter for Brazil.11
The repeated failure at concertizing in Buenos Aires had a profound effect on
Barrios's ego. A psychological transformation seemed to be set underway as he decided
to leave South America and pursue success further north. Depressed, exhausted, and
fighting symptoms of syphilis, Barrios needed to find a way to revitalize his personal
enthusiasm for his music as well as create public interest. In 1930, at the age of 45,
Barrios made his first appearance as Chief Nitsuga Mangore, an alternate stage persona
created by Agustin Barrios. This assumed identity would shortly thereafter consume the
composer, as Chief Mangore came to life between 1930 and 1934 as a reflection of the
American spirit.
Bahia, Brazil in 1930 is the first location from which we have a documented
public appearance of Chief Mangore. Billed under the title of "Agustin Barrios
portraying the caricature of Nitsuga," the gradual transition towards complete
consumption by Chief Nitsuga Mangore three years later was underway. Accompanying
the first appearance of the name Nitsuga was the recitation of his poem Profesion de Fe
as well as the local genre of choro added to his compositional catalogue. The tour of
Brazil was highly successful, despite Barrios being the first concert guitarist to perform in
many of the more remote towns. Barrios found little trouble drawing in the crowds while
9
touring remote locations as he billed himself as the best guitarist in the world currently
touring Brazil while passing through on his way to an American and European tour.
From 1930, Barrios performed pieces such as Poema de America, Alvorada
Guarany, Dos Choros Tipicos, Paraguayan and Brazilian national anthems, in
combination with classic European works, as Chief Nitsuga toured from Brazil up to
French Guiana. In French Guiana, he gave several successful concerts before embarking
to the islands of Trinidad and Tobago, and Martinique. It is evident in the Caribbean as
well that he was able to connect with the public and find success with his theatrics by the
way audiences often demanded repeat performances.12 As with the rest of the tour, the
programs he scheduled in these regions featured several European works and many of his
own. While in the islands of the Caribbean, Barrios composed a piece that was inspired
by regional practice known as the Zapateado Caribe, which found great popularity.13
The success Barrios enjoyed throughout South America and the Caribbean islands
quickly paled in comparison to the level of stardom he soon achieved in Caracas,
Venezuela in 1932. A successful press conference in February of that year led to a period
of continuous concertizing which no other artist had achieved in the region, nor would
Barrios again accomplish throughout the rest of his career. Following the press event,
Chief Mangore performed twenty-five concerts in Caracas in the short period of eight
12 A handwritten account of unknown authorship on a concert program from

December 12, 1918 describes Barrios's performance of own compositions as encore, and
his piece Bicho Feo performed twice by request; Stover, Six Silver Moonbeams, 52.
13 Ibid., 126.
10
weeks.14 The people there embraced both the indigenous caricature and his pan-
American compositions.
Barrios was known to have been a sociable person and capable of playing with
other musicians, and he did just that in Caracas during a special event in his honor. At
this special event he was reported to have performed his popular tango Bicho Feo, his
zapateado arranged for three guitars, and even to have improvised a joropo (Venezuela's
national dance) with other musicians.
Departing from the highly successful stay in Caracas, Barrios engaged in a
Western tour of Venezuela as he ventured southward to Valencia, Venezuela and
eventually to Bogota, Colombia. Barrios was again met with gracious reception and
critical acclaim by the National Conservatory in Bogota. His programs were comprised
of his usually programmed works and the premier of his piece Fiesta de la Luna Nueva;
yet another work based on Guarani lore.
Chief Mangore arrived in Mexico City in 1934 and presented two well received
concerts in his theatric apparel. Barrios's success was rather exceptional as Segovia was
also concertizing in the area at the same time. Despite the success Barrios found with the
creation of Chief Nitsuga Mangore in 1930, it was a ploy which he could not perpetuate
indefinitely, as he desired critical and international success. Agustin Barrios ultimately
gave up the Indian portrayal after fellow countryman and Paraguayan ambassador to
14Stover, Six Silver Moonbeams, 128.
11
Mexico, Don Tomas Salomoni, convinced him the costume "was not dignified and
appropriate."
Whether or not Barrios agreed with Don Tomas Salomoni that his persona was
not dignified will likely remain unknown, but it was with the help of Salomoni that
Barrios was able to receive what he likely considered the ultimate artistic validation of
his works. Travelling with Salomoni and family, he made his way to Europe in the fall of
1934 for a brief period, this time dressed in a black and white tuxedo. While in Europe,
Barrios played in several esteemed venues, including the Venezuelan Consulate in
Brussels, live on German radio (possibly as the last non-Aryan before radio censorship),
and for Victoria Eugenia, the Queen of Spain. Most importantly, however, was an early
stop at the Belgium Royal Conservatory of Music in Brussels.15
At the Belgium Royal Conservatory, Barrios is reported to have performed the
first half of his program with works by Bach, Beethoven, Chopin and other standard
composers. The audience of cultured intellectuals and fellow musicians was allegedly
less than enthused. However, he quickly changed their opinion with the second half of
the performance, which featured his own works including Diana Guarani, Un Sueno en
la Floresta, and Fiesta de la Luna Nueva. With the conclusion of his performance, the
15 ChrisErwich, "Barrios of German Radio in 1935," Soundboard: The Journal of

the Guitar Foundation of America 37, no. 3 (2011), 21; Stover, Six Silver Moonbeams,
156.
12
audiences praised the Paraguayan, and, in a less direct way, the Americas through their
approval of indigenous musical ideas.16
After spending several months in Europe traveling with no particular agenda or
concert schedule, Barrios returned to the Americas where he spent the rest of his days.
Prior to his death in 1944, Barrios continued touring throughout Central and South
America before retiring from a life of travel in San Salvador at the Olmedo Conservatory
of Music where, as a teacher, he left a legacy of fine guitarists.17
Segovia and Barrios both found success in the works of the European masters, but
it was Barrios's regional compositions that set him above and apart from Segovia in the
Americas. Having more than three hundred compositions to his name, Barrios composed
a significant number modeled on the dances and genres of the regions through which he
travelled, including pieces titled aire, polka, choro, maxixe, cueca, milonga, tango, vals,
zapateado, and many others with titles alluding to Indigenous and Indian life.
Performing his cuecas in Panama, tangos in Brazil, and pieces based on Guaranf lore in
Europe attest to the universality of the American spirit which Barrios was able to harness.
The creation of Chief Nitsuga Mangore and the programs which Barrios
performed throughout the Americas, appealed to indigenous, mestizo, and immigrant
populations; all were needed to fill the concert halls in the more remote locations. The

17 Ibid.,167; While residing in El Salvador, Barrios was appointed to the position
of Professor of Guitar at the National Conservatory by President General Maximiliano
Hernandez Martinez in 1940. He taught an astounding number of students who would
continue their careers and legacy of Barrios after his death in 1944.
13
astounding catalogue of diverse compositions by Agustfn Barrios represent the successful
efforts of an artist seeking the unification of countries and continents by giving them one
musical voice through which to speak.
14
CHAPTER 2
LATIN AMERICAN HISTORY
Colonial Conquest
The Spanish conquest of Peru in 1532 and the subsequent creation of a
Viceroyalty in Peru ten years later set the stage for periods of revolution and war in South
America that lasted over the next four centuries. Between the establishment of a
Viceroyalty and the birth of Agustin Barrios in 1885, immigrants from the Old World
brought with them some of the best aspects of their respective lands, including willing
laborers, diverse languages, and unique cultures, but with those great additions also came
horrors of diseases, war, racial prejudices, and often times religion.1
It was not until the nineteenth century that the native people of South America
began to regain political and religious control of their lands. The first three decades of
the 1800s witnessed several countries (namely Paraguay, Brazil, Chile, Colombia,
Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, Uruguay, and Argentina) gain freedom from the influence
of external governing powers. Coinciding with this newfound freedom was an
1 A valuable resource to contextualize the cultural, political, and religious changes

within Peru and the surrounding South American territories from the time of colonization
is available within the following source; Orin Starn, Carlos Ivan Degregori, and Robin
Kirk eds., The Peru Reader: History Culture, Politics, (London: Duke University Press,
2005).
15
immigration boom and the industrialization of many countries beginning in the mid-
nineteenth century.
A wave of German and Italian workers coming to settle the remote agricultural
lands of South America had begun in the early 1800s and continued at a steady rate
through the twentieth century. Large urban centers, however, were the locus of
unprecedented immigration rates by the end of the 1800s. In the case of Brazil during the
last two decades of the nineteenth century, the country had 1.6 million Europeans, mostly
Portuguese, arrive in search of work and a new life. It was not only Europeans,
however, who settled with the indigenous people of South America, as an estimated two
million slaves had been brought to Brazil from Africa by this time. With 1888 marking
the end of slavery in Brazil, additional European immigrants were subsidized by the
government in order for them to take over agriculture production while immigration from
other regions of the world in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was also common, as
over 100,000 Japanese immigrants had arrived in Brazil by 1930.
These population statistics are not unique to Brazil. Major ports and urban
centers throughout South America, such as Buenos Aires, Argentina; Montevideo,
Uruguay; and Lima, Peru, were also witness to year after year immigration increases that
2 Marlou Schrover, "Migration to Latin America," Universiteit Leiden,

http://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/history/migration/chapter53.html (accessed Jan. 6, 2011).
3 Ibid.
16
continued well into the twentieth century.4 The millions of immigrants arriving to South
America managed to retain certain aspects of their various cultures, specifically music, as
they settled throughout the enormous landscape of South America.
Popular music from Europe such as opera, ballroom dances, and various folk
genres, arrived with the extraordinary amount immigrants in the cities before their
eventual dispersion into the countryside. With immigrants arriving from various regions
of both Eastern and Western Europe, the folk music present in South America was
diverse. Standard European dances such as the gavotte, waltz, mazurka, and polka were
practiced, adapted, and combined with local characteristics eventually evolving into what
would become regional dances such as the maxixe, tango, danza paraguaya, and cueca.
The universal combination of immigrant subcultures yielded to a more
generalized homogeneity in South America, as retaining cultural, and specifically
musical, identity in immigrant communities was a near impossibility, particularly for the
poor and lower-classes. Often forced into the confines of slums and makeshift
apartments of the large cities, immigrants were exposed to the cultural traditions of their
friends and neighbors by virtue of proximity. The closeness of residents (in often sub
standard dwellings) resulted in both assimilation into their new country, as well as the
perpetuation of their own cultures with newfound participants.
While immigration to South America benefitted the basic needs of city dwellers
through the paving of roads, electrification of the cities, and the raising of various ports
4Brian R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: The Americas and

Australasia, (Detroit, Michigan: Gale Research Company, 1983), 105-08, 141-42.
17
into world economic markets, local residents were challenged by a search for identity as
their cultures became diluted and their distinct populations dwindled. The nineteenth
century was a time of great change throughout the South America, but it was also one of
the most deadly. Not only had the nations lost lives while overthrowing foreign rule, but
domestic disputes over borders, trade, and minerals rights cost even more life.
Paraguay
The loss of a significant part of the population to war, slavery, and sickness
created a sense of community in the remaining indigenous population of South America
despite physical and linguistic barriers. Paraguay, however, was particularly devastated
by political and social unrest following the shift of governorship from the Viceroyalty of
Peru to the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata in 1766, and the subsequent expulsion of the
Jesuits in 1767. The destabilization of a central authority within Paraguay led to the male
population serving in the colonial militia to fight in far-off battles under the demand of
distant authorities.
The country of Paraguay remained in a state of political instability until
independence was won in 1811, following the conquest of Spain by Napoleon Bonaparte
in 1808. The resulting collapse of Spanish rule in the New World incited a territory and
power struggle between the coastal powers of Brazil and Argentina over control of
Paraguayan resources. Initially this struggle was repelled by the Paraguayan military,
,but their fortune would not last.
The decades after Paraguay achieved independence from Spain in 1811, a series
of dictators, each with his own ideals for how to run the country, came to power. Jose
18
Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia (r.1814-40), and Carlos Antonio Lopez (r.1841-62)
contributed to the rising total of Paraguayan lives lost to political ideals, but neither so
much as Francisco Solano Lopez (r.1862-70).
Conclusion
The political and social climate in South America, at the end of the nineteenth
century, was on the tipping point of stability by the time Agustfn Barrios was born in
1885. Although the country of Paraguay had been ravaged by the politically charged
War of the Triple Alliance (1865-1870) just a few decades earlier, cultural exchange
remained free and on the rise between feuding countries. Barrios would soon capitalize
on the distinct musical dialogues throughout the region as he travelled and adapted
various local characteristics into his music.
Between the combination of an indigenous stage character in 1930 and Barrios's
ability to write music with Pan American appeal, Barrios connected with many cultures
of the Americas and found success through most regions through which he travelled.
This success was aided by recent political revolutions in the region against foreign rule,
as an artist with indigenous ties had not only broad commercial, but sentimental as well.
As Barrios focused his attention on the regional musics of the countries through
which he travelled, he solidified for himself the reputation as both a virtuosic performer
and interpreter of indigenous sound. The characteristics of local music vary from country
to country but were all unified through the interpretation of the "Guarani Chief' Agustfn
Barrios Mangore.
19
CHAPTER 3
LATIN AMERICAN POPULAR DANCES
Introduction
When viewed through the lens of a tourist or outsider, South American culture is
frequently over generalized as a direct descendant of Spanish colonialism. While
Spanish serves as the primary language for many of the countries in Central and South
America, as well as the Caribbean and Mexico, there actually exist in South America
diverse cultural heritages with numerous independent languages and traditions which
predate Spanish conquest by centuries. Contributing to the diversity of contemporary
Latin American countries were the immigration and importation of many European and
African groups during the time of colonialism. The rate of immigration to South
America only increased through the early twentieth century, as cities developed and
quality of life improved arguably beyond many European conditions. The diversity of
cultures represented in South America is reflected in the music and dance created by the
immigrants.
With the music and dance that arrived in the "new world" distinct as the
immigrants themselves, cross-cultural influence was inevitable. Distinctions between
individual immigrant subcultures soon yielded to a more generalized homogeneity in
South America, as retaining cultural, and specifically musical, identity was a near
impossibility, particularly for the lower-class residents. Forced into the confines of slums
20
and makeshift apartments in cities beginning in the late eighteenth century, immigrants
were exposed to the multiple cultural traditions of their friends and neighbors. The close
proximity of the residents in these dwellings resulted in both assimilation into their new
country, through the swift adoption of local traditions, as well as the perpetuation of their
own cultures with newfound participants. The process of cultural stimulation developed
not only new political and economic progress, but the artistic as well, as seen in music
and dance.1
Through the nineteenth century, the number of dances imported into Latin
America was as numerous as the recent immigrants. Quickly benefitting from the
abundance of transplanted European models, new dances featuring both domestic and
foreign traits were created. While travelling throughout South America in the early
twentieth century, Agustfn Barrios Mangore was certainly exposed to both new and
transplanted dance forms that served as entertainment, not only for the upper class, but
for the poor and working classes as well. His contact with these dances is evident in the
catalogue of works he wrote that feature dance forms either in their titles or prominently
displayed characteristics within the pieces.
A prolific composer of guitar works, Barrios primarily wrote pieces based on
dances of European and local Latin American origins. Not only was Barrios a master
composer, he was also considered a virtuoso guitarist, with many recording available to
substantiate those claims. Unfortunately, as one of the first guitarists to produce
1
Julie Taylor, "Tango: Theme of Class and Nation," Ethnomusicology 20, no. 2
(May 1976), 274.
21
recordings, many of his works have been lost. The number of pieces for which we have
extant recordings, while significant, is far fewer than the number he actually created.
All together these are six Latin American dances for which both recordings and published
editions exist: a cueca, danza, maxixe, milonga, tango, and zamba.
The six dances that Barrios composed for which a recording survives all have
distinct cultural, melodic, rhythmic, and instrumentational characteristics that distinguish
each from the others. A brief survey of these elements within the six works will enable
audiences to understand not only the musical features, but also the historical backgrounds
that instill in them a social significance distinguishing them between countries and
allowing each to claim them as their own. As significant as the cultural heritages of these
dances are, it is the subtle differences in the musical character of each piece that expose a
Paraguayan and pan-American artist's interpretation of these intercontinental dances.
Polka
The European polka is a dance that has had far reaching influence, not only
throughout Europe, but across the Americas as well. By the early nineteenth century, the
polka expanded beyond its rural Bohemian roots to the Czech capital of Prague before it
2 Although Barrios was a talented and prolific composer, his desire to publish was
not as great as his desire to perform and improvise. It is believed that his total
compositions number over 300, but extant published pieces only account for about one
third of that total. There is also a discrepancy in the pieces he recorded compared with
works he published, as there are several recordings for which published editions by
Barrios remain unknown.
22
quickly continued to Paris, Vienna, and finally reaching the United States by 1850.3 Just
as quickly as the polka made its way across Europe and the United States, it took hold in
Latin American countries that harbored European immigrants fleeing across the Atlantic
to the new world. The international and intercontinental popularity of the polka set the
stage for regional adaptations to take place in emerging new markets.
Originating as a peasant folk dance, the European polka initially relied heavily
upon local ensembles and the instruments readily available to amateur musicians. In
Eastern Europe, polka ensembles consisted of eight to twelve instrumentalists with the
"fiddle" featured prominently from conception. Supporting the fiddle were various
members of the wind family and the double bass. It was not until after 1820 that the
accordion and concertina were featured as lead instruments in the ensemble.4
Early polka has been described as containing a slow, military mach-like tempo set
in a ternary form. This dance typically consisted of eight-bar sections with an optional
introduction and coda.5 The polkas prior to international dissemination by 1850 are
described as having rhythmic patterns of eighth and sixteenth notes without syncopation.
After the mid-nineteenth century, especially outside of the Bohemian region, syncopation
was added to create more rhythmic complexity.
3 GracianCernusak, et al., "Polka," Grove Music Online, ed. Deane Root,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed December 8, 2010).
4 New World Encyclopedia Contributors, "Polka," In New World Encyclopedia,
http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Polka (accessed December 12, 2010).
5 Cernusak,
"Polka." Grove Music Online, ed. Deane Root, http://www.oxford
musiconline.com (accessed December 7, 2010).
23
Characteristics of the polka are found manifest in the musics of many Latin
American countries, however, the focus of this study will on be the countries and dances
from which Barrios based his compositions. Of these, the most closely related to the
European polka is Barrios's danza paraguaya. Just as the polka had been adapted
regionally in Europe, so too was it adopted and adapted regionally in Latin America. The
adaptation of the polka into a Paraguayan dance as well as the declaration that it was
considered a Cancion Popular Nacional in 1944, indicates how culturally significant the
dance was.6
"tT—
4
/
s /yy I—^—//// //I /// I — I 1—/
LU U LU LLU Lii UJ U P LU LU Li =
/ ///«/||
ss s / s *} / s s s s/
FIGURE 1. Polka rhythms before 1850.
/• /// / / /// \ / / /' A / / /

u w u j w LJI
FIGURE 2. Polka rhythms after 1850.
6 IrmaRuiz, "Paraguay." Grove Music Online, ed. Deane Root

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed December 7, 2010)
24
The Paraguayan polka exhibits a slightly more rapid tempo than its European
predecessor, along with modified instrumentation to reflect the different assortment of
popular instruments existing within the borders of Latin America. This diversity in
instrumentation is witnessed in the Paraguayan polka ensembles, which often include
guitars, harp or violin, and double bass. The double bass functions in a similar fashion to
that of the European polka, but plays in rhythmic counterpoint to the guitars, which
perform more syncopated rhythms in 6/8 meter. The Paraguayan polka has also been
described as utilizing a mixture of 2/4 and 3/4 time signatures in a technique common to
many Latin American regions known as sesquialtera. Adding further rhythmic
complexity is the placement of triplets over a 2/4 time signature, which serves not only as
interest to both the audience and performers, but also as a differentiating feature of the
European polka and the Latin American adaptation. While the method of metric
variations in these dances may be different, the agreement of syncopation remains.
Many polkas do have vocal melodies, but it is not a requirement. Within the Paraguayan
adaptation, singers typically perform in parallel thirds, which is a common characteristic
of Latin American countries and a holdover from lingering Spanish traditions imported
during colonial time.
7 Nicolas Slonimsky, Music of Latin America, (Binghamton, New York: The Vail-
Ballou Press, 1945), 54.
8 Ibid., 54.
25
Maxixe
Unlike Paraguay in the nineteenth century, Brazil was home to centers of cultural
and monetary trade that, while larger in size and more diverse in the coastal regions, were
isolated linguistically from many of its neighboring countries. Although this figurative
barrier could be viewed as inhibiting in some ways, it also helped lead to cultural and
musical qualities unique to Brazil. One such item of Brazilian culture is the popular
dance, the maxixe.
Developed in the former Brazilian capital of Ri'o de Janeiro, the maxixe remained
a fixture of Brazilian musical life prior to its international dissemination in the early
twentieth century. The dance genre first made its appearance in the last quarter of the
nineteenth century while developing concurrently with the tango in Argentina. The
Brazilian maxixe and the danza paraguaya, like many dances in Latin America, share a
common ancestry that can easily be traced beyond their countries of practice by
identifying specific traits with origins across borders and oceans. It is the economic and
cultural influences within each country, however, that dictate the differences displayed
through each country's own interpretation of these source dances. Within coastal Brazil,
the strong African culture helped to create a dance unique among the other polka
influenced forms in Latin America.
The first mention of the maxixe can be found in the Gazeta da tarde dated
January 25, 1884. By the end of the first decade in the twentieth century, the maxixe had
achieved world wide popularity which lasted roughly between 1910 and 1915. This
26
worldwide popularity inspired composers of other countries, such as Agustfn Barrios, to
attempt to emulate this burgeoning genre.
The maxixe developed into maturity amongst the late nineteenth-century
Brazilian working class, who were living within repurposed mansions converted into
makeshift apartments known as cortigos. These dwellings, situated on the edge of major
cities and ports such as Rfo de Janeiro, were owned by wealthy citizens prior to fleeing to
the safety of the more appealing coastal areas.9 The converted apartments housed
immigrants from all parts of the world, which encouraged an exchange of various cultural
ideas and traditions, most notably music.
The musicians of early nineteenth-century Rfo assimilated international styles
while including their own influences in the music. As a result of many musicians in Rfo
being of African descent, rhythmic variations were introduced to the new syncretic
genres. These variations incorporated syncopation and cross-rhythms in addition to the
normal rhythmic downbeats of the pieces. The combination of rhythms in these new
genres resulted in complexities unmatched by other Latin American dances. The polka
was one such genre in Brazil to receive this syncopation and cross-rhythm treatment, as
rhythms were accented through the use of an idiophone shaker known as the chocalho.10
A basic rhythmic figure of the Brazilian maxixe is an eighth note between two sixteenths,
9John Charles Chasteen, National Rhythms, African Roots: The Deep History of
Latin American Popular Dance, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2004),
23.
10 Ibid., 17-18.
27
with the downbeat primarily remaining on the strong beat.11 Although an augmented
amount of syncopation is evident in the maxixe, when compared to the European polka
their likeness is undoubted. One key distinction between the two is the typical use of an
ABACA formal structure within the maxixe as opposed to the standard ternary form of
the polka.12
f ///// A / / / / / A / / / / / A / / / / / /
LU LU LU LU LU LU LU LU
FIGURE 3. Rendering of maxixe rhythm.13
Zamacueca
As previously discussed with both the maxixe and the danza paraguaya, many
dances within Latin America are derived from European models with close parallels to
dances in other Latin American regions. A prime example of simultaneous development
is witnessed in the upbeat, duple-meter Argentine dance, the zamacueca. Instantly
11 Slonimsky, Music of Latin America, 109.

19
Gerard Behague, "Maxixe." Grove Music Online, ed. Deane Root
http://www.oxfordmusiconIine.com (accessed December 7, 2010).
13
Behague, Music in Latin America, 188.
28
recognizable in the name are both the cueca, most often associated with Chile, and the
zamba of Argentina.
Musicologist Carlos Vega offered an early theory as to how dances were
disseminated throughout Latin America. Vega asserts that Lima, Peru served as a central
hub for the importation of Spanish culture where dances were then 'Peruvianized' prior
to distribution to the rest of the continent. These same dances then passed through
Bolivia to Chile and eventually on to Argentina. With a dwindling native Argentine
population in the nineteenth century and the transfer of these same dances through
multiple countries, it is an easy assumption to make that indigenous Argentine dance and
music was actually imported.14 It was through the process of adapting music and dance
into local traditions that the zamacueca came to be known in various countries by
different names including; cueca, Chilena, and cueca Chilena within Bolivia and Chile, as
well as tondero, mozamala, and marinera in Peru.
The zamacueca of Argentina consists of couples dancing to the melodic lines of
the guitar accompanied by the rhythm of the leguero drum. Like the maxixe and many
other Latin American dances, the zamacueca makes use of driving forces in the
instrumentation through the use of sesquialtera. This metrical organization is reflected in
both the cueca and zamba, which share the common origin in the zamacueca.
29
Cueca
The zamacueca likely made its way to Chile by way of Lima, with a first
appearance in Chile by 1824. Practiced in many countries throughout South America, the
cueca is primarily known as the Chilean national dance. Despite this common conception
it actually serves as the national dance for Chile, Peru and Bolivia, although known under
different names. In the spring of 1879, Chile declared war on both Bolivia and Peru, a
war that lasted through 1883. As an outcome of this war, Peru changed the name of the
popular cueca to the "marinera." Abelardo Gamarra, a Peruvian nationalist writer and
composer, proposed that the name change served the dual purpose of removing reference
to their enemy and honoring the Peruvian navy.15
The Bolivian version of the cueca varies from the established models in Chile and
Peru. In Chile and Peru, the cueca is nearly always in a major key in 6/8 time with an
accompaniment in 3/4. Within the collection of twenty cuecas in Musica Nacional
Boliviano by Simeon Roncal, eight are found to be in minor keys. The ratio of minor to
major keys appears to far exceed that found in cuecas outside of Bolivia.16
The cueca is characterized by a compound and triple meter in which the time
signature alternates between 6/8 and 3/4 at a lively tempo. This alternation also provides
rhythmic complexities through the use of sesquialtera. The cueca is almost always in a
single major key and utilizes primary position tonic and dominant chords supporting
15 Slonimsky, Music of Latin America, 152, 269.

16 Ibid., 106.
30
minor tonalities.17 Instrumentation for this dance remains fairly simple, as the cueca also
makes use of instruments common to the regions in which it is performed, such as guitar,
accordion, piano, harp, and percussion.18 The cueca often has an instrumental
introduction of eight or ten measures, with the last note of the piece typically on scale
degree three or five, never on the tonic. The cueca text typically consists of a quatrain
and a period of eight verses with the coda often offering a moral or summary of the text.19
Zamba
After the Argentine revolution of 1810, through which it won their independence
from Spain, Argentina became a major cultural center in Latin America. Through their
recently established independence, Argentina became connected with the major cities of
the world, such as Paris, London, and to a lesser extent New York.20 With Argentina now
free from any future influence of Spanish political rule, their role in Latin American
culture strengthened. Through a strikingly similar process to the one Peru imposed on
their own imported culture, so too did Argentina adopt and transform the cultures of
exotic locales before offering them to the rest of the continent.
As the zamacueca developed into the cueca of Chile, Peru and Bolivia, it also
produced the zamba in Argentina. This dance is similar to the cueca in origin but varies
17Slonimsky, Music of Latin America, 268, 160.

18 Bruno Nettl, et al., The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music, (New York:
Garland Publishing, 1998), 160.
20 Ibid., 76.
31
in musical characteristics. The slower zamba is found in the northern region of Argentina
and uses less syncopation than its "sibling" the cueca.21 The typical time signature of the
zamba is also 6/8, and also uses sesquialtera as a rhythmic foundation.
s-*
Scri-i
**
,'s «n
R:Crt
i-*'
S&b H^rc
-«
Jplli
Jiplilipl
•
liliiti;
FIGURE 4. Map of Argentina.
21
Slonimsky, Music of Latin America, 75.
32
7 / / / / / / / II:11 /•//// / / /
UI P uu
FIGURE 5. Rendering of two zamba rhythmic figures. 22
Milonga
Of the Latin American dances that Barrios both composed and recorded, the last
left to discuss is the Argentine tango. The tango has a predecessor closely connected to
the European polka that needs to be detailed. This precursor is the milonga, developed in
the Ri'o de la Plata and pampas region, and perfected through the efforts of the Argentine
gauchos in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
The population of Argentina during this time was comprised predominantly of
men, specifically white men. In this country dominated by white males, it was often the
mulatos (mixed race) and peoples of African descent who took the most pride in their
dancing; they often held the center of attention on the dance floor.23 From these two non-
white populations, the milonga developed into maturity in the vast expanses of the
pampas before arriving on the dance floors of large cities. The notion of the milonga
22 The first rhythmic figure is modeled after the example as presented in

Slonimsky, Music of Latin America, 78. The second figure has been suggested by Dr.
Adriana Verdie de Vas-Romero, Professor of Music at California State University, Long
Beach, whose knowledge as an Argentine-born musician has been generously shared
throughout the writing of this work.
23 Chasteen, National Rhythms, 25.
33
receiving heavy influence from African musicians is supported by Vicente Rossi's 1926
book Cosas de Negros, which discusses the African populace and the effects it had in the
Rio de la Plata region.
When the milonga arrived in the cities of Argentina and Uruguay from the
orilleros (outskirts), it found home in the repertoire of lower class citizens and dance
halls of the cities. Often misjudged as leading lives of loose morality, the lower class
citizens in the Rio de la Plata region added to the milonga the seductive and close
embrace for which it is remembered. This close embrace of the dancers was not
developed without outside influence, as it has been attributed to the rise in popularity of
the European polka in South America beginning in the mid-nineteenth century. The
dance has been described to look like "dancing on the deck of a ship in a rough sea," with
the practice of cortes and quebradas (cuts and breaks) that dates back to the early 1800s.
The bending of the dancing couple joined together at the hips in a slow and seductive
manner is a shared trait with the maxixe. The corte dance step immediately precedes the
quebrada in regular routines and is unique only to the tango and milonga.24 It is,
however, the combination of both cortes and quebradas in the milonga that make it
unique among other dances in Latin America. Other common characteristics of the dance
include no stops or pauses, the use of three steps over two beats and the cross over dance
step.
24 Chasteen, National Rhythms, 18-19.

Just as the choreographic roots are derived from the polka, so too are the musical
roots in terms of the form and harmonic language. However, the habanera rhythm, of
which many South American dances are based, also plays a strong role in its rhythmic
foundation.25 The milonga, typically in 2/4 meter, places emphasis traditionally on beats
1,4,5,7 and sometimes on beat 2. It is the syncopation and repeated figures over the rapid
9 f\
habanera rhythm that help distinguish the milonga from other dances. The popularity of
the milonga only lasted through the nineteenth century before eventually being eclipsed
and absorbed by the tango in the early twentieth century.
97
FIGURE 6. Rendering of milonga rhythm and supporting habanera rhythm.

26 Robert Farris Thompson, Tango: The Art History of Love, (NY: Vintage Books,
2005), 134.
27 As suggested by Dr. Adriana Verdie de Vas-Romero.
35
/• / / /
\// // /
P '^JU ) p
FIGURE 7. Rendering of three-step milonga pattern in 2/4 meter.28
Tango
With roots in the same lower-class setting as the milonga, the tango is another
Argentine dance with a unique and colorful background originating in the nineteenth
century. Utilizing the milonga as a foundation for both musical and choreographic
inspiration, the tango was developed and came to maturity in the Argentine capital of
Buenos Aires. The majority of the Argentine population during the nineteenth century
lived in the city of Buenos Aires and the surrounding coastal areas including the Rio de la
Plata region. It was the immigrant population in Buenos Aires that helped to shape the
city into the South American cultural center it would soon become in the early twentieth
century. With a near exponential population growth through the nineteenth century,
Buenos Aires saw the arrival of immigrants and their European ideals in mass quantity.
By the turn of the twentieth century, immigrants continued to arrive and push the
population of Buenos Aires upwards towards nearly two thirds European-born.29 The
lifestyles of these immigrants, recently disembarked from a several month voyage from
28 As suggested by Dr. Adriana Verdie de Vas-Romero.

29 SimonCollier, "The Popular Roots of Argentine Tango" History Workshop:
Latin American History, no. 34 (Autumn, 1992), 93.
36
whichever European country they were likely fleeing, stood in stark contrast to the
wealthy, conservative, and influential Spanish-loyal ranchers who remained in the
countryside. Each social class contributed to their city and country in beneficial yet
different ways.
Stimulated by the influx of immigrants, the city of Buenos Aires underwent both
social and physical transformations during the nineteenth century. Rivaling the physical
advancements of urban centers in Europe and the United States, Buenos Aires kept pace
with most modern conveniences, such as electric lighting and paved roads. The same
immigrants who supported the city in Buenos Aires also supported themselves and their
neighbors through the creation of self-sustaining cultural communities complete with
their own services, such as newspapers, social clubs, educational institutions and medical
centers.30 In contrast to the social standards present in many of their home countries,
what mattered most in the new world was wealth, not cultural heritage.31 This standard
allowed groups of poor citizens to socialize more freely than historically common. The
same emphasis on money over cultural origin allowed the sons of wealthy ranchers to
move freely among the smaller population of the immigrant upper and lower classes.
As the economic and social foundations for the citizens of Buenos Aires began to
flourish, so too did their musical appetite. Throughout the nineteenth century, Buenos
Aires maintained direct contact with Europe and imported all of the highest fashions
30 JoBaim, Tango: Creation of a Cultural Icon, (Bloomington, IN: Indiana

University Press, 2007), 16.
31 Ibid., 17.
37
'J J
ahead of other Argentine cities such as Cordoba, Salta, and Tucuman. The taste for
high society, encouraged by wealthy Argentines, led to the adoption of the latest musical
trends and the creation of the country's first resident opera company in 1848. Other
musical genres, such as the classical symphony and courtly dances, were also
encouraged. The first ballet was performed in 1830, and performers Niccolo Paganini
and Louis Moreau Gottschalk (mid-nineteenth century) also toured Buenos Aires.33
Along with political and social opinions, immigrants to South American urban
centers also brought their own folk cultures in the form of music and dance. All of the
popular European dances of the nineteenth century were imported to the cities including
the popular quadrille of France, the waltz and schottische of German origin, polkas of
Eastern Europe, and the Polish mazurka.34 Although these dances were considered to be
ballroom dances, they served more as creative outlets for the working class to interpret
and transform into local variations. Through social activities, such as singing and
dancing, the diverse immigrant groups were able to fraternize and share their cultures
with one another.
32Baim, Tango, 15.

33 Ibid., 18.
34 Andrew Lamb, "Quadrille." Grove Music Online, ed. Deane Root
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed December 7, 2010); Peter Gammond and
Andrew Lamb, "Waltz." Grove Music Online, ed. Deane Root
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed December 7, 2010); Stephen Downes,
"Mazurka." Grove Music Online, ed. Deane Root http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com
(accessed December 7, 2010).
38
Buenos Aires continued to develop culturally and economically through the
twentieth century, which meant the former way of Argentine life, including ranching and
to a lesser extent agriculture, were given less support and priority. By the end of the
nineteenth century the lifestyle enjoyed by the ranch hands and gauchos (compadres) in
the pampas would be no longer sustainable for the following generations. The sons of
these skilled workers were forced to the city in search of employment but quickly
resigned themselves to the lowest social classes, as they struggled to find work competing
against an overwhelming immigrant population. These sons of compadres (compadritos)
left the countryside to find work in an urban environment while maintaining many of
their rural traditions, which included a propensity for brandishing knives. Turn of the
century Argentina witnessed the legacy of the hard working and virtuous compadre
tarnished by compadritos as they built a negative reputation of laziness and petty
thievery.
Cafes, brothels, and bars were the favorite hangouts of the compadritos and were
the locus for the development of dances with suggestive characteristics. Already
stereotyped as lowlifes and petty thieves, the compadritos frequented these locales with
the intention of spending time with the women who serviced both the establishments and
the patrons. Between the unsavory activities of drinking, fighting, and soliciting
prostitutes, dancing was a favorite activity of the compadritos in the clubs and bars.
Whether with the women of the cafes or practicing with one another on the streets, the
men loved to dance. In conjunction with, and possibly a result of, the distinct lack of
women in the new world, the limits of socially acceptable dances routines were tested
39
and ultimately broken by the compadritos through the close embrace, and sexually
suggestive bends and breaks of the hips in the emerging genre of the tango.35
The major themes of tango dance routines have been analyzed and interpreted as
having several different meanings, but the element of conflict is a constant.
Choreography and lyrical content are often interpreted to reflect the machismo character
of the compadritos and other male youths in the slums and barrios of Buenos Aires.
The assertion of male dominance over the female compadrito counterpart (mina) is
portrayed in the close, sexual embrace of the dancers as well as the passive attitude of the
mina against the "aggression" men as they lead the couple on the floor. One
interpretation of tango choreography reads the compadrito as maintaining an upright
posture, in a similar manner to how compadritos conduct themselves on the streets, while
the flowing footwork and forward tilt of the spine represent common knife duels and
popular male fashion of high-heeled boots.37
In order to provide support to these aggressive and sensual dance routines, lyrics
of matching character are sung. Tango lyrics reflect the hardship faced by immigrants
and compadritos and the poor economic conditions of Buenos Aires during this time.
Lyrics can provide a glimpse into the psyche of men, who were unemployed and often
35 SimonCollier, "The Popular Roots of Argentine Tango," History Workshop:

Latin American History, no. 34 (Autumn, 1992), 95.
36 Julie
M. Taylor, "Tango: Theme of Class and Nation," Ethnomusicology 20, no.
2 (May 1976), 277.
37 GerardBehague, "Tango." Grove Music Online, ed. Deane Root
40
lonely. The pessimistic and fatalistic content of this dance deals with love and all forms
of accompanying pain, betrayal, bitterness, and anger. Primarily commenting on the hurt
inflicted by minas and with their non-committal ways, tango lyrics also served, in few
cases, the purpose of social protest through lyrics alluding to political and social
change.38
Musical accompaniment to the choreography and lyrics of early tango was
provided by small trio and quartet ensembles, which led to the formation of tango
orchestras by the 1920s known as orquesta tipicas.39 Early ensembles were simple
groupings of European instruments and primarily featured the bandoneon (a variation of
the accordion). Ensembles had many variations prior the standardization of the orquesta
ti'pica through the inclusion of whichever instruments available best suited the rhythmic
and melodic requirements of the dance. Example ensembles included bandoneon and
two guitars; bandoneon violin, flute, and guitar; clarinet, violin, and piano; and
bandoneon, violin, and piano. For early tango at the end of the nineteenth century, flute
and violin were used for the melodic content in unison, with the guitar performing the
rhythmic foundation of the habanera rhythm.
^O
Behague, "Tango." Grove Music Online.
39 Dale
A. Olsen and Daniel A Sheehy, eds. The Garland Handbook of Latin
American Music (New York: Routledge, 2008), 395.
41
/• // / \ y. £1
1 / / /\// // /
UU 1 PU 'LLJ u
FIGURE 8. Rendering of typical habanera and tango rhythms.40
The use of the bandoneon after 1865, particularly the "Double A" version,
changed the character of the ensemble through meter and timbre, but it was the addition
of the string bass for additional rhythmic and harmonic support after 1910 and the piano
between 1916-18 that solidified the orquesta tfpica as the following: two violins, two
bandoneons, piano and string bass.41
The typical form of tangos prior to 1915 was a simple ternary structure, but
composer Enrique Delfino established the two-part binary form around the year 1915.
The new form consisted of two sections of equal length which ranged between fourteen
and twenty measures with the second part usually in the dominant or relative minor key.42
Along with the tripartite form of the tango prior to 1915, duple meter borrowed from the
tango's habanera and milonga roots was the primary meter. It was not until around the
40 Gerard Behague, "Tango," Grove Music Online, ed. Deane Root

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com (accessed December 8, 2010); Thompson, The Art
History of Love, 173.
41 Olsen, The Garland Handbook, 395; Thompson, The Art History of Love, 178,
181.
42 Behague, "Tango." Grove Music Online.
42
same time as the creation of the two-part form that 4/4 and 4/8 time signatures were
accepted standard meters.43
Conclusion
Every region through which Barrios travelled had its own distinct style of music,
whether song or dance, that played a crucial role in his creative output. An abundance of
regional harmonies, melodies, and rhythms were available for Barrios to draw upon
freely as he composed in the popular styles. The seamless blending of cross cultural
elements is apparent within the dance works of Agusti'n Barrios from 1910 onwards.
43 Thompson, The Art History of Love, 175.
43
CHAPTER 4
TANGO SCORE ANALYSES
Introduction
The following analyses of three tangos by Agustin Barrios is an investigation of
authenticity of the title "tango" as applied to his compositions Tango No.2, Don Perez
Freire, and La bananita. A review of the elements in each piece will allow insight as to
which, if any, musical or regional influences may have been imposed during their
composition. While the tango was one of the most popular genres of the early twentieth
century, few were written for solo guitar. This niche compositional market appears to
have allowed Barrios to deviate from the early established tango tradition by changing
the character of his pieces to suit both the instrument and his artistic taste.
The Argentine tango originated in the late-nineteenth century surrounded by
masculinity, poverty, and immorality, but the combination of unique and colorful
regional dances produced a new genre of dance that attained world-wide fame after only
a few decades. Utilizing the lyrical dance of the milonga as a foundation for both
musical and choreographic inspiration, the tango developed and came to maturity in the
Argentine capital of Buenos Aires in the last decades of the nineteenth century. The
bustling cosmopolitan setting of Buenos Aires was an environment in which European
immigrants brought their political and social ideologies along with folk cultures in the
44
form of music and dance. It was in this setting of mixed cultures and mass immigration
that the tango was formed.
Musical accompaniment for the choreography and lyrics of early tango was
provided by small trio and quartet ensembles, which eventually led to the formation of
the tango orchestras {orquesta tipicas) by the 1920s. The orquesta tipicas were simple
groupings of European instruments such as flute, violin, or guitar primarily featuring the
bandoneon (a variation of the accordion) as lead.1 The typical form of the early tango
was a ternary structure until composer Enrique Delfino established the two-part binary
form around the year 1915. The new binary form consisted of two sections of equal
length that ranged between fourteen and twenty measures; the second part typically in the
dominant or relative minor key. In addition to the milonga, the early tango also
borrowed elements from the habanera in the form of rhythmic motives and duple meter.
It was not until around 1915 though that 4/4 and 4/8 meters were commonly accepted.
Tango No. 2
One of the first compositions Barrios completed upon his arrival to Buenos Aires
was entitled Tango No. 2. Although there is no exact date associated with the
composition, Tango No. 2 was first recorded in Buenos Aires with the record label
Altanta/Artiga in the year 1914. This first recording, along with Barrios's transcription
of the popular work La Paloma by Spanish composer Sebastian Yradier, is significant in
1 Olsen, The Garland Handbook, 395.

2 Gerard Behague, "Tango." Grove Music Online.
45
that it possibly represents the earliest known classical guitar recording. Despite the fact
that Tango No. 2 is labeled as Barrio's second tango, there are no manuscripts,
publications, or recordings to confirm the existence of a "Tango No. 1."
Composed early in the early years of Agustin Barrios's professional career, there
are slight variances between the musical structure of Tango No. 2 and the nascent tango
genre. A significant difference between Barrios's work and a standard tango is found in
the form of the piece. Prior to the year 1915 the expected form of a tango would have
been ABA or possibly ABC structure. Both of these ternary forms typically contained
symmetrically even phrases of eight measures that are paired together to create
proportionate sections.3 Barrios's Tango No. 2, however, is neither ternary nor
symmetrically balanced throughout all sections.
In contrast to the symmetrical and ternary form of pre-1915 Argentine tango,
Barrios's Tango No. 2 is a five-part rondo (ABACA) featuring one section of unbalanced
phrases. Barrios's use of the five-part rondo form is reminiscent of the popular Brazilian
dance the maxixe, which is derived, in a similar fashion to the tango, from the European
polka.4 The opening A section of Tango No. 2 consists of a pair of eight-measure phrases
in the key of G major before the non-symmetrical B section begins as measure 17. This
asymmetrical second section is enclosed with repeat signs and is comprised of single
eight and seven measure phrases. It remains unclear as to why Barrios would have
3Gerard Behague, "Tango." Grove Music Online; Baim, Creation of a Cultural

Icon, 122.
4 Gerard Behague, "Maxixe." Grove Music Online.
46
chosen to write such disproportionate phrases, but one possibility may have to do with
Barrios's compositional process.
Rondo Form A B A C A
Measures 1-16 17-46 47-62 63-94 95-110
Measures in Phrase 8,8 8, 7, 8, 7 8, 8 8, 8, 8, 8 8,8
Phrase Count 2 4 2 4 2
Sections 1 2 1 2 1
Key G G G a G
FIGURE 9. Diagram of Tango No. 2.
Remembered as being unconcerned with notating his works for publication or
preservations, Barrios was frequently encouraged by his good friend Martin Borda y
Pagola to notate his compositions.5 Barrios's method of composing first on the guitar
and then notating the works at a later time likely accounts for the missing measure in the
B section. In contrast, this uneven phrasing is nearly imperceptible on the primary
recording of Barrios's as the three-note chromatically descending anacrusis leading into
the B section augments the length of the seven measure phrase. Rather than playing the
notes at tempo with their given rhythmic values, Barrios sustains each note with
unwritten fermati in a similar fashion to the opening of Heitor Villa-Lobos's Choro No. 1
composed several years later in 1920.
5 Numerous accounts and primary letters exist to support these assertions as is

also seen documented in Richard Stover's, Six Silver Moonbeams.
47
1——1
1" U *
Sjn
v. .V
SI,
HH$ 5TEA
§* I r fk
1 4
r
FIGURE 10. Three-note anacrusis in Tango No. 2 mm. 16 - 17 as notated and realized as
recorded by Barrios.
FIGURE 11. Tango No. 2 realized as recorded by Barrios and Choro No. 1 mm. 1-2 as
published by Heitor Villa-Lobos.
Although it does reappear later in the piece, the A section of this five-part rondo is
the only part that is not immediately repeated. Both the B and C sections of Tango No. 2
have written-out repeats despite tangos from this era typically featuring sections enclosed
by repeat signs. Also of note piece is the tonality of Tango No. 2, as it begins in G major
for sections A and B, but directly modulates to A minor at mm 63, thus signifying the
beginning of the C section. The choice to modulate to A minor is significant; it is neither
the relative, nor parallel minor to G major, as was typical in many tangos, but rather a
closely related natural minor key. Barrios's use of A minor requires a G# leading tone,
which removes the original tonic from the ear, making it difficult to recognize where the
48
harmony is leading. The piece modulates back to G major through a series of secondary
dominants to C major and back by the beginning of the final A section.
The standard habanera rhythm employed by Barrios resonates throughout the bass
line in each section, as was typical of the tango genre from this period. Barrios also
employed a common rhythm from the Brazilian maxixe, but sparingly and only in
sections B and C. The combination of two independently recognizable rhythms perhaps
supported the choice of this piece to be one of the first he recorded with the
Atlanta/Artiga label in 1914.
i WW
u If r Lr a
FIGURE 12. Example of habanera rhythm in Tango No.2 mm. 1-6.
Jt <t a ; 1 ° sf in
1
5
_ —> l -^k-
J m..m..r-1
w * 1
Wh • m- - ' 'W
f/ •1
FIGURE 13. Example of maxixe rhythm in Tango No. 2 mm. 16 and 75.
49
Don Perez Freire
Barrios dedicated his tango Don Perez Freire to his close friend Omar Perez
Freire, a Chilean composer of the popular tune "Ay, Ay, Ay."6 The exact date of
composition is also unknown for this piece, but it can be placed around 1914 as it was
recorded during his first sessions in Buenos Aires. In a similar fashion to that of Tango
No. 2, Don Perez Freire deviates from the standard ternary form of the early tango by
utilizing a five-part rondo form.
Both the A and B sections of this rondo-like tango are in A major, while section C
is D major. Just as in Tango No. 2, the key changes between each section are closely
related, but are neither the parallel nor relative major/minor to one another.
Rondo Form A A C A
Measures .5-33.5 33.5-49.5 49.5-65.5 69.5-81.5 81.5-97
Measures in Phrase 8, 8, 8, 8 8,7 8,8 8,8 8,8
Phrase Count 4 4 2 2 2
Sections 2 2 1 1 1
Key A A A D A
FIGURE 14. Diagram of Don Perez Freire structure.
Throughout Don Perez Freire, Barrios employed harmonic techniques common to
the early tango, such as primary tonic and dominant chords for the majority of harmonies
50
with any chromaticism limited to the leading tones of secondary dominants or a recurrent
F-natural melodic motive. Nearly all of the chormaticism is limited to the upper
registers, as it is only in the fleeting rhythms of primarily sixteenth note passages. The
steady run of sixteenth notes are supported with the bass line playing the steady habanera
rhythm.
FIGURE 15. Example of passing F-natural in Don Perez Freire mm. 10-12.
Both the habanera and maxixe rhythms can be found in Don Perez Freire, but in
Tango No. 2, the maxixe rhythm only occurs in the B and C sections. This rhythmic
division further emphasizes the contrast between the three sections while still retaining
familiarity for the listener. When used in the piece, the maxixe rhythm is frequently set
chordally and placed at the beginning of the B section, thus additional emphasis is on the
change of character between the first and second sections. The B section, beginning at m
34, opens with a one-beat anacrusis before a section comprised of both seven and eight-
measure phrases. In performance, the phrases do not sound asymmetrical; however, in
the score they are clearly unbalanced. The B section of Don Perez Freire is further
significant as it is the only section with a written-in repeat sign.

51
4& &
m
r u • •? u ' 'f
^
FIGURE 16. Example maxixe rhythm in Don Perez Freire mm. 34-35.
La Bananita
The tango La Bananita is perhaps Barrios's most complex tango from his early
compositional period, both in terms of form and harmony. Immediately the piece
diverges from the standard tango form, as the opening A section is written in three eight-
measure phrases. The unusual grouping of three phrases does not conform to the
standard even-numbered pairing, but rather opens the piece to further explorations of
form and harmony.
La Bananita is neither similar to Don Perez Freire, Tango No. 2, nor the standard
ternary form of tangos in the 1910s, as the piece is instead written in a distinct five-part
modifled-rondo. An additional section of new thematic material is inserted between the
B section and the return of A. The material presented at m. 41 represents the beginning
of the C developmental area. Not only is new material present in the C section, but so is
a change of key from E to A major as noted in the key signature. Each section key is
closely related to the previous as the keys align to the following pattern of A-E-A-A-D-
A. The tonic key of A seems to be ever-present as the key signature is always one
accidental away from returning to the tonic.
52
Modified Rondo Form A B C A D A
Measures 1-24 25-40 41-56 57-72 73-104 105-136
Measures in Phrase 8, 8 , 8 8,8 8,8 8,8 8, 8, 8, 8 8, 8, 8, 8
Phrase Count 3 2 2 2 4 4
Sections 1 1 1 1 2 2
Key A E A A D A
FIGURE 17. Diagram of La Bananita structure.
Compared with Tango No. 2 and Don Perez Freire, La Bananita is also the most
harmonically complex. Throughout the tango, Barrios wrote many weak harmonic chord
progressions. For example, mm. 5-9 progress between I - iii - V7/iii - iii — V7 -1.
Despite the progression being common throughout the piece, Barrios still manages to
resolve to the tonic in areas that are far removed. Chromatically altered notes are
frequent in every section of the piece as Barrios tested the harmonic boundaries of the
tango through his use of altered chords and secondary dominant progressions.
\ \
r. T i ; ^ *i. -f—i
u u tiu s r f * t-fll LFILET

I iii Y7/iii iii V7 I
FIGURE 18. Example harmonic progression from La Bananita mm. 5-10.
53
The melody of La Bananita is unique amongst the three tangos, as it remains
primarily in the bass for the A section and switches to the treble for sections B, C, and D.
The shift between upper and lower registers at sections adds contrast and interest to the
melody during performance, especially when combined with Barrios's frequent use of
chromaticism and rhythmic variance. The rhythmic foundation for the melody is the
standard habanera rhythm with sparse use of the maxixe rhythm throughout most
sections. The persistent and clearly delineated rhythmic figures in La Bananita fit the
n
common description of pre-1925 tangos with motoric sixteenth notes. Duple meter and
constant rhythmic variation propel the piece toward the perfect authentic cadence waiting
at the end of the last A section before closure with a single A-major2 chord tag.
Conclusion
Despite many aspects of Barrios's three tangos varying from the established
traditional qualities of tango, the pieces still sound enough like a tango during
performance to retain their given labels. Many of the unique harmonic qualities of these
pieces may have more to do with Barrios writing idiomatically for the instrument rather
than attempting to forge a new direction within the genre. All of the keys through which
Barrios's tangos pass are suited to the guitar as they are easily accessible in first position
or through the use of open strings. The ease of keys within the pieces would also allow
Barrios to improvise during performance, as was reputedly often the case.
7 Thompson, The Art History of Love, 154.
54
Rhythmic motives throughout each of the three tangos remain consistently
centralized around the basic habanera rhythm. However, Barrios also interjects several
sections of rhythmic variety in the B and C sections of each of the three pieces. It is
doubtful that Barrios confused the genres, but more likely fused them together creating
musical interest that helped to expand his audience appeal. Despite the harmonic,
rhythmic, and formal variances of Tango No. 2, Don Perez Freire, and La bananita from
traditional tango, each piece retains enough similarities to the traditional tango to be
recognized as one during performance. The unique attributes Barrios crafted into each
piece expand the definition of what the tango can be.
55
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
The regions through which Barrios travelled in his three-decade professional
career had a profound effect upon not only his quality as a composer, but also his
audience interpretation of each genre in which he composed. Political and social
upheaval in the decades prior to his emergence as a professional musician opened the
doors to free cultural exchange previously unseen in Latin America since colonization.
The tango in Argentina, choro in Brazil, and the international cueca were but a few of the
dances subject to the interpretation and manipulation by the Paraguayan virtuoso.
Although each country in South America claims distinct characteristics within
their national dances, Agustfn Barrios managed to blend many regional elements
seamlessly under large umbrella titles such as maxixe, cueca, and tango. Found within
many of these pieces, however, are rhythms, forms, and other elements more suited to
other dances. Despite the variety of national traits within each piece, the prevailing
characteristics are most suited to their given titles. The three tangos analyzed in the
previous chapter are clear examples of this phenomenon, which supports the favored
reception Barrios found internationally as a Pan-American composer.
56
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57
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Agustin Barrios and Musical Idenity

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Agustin Barrios and Musical Idenity

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ABSTRACT

AGUSTIN BARRIOS AND MUSICAL IDENTITY:

TANGOS IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY

duration of his professional career concertizing throughout Latin America while

characteristics of Argentine tango circa 1910, elements of his "Pan-American"

compositional style will be authenticated.

TANGOS IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY

Presented to the Bob Cole Conservatory of Music

California State University, Long Beach

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts in Musicology

Alicia M. Doyle, Ph.D. (Chair)

Carolyn Bremer, Ph.D.

B.M., 2009, San Diego State University

All rights reserved

INFORMATION TO ALL USERS

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

in both my academic and professional careers.

Dr. Kristine Forney, Professor of Music at California State University, Long

my participation in the field of musicology.

have all encouraged and pushed me towards excellence.

LIST OF FIGURES vii

1. EARLY LIFE AND CONCERT CAREER OF AGUSTIN BARRIOS 1

2. LATIN AMERICAN HISTORY 15

3. LATIN AMERICAN POPULAR DANCES 20

4. TANGO SCORE ANALYSES 44

1. Polka rhythms before 1850 24

2. Polka rhythms after 1850 24

3. Rendering of maxixe rhythm 28

5. Rendering of two zamba rhythmic figures 33

6. Rendering of milonga rhythm and supporting habanera rhythm 35

7. Rendering of three step milonga pattern in 2/4 meter 36

8. Rendering of typical habanera and tango rhythms 42

9. Diagram of Tango No. 2 47

10. Three-note anacrusis in Tango No. 2 mm. 16 - 17 as notated and realized as

12. Example of habanera rhythm in Tango No.2 mm. 1-6 49

13. Example of maxixe rhythm in Tango No. 2 mm. 16 and 75 49

14. Diagram of Don Perez Freire structure 50

15. Example of passing F-natural in Don Perez Freire mm. 10-12 51

16. Example maxixe rhythm in Don Perez Freire mm. 34-35 52

17. Diagram of La Bananita structure 53

18. Example harmonic progression from La Bananita mm. 5-10 53

Paraguayan Agustfn Pio Barrios [Mangore] (1885-1944) is remembered as not

before embarking to Europe, where he received critical acclaim and international

his European ventures reinforced his position as an international figure on guitar.

compositional output, but also the people for whom he performed.

true Pan-American composer.

This paper analyzes of the cross-cultural musical characteristics within three

EARLY LIFE AND CONCERT CAREER OF AGUSTIN BARRIOS

eventually, he was compelled to travel abroad to pursue advanced studies.1

1 A great debt is owed to the biographical research conducted on Agustin Barrios

Manjon, and Gaspar Sagreras.

romantic character of Barrios's live performances, he began what would become a

by European masters. Barrios recognized that to become a successful artist, he needed to

belonged to the art music repertory.

2 Stover, Six Silver Moonbeams, 38.

order to find success in the concert hall, a combination of works by historically

success based solely on the compositions of Europeans.

Tchaikovsky, Mozart, Schumann, Beethoven, and the nineteenth-century Spanish

composer of guitar works, Francisco Tarrega.4

3Bicho Feo (ugly bug) is an Argentine tango encored twice in Brazil on

too he was saluted and praised for his artistry.

is a Baroque inspired study in counterpoint and is considered a fine example of his

successful international figure. Remarkably, in 1921, Barrios was able to perform an