Agricultural Colonization and Immigration in Venezuela, 1810-1860

Authors(s): Wayne D. Rasmussen

Source: Agricultural History, Vol. 21, No. 3 (Jul., 1947), pp. 155-162
Published by: Agricultural History Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3739368
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 AGRICULTURAL C0L0NIZATI0N AND IMMIGRATION

IN VENEZUELA, 1810-1860

WAYNE D. RASMUSSEN

Burtau of Agricidtural Economics, United States Department of Agricidture

The Venezuelan struggle for independence Various estimates were made of the population of

which began in 1811 and culminated in 1823 Venezuela shortly after the war. Although the

resulted in the abandonment of many farms and in figures are estimates and vary considerably, they

the cessation of the little immigration that had all show a decline from the estimates of the popula?

tion just prior to the war. Alexander von Hum-

been taking place. These factors persisted for a

considerable time and perhaps had some effect on boldt estimated that the population totaled 802,100

the Venezuelan economy even down to the present in 1810 and 785,000 in 1825.2 The revolutionary

day. government placed the population at 1,000,000 in

The movement for independence first took 1811,3 a considerable contrast with Agustin

definite shape under the leadership of Francisco de Codazzi's estimate of 710,633 for 1825.4 As the

Venezuelan Direccion General de Estadistica

Miranda who spent some time in the United

States attempting to raise men and money to stated in 1940, it is now very difficult to determine

liberate Venezuela. In 1806 he sailed from New

which of the many estimates is more nearly correct.

York with 200 men, landed near Coro, and tried to However, in setting up a table of "probabie"

populations for different years, the Direccion

raily the people to his cause, but the expedition

was a complete failure. Five years later, on July General de Estadistica adopted Humboldt's

estimate of 785,000 for 1825 to use with their own

5, 1811, a Venezuelan congress meeting at Caracas

estimate of 900,000 for 1810.5

declared independence. In less than a year, on

March 26, 1812, an earthquake destroyed Caracas Naturally, there was little or no agricultural

and other patriot towns, killing many partisans of immigration during the years of the revolution. A

the independence movement. The priests called group of English, Scotch, Irish, and Hannoverian

this disaster a vengeance of God, and the fears of soldiers were recruited by the representative of the

the people, combined with military defeats, again revolutionary government in London, L6pez

brought the revolution to a temporary halt. Mendez, and sent to Venezuela where they played a

Simon Bolivar replaced Miranda, who later died considerable part in some of the patriot victories.

in a Spanish prison, as the leader of the movement It has been estimated that as many as 9,000 le-

and carried on the war with alternating successes gionaries entered Venezuela and New Granada

and defeats until decisive victories in 1821 and

during the war, but this figure may be exag-

1823established the independence of Venezuela and

Affairs, edited by A. Curtis Wilgus, v. 4, Washington,

Colombia. The two countries joined together

1936), 462; Herman A. Schumacher, S Udamerikanische

under the presidency of Bolivar late in 1821.

Studien; Drei Lebens- und Ctdtur-Bilder; Mutisf

It is obvious that a war of such length, raging as

Cdldas, Codazzi, 1760-1860 (Berlin, 1884), 315.

it did back and forth over most of the populated

2 Venezuela, Ministerio de Fomento, Direccidn

areas of the country, would have an adverse effect

General de Estadistica, Sexto censo de poblacion,

upon agriculture and would tend to diminish the

1936 (Caracas, 1940), 3:7.

population. Such was particularly true in this

3 This estimate was reported by Baptis Irvine,

case. Bolivar issued a proclamation calling for

special agent of the United States to Venezuela,

"War to the Death" in 1814 which continued in

1818-1819. Baptis Irvine to John Q. Adams, Sept. 23,

1819, Special Agents Series, Venezuela. Series,

effect until 1821. During this period, both sides

despatches, instructions, and other United States

indulged in the virtual slaughter of war prisoners

Department of State records cited are now in the

and civilians alike.1

custody of the National Archives, Washington, D. C.

*Alfred Hasbrouck, "The Movements for Inde- 4Agustm Codazzi, Restimen de la geografia de

Venezuela (Paris, 1841), 244.

pendence in Northern South America," in Colonial

6 Venezuela, Sexto censo de poblacidn, 1936, 3:7-8.

Hispanic America (Studies in Hispanic American

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 156 AGRICULTURAL HISTORY

that the cattle population of Venzuela dropped

gerated.6 At any rate, very few of those who

from 4,500,000 head in 1812 to 256,000 in 1823.11

survived the campaigns appear to have remained in

the country as farmers. The hacienda agriculture of the llanos or ex?

In addition to enrolling legionaries, the Vene? tensive plains country was particularly affected by

zuelan representatives in England purchased the war. One reason is that the llaneros or plains-

supplies and sold land. Several sales of islands men took an active part in the war, first fighting

and of large tracts were made before 1819. For for the royalists under Jose Tomas Boves, then for

the republicans under Jose Antonio Paez. This

example, one Mr. Miller, representing certain

English and Irish benevolent societies, petitioned activity is usually ascribed to the aggressive spirit

of the llaneros and a desire for loot and excitement.

the Venezuelan Congress for an enormous grant of

land in Guayana to be cultivated by immigrants They were ready to follow any leader, royalist or

from England and Ireland. He proposed that the republican, who captured their imaginations and

colonists have a local government, with an promised them glory and gain.12 On the other

assembly of their own, subordinate to the general hand, recent studies of Venezuelan land problems

indicate that Boves and Paez were able to win the

government of Venezuela.7 However, none of

the grants made in this period had any practical llaneros to their opposing standards by promising

results in the development of agriculture or of them that the large estates so prevalent in Vene?

zuela would be confiscated and the land dis?

agricultural colonization.

The general decline in agriculture and the tributed. Bolivar endorsed Paez's promise and

abandonment of farm lands as a result of the wars

sought to set up a plan of land distribution but

without success.13
was noticeable to contemporary travelers. Francis

Another reason for the notable decline in the

Hall pointed out that Venezuela had been under-

populated before the war, but by 1825 the fertile llanos was a current of emigration to the coast and

provinces of Guayana, Cumana, and Barcelona to the western highlands. Many of the older

were almost abandoned, and the formerly flourish-

families left Barinas and the other llanos provinces

ing towns and villages of the plains were reduced to for the highlands because the provinces of M6rida

a grass-grown wretchedness.8 John Hawkshaw and Tachira had been less affected by the war.

reported that signs of destruction and decay were Besides, the breakdown of the hacienda type of

visible in both towns and country. Farms and agriculture in the llanos and the closing of the free

cultivated estates were going back to a state of markets of Spain to plantation products made for

nature, and weeds and rank vegetation were an economic instability which favored migration.14

covering up what once were scenes of productive- The first of a series of laws to promote immigra?

ness and prosperity.9 tion was introduced soon after legislative

Much of the hacienda agriculture such as that of machinery was set up. On June 7, 1823, the

the Valencia Lake basin, dependent on slave or Colombian legislature, which included repre?

serf labor, broke down when laws providing for sentatives of both Colombia and Venezuela, passed

the gradual abolition of slavery were passed. It

"Changing Patterns of Land Use in the Valencia

was rebuilt to a degree only after a period of

Lake Basin of Venezuela," Geographical Review,

years.10 Grazing also suffered. It is estimated

31:434 (1941).

11 Raymond E. Crist, Etude giographique des llanos

6 Hasbrouck, "The Movements for Independence in

du Venezuela occidental (Grenoble, 1937), 144.

Northern South America," 471-472. For a fuller

12Hasbrouck, "The Movements for Independence

account, see the same author's Foreign Legionaries

in Northern South America," 463, 467-468.

in the Liberation of Spanish South America (New York,

13 Raymond E. Crist, "Land Tenure Problems in

1928). Several of these legionaries published their

Venezuela," American Journal of Economics and

reminiscences of the campaigns and of Venezuela.

Sociology, 1:145-146 (1942); Carlos Irazabal, Hacia la

7 Baptis Irvine to John Q. Adams, Sept. 25, 1819,

democracia; Contribucidn al estudio de la historia

Special Agents Series, Venezuela.

econdmico-politico-social de Venezuela (Mexico, 1939),

8 Francis Hall, Colombia: Its Present State ... (ed. 2,

85, 111-113.
London, 1827), 10.

"Crist, Etude g&ographique des llanos, 170-171;

9 John Hawkshaw, Reminiscences of South America

Francis Hall [supposed author], Letters Written from

from Two and a Half Years' Residence in Venezuela

Colombia during a Journey from Caracas to Bogota and

(London, 1838), 38.

thence to Santa Martha in 1823 (London, 1824), 45, 47.

"Raymond E. Crist and Carlos E. Chardon,

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 AGRICULTURAL IMMIGRATION TO VENEZUELA 157

an immigration law providing that the executive State, in Respect of Climate, Soil, Productions,

power was to promote immigration and could Population, Government, Commerce, Revenue, Manu?

dispose of state lands in furthering this project.

factures, Arts, Literature, Manners, Education, and

The area of land which might be granted was Inducements to Emigration by Francis Hall. The

limited to 200 fanegas (410 acres according to

first edition was published at Philadelphia in 1825;

the second in London in 1827. The volume was

Hall's figure, but perhaps somewhat less) to a

family.16 Vice President Francisco de Paula based upon travel and a short residence in Vene?

Santander, who had signed the law, issued a

zuela during which the author apparently applied

decree implementing it on June 18, 1823. Un-

himself to a close study of the country. It gains

fortunately, the decree was confusing because it

added repute in that the author was not personally

left doubtful the distinction to be made between

interested in any particular emigration scheme.19

Hall believed that Colombia and Venezuela offered

selling the land and giving it to immigrants.16

Late in 1823, the Venezuelan government entered many advantages for immigrants, but he also

into a colonization contract with Messrs. Herring,

pointed out the disadvantages and warned of

Graham, and Powles, merchants of London and

diseases, especially goiter in the highlands and

"long tried friends and supporters of Colombia." fevers in the lowlands. However, he stated that

The contract granted 200,000 fanegas of uncuiti-

the natural advantages of Colombia for immigrants

exceeded those of the United States.20 Settlers

vated land in the provinces of Merida, Caracas,

and Choco and provided several privileges for the

were advised to go elsewhere than to the province

settlers who might be sent. They were exempted

of Caracas in spite of its natural advantages.

from military service, except as militia, for 10

There was less unoccupied land in that province,

years, from duties on all clothing imported for some of the land was exhausted, and the titles to

their use (agricultural implements were already

most estates were so clouded that a foreign

free of duty), from direct contributions and purchaser would become involved in endless

ecclesiastical tithes for 6 years, and from all export litigation.21

duties on produce they raised for 6 years. They

Hall also warned the immigrant that, although

were not to be molested in any way on account of

Colombians realized their need for settlers, they

their religious beliefs.17 Judging from figures on might not give the newcomer the active and

immigration, this contract remained entirely

benevolent assistance for which he might hope.

ineffectual.

Idleness was the predominant propensity of all

Venezuela and Colombia were receiving a certain

the native classes, but they might still be jealous

amount of publicity in England and the United of a foreigner taking advantage of opportunities

States during this period. However, the news?

they had neglected.22 This undertone of jealousy

paper accounts were mainly concerned with the

and distrust of foreigners, mixed with the feeling

war of independence, recognition of the new

that the immigrants were being given advantages

republics, and the efforts which might be made by denied the natives, is to be found in varying degrees

the Holy Alliance to bring the revolted colonies

throughout the history of agricultural immigration

in Venezuela.
once again under Spain's control. Most of the

books dealt with the same subjects, being remi?

Venezuela, broke away from Bolivar's leadership

niscences of legionaries and travel accounts.18

in 1830, declared its independence of Colombia, and

One of the few volumes dealing directly with

elected Jose Antonio Paez president. Neverthe?

problems of immigration was Colombia: Its Present

less, that immigration was still recognized as a

pressing problem is shown by the law, effective

"Hall, Colombia, 74-76.

June 13, 1831, passed by the new Venezuelan

16 Ibid., 76-79.

n Thid.. 153-154.

congress to promote the immigration of Canary

18 For example, see G. D. Flinter, A History of the Islanders.23

Revolution of Caracas (London, 1819); Gustavus

Hippisley, A Narrative of the Expedition to the Rivers "Hall, Colombia, v-vi.

Orinoco and Apuri, in South America... (London, 20 Ibid., 73, 115-136.

1819); and William Duane, A Visit to Colombia, * Ibid., 103.

in the Years 1822 and 1823, by La Guayra and Caracas, 22 Ibid., 36-37, 83.

over the CordiUera to Bogota, and thence by the Magdalena 23 Venezuela, Recopilacidn de leyes y decrelos de

to Cartagena (Philadelphia, 1826). Venezuela (Caracas, 1874), 1:116.

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 158 AGRICULTURAL HISTORY

The law stated that the small population of the the credit for the agricultural revival is due to the

country was not in, proportion to its vast extent; activities of the Sociedad Ec6nomica de Amigos

that this state of depopulation impeded progress; del Pais, established on March 18, 1826. This

that the immigration of suitable foreigners was group imported Surinam cottonseed for distribu?

necessary; and that Canary Islanders, because of tion after experiments had shown it could be

similar religion, language, customs, and general cultivated successfully in Venezuela, distributed

reputation for work and economy, seemed best seed wheat, published pamphlets on tobacco,

suited as immigrants. It was therefore decreed cacao, and coffee, and carried on other activities to

that the executive power was to use all possible benefit agriculture.28

means to promote such immigration. The Canary An English mining engineer, resident in Vene?

Islanders were to be considered as naturalized

zuela from 1832 to 1834, remarked that labor was

immediately and were to be exempt from the armed still lacking and that during his residence a large

forces and from all direct assessments on their

quantity of tobacco was lost in the Barinas area

farms for 10 years. The executive power was to because of the impossibility of getting persons to

grant to each single individual or head of a family cut it. He, too, noted the prevailing jealousy of

as much unclaimed public land as he could and foreigners.29

would cultivate. Substance was given this law by On May 19, 1837, the concessions previously

an appropriation of 15,000 pesos on March 7, granted to Canary Islanders were extended by law

1834, to be used in furthering the immigration of to all Europeans who wished to enter the country

Canary Islanders.24 to engage in agriculture or other useful enterprises.

Probably because of the influence of these laws, Contractors were to be granted 10 to 30 pesos for

a trickle of immigrants, mostly Canary Islanders, each immigrant brought in, and the immigrants'

equipment was to be free of import duty. Each

began to enter the country through the port of

La Guaira. Five entered in 1832, 122 in 1833, and immigrant was to receive up to Zfanegadas of land

455 in 1834.25 Immigration then apparently and was to be given title to it after 4 years, if it

ceased for a couple of years, probably because of had been planted with certain crops. The con?

the outbreak of a revolution.

cessions were the same whether the immigrants

came independently or under contract.30 How?

Meanwhile, agriculture had been undergoing a

revival. It is estimated that there were 2,437,000 ever, since a fanagada of land in Venezuela is

head of cattle in Venezuela in 1833 and 4,617,000

usually considered equivalent to 1.73 acres (it may

in 1839.26 The American charge d'affaires in have been slightly more at that time) it would

Caracas reported that, in addition to the three appear that the immigrant was being offered only a

subsistence plot. In a country where plantation

great export staples of the country, coffee, indigo,

and cacao, cotton was becoming an important agriculture and grazing are the prevailing systems,

article in agriculture.27 Cotton was assuming this some 5 acres of land is not a princely estate.

In 1837, 97 Canary Islanders entered Venezuela

place because it seemed peculiarly adapted to the

half-slave and half-free labor conditions in the

and in 1838, 72 Frenchmen and 604 Canary Island?

country. However, transportation was so difficult ers. The Secretary of the Interior and Justice in his

and expensive, being mainly by pack animals, that 1839 annual report stated that immigration con?

a slight decline in the world price of cotton would tinued to be very limited because the law of 1837

make its production unprofitable and bring about

was inadequate. He felt that the concessions

a considerable decrease in the acreage. Some o.

would have to be made effective and greater before

the program would work.31 In 1839, 475 persons

**Ibid., 1:166.

entered Venezuela and in 1840, 827. The Sec?

25 Francisco Gonz&lez Guinan, Historia contempordnea

de Venezuela (Caracas, 1910), 3:191. Figures given

retary of the Interior and Justice repeated his argu?

by this author are taken from official reports. It

ments against the 1837 law in his 1840 report. He

has been suggested that there was a tendency on the

part of government officials to exaggerate the immi? 28 Robert Moll, "Lecciones de economfa venezolana,"

gration figures. Venezuela Instituto Tecnico de Revista de Fomento, 5(51-52) :144-145 (1943).

Immigraci6n y Colonizaci6n, Memoria, 1940, p. 9-10. 29Hawkshaw, Reminiscences, 205, 211.

26 Crist, Ltude geographique des llanos, 144. 30 Venezuela, Recopilacion, 1:384-385.

27 J. G. A. Williamson to John Forsyth, Oct. 8, 31 Gonzalez Guinan, Historia contempordnea, 3:85,

191.
1836, Diplomatic Despatches, Venezuela.

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 AGRICULTURAL IMMIGRATION TO VENEZUELA 159

pointed out that some of the Canary Islanders had

10 percent was in the province of Barinas, long

re-embarked and the others were not interested in famous for its tobacco.35

taking the concessions offered in the law of 1837.32 It is then evident that Venezuela, except in a

Even though there was little immigration, few small areas, still had a vast surplus of land.

Venezuela's population steadily increased during Some of it was tied up through colonial grants and

her first decade as an independent nation. Agustin in other ways, but much still belonged to the

Codazzi, an Italian geographer who spent a con? nation. Unfortunately, some of the best land so

siderable part of his life in Venezuela and far as climate and transportation were concerned

Colombia, estimated the population of Venezuela was claimed by individuals and not used pro?

to be 945,348 persons in 1839. He divided this duct ively.

total into the following groups: independent The shortage was in population, particularly in

Indians, 52,415, or 6 percent; partially civilized a laboring and a farming class. Allan A. Hall,

Indians, 14,000, or 1J percent; civilized Indians, American charge d'affaires at Caracas, reported to

155,000, or 16? percent; white Hispanic-Americans the Secretary of State in 1842 that the scarcity of

and foreigners, 260,000, or 28 percent; mixed laborers was incalculably retarding the develop?

ment of the wonderful natural resources of Vene?

races, 414,151, or 43 percent; and slaves, 49,782, or

5 percent.33 It must be remembered that these zuela. He also comment ed that the government

figures are estimates in spite of their appearance had a project under way for the introduction of

of exactness.
30,000 German immigrants.36

Codazzi estimated that the population was A new immigration law of May 12, 1840 elabo-

rated somewhat on the previous law.37 The vice

engaged in the main branches of economic activity

in the following numbers (disregarding the inde? president supplemented this law by a decree issued

pendent Indians who did not enter directly into on August 27, 1840. The sum of 25,000 pesos was

the economic life of the nation): 412,489, or 44 appropriated for encouraging immigration, and the

country was divided into three main districts, each

percent in agriculture; 244,976, or 28 percent in the

livestock industry; and 235,468, or 28 percent in with an organization charged with promoting

commerce, the arts, etc.34 Of those engaged in immigration. They were set up in Cumana,

commerce, the professions, and like occupations, a Caracas, and Maracaibo, and detailed regulations

under which they were to function were set forth.38

considerable proportion were dependent, at least

The main emphasis at this time, however, was on

indirectly, on agriculture and the livestock

industry. contract immigration. Andres Anthoine agreed

More than 68 percent of Venezuela's land was to bring in a number of Spanish immigrants, not

less than 200 nor more than 600, to found a settle?

unclaimed. Of this, 54 percent was wooded, 5

ment at the site of Palmasola in the jurisdiction of

percent was in the pastoral zone, and 41 percent

Moron parish of Puerto Cabello. Colonel Carlos

was in the agricultural zone. It should be noted

L. Castelli contracted to bring from 300 to 500

that 79 percent of this unclaimed land was in the

Italian and German immigrants through La

Guayana region. Of the claimed land, 34 percent

Guaira and Puerto Cabello. Clemente Fonseca

was in the agricultural zone and 64 percent in the

agreed to bring in 300 Canary Islanders through

pastoral zone. Yet of all this land, only 49 square

Carabobo. Bishop Jose Manuel Alegria con?

leagues or a little over 0.1 percent of Venezuela's

tracted to bring a group of priests from Europe.

area was under cultivation. On the other hand,

Colonel Agustin Codazzi, the Italian geographer

500 square leagues or 1 percent of the total area had

whose work has been previously mentioned, pro?

been cultivated at some time and then abandoned.

posed to bring 60 to 80 German families to Vene?

Over 25 percent of the cultivated and abandoned

zuela.39 Other similar contracts were also made.

land was in the province of Caracas, and a large

In 1841, there was a considerable increase in the

part of the remainder was in other parts of the

35 Ibid., 61, 347.

northern highlands and associated lowlands. Over

36 Allan A. Hall to Daniel Webster, Mar. 1, 1842,

32 Ibid., 133, 191.

Diplomatic Despatches, Venezuela.

83 Codazzi, Resiimen de la geografia de Venezuela,

"Venezuela, Recopilacion, 1:582-585.

241.

88 Gonzalez Guinan, Historia contempordnea, 3:154.

"Ibid., 171.
38 Ibid., 3:241-242.

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 160 AGRICULTURAL HISTORY

number of immigrants entering Venezuela, a total

book in 1846 entitled Tropical Information; a

of 3,776. In 1842 the number fell to 1,627.40

Treatise on the History, Climate, Soil, Production,

In his annual report for 1843, the Secretary of the

Manufactures, Commerce, Political Institutions,

Interior and Justice reported 2,262 immigrants.

Social Manners and Customs, and the Physical and

Of these, 1,752 had come under contracts and the

Natural Advantages and Disadvantages of Vene?

others through individual efforts. Among the zuela ... Collected from all the Best and most

contractors carrying on the work were Messrs.

Authentic Sources of Information Now Extant,

Azpurua y Compania, who brought in 700 immi? which would indicate some English interest in the

grants through Puerto Cabello; Clemente Fonseca, subject, and two groups actually attempted to

form settlements.
who brought in 382 through the same port; Diego

Guevara, who brought in 79 through Carupano; The two groups were sponsored by a society

established in London. The unfortunate lot of

and Codazzi, who brought in 374 through Choroni

to form Colonia Tovar on the upper reaches of the the first group is revealed in the 1846 report of the

Tuy River, west of Caracas and north of La Venezuelan Secretary of the Interior and Justice.

Victoria. It was the only Venezuelan agricultural The colony was established on the coast of "Guiria

in a place called Guarimita." The colonists were

colony settled by immigrants in the nineteenth

century that has survived to the present time.41 shortly attacked by fevers, many of them died, and

the remainder moved to Trinidad.47 The second

The immigration of priests was suspended during

the year 1843.42 group purchased land near Chaguaramas on the

In 1844,1,365 immigrants, all Canary Islanders, Gulf of Paria but remained only a short time and

entered Venezuela. The Secretary of the Interior then followed the first group to Trinidad.48

and Justice estimated that Venezuela had 1,218,- Perhaps such results as this helped bring about

716 inhabitants in 1844.43 During 1845, immigra? Venezuela's reputation for being unhealthy. The

tion continued to decline, only 429 persons entering revolutionary disturbances of the period may also

the country in that year. The Secretary of the In? have discouraged immigration. At any rate, there

terior and Justice ascribed the decline to circulation was little or none recorded for several years in spite

abroad of stories of disease in Venezuela and to

of continued governmental efforts to encourage it.

Spanish opposition to the emigration of Canary These efforts took varied forms. An immigra?

Islanders.44
tion society was established in Caracas on August

A new immigration law of May 24, 1845, like 10, 1847, by a resolution of the Secretary of the

previous enactments on the subject, stated that Interior and Justice. The society was placed

immigration was to be encouraged. Stress was under the direction of Manuel Felipe de Tovar,

Esteban Herrera, Wenceslao Urrutia, Francisco J.

placed upon the grants of land and money to be

Madriz, and Juan B. Calcafio. The consuls of

given contractors who brought in immigrants.45

About this time some interest in emigration to Venezuela in the United States were directed by

Venezuela was aroused in England. W. P. another resolution to promote a certain class of

Chandler, American consul at Puerto Cabello, German emigration to Venezuela. A contract was

reported on September 5, 1845, that companies made with Carlos Francisco de Culhat, an associate

were in operation for the introduction of English of the mercantile firm of Carlos Delrue and

emigrants in large numbers and that "many of

Company of Paris and Dunkerque, to bring in

that class most beneficial to a country" were

80,000 immigrants from Switzerland, Belgium,

arriving daily.43 Judging from the immigration

and Prussia. These immigrants were to be

figures this report is misleading. On the other

established on unused lands.49 A public land law

hand, a London publisher brought out a 192-page

of April 10, 1848, provided for the sale of public

40 Ibid., 4:18 (Caracas, 1910).

land. In making sales, preference was to be given

41 Wayne D. Rasmussen, "Colonia Tovar, Vene?

to persons already on the land.50

zuela," Agrialtural History, 17:156-166 (1943).

^Gonzalez Guindn, Historia contempordnea, 3:412.

41 Gonzalez Guinan, Historia contempordnea, 4:291.

48 Ibid., 4:18. 48 Ram6n Veloz, Economla y finanzas de Venezuela

44 Ibid., 4:99. iesdt 1830 hasta 1944 (Caracas, 1945), 78-79.

46 Venezuela, Recopilacidn, 2:257-259.

41 Gonzalez Guinan, Historia contempordnea, 4:420-

421.
48 W. P. Chandler to James Buchanan, Sept. 6, 1845,

Consular Despatches, Puerto Cabello. 50 Venezuela, Recopilacion, 2:413-415.

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 AGRICULTURAL IMMIGRATION TO VENEZUELA 161

The government also sought to deal with the name of "Numancia," to be located on the banks

of the Orinoco River. Des Sources first asked the

persisting prejudices against foreigners. The

Secretary of the Interior and Justice wrote to the national government for a grant of land. He

governors of the provinces on December 23, 1848, failed in this and addressed himself to the govern?

directing them to endeavor to remove prejudices

ment of the province of Guayana. The provincial

against foreigners and to secure for them all the government passed an ordinance granting lands on

rights and privileges conceded by the constitution general terms to anyone who would cultivate them,

and laws. Benjamin G. Shields, the American

and Des Sources brought in a group from Trinidad

to settle on this basis.

charge d'affaires, in a letter to the Venezuelan

Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs dated January The American charge d'affaires, Isaac Nevett

2, 1849, expressed gratification over this step and Steele, read of this plan in the London Times and

pointed out that a nation with such abundant

at once became afraid that if a colony of English

resources and small population would benefit from

subjects became established on the Orinoco, Great

"the capital, enterprise, arts and industry of Britain would eventually claim and take over the

foreign nations."51
territory even though the projected colony was a

In 1851, the government named a new immigra?

private enterprise and was discouraged by the

tion commission composed of the Secretary of the Trinidad authorities. In order to call the atten?

Interior and Justice, the governor of the province

tion of the Venezuelan government to the matter,

of Caracas, and seven other members. This Steele had the London account translated and

commission did little or nothing. Dr. Lucio

published on March 2, 1853 in the Diario de

Pulido was made plenipotentiary-extraordinary to

Avisos, a Caracas newspaper. A few days after?

the United States, and the hope was expressed that

ward, the official newspaper, Gaceta de Venezuela,

he could secure immigrants for Venezuela. He

published an executive decree forbidding the

met with no success.52 However, during this

admission of the immigrants and stating that the

period the American press gave some attention to

governor of Guayana should furnish a full report if

Venezuela, and its resources and possibilities were

they had already been admitted. Curiously, the

described in extravagant terms.53 The endeavors

decree was dated February 24, 1853, and the issue

of Luis Glocker, Venezuelan consul at Hamburg, to

of the Gaceta in which it appeared was dated

secure agricultural colonists were more fruitful.

February 27, 1853, although it was not actually

He proposed to send German agricultural and

published until March 8 or 9. Except for some

artisan families to the provinces of Caracas and

further newspaper controversy, this apparently

Carabobo. The families were to be able to

ended the matter.55 At any rate, no permanent

maintain themselves for a year if necessary, and

colony of British subjects was established.

they could contract for work through the mercan-

The Venezuelan government promulgated a new

tile house of Marxen and Eraso of Caracas.

immigration law on May 6, 1854. It was stated

Glocker planned to send groups monthly to form that the new law was needed because the law of

colonies but had only a limited success because of

May 24, 1845 had not produced favorable results.

the seeming indifference of the Venezuelan govern?

Under the new law, contractors were to receive 10

ment to the project and the barrenness of the

to 25 pesos for each immigrant brought in, certain

public treasury. On June 24, 1851, the bark

land grants were to be made, and the immigrants

Mina arrived at La Guaira with 18 families totaling

were to be exempt from all military service and

103 persons. In 1852, 605 more persons entered

national and municipal taxes for 6 years.58

the country through Glocker's efforts.54

Almost within a year another immigration law

About this same time, Jorge N. Des Sources, a

was passed. This law, effective May 18,1855, had

native of Trinidad, projected a colony under the

one very distinctive feature. The immigration of

Asiatics, preferably Chinese, was to be encour-

61 Benjamin G. Shields to James Buchanan, Jan. 6,

1849, Diplomatic Despatches, Venezuela.

aged.57 The government concluded a contract

62 Gonzalez Guinan, Historia contempordnea, 5:189,

with Antonio Leocadio Guzman to bring in such

210-211.

u Isaac Nevett Steele to Edward Everett, Mar. 20,

83 J. F. Rippy, South America and Hemisphere

1853, Diplomatic Despatches, Venezuela.

Defense (Baton Rouge, 1941), 67-68.

"Venezuela, Recopilacidn, 3:168-170.

64 Gonzalez Guinan, Historia contempordnea, 5:189-

"Ibid., 3:246-247.
190, 275.

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 162 AGRICULTURAL HISTORY

immigrants, but it was never carried out.58 laws issued from 1848 to 1858, during which time

Whether this failure was fortunate or not for the

the Monagas brothers had control of the govern?

general welfare of the country is debatable. ment, reveals that large grants of land were made

In a contract affirmed on April 20, 1856, two to various persons, mostly on the basis of past

Caracas merchants, Franciso Delgado and Sil- military services. This concentration of land,

much of which was held on a speculative basis

vestre Rodriguez, agreed to bring 3,000 farmers

into Venezuela from the Canary Islands. The without development, meant that some of the

contractors were to be paid for each immigrant. land most suitable for immigrant colonization was

not available for settlement. Some of these

Only 154 persons, the total immigration for 1856,

were brought in under this contract.59 grants were nullified by succeeding governments.

The population of Venezuela in 1850 has been Actually, the continuance of unstable government

and revolution was more discouraging to pros?

recently estimated at 1,490,000 persons.60 This

figure, judging from other estimates for about the pective immigrants than any possible lack of

land. The United States minister to Venezuela

same time, would seem to be a reasonable approxi-

mation and would give an average of about four reported in 1860 that one of the revolutionary

groups had killed 72 of the Canary Islanders who

persons per square mile for the country as a whole.

had settled in Venezuela and had taken or de?

After careful study the Venezuelan Direccion

General de Estadistica has estimated that in 1860

stroyed the property of many others.63 Reports

of such occurrences naturally had a discouraging

the country had a population of 1,650,000.61 The

increase was a result of internal population growth, effect on prospective immigrants.

not of immigration. During the 50-year period, 1810 to 1860, while

There was still no shortage of arable land in millions of people were emigrating from Europe,

Venezuela even though most of it was held under only 12,978 immigrants were recorded as entering

Venezuela.64 Many laws had been passed to

nominal private ownership. Ramon Paez, son of

encourage immigration, and the position of immi?

Jose Antonio Paez, writing of conditions as they

were in Venezuela about 1850, said that land was grants under these laws was generally favorable,

so cheap and plentiful that whenever it had been yet the concrete circumstances of social, economic,

exhausted by cultivation the planter found it more and political life militated against the efforts to

secure settlers. Venezuela had acquired a reputa-

advantageous to clear new land than to trouble

himself with fertilizer.62 An examination of the

tion abroad for political strife and for an unhealth-

ful climate, factors which inevitably directed the

M J. R. Colmenares Peraza, Venezuela y sus immi-

attention of most prospective migrants to other

graciones (Caracas, 1940), 24.

parts of the world. Its government had been

"Venezuela, Recopilacidn, 3:285-286; Jos6 Gil

Fortoul, Historia constitutional de Venezuela (ed. 2, unable or unwilling to make the effort necessary to

Caracas, 1930), 3:54.

overcome these disabilities.

40 Walter F. Willcox, ed., International Migrations

63 E. A. Turpin to Lewis Cass, Aug. 24, 1860, Diplo?

(New York, 1931), 2:77.

matic Despatches, Venezuela.

61 Venezuela, Sexto censo de poblacidn, 1936, 3:8.

64 A recent government report places the total at

*2Ram6n P&ez, Wild Scenes in South America; or

12,610. Venezuela Instituto TScnico de Immigracicn

Life in the Llanos of Venezuela (ed. 2, New York,

y Colonizaci6n, Memoria, 1940, p. 8.

1863), 9.

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