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Baihaqi faizin.

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Diplomacy 2

Midterm 

English 3
Essay 1 Why Has Leadership in the Asia–Pacific Proved So Elusive

INTRODUCTION

The ‘Asia– Pacific’, a region which is known as the region with the absence of effective
regional leadership. It is because there are a number of ‘great powers’ with potentially competing
claims to leadership is one of the main causes of all leadership failure. The recent election of
Donald Trump looks likely to transform America’s traditional relationship with East Asia and its
role in Asia– Pacific, with potentially profound long-term consequences. This paper examines
the possible implications of both the rise of China and the advent of the Trump era for regional
development in general and leadership in particular. The combination of China’s reemergence
and Trump’s more instrumental attitude to international relations presents China with a possibly
unique opportunity to reassert itself at the centre of regional, if not world affairs. This is still
unclear whether it will have a strong capacity and desire to do it or not. 

A Brief Historical of The Relation Between the US and Asia Pacific Countries Political
Leadership

Hegemony is about the dominance power of a state in the international system and
international order. Hegemony has an important ideational or ideological component that is
realised discursively, and can be crucial determinant of a hegemon’s power to achieve its goal
peacefully. Americans dominance has been effective and until recently, largely unchallenged,
because it offered real advantages to the subordinate powers which benefited from key collective
goods, in term of economy like a relatively stable economic system, and such a cooperation
advantages in political leadership influences. Meanwhile in Asia-Pasific region since the
twentieth century American dominance power and international leadership has been more
unambiguous and direct. It was driven by the East Asia’s position as one of the epicenters of the
Cold War superpower struggle with the Soviet Union. The American’s dominance in Asia-
Pasific consist of the tranformation of international order that conferred a degree of ‘structural’
power and ascendancy on the United States. While, there were widely differences between
America’s multilateral institution-building efforts in Europe, and its bilateral relationship in East
Asia. 

The writer only explain that those differences were striking and had long term
consequences for the region and it is not elaborated more about the kind and the purpose of the
differences specifically. Actually, the US pursued a multilateral strategy in Europe with NATO
as the anchor, while in Asia it pursued a series of bilateral security agreements with Japan,
Korean and several South-East Asia states. This shows contrary situation regarding US policy
towards these two regions. Donald Crone’s argument in his book, “Does Hegemony Matter?”
stated that the US actually did multilateral security institutions in Asia during 1940s-1950s to
counter the NATO. The second argument by Barry Buzan and Gerald Segal in their book stated
that these differences happen because in some of the element that allowed security
multilateralism in Europe, did not exist in Asia. Europe have an equally sized group of countries
that capable to bound in multilateral institution. While, Japan is isolated alone in East-Asia,
which has difference capability. Therefore, the US had much more unchallenged hegemonic
power in Asia than in western Europe, and it had fewer incentives to secures its dominance
position with international institutions. 

The US Political Hegemony and The Rise of China

Unipolarity is a situation when there is a state that has the strongest power in the world
and it influence the subordinate states to waging its hegemony over other states. And it was
predicted that  the US own this unipolarity power that had achieved a dominance position in the
world order.  The US unipolarity is actually not only instrumental in bringing about its downfall,
but also encouraging the rise of the other state as its competitors in power. In this case, the
American hegemony regarding an open economic order had facilitated China to face a great
development of its economic growth in the world. It happened because of America consequences
of its action in economy. By imposing very demanding conditions on China when it tried to join
the WTO, opposition to market-oriented reform in China was curbed and integration into the
global capitalist economy charged economic development. The result was the inadvertent
creation of genuine peer competitor and long-term threat to American dominance.  
Then, the ‘global financial crisis’ that happen arround the world impacts the economic
situation of America and China. They certainly obtain direct loss of material importance because
of the crisis. However, the major impact for the US is not only in material things, but also affect
its hegemony influence regarding its authority, standing and attractiveness of its capitalism
ideational influences in economy is undermined by the global financial crisis. On the other hand,
China government and its policymakers saw the global financial crisis as the opportunity for
them to take America’s position as the global power.  

Actually, it is China strategic in economy that were chosen for a key to win the battle against the
crisis. Based on the Chinese traditional wisdom that believes "Where there's danger, there's
opportunity." The most important dimension of China’s strategy for crisis management is the
overwhelming emphasis placed on boosting domestic demand. Yu Yongding’s argument in his
journal of China Report, explains that the Chinese economists have long realized that in the
structure of the Chinese economy, domestic demand is considered to have a small proportion to
contribute in economic growth.  Measures have been taken by the Chinese government to redress
this structural imbalance in the recent past but with limited success since localities find it easier
to boost growth by undertaking large capital goods investment. Hu Jintao speech in Central
Economic Work Conference, also stated that the outbreak of the global financial crisis highlights
the most importance of stimulating domestic demand, which also gives the central government a
timely opportunity to persuade local leaders not to overinvest. Consequently, boosting internal
demand has become a central ingredient of China’s battle plan for alleviating the crisis effects.
This puts China for a balanced growth and provides a fine example of how China turns a crisis
into opportunity. For one thing, increased domestic demand can compensate for export shrinkage
caused by the world downturns. Raising the contribution from domestic demand to growth can
secure for China a more balanced economic structure. This serves to improve the stability of the
economy and opens the avenue for sustainable growth. 

The Position of ASEAN Between the US and China Rivalry

The US has concluded that America welcomed China into the open economic
international community with China's accession to the WTO in 2002 being used and abused by
China to maximize the power of the Chinese state, rather than adjusting its economic model to
WTO norms through the liberalization process market from time to time. This created the view
in the US that China is a new threat to the US. Kevin Rudd stated in his speech on Indonesian
Foreign Policy Community, said that there was a "betrayal" act committed by China, a view that
China increasingly comfortable with the international community of democratic capitalist
economies, has instead deceived the US in the pursuit of a more traditional and indeed atavistic
Chinese statecraft. Besides, certainly there is an underlying American awareness that China's
aggregate power, measured economically and militarily, now begins to rival the US that must be
faced for more than 100 years.

On the other hand, ASEAN is ‘in the driving seat’ as far as regional leadership in Asia
Pasific is concerned, the argument goes, because there is an absence of great power leadership or
the sort of collective leadership in Asia Pasific that concert of powers might provide. In such
circumstances, the great powers are happy to give ASEAN a greater role. While there is clearly
something in the idea that great power rivalries have stymied collective or individual great power
leadership in  Asia Pacific, for that matter it is much more debatable that ‘lesser power
leadership’ follows as a consequence.

However, the article’s explanation stated that ASEAN seemly has the potential as a
greater role in Asia-Pasific, but actually the difficulty for ASEAN is that South-East Asia has
become the “New Great Game” for strategic influence between the world’s two major great
powers (Rudd, 2018). South-East Asia lies in the middle position, both geographically and
politically. For ASEAN, China seeks a more benign southern flank to accommodate Chinese
strategic interests, and America seeks to preserve the sea-lanes of archipelagic South-Asia for
freedom of international navigation, and its own independent freedom policy.

The grave danger for ASEAN is the increasing of binary nature of the US-China
relationship in East-Asia begins to divide ASEAN into pro-American and pro-Chinese camps.
Therefore, ASEAN create “ASEAN Centrality” policy which is a freedom of policy choice,
rather than being constrained by the external power interests (Rudd, 2018). ASEAN’s default
position is to not take sides. It gives ASEAN room to manoeuvre while it figures out how to
manage the big-power rivalry for its own self-interest. ASEAN’s strategy now, in the face of
heightened tension, is to be even more central to everyone’s interest – by remaining open and
inclusive through its strategy. 
The prospect of Political Leadership in Asia Pasific

US-China relations have now entered into a new structural phase. America describe this
as a change from of ‘strategic engagement’ to a new period of ‘strategic competition’. There has
been a fundamental systemic shift in US sentiment towards China.

Previous predictions of US decline were based on unfavorable domestic economic and social
trends such as slowing productivity growth, declining social mobility, and worsening income
inequality. In recent years, America has faced the additional problem of a precipitous decline in
its soft power, which Joseph Nye defined as a country’s ability to get others to want what it
wants. Today, that soft power, which is more valuable than its dollar as a source of US
hegemony, has been undermined beyond recognition. US global leadership is now associated
with disastrous wars, sabotage of the global trading system, and unravelling international
security arrangements. Besides, America has damaged its own political institutions, with the
erratic and unbalanced president, a politicised Supreme Court, and a system of rulemaking
rigged by the elite. Over the past century, US institutions often inspired the world, but they are
slowly in different situation.

While if the Chinese economy remains on track, it will challenge US economic


supremacy in the medium term. However, the risks of Chinese economic derailment have
increased, because its domestic debt increasing and export opportunities have shrunk which is
caused by the trade war.

China is an undemocratic and closed society, its hegemonic rise has always been hobbled
by a lack of soft power. To rectify that deficiency, China launched the One Belt and One Road
(OBOR) to promote the international transfer of its expertise in building infrastructure
effectively and expeditiously.

However, China’s accumulation of soft power is being fatally undermined by its political
and strategic turn under Xi Jinping. The cult of personality has returned, anti-corruption
campaigns often target political opponents, and Chinese actions in Hong Kong and Xinjiang reek
of political repression. Even the OBOR program is also at risk when there are a number of
countries that cannot repay debt interest to China.
In short, in the current struggle for global pre-eminence, China is depleting its
accumulation of soft power, while America losing its economic strength in the process. Today,
China and America not to determine who will stay upright, but rather to discover who will be the
first not to go down. Then, both China and the US are not expected to become a winner in this
political rivalry. StrenghtsThe structur of the paper is arranged in a good order with detail
explanation and accurate data. The explanation consists of history, the beginning of world
economy, the rivalry between the US and China, until the ending prediction of this rivalry
between these two states.  This paper consist of a good explanation based on writer point of view
by analyzing the issue with the strong arguments from many sholars and the experts. Weakness
This paper consists of some words and academic terms like an academic journal which are hard
to understand especially for the students.  Besides, each of the topics does not consist of any
picture. Maybe it will make the reader hard to imagine how is the situation in each explanation.
Because through the picture, the reader can imagine and more understand what kind of event that
is explained.  

CONCLUSION

The most striking feature of the East Asian region since the Second World War is that
indigenous leadership has been in short supply. The leadership that occurred only included the
imperialism system carried out by European and American countries, which was not a form of
leadership in soft power ideology. But the emergence of superpower countries over time has had
a major influence on other countries through the influence of their hegemony. The emergence of
the US and China has had both positive and negative impacts on other countries, where they are
still competing to become holders of world hegemony. While ASEAN in the Asia-Pacific region
chose not to side with the two countries, and created its own policy with ASEAN as the center.

In the future, it is estimated that no two countries will win this competition. Each of them
has their respective weaknesses, both in terms of economics and soft power. Likewise the
leadership hegemony in Asia-Pacific is still elusive and there is no certainty of the hegemnony's
definite influence.

Bibliography
Buzan, B., & Gerald, S. (1994). Rethinking East Asian security. Summer.
Crone, D. (1993). Does Hegemony Matter? The Reorganization of The Pacific Political Economy.
Cambridge University.

Jintao, H. (2008, December 10). Speech to the Central Economic Work Conference, People’s Daily.

Nye, J. (2019, Octobe 22). Why neither China nor the US will win this fight.

Rudd, K. (2018, November 8). The United States, China, And Southeast Asia: Can ASEAN Find a New
Strategic Equilibrium?

Subramanian, A. (2019, October 22). Why neither China nor the US will win this fight. Retrieved from
Financial Review: https://www.afr.com/world/asia/why-neither-china-nor-the-us-will-win-this-
fight-20191022-p5330i

Woo, W. T. (2007). The Challenges of Governance Structure, Trade Disputes and Natural Environment
to China’s Growth. Comparative Economic Studies, 572-602.

Yongding, Y. (2009). Origins and development of America’s Sub-prime mortgage loans. China Report,
28-31.

Essay 2 Business Diplomacy Politic Europe And America

INTRODUCTION

European Union (EU) is an Europe's nations association or network who considered has the large
job for the advancement in Europe's nations as the individuals even the United States and entire
the world nations. The European Union (EU) is commonly viewed as a main on-screen character
in worldwide advancement, all in all giving the greater part of the world's Official Development
Assistance (ODA) (Sarah Delputte, 2015)

EU has a great deal commitment and drove the significant job for the improving and building up
other's nations. Along these lines, in running all frameworks and in accomplishing their targets, 2
EU frameworks are shaped, in particular EU Parliament and the EU Commission. EU parliament
is official part of European Union. It liable for proposing enactment, actualizing choice,
maintaining the EU arrangements and dealing with the day – today business of the EU. It can't be
denied, EU individuals comprise of 27 nations who join together and rally to accomplish the
shared objectives of EU individuals, and the European Union has different establishments, for
example, the European Parliament and European Commission.

In any case, the paper will all the more concentrating on recognize the capacity of European
parliament and European commission, and furthermore it will clarify the institutional connection
between two bodies.

The difference between the functions of the European Commission and the European
Parliament

The European Commission is the politically free official body of the European Union. The
European Commission is liable for proposing EU enactment to be embraced by the European
Parliament and the European Council. The Commission is liable for the best possible consistence
with EU bargains and law requirement in part nations, together with the European Court of
Justice, whose aim is to supervise the utilization of Union law heavily influenced by the
European Union Judiciary Court. set up a yearly spending plan and distribute EU assets (in
counsel with the Council and Parliament) so this arrangement can be executed exchange and
compassionate help and arrange global understandings (Johnstone, 2019). In the mean time, the
European Parliament is a foundation of the European Union straightforwardly chose by its
residents which is the focal point of discussion on issues influencing its part nations and has
duties in the administrative, supervisory and budgetary fields, and has 3 primary forces.

1.  LEGISLATIVE POWER
Normal authoritative strategies give answers for the European Parliament and the European
Union Council on different issues, for example, financial administration, movement, vitality,
transportation, condition and buyer insurance. Most European laws are embraced mutually by the
European Parliament and the Council. Parliament can support or reject administrative
recommendations from the Council, or propose changes. The Council isn't legitimately obliged
to think about the assessment of Parliament, yet in accordance with the legal dispute law, the
Board may not settle on a choice without tolerating it.

 Business Diplomacy Politic Europe And America

2. BUDGETARY POWERS

The Parliament and Council of the European Union together constitute the EU budgetary
authority, which annually decides its expenditure and income. The Commission prepares a
budget and sends it every April to the Council of Ministers and Parliament. Parliamentary
debates and, if necessary, proposing changes. The draft is then sent back to the Council which
can propose changes and send it back to Parliament for a second reading. Parliament can then
adopt or reject it. In the case of "mandatory expenditures", related to international agreements
and agriculture, it is the Council which has the last word. In the case of "non-mandatory
expenditure", Parliament decided to work closely with the Council. This includes areas such as
rural development, infrastructure and research. Parliament also monitors how the executive of
the European Union, the European Commission, implements the budget.

3. DETERMINATION

Parliament delegates the President of the Commission, endorses the arrangement of the
Commission and has the ability to expel it. The Parliament likewise chooses the president and
VP of the European Central Bank who shows its yearly report to Parliament in entire meetings.
The Parliament delegates the European Ombudsman who examines protests about
maladministration in foundations and EU bodies. Parliament counseled about the arrangement
for the Court of Auditors (Union, 2020).

The institutional connection between the two bodies is the European Commission building up
enactment and going about as watchmen of the understanding which gives a legitimate premise
to the European Union, and the Parliament talks about and looks at the European Union law, and
the proposed law can be altered or vetoed in its strategy. What's more, in issues of planning, the
European Parliament does joint undertakings with the Council of Ministers over the assurance of
the yearly spending plan of the European Union and its subsidizes will be circulated by the
European Commission. In the field of arrangement, the European Commission executes different
strategies dependent on the choices of the Council and the European Parliament as an
administrative body which regulates the usage of European Union approaches and ensures the
interests and privileges of European Union residents.

CONCLUSION

The European Parliament is the administrative body of the European Union and speaks to its
residents. It likewise has oversight and planning obligations. It shares the intensity of the
spending limit and enactment with the Council of the European Union, which speaks to the
legislatures of EU part states. It likewise assumed a key job in choosing the leader of the
European Commission, and had the ability to reject the Commission. In its administrative job,
Parliament issues laws (together with the EU Council) that have been proposed by the European
Commission. He likewise requested that the Commission propose a law.

There are 23 panels in parliament, managing arrangement territories, for example, security and
protection, human rights, universal exchange and established issues, who analyze proposition for
enactment. MEPs can propose changes, or reject the bill. As the main EU chose body, the
European Parliament has a job to ensure human rights and majority rules system in the EU and
past. Individuals from Parliament are principally liable for speaking to residents at the EU level
and safeguarding their inclinations to EU pioneers and EU foundations. Parliament likewise has
budgetary force. Alongside the EU Council, the monetary system and yearly spending plan are
endorsed. It likewise screens that EU reserves are utilized appropriately. Endorsement by
Parliament is required for most global bargains and understandings closed by the EU and that
incorporates a consent to pull back Britain from the EU.
Parliament additionally has a job in choosing the President of the European Commission. Also,
the European Commission will advance the general enthusiasm of the Union and take suitable
activities with that in mind. It will guarantee the use of the Treaties, and the measures received
by the establishments in accordance with them. It will regulate the utilization of Union law
heavily influenced by the Court of Justice of the European Union. It will execute the spending
limit and deal with the program. It will practice coordination, official and the board capacities, as
set down in the Treaties. With the exception of the regular outside and security strategy, and
different cases accommodated in the Treaties, it will guarantee the Union's outer portrayal. It will
start the Union's yearly and multiannual programming with the end goal of accomplishing
interinstitutional understandings.

References

Johnstone, L. (2019, May 15). What does the European Commission do? Retrieved from Euro
News: https://www.euronews.com/2019/04/26/what-does-the-european-commission-do

Sarah Delputte, S. D. (2015, september). The Role of the European Parliament in EU


Development Policy. Retrieved from Research Gate: Sarah Delputte, Sarah Delputte/The
Role of the European Parliament in EU Development Policy
/Resepublication/283716017_The_Role_of_the_European_Parliament_in_EU_Developm
ent_Policy

Union, E. (2020, February 1). European Parliament. Retrieved from Europa.eu:


https://europa.eu/european-union/about-eu/institutions-bodies/european-parliament_en

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