CONCLUSION

This study is an attempt to the major aspects of the background and the
development of “Evolution of Communal Representation in Tamilnadu
1920 - 2005”. The socio-political conditions that prevailed in the Madras
presidency compelled the British to involve in communal politics by the turn of
20th century. This communal politics itself in turn helped the non-Brahmins to
stand in the threshold of social status and political power by entering in the field
of education, government services and public bodies in which the Brahmins were
almost monopolized. The communal representation, the brain-child of the Justice
Party played a crucial role to achieve this fact. As caste system played a
predominant role even from the ancient period in the history of India, it has
become a problem after the attainment of independence. Tamil Nadu too is not an
exception in dealing with that problem.

The idea of communal representation system, its growth and its future
prospects is directly related to the influence of ‘Backward Classes’ movement and
formed the nucleus of the movement which cannot be separated. The movement
changed the very nature of the social and political system in Tamilnadu. It has
grown steadfastly in an organized manner with a political platform for more than
eight decades. Non-Brahmin movement has secured effect and education to great
extent.

It can be right to point out “the conflicts among the various caste and caste
groups on the single issue of reservation of seats and jobs are only a particular
kind of manifestation of the general struggle and competition for ascendancy in
the socio-political and economic realm”. As far as Tamilnadu is concerned, this
struggle for ascendancy in socio-political and economic spheres went to the extent
in the 1950’s when the non-Brahmin leaders fought successfully and got the
constitutional sanction for the communal representation of backward classes.

A few in the Tamil society, the Missionary activities executed during the
British government created an awakening. They exposed the social, economic and

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political backwardness of the Tamils. The impact of western education created a
new class i.e., as New Elite which in turn gave birth not only the positive forces
like nationalism, but also the negative forces such as communalism, casteism, and
regionalism etc., This negative forces created rivalry among the backward classes
when they felt that they were dominated well by the higher groups than the
British.

The social reformers like, Rajaram Mohan Roy, Dayanand Saraswathi,

Swami Vivekananda, Mahatma Gandhi and others could not succeed in their
sincere efforts to abolish high-low distinctions in society. These clearly indicate
the unconquerable dynamism that these distinctions enjoyed in the society. The
reformers such as Vaikunda Swamihal, St.Ramalingar, Rettamalai Seenivasan,
T.B.Pandian, Subramania Bharathi, V. Kalayanasundaranar and others
endeavoured to elevate the status of Tamil society in various walks of life - by
avoiding superstitious beliefs and social inequalities. In the same way, the Adi-
Dravida Mahajana Sabha, the Depressed Class Mission Society, Nadar Mahajana
Sangam, Vanniar Sangm, etc. did their best for inculcating the spirit of social
awakening and removal of social inequalities along with caste disparities. The
non-Brahmin newspapers such as Suryodayam, Dravidamitran, Parayan,
Tamizhan, Anrormitran, etc, served as tools to elevate the Tamil society.

On the other hand Mahatma Joyti Rao Phule, B.R. Ambedkar, Kumaran
Asan, Periyar E.V.Ramasamy and other socialists and their organizations have
successfully identified the root-cause for all distinctions, discriminations and
exploitations in society, hence their defying and denying Brahminism and
Capitalism. Their contribution in creating awareness among the backward classes
and depressed classes was very constructive. The communal representation for the
backwards and the Scheduled Castes and Tribes owe much to their work.

The colonial government in Madras to cut the Brahmins close to their skin
had issued orders to the effect that even non-Brahmins could compete for
government posts. Such orders, though reluctantly issued from the second half of
the nineteenth century had stirred the conscience of non-Brahmin elites. In course

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of time, this had helped to rope in other backwards and under-privileged to claim
their rights on par with the other privileged.

The Minto-Morely Reforms of 1909 ensured separate political

representation for the Muslims. In the Madras Presidency a few among the
aggrieved non-Brahmins emboldened by the Muslims getting their rights as a
conglomerate entity, rounded the non-Brahmin movement in 1916. Later it was
called Justice Party. The Justice Party sought to secure opportunities for the non-
Brahmins in proportion to their population in education and in government
services.

The Justice Party after coming to power issued a communal G.O. ensuring
communal representation for various communities in education and in
government services in proportion to their population. Communal representation
for the non-Brahmins, the Justice Party played its role. When it formed its
Ministry in 1920, it gained an opportunity to achieve its end. In that respect, the
first Communal G.O. was introduced in 1921, to avoid domination of the
Brahmins in public services. The communal representation changed the socio-
political condition of the non-Brahmins. By that, the non-Brahmins percentage in
public appointments increased. The second Communal G.O. introduced by the
Justice Party in 1922, further enhanced the opportunities of appointments of the
non-Brahmins. The Adi-Dravidas, who were placed in a low position in the field
of education also gained their share in the field of education. The third G.O.
passed in 1928 which was continued up to 1947 paved the way for enabling the
non-Brahmins to have their share. The communal representation though was liked
by many people, the Brahmins opposed it largely. They were not in favour of
Communal G.O. The Congress Party though was not in favour of the G.O., had to
accept the principle of reservation for the sake of united and integrated action.

The communal representation was a must for the people of Tamil nadu.
Because, here it had taken a firm stand. The various failures met by the British
rule in eliminating the caste disparities and problems, the rise in the number of
backward, most backward and scheduled castes stressed the need for communal

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representation. The political activities of the British rule during the period of
freedom struggle, the activities of Mahatma Gandhi, the Communal Award of
1932, the Poona Pact, etc., were factors which stressed communal representation.
The political trend too compelled the different castes of India to seek their
opportunities in the field of politics. So, there was a demand for communal
representation as well as territorial representation. With regard to Madras,
separate reservation order was passed for the non-Brahmins of Madras in 1936
and it went up to 1947. From that time onwards steps were taken to deal with the
age limit. The introduction of the Constituent Assembly has its own echo in
getting the members through communal representation. Thus, it was a burning
issue to have communal representation due to various causes.

Since independence, on the basis of the Constitutional provisions various

commissions were appointed by the State and Central Governments from time to
time. To investigate the conditions of SCs/STs, a separate commissioner has been
appointed. Periodically, the commission submitted reports to the government.
According to the recommendations of the Commissioner, welfare measures have
been undertaken for the upliftment of them. One among the welfare measures is
reservation. In Tamil Nadu, proportional representation to the SCs/STs has been
given to them since independence.

The caste classifications provide the basis for implementing a variety of

state policies, which seek to extend entitlements and to promote the welfare of
varied castes and tribes and communities, which have been classified for these
purposes as Backward or Most Backward Classes. The principle policies and
programmes in this respect include concessions and aids for education. They
include supply of books and uniforms and provision of stipends and hostel
facilities. There are policies providing housing and financial assistance for self
employment, representation for admission to educational institutions and job
reservations for government appointments. Caste-based reservations for
government appointments were first introduced in Tamil Nadu distinguishing
between Brahmins, non-Brahmin Hindus, Christians, Muslims, Europeans and
Anglo Indians. Specific entitlements wreck provided for backward classes in

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1947. Communal representation in educational institutions was introduced in the
1950s. The first systematic enquiry into the social, educational and economic
position of "Backward Classes" was undertaken in 1969-70 by the Tamilnadu
commission on the Welfare of Backward Classes under the chairmanship of
A.N.Sattanathan.

For the amelioration of BCs, continuous efforts have been undertaken by

the state and Central Government. In 1953, the first All India Backward Classes
Commission was appointed under the Chairmanship of Kaka Kalelkar. However,
the recommendations of the Commission were not implemented. As he
recommended economy as the criterion to measure the backwardness, the
Commission failed in its mission. Subsequently, the Commission left the task of
identifying the BCs in the State Governments. Accordingly, in 1969, under
M.Karunanidhi, the Government of Tamil Nadu appointed the first Tamil Nadu
Backward Classes Commission, popularly known as Sattanathan Commission
under the chairmanship of A.N.Sattanathan. The Commission got success in its
task. As per the recommendations of the Commission, the percentage of reserved
seats got increased for the BCs in Tamil Nadu from 25 to 31 in December, 1978,
the second All India Backward Classes Commission was appointed under the
Chairmanship of B.P.Mandal. The Commission submitted its report in December,
1979. But, it was kept in the cold storage. In Tamil Nadu, according to on of the
recommendations of the Sattanathan Commission, Economic Criterion was
introduced by the then Chief Minister, M.G. Ramachandran. Due to it, hue and
cry occurred among the beneficiaries of reservation. For certain political
consideration, immediately, he removed the economic criterion and increased the
percentage of reserved seats from 31 to 50. This sudden increase was challenged
in the court. As per the directions of the Supreme Court, the State Government
appointed the Second Backward Class Commission under the chairmanship of
J.A.Ambasankar to investigate it. The Commission also recommended for 50 per
cent reservation for the BCs.

The Vanniar community belonged to the BC category. In 1980s,

particularly in 1987, they agitated for exclusive representation. Ultimately, MBC

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category was introduced, in which the Vanniar Community was included and
were granted 20 per cent of reserved seats exclusively in the BC category. In
1989, the Tamil Nadu Government reserved 30 per cent of seats for women at the
primary school level and local administrative bodies respectively. Probably, it
might have been the beginning; it was a welcome move towards the egalitarian
form of society. In 1990, STs were given one per cent of reserved seats separately.
Totally, 69 per cent of seats were reserved for the BCs, MBCs, SCs and STs.
Besides, all kinds of reservation, 3 per cent of reserved seats for the physically
handicapped is an encouragement of the Government.

Meanwhile, under the Prime Ministership of V.P.Singh, the stored uncared

Mandal Commission's recommendations were given effect in 1990. Due to legal
constraints, the Commission obliged to recommend, reservation of 27 per cent of
seats for the BCs in Central Government employment opportunities. Already, 15
per cent and 7.5 per cent of seats were reserved for the SCs and STs respectively,
in the Central Government employment opportunities. Thus, 49.5 per cent of
opportunities have been available for the BCs, SCs and STs in All India level
employment opportunities. However, the Mandal Commission recommendations
stated that the States which have already introduced representation for BCs more
than 27 per cent would remain unaffected. According to the verdict of the
Supreme Court. It was declared that reserved seats should not exceed 50 per cent.
At that time, the Tamil Nadu Government reserved 69 per cent seats for BCs,
MBCs, SCs and STs. This was challenged in the Court. The State Government
and all other political parties in Tamil Nadu took sincere efforts and finally
maintained 69 per cent representation for the weaker sections.

Besides the preferential treatment, the policy includes welfare programmes

and special protection measures. The government granted all other facilities like
scholarships, educational loans, relaxation in age limit, relaxation in eligible
marks, special recruitment drive, interview on separate day for SCs/STs,
distribution of house sites, lands, encouragement of inter-caste marriages, medals
and awards have been provided to the inter-married couples to create a casteless
society. Mainly for the purpose of integration, Tribal Sub-Plans, Integrated Rural

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Development Programme, National Rural Employment Programme and New
Twenty Point Programme are made. Above all, separate colonies were made for
the inhabitation of SCs at the beginning. At present, formation of
'Samathuvapuram' in Tamil Nadu is another great land mark in the direction of
egalitarian form of social structure.

Communal representation has been evolved to provide an adequate

participation in decision making for the under represented or neglected sections of
the population. It is a period of clash between privileged and unprivileged. Today,
there is more stratification in the Tamil society than, when the Tamilians started
their journey towards social equality. The Communal representation scheme has
its own drawbacks and loopholes such as the endeavours of the political parties in
utilizing them for political gains. The implementation of communal representation
for the last few decades has certainly resulted in better structural social change in
the Tamil society. The present age is an age of the people and the people belong
to one caste, creed, colour and religion. Varied views are expressed by the people
on representation and form their opinion. Those who oppose the popular views on
a reservation bill organize demonstrations, protests and agitations inside or
outside of the representative bodies. Elections are very important because through
elections people elect their representatives. The inf1uence of a leader representing
a community is more effective than any law passed by the government. Always
the policy of communal representation reflects the thought, philosophy and the
lofty ideals of our regional leaders.

These new opportunities offered in the fields of education, employment

and legislative bodies to the neglected sections of the society paved way for
economic, political and social change leading to the elevation of the uncared
sectors for achieving social justice and a meaningful equality in Tamil society.

Illiteracy is a major problem facing everyone in a backward area. It is a

hurdle to the physical, mental and moral development. Poverty and
unemployment have their roots on illiteracy. Free and compulsory education is
needed for the economic and cultural development of the people. The principles

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contemplated on the policy of reservation invites a conductive atmosphere. Socio-
economic growth is not possible without substantive equality, which is different
from formal equality. Equality will become a reality only among equals, which is
difficult to achieve. There is a cry for the inclusion of more .communities in the
backward community list. Thereby the economic law of diminishing returns starts
to operate. Whenever the administration introduced new-reserved communities
for proposed benefits, the call is for more instillations. But the government lacks
the political will to invest more in public sector undertaking to impart social
justice through communal representation.

The communal representation in public sector has certainly brought out

reasonable social change over the years. Proportional representation of all
communities in the government services is the only best solution for achieving
social and communal justice for all communities. However, it has to go a long
way in achieving social integration, equality and justice to the needy. Further,
representation is a legal measure which assists social transformation. It is a unique
and needed solution to put an end to the various social disparities. Above all, it
puts the weaker and downtrodden people on par with the so called elites.
Certainly, this will go a long way only when this measure is not politicalised by
any political party for their own individual gains. Anyhow, when equality is
achieved by the communal representation, the social unity will be created and the
state and people will be placed in the highest pedestal.

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