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Articulate for CSS 2022

May 2021 (Volume - 9)
Compiled & Edited by Aamir Mahar

Hot Topics inside —

1. The Arab Moment
2. Power, People, and Policy
3. Recognition of the Armenian Genocide
4. Understanding Pakistan's Economy
5. Climate Leadership And Pakistan
6. Failure of the power sector after 1970s
7. Global Resistance — a Eurasian perspective
8. World Press Freedom Day & Pakistan
9. Pakistan’s Revenue Mobilisation Strategy
 THE ARAB MOMENT
For more than two decades, the United States has
seen the politics of the Middle East as a tug of war
between moderation and radicalism—Arabs against
Iran. But for the four years of Donald Trump’s
presidency, it was blind to different, more profound
fissures growing among the region’s three non-Arab
powers: Iran, Israel, and Turkey. For the quarter
century after the 1956 Suez crisis, Iran, Israel, and
Turkey joined forces to strike a balance against the
Arab world with U.S. help.
But Arab states have been sliding deeper into
paralysis and chaos since the U.S. invasion of Iraq in
2003, followed by the failed Arab Spring, leading to
new fault lines. Indeed, the competition most likely
to shape the Middle East is no longer between Arab
states and Israel or Sunnis and Shiites—but among
the three non-Arab rivals. The emerging competitions
for power and influence have become severe enough
to disrupt the post-World War I order, when the
Ottoman Empire was split into shards that European
powers picked up as they sought to control the region.
European rule deepened cleavages of ethnicity and
sects and shaped rivalries and battle lines that have
survived to this day.The colonial experience also
animated Arab nationalism,which swept across the
region after World War II and placed the Arab world
at the heart of U.S. strategy in the Middle East. All of
that is now changing. The Arab moment has passed.
It is now the non Arab powers that are ascendant, and
it is the Arabs who are feeling threatened as Iran
expands its reach into the region and the United
States reduces its commitment. Last year, after Iran
was identified as responsible for attacks on tankers
and oil installations in Saudi Arabia and the United
Arab Emirates, Abu Dhabi cited the Iranian threat as
a reason to forge a historic normalization agreement
with Israel. But the Abraham Accords are as much a
bulwark against Turkey as they are against Iran.
Rather than set the region on a new course toward
peace, as the Trump administration claimed, the
agreement signals an intensification of rivalry among
Arabs,Iranians,Israelis, and Turks that the previous
administration failed to take into consideration. In
fact, it could lead to larger and more dangerous
regional arms races and wars that the United States
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neither wants nor can afford to get entangled in.
Iran’s pursuit of a nuclear capability and its use of
clients and proxies to influence the Arab world and
attack . US. interests and Israel are now familiar.
What is new is Turkey’s emergence as an
unpredictable disrupter of stability across a much
larger region. No longer envisioning a future in the
West,Turkey is now more decidedly embracing its
Islamic past,looking past lines and borders drawn a
century ago.Its claim to the influence it had in the one
time domains of the Ottoman Empire can no longer
be dismissed as rhetoric.Turkish ambition is now a
force to be reckoned with. For example, Turkey now
occupies parts of Syria,has influence in Iraq, and is
pushing back against Iran’s influence in both
Damascus and Baghdad.Turkey has increased
military operations against Kurds in Iraq and accused
Iran of giving refuge to Turkey’s Kurdish nemesis,the
Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). Turkey has
inserted itself in Libya’s civil war and most recently
intervened decisively in the dispute in the Caucasus
between Armenia and Azerbaijan over
Nagorno-Karabakh. Officials in Ankara are also
eyeing expanded roles in the Horn of Africa and
Lebanon while Arab rulers worry about Turkish
support for the Muslim Brotherhood and its claim to
have a say in Arab politics. Each of the three
non-Arab states has justified such encroachments as
necessary for security, but there are also economic
motivations—for example, access to the Iraqi market
for Iran or pole positions for Israel and Turkey in
harnessing the rich gas fields in the Mediterranean
seabed. Predictably, Turkish expansionism runs up
against Iranian regional interests in the Levant and
the Caucasus in ways that evoke Turkey’s imperial Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
past. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has
been for some time suggesting that Mustafa Kemal
Ataturk was wrong to give up Ottoman Arab
territories as far south as Mosul. In reviving Turkish
interest in those territories, Erdogan is claiming
greater patriotism than that of the founder of modern
Turkey.
In the Caucasus, as in Syria, Turkish and Iranian
interests are interwoven with those of Russia. The
Kremlin’s interest in the Middle East is expanding,
not only in conflicts in Libya, Syria, and
Nagorno-Karabakh but also on the diplomatic scene
from OPEC to Afghanistan. Moscow maintains close
ties with all of the region’s key actors, sometimes
tilting in favor of one and then the other. With U.S.
attention on the wane, Moscow’s complex web of ties
is poised to play an outsized role in shaping the
region’s future. Israel,too, has expanded its footprint
in the Arab world.In2019,Trump recognized Israel’s
half-century-old claim to the Golan Heights, which it
seized from Syria in1967, and now Israeli leaders are
planning outloud to expand their borders by formally
annexing parts of the West Bank. But the Abraham
Accords suggest that the Arabs are looking past all of
that to shore up their own position against Iran and
Turkey. They see in Israel a crutch to keep them in
the great game for regional influence. The tensions
between Iran and Israel have escalated markedly in
recent years as Iran has reached further into the Arab
world.The two are now engaged in a war of attrition,
in Syria and in cyberspace. But the scramble for the
Middle East is not just about Iran. Turkey’s current
regional posture—extending into Iraq, Lebanon,
Syria, and the Horn of Africa while staunchly
defending Qatar and the Tripoli government in
Libya’s civil war— is indirect conflict with policies
pursued by Saudi Arabia,the UAE, and Egypt. This
all suggests that the driving force in the Middle East
is no longer ideology or religion but old-fashioned
real politik. If Israel boosts the Saudi-Emirati
position, those countries that feel threatened by it,
such as Qatar or Oman, can be expected to rely on
Iran and Turkey for protection. But if the Israeli-Arab
alignment gives Iran and Turkey reason to make
common cause, Ankara’s aggressive posture in the
Caucasus and Iraq could become a worry for Tehran.
Turkey’s military support for Azerbaijan now aligns
with Israel’s support for Baku, and Iran, Saudi Arabia,
and the UAE have found themselves in agreement
worrying about the implications of Turkey’s
successful maneuver in that conflict. As these
overlapping rivalries crisscross the region,
competitions are likely to be come more
unpredictable, as will the pattern oft actical alliances.
In turn,that might invite meddling by Russia,which
has already proved adept at exploiting the region’s
fissures to its advantage. China,too, may follow suit.
The United States thinks of China in terms of the
Pacific, but the Middle East abuts China’s western
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frontier, and it is through that gateway that Beijing
will pursue its vision for a Eurasian zone of influence.
The Biden administration could play a key role in
reducing tensions by encouraging regional dialogue
and— when possible—use its influence to end
conflicts and repair relations. Although relations with
Turkey have frayed, it remains a NATO ally.
Washington should focus on improving ties between
not just Israel and Turkey but also among Turkey,
Saudi Arabia, and the UAE—and that means pushing
Riyadh and Abu Dhabi to truly mend ties with Qatar.
The Gulf rivals have declared a truce, but
fundamental issues that divided them persist, and
unless those are fully resolved,their differences could
cause another breach. Iran is a harder problem. U.S.
officials will have to first contend with the future of
the nuclear deal, but sooner rather than later Tehran
and Washington will have to talk about Iran’s
expansionist push in the broader region and its
ballistic missiles. Ultimately reining in Iran’s proxies
and limiting its missiles can be achieved through
regional arms control and building a regional security
architecture. The United States should facilitate and
support that process, but regional actors have to
embrace it. Whether the Middle East’s future is
peaceful hinges on what course the United States
follows. If the Biden administration wants to avoid
endless U.S. engagements in the region, it must
counter intuitively invest more time and diplomatic
resources there now. It has to start by taking a
broader view of regional dynamics and making the
lessening of new regional power rivalries its priority.
(Written by Vali Nasr in Foreign Policy)
Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
RECOGNITION OF THE
ARMENIAN GENOCIDE
As expected, US President Joseph Biden’s
recognition of the Armenian Genocide during the
Ottoman Empire was greeted with relief by Armenian
Americans and outrage by many Turks. By itself,
however, recognition without reckoning means little.
In the end, it is the Turkish government that must
acknowledge what was done a century ago to
eradicate the Armenian Christian presence in the
region of Ottoman Empire that was to become
Turkey. During the period 1915-1917, over one
million Armenians were killed and their physical
presence in the region largely destroyed. While there
was an initial effort to find those responsible and hold
them accountable for their crimes, with the advent of
the modern Turkish state, a systematic and brutal
process of denial took hold. To compound their
denial, Turkish historians have concocted a fictive
history which diminishes their crimes, shifts blame to
the victims, and absolves them of responsibility. In
doing this, the Turks are not alone.
Human history, ancient and contemporary, is replete
with instances of genocide—that is, the effort to
eradicate a people, erase their history, denigrate their
culture, and destroy their physical presence. Many of
these atrocities have been recognised by the victims
and other nations who support them. But, with the
notable exception of the German acknowledgment of
the Holocaust, rarely have the perpetrators of these
crimes accepted responsibility and offer recompense.
A few examples should be sufficient to make this
clear.
The United States was founded on two genocides, its
original sins—the massacres and forced removal of
the country’s indigenous peoples and the
enslavement of black Africans. Millions of Native
Americans were killed, lands were “cleared of
Indians” to make way for settlers, and those who
were forcibly evicted were corralled into
Bantustan-like “reservations.” Blacks were “freed”
by the Emancipation Proclamation, but remained
landless and impoverished and were soon subjected
to cruel laws denying them full rights as citizens.
Since then, some civil rights have been secured, but
Black Americans are still victims of segregation and
discriminatory laws and treatment. While some of the
statues of segregationists and slave-holders are
finally coming down, no US President has dared to
apologise and offer reparations for slavery or the
genocide against Native Americans.
British behaviour in Ireland should also be classified
as genocidal. During their colonisation of the island,
they confiscated land, imported settlers loyal to them,
stole Irish resources, attempted to eradicate Irish
culture, and did little to assist the victims of the Great
Famine—during which almost one-third of the Irish
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population died from hunger and disease, while
another third were forced to emigrate. While the Irish
starved, the British continued to import food from
Ireland—food which the Irish were not allowed to
consume. Almost a century after Irish independence,
the British retain control of the northern part of the
Island, and while there is fragile peace between the
British and Irish—with the exception of an apology
from former Prime Minister Anthony Blair, Britain
has never fully acknowledged its responsibility for its
actions during and since its colonial rule.
Israel’s behaviour toward the indigenous Arab
population has been genocidal. During Israel’s war of
independence—the Palestinian Nakbah
(disaster)—the majority of Arabs were forced to flee
a systematic Israeli military campaign to “cleanse”
parts of the country from Arabs. After the war,
almost 500 Palestinian villages were eradicated, and
millions of acres of their land and thousands of their
homes and businesses were confiscated and turned
over to exclusive Jewish control. During the first two
decades, Israel imposed harsh conditions on those
Palestinians who remained, forcing Arab children to
learn Hebrew and denying Arabs the right to join
labour unions, live in Jewish areas, or form political
organisations. Some of these conditions have since
eased for the Arab citizens in Israel, but many of
these same policies are now imposed as part of
Israel’s repressive Apartheid rule in the post-67
Occupied Territories. Israel has invented its own
fictional history and its supporters worldwide will
brook no criticism of its policies or accept any
responsibility for its behaviour toward its Arab
citizens, those under occupation, and, most especially,
Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
the Palestinian refugee population.
France’s behaviour in Algeria was also genocidal.
During the French conquest, almost one-quarter of
the country’s Arab population were either killed or
died from disease or hunger, with many more killed
during the century of French colonial rule. They
seized land and resources, imposed discriminatory
Apartheid-like policies, confiscating property and
resources, importing privileged colonists from France,
denying educational opportunities to Arab children,
and denigrating the country’s Arab and Islamic
culture. While the French president did make a
statement acknowledging that “crimes against
humanity” were committed in Algeria, after seeing
how poorly it was received by voters, he later
recanted saying there would be “no repentance or
apologies” for France’s behaviour in their former
colony. And, today, Arab immigrants in France live
in ghettos as a permanent underclass where they
suffer from high rates of poverty and discrimination.
The lesson is clear. It is good President Biden has
acknowledged the Armenian Genocide, but unless the
inheritors of the fruits of past genocidal policies
reckon with the crimes committed in their name,
justice will not be done. (The Nation, May 2, 2021)
PAKISTAN’S REVENUE
MOBILISATION STRATEGY
The provinces must participate in devising a national
tax policy and collection apparatus as their share
under 7th National Finance (NFC) Award (57.5
percent) is greater than the federal government and it
cannot be reduced under Article 160(3A) of the
Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan [“the
Constitution”]. Article 156(2) of the Constitution
after Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment) Act,
2010, [commonly called “18th Amendment”]
requires federalised and not centralised economic
planning. It reads: The National Economic Council
shall review the overall economic condition of the
country and shall, for advising the Federal
Government and the Provincial Governments,
formulate plans in respect of financial, commercial,
social and economic policies; and in formulating such
plans, it shall, amongst other factors, ensure balanced
development and regional equity and shall also be
guided by the Principles of Policy set-out in Chapter
2 of Part II”.
In light of the latest IMF’s Country Report No.
2021/073 of April 8, 2021, the PTI government, in
the coming days, many say, will have to say goodbye
to the loan scheme if it is to ensure survival and
revival of businesses adversely affected by Covid-19
that employ millions who have no other source of
income. The overwhelming majority of businesses in
the wake of lockdown necessitated due to the third
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wave of Covid-19 epidemic is on the verge of closure.
These were already suffering due to sluggish
economic activities, high utility bills and mark-up
rates.
Tax reforms without a fair and efficient tax
administration can never be enforceable. For this
purpose, a single national tax agency, is needed not
only to collect taxes for federal, provincial and local
governments but also to administer various social and
economic benefits and incentive programmes,
otherwise tax compliance will remain a distant dream.
People must get free education, quality healthcare,
decent housing/transport plus social security schemes,
such as, disability allowance, old age benefits,
income support, child support, pension, just to
mention a few, in lieu of paying taxes.
Devising a rational policy and revenue mobilisation
strategy is the biggest challenge before Shaukat Tarin,
the ruling PTI’s fourth Finance minister in less than
three years. All agree that we need to adopt economic
policies aimed at rapid growth and investment. On
taking charge, Shaukat Alam Ahmed Tarin rightly
highlighted that his top most priority would be
sustainable growth and prosperity for all citizens.
Taxes will increase with growth and will not be
achieved by maintaining high taxes and withholding
provisions. The contrary IMF prescription of higher
taxes and costly energy will lead to further
unemployment and dismal growth. The following
draft plan for federalised tax apparatus with simple
tax system, as proposed in two books, ‘Towards Flat,
Low-rate, Broad and Predictable Taxes’ (PRIME
2020) and ‘Tax Reforms in Pakistan: Historic &
Critical Review’ (PIDE, 2020), is worth Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
consideration:
* On March 12, 2020, National Tax Council [NTC]
was formed. The NTC has an executive committee,
comprising federal finance secretary, Chairman of
Federal Board of Revenue (FBR), provincial finance
secretaries and heads of the provincial revenue
authorities, namely, Punjab Revenue Authority
(PRA), Sindh Revenue Board (SRB), Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa Revenue Authority (KPRA) and
Balochistan Revenue Authority (BRA).
* The executive committee of NTC must propose All
Pakistan Tax Services (APTS) and merge all the tax
agencies mentioned above, through amendment in the
Federal Board of Revenue Act, 2007, renaming it as
National Board of Revenue Act, 2021 [NBR Act,
2021] after consultation and approval from all the
provinces to pass resolution under Article 144 of the
calling meeting of National Economic Council
[Article 156]. FBR to become National Board of
Revenue (NRB).
* All serving CSS officers of FBR, PRA, KPRA and
BRA will become part of APTS working under NBR.
They will have their seniority and other terms of
service as before and others can join through Federal
Public Service Commission (FPSC) against the posts
they are working.
* For collection of harmonised sales tax on goods and
services, new law will be needed after resolutions by
provincial assemblies under Article 144 of the
Constitution. In the same manner, a uniform law for
agricultural income tax (AIT) for all provinces and its
collection by NBR. In the income tax return form,
one page for declaration of AIT will be added. The
collection of AIT will be by NBR but shares will be
transferred to provinces directly. As regards sales tax
on goods and services, the transfer of sales tax on
services will be directly to provinces to which it
belongs and distribution of sales tax on goods will be
strictly under prevalent NFC Award.
The NRB, unlike FBR, will have no role in framing
tax policy. For this a permanent Tax Policy Board
should be established with Planning Commission to
become its permanent secretariat for federalised
economic development. The role of Policy Board will
be of a think-tank to recommend policies for
equitable and accelerated growth on national level as
well as helping all assemblies and Senate for tax
legislation to achieve the desired goals. The above
proposed roadmap for harmonisation of fragmented
taxes and various tax collection agencies may be
presented for debate in public, national and
provincial assemblies and Senate and eliciting input
from all stakeholders and experts. (Daily Times, May
2, 2021)
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UNDERSTANDING PAKISTAN'S ECONOMY
An economy is defined as the set of interrelated
production, consumption, and exchange processes
that help in determining how resources should be
allocated. The production, consumption, and
distribution of goods and services are utilized to meet
the needs of those operating within the economy,
which is also called a complete economic system.
The Economy of Pakistan works on a similar model,
but the main correspondent and identifier of the
Pakistani economy is the Agricultural sector.
Types of Economy An economic system is a means
by which societies or governments organize and
distribute available resources, services, and goods
across a geographic region or country. Economic
systems regulate the factors of production, including
land, capital, labor, and physical resources. An
economic system encompasses many institutions,
agencies, entities, decision-making processes, and
patterns of consumption that comprise the economic
structure of a given community.
Market Based In Market Based Economies,
individuals and businesses are allowed to exchange
goods freely through the market, as per demand and
supply. For example, the economy of the US is
mostly a market economy where consumers and
producers determine what should be sold and
produced.
Command Based Common Based Economies are
dependent on a central political person, which
controls the price and distribution of goods. Supply
and demand cannot play out naturally in this system
because it is centrally planned, so imbalances are Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
common, but the economy is under an influence of a
single entity.
Economy of Pakistan The economy of Pakistan has
been growing slowly over the past two decades.
Annual Per Capita growth has estimated only 2
percent, less than half of the South Asia average,
partly due to inconsistent macroeconomic policies
and an under-reliance on investment and exports to
drive economic growth. Short periods of rapid
consumption-fueled growth led to the sizable current
account and fiscal deficits, that ultimately required
tightening of policies, resulting in recurrent
boom-bust cycles. The economic history of Pakistan per cent a year. The GDP increased at the annual
has always been a semi-industrialized one. rate of 4.7 per cent.

Last 2 Decades & Statistics 2) Government Asif Ali Zardari – GDP growth in
2010 – 11 was only 2 percent and the rate in
The economy of Pakistan is the 22nd largest in the
world in terms of purchasing power parity (PPP), and 2011-12 was not higher than 3 per cent.
45th largest in terms of nominal gross domestic 3) Government Nawaz Sharif – Pakistan’s GDP
product. The annual growth in GDP % of Pakistan grew at 5.3 percent in 2017, making it the fifth
over the past two decades; fastest growing economy in the world.
4) Government Imran Khan – Pakistan’s GDP grew
1. 2000 – 4.260 by 1.9% in 2019 as compared to a decade – high
of 5.8% the previous year.
2. 2001 – 3.554
In early FY20, which runs from July 2019 to June
3. 2002 – 2.508
2020, following one such episode of external and
4. 2003 – 5.777 fiscal imbalances, the country entered a 39-month
5. 2004 – 7.547 IMF-Extended Fund Facility. The associated
adjustment measures, including fiscal consolidation,
6. 2005 – 6.519
contributed to a reduction of the imbalances over the
7. 2006 – 5.899 year and improved macroeconomic stability.
8. 2007 – 4.833 Instability, COVID, Politics & Economy of
9. 2008 – 1.701 Pakistan Political issues may lead to a clash between
the government and a combined opposition in early
10. 2009 – 2.832
2021. Due to the second wave of COVID-19
11. 2010 – 1.607 expected to run well into February 2021, there is little
12. 2011 – 2.748 reason to cheer Pakistan’s growth prospects. As
global economic activity raised on account of the
13. 2012 – 3.507
vaccine, so will oil prices, putting a further dent in
14. 2013 – 4.396 Pakistan’s current account and increasing inflation.
15. 2014 – 4.657 Even if COVID-19 had not been badly affected, 2020
would still have been a year to forget. There is a
16. 2015 – 4.731
sliver of fiscal space available before the government
17. 2016 – 5.527 returns to the IMF in the next few months. Electricity
18. 2017 – 5.554 and gas prices still not raised as required by the IMF
Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
after which greater strict economic policies will be
19. 2018 – 5.836
enforced. The government can continue to extend its
20. 2019 – 0.989 donor-supported social protection programs like the
Governmental Stats For Economy of Pakistan The Ehsaas program and provide some temporary relief.
economy of Pakistan is the 22nd largest in the world Summing Things Up: While per – capita
in terms of purchasing power parity (PPP), and 45th agricultural output has grown since independence, it
largest in terms of nominal gross domestic product. has been outpaced by the growth of the non –
Pakistan has a population of over 220 million (the agricultural sectors, and the share of agriculture has
world’s 5th-largest), giving it a nominal GDP per dropped to roughly one – fifth of Pakistan’s economy.
capita of $1,186 in the year 2020-21. In recent years, the country has seen rapid growth in
1) Government Pervez Musharraf – During this industries (such as apparel, textiles, and cement) and
time the economy grew at an average rate of 6.3

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services (such as telecommunications, transportation,
advertising, and finance). Source: Economy.pk
CLIMATE LEADERSHIP & PAKISTAN
Coronavirus or climate crisis, worldwide concerted
efforts are inevitable against global challenges.
President Joe Biden’s virtual Climate Conference
(April 22-23) with leaders of 40 countries is an
important initiative. Nonetheless, the spread, depth
and urgency of the climate crisis stipulate a larger
cadre of leaders. Leaving out key leaders from such
events would not help. This is a crucial year to check
the pace of climate change. The world has a rare
chance to correct actions in the 26th UN Conference
on Climate Change (COP26), scheduled for
November 1-12, in Glasgow. This would be the most
important climate conference after the Paris
Agreement of 2015. Earlier in April, John Kerry, the
United States Special Presidential Envoy for Climate,
visited Asia to pave the way for Biden’s conference.
While traveling to the UAE, Bangladesh, India and
China, Kerry flew over Pakistan — the eighth most
impacted country in the world from climate change.
It has suffered economic losses worth $3.8 billion
and faced 173 extreme weather events from 2000 to
2019. Lives and livelihoods of millions of people
have suffered in a country that is least responsible for
causing this climate crisis.
Based on historical facts, the responsibility of the
crisis is attributed to the industrialised countries after
the industrial revolution and subsequent industrial
growth. The fossil fuel based industrial growth led to
the emissions of greenhouse gases (GHGs) that
caused global warming. Despite its little input in the
crisis, Pakistan is contributing in the fight against this
global crisis and the leadership of Prime Minister
Imran Khan is a major driving force. Sequestering
GHGs curtails the pace of the climate crisis. For ease
of understanding, sequestration can be termed as the
process of cleaning the GHGs such as carbon dioxide,
methane and nitrous oxide emitted in the last 200
years. Of the total global carbon dioxide emission,
Pakistan accounts for only 0.65%. Its biodiversity on
land and sea is a crucial source of carbon
sequestration. The 4.5 million hectares of forest area
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of Pakistan is an important source of cleaning carbon
dioxide along with the pleatlands and marshy areas.
Mangroves, seaweeds, seagrass and salt marshes
sequester more carbon than terrestrial forests and the
carbon stored through these sea-based ecosystems is
known as blue carbon.
In addition to the above natural sources of carbon
storage, Imran Khan has added an impetus against
climate change. His vision yielded the Billion Tree
Tsunami Program in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) that
has attracted acclamation from the World Economic
Forum (WEF) and the International Union for
Conservation of Nature (IUCN), the NGO in charge
of administering the Bonn Challenge, described it as
“a true conservation success story.” After taking over
as prime minister in 2018, Imran Khan amplified his
vision towards the 10 Billion Tree Tsunami Program,
Clean Green Cities Index, National Electric Vehicle
Policy and others. A mature tree cleans nearly 22
kilograms of carbon annually from the atmosphere.
Hence, the billion trees of K-P would clean up around
22 million tonnes of carbon dioxide from the
atmosphere. This figure would jump to almost 220
million tonnes after the completion of 10 Billion Tree
Tsunami Program. Beside carbon storage, these trees
have numerous other benefits for the people and
ecology. Given the size of the economy and the
financial constraints of Pakistan, this is a huge
contribution towards the global climate crisis and
Imran Khan’s climate leadership can inspire many
global leaders. The grandeur of the tree programme is
comparable with a Nobel Prize-winning initiative.
Wangari Maathai of Kenya had received the Nobel
Prize in 2004 for her Green Belt Movement that
motivated ecological thinking in Africa for tree Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
plantation.
Even so, Pakistan needs to further various aspects of
climate work such as; diversification of trees in the
tsunami programme, raising awareness in all walks of
life, integration of climatic challenges and
opportunities with all sectors of economy, building
relevant capacities in the government and private
sectors, climate adaptation plans that connects
national and local levels considering poverty, food
security, health, agriculture, livestock, disaster risk
reduction and urban planning. Adaptation to climate
change means taking action to prepare for and adjust
to both the current effects of climate change and the
predicted impacts in the future. Adaptation leads to
resilience in the system, institution and the people.
The Asian Development Bank highlights that
Pakistan needs financial resources of $7-14 billion
per year for climate adaptation. Like Pakistan, all
developing and underdeveloped countries need
financial and technical support to face the climate
change crisis. Malik Amin Aslam, Special Assistant
to the Prime Minister, attended the US climate
conference and rightly reminded global leaders to
allocate $100 billion annually for developing
countries for this effort. Adaptation and mitigation
are the fundamental strategies against the climate
crisis. Adaptation is important to build resilience
against the crisis while mitigation is essential to stop
the crisis by ceasing the emission of GHGs. The
latter is a major responsibility of countries with a
large share of historic and current emissions.
This was the foremost agenda of Biden’s climate
conference. In the conference, the US committed to
reduce emission by 50% and Canada by 40-45% until
2030. China offered to put strict limitation on coal
consumption by 2025, phasing it down by 2030 along
with net zero GHGs emissions by 2060. The UK
committed to cut down emission by 68% and the EU
by 55%, while India offered to expand renewable
energy projects. The challenges, however, remain
after Biden’s conference. The crisis demands a shift
from commitments to actually stopping emissions
and to deliver the promised support to countries
facing the worst impact of climate crisis. The COP26
would be a decisive conference to save the future of
the Earth. There is no other option. “There is no Plan
B as there is no Planet B.” (The Express Tribune,
May 1, 2021)
FAILURE OF THE POWER SECTOR
AFTER 1970S
The policies followed by governments in the power
sector after 1977 have greatly damaged the country’s
economy. Shortage of electricity and high cost
affected all sectors. Our country – having a
hydroelectric potential of 100,000MW, and 87
known projects capable of producing 65,000MW of
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cheap and non-polluting energy – has been relying
only on thermal sources, largely imported. Pakistan’s
installed power capacity is 38,719MW, with only
27% hydel. But since the previous government did
not focus on building the required transmission and
distribution infrastructure at the required time, even
the maximum demand of 23,000MW is not met.
What was their justification for the extra 16,000MW
thermal power that added billions to Pakistan’s
circular debt?
To understand this, we have to look at the power
sector’s history. The Water and Power Development
Authority (Wapda) was established to develop
waterpower resources. Under Ghulam Faruque’s
leadership, an integrated power grid system was
planned in 1958 in the Power Development Section
of Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation by a
team of engineers, of which I had the privilege of
being one. It was an exciting period. We engineers
were excited to build our beloved country.
Transmission lines and grid stations were built
between Warsak and Karachi, with a state-of-the-art
telecommunication and control system. Some thermal
power stations were constructed, but the stress was
on hydroelectric. The major ones included Warsak,
Mangla and Tarbela. By 1969, Pakistan’s installed
power capacity was higher than South Korea’s. The
hydel-to-thermal ratio was about 70:30. From 1958 to
1976, Wapda completed $3.5 billion worth of
projects (without corruption), its achievements
contributing to Pakistan being rated as the first Asian
Tiger-to-be. But then came 1977 and the story of
Pakistan’s decline began. Wapda’s new chairman, a
retired general, ruined the organisation by making it
corrupt. Although there were many hydroelectric Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
projects identified, just to get kickbacks on thermal
projects he made the excuse that since three
provinces had rejected Kalabagh, only thermal
projects could be built. He was followed by two more
retired generals. So for those 15 years their personal
fortunes developed but there was no hydroelectric
development. Mega-corruption had started in
Pakistan and it was encouraged by Ziaul Haq. The
Kalabagh lobby also strongly opposed any
hydroelectric project. This trend continued for 45
years when no hydroelectric dams were built. The
hydel-thermal ratio changed to 27:73. I realised this
policy was not in Pakistan’s interest and made
hydroelectric development my mission.
In 1975, we had arranged a high-level conference on
the “Role of Hydroelectric Resources in the
Development of Pakistan”. In my keynote paper I had
suggested that since Tarbela was nearing completion,
we should embark upon two major dams on the River
Indus, and get a ranking study of the available sites
by a reputable foreign organisation. This was
approved, but because of the 1977 coup, it was
delayed to 1981-84, whereby Basha was ranked first
and Dasu second. A disastrous step was the 1994 IPP
policy. I strongly opposed it because of its extremely
unfavourable terms for Pakistan. But the policy of
expensive deals for thermal IPP’s continues, adding
to the circular debt. As member of the Planning
Commission's Energy Working Group in 1990-91, I
presented a programme on hydroelectric projects,
which was taken into Wapda’s Vision 2025. Basha’s
revised feasibility, engineering and tender documents
were ready by the end of 2005, but no action was
taken. Despite my efforts, the final push happened
with my presentation in the Supreme Court in 2018,
when then chief justice Saqib Nisar agreed to my plea
to construct Diamir-Basha and Mohmand dams.
Construction of these and of Dasu has now started
with the backing of PM Imran Khan, who also
stopped building any more coal power stations.
Several other hydroelectric projects have also started.
Hopefully the decline of the power sector will end.
(The Express Tribune, May 3, 2021)
GLOBAL RESISTANCE —
A EURASIAN PERSPECTIVE
A world state, which embraces the entire globe and
all of humanity, cannot exist. The political world is a
pluriverse, not a universe; Carl Schmitt writes in his
book “The Concept of the Political” (p.153). The
beginning of COVID-19 pandemic, a year ago has
shattered the socio-political and economic
foundations of the so-called globalised and
hyper-connected world. Especially, at the social
sphere, the COVID-19 pandemic has altered the
fragile socio-political and behavioural patterns of the
liberal modernity. According to sociologist Jurgen
Hebermas, there are two modes in modern societies,
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which corresponds to the enduring interest of human
species: Work and Interaction. Here, the work
includes the modes of action based on the rational
choices of the efficient means—which also includes
the forms of instrumental and strategic actions.
Likewise, interaction refers to the forms of
“communicative actions” in which actor manages his
behaviour based on the consensual norms.
Nonetheless, the fact cannot be denied that Jurgen
Hebermas aforementioned distinction corresponds to
the Aristotelian contrast between “technie” and
“Praxis”.
Consequently, the sudden upsurge of COVID-19 has
challenged the behavioural modes of the liberal
modernity by dissenting the human societies into
chaos. Although, the liberal pundits across the west
have called for the exponential cum practical measure
to normalise and control the ongoing waves of
psychological trauma but all measures went in vain.
It was the sudden eruption of chaos and social
abnormality, which persuaded the neo-liberal pundit
Klaus Schwab to produce a propaganda pamphlet to
fend off the allegation on neo-liberal capitalism. As
the title of his recent book “About COVID-19: The
Great Reset” clearly indicates that the corporate
liberal elites are attempting to construct a new grand
strategy in order to reset liberal order and
globalisation.
This is why; we Eurasians are in open rebellion
against the so-called Great Reset because we believe
that it is time for the Great Awakening as Philosopher
Alexandr Dugin said. The liberal order is under
severe crisis in the face of the ongoing COVID-19
pandemic. Nonetheless, the fact cannot be denied that Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
the sudden upsurge of the COVID-19 pandemic has
exposed the fragile socio-political and economic
models of the liberal world order. Consequently,
under the guise of the ongoing Pandemic, the liberal
pundits such as Klaus Schwab (COVID-19: The
Great Reset) and George Soros (Open Society) are
attempting to hide the failure and crisis of the liberal
world order. As Klaus Schwab in his propaganda
pamphlet “About COVID-19: The Great Reset”
ambiguously claims that “COVID-19 is not going to
end anytime soon; hence we must learn to live with
it”. This clearly illustrates that the corporate liberal
pundits are trying to design a new grand reset
strategy to save the liberal world order. Unfortunately,
this time; it won’t be successful because the ordinary
masses are well aware about the superficiality of the
liberal modernity and its cherished ideologies.
For us Eurasians, COVID-19 is the greatest
conspiracy of the 21st century to rescue corporate
liberal capitalism from an epic fall. Although, for
liberal pundits such as Klaus Schwab and George
Soros, through COVID-19, liberal capitalism has got
the great opportunity to remodel itself in the social,
political and economic sphere but it is late to save it
in the ideological sphere. Now let me mention the
famous boat metaphor used by former Singaporean
diplomat Kishore Mahbani to explain the liberal
world order. He once said ” The 7 billion people,
who inhabit the planet earth no longer live in more
than one hundred separate boats (Countries), instead;
they live in 193 separate cabins on the same boat”.
After the sudden eruption of COVID-19 pandemic he
rephrased his boat metaphor in this way “If we 7.5
billion people now stuck together on a virus infected
on a virus infected cruise ship; does it make sense to
clean and scrub our personal cabins while ignoring
the corridors and air wells outside through which the
virus travels”. Here Kishore Mahbuni forget to
mention that the major reason we are trapped inside a
virus infected cruise-ship is the liberal order centric
globalisation (neoliberal imperialism). Thus, it goes
without saying that the blood thirsty liberal order
centric globalization and its unparalleled
development is the primary culprit for trapping the
world in an enigmatic tragedy. (Daily Times, May 1,
2021)
WORLD PRESS FREEDOM DAY
AND PAKISTAN
As we commemorate World Press Freedom Day on
May 3, the state of the media in Pakistan once again
comes up for discussion. This year’s global theme
“Information as a Public Good” serves as a call to
affirm the importance of cherishing information as a
public good, and exploring what can be done in the
production, distribution and reception of content to
strengthen journalism, and to advance transparency
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and empowerment while leaving no one behind. The
theme is of urgent relevance to all countries across
the world. It recognises the changing
communications system that is impacting our health,
our human rights, democracies and sustainable
development.
To mark this day, media watchdog Freedom Network
released its annual State of Pakistan’s Press Freedom
report for 2021. This report puts into perspective
what the state of the media is like in our country and
also the challenges that journalists are facing in the
course of their work. Like every year, this year’s
report has some interesting facts to tell.
To begin with, it tells us that overall, Islamabad has
emerged as the riskiest and most dangerous place to
practise journalism in Pakistan in the period under
review, with 34% of the violations (51 out of total
148 cases) recorded in the federal capital. Sindh was
the second worst with 26% of the violations (38 cases)
and Punjab the third most dangerous with 20% (29
cases). These were followed by Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa
(K-P) with 9% (13 cases) and Azad Jammu and
Kashmir (AJK) with 6% (9 cases) and Balochistan
with 5% (8 cases). No violations were documented
from Gilgit-Baltistan (G-B). The report also tells us
about another worrisome trend. At least 148 cases of
attacks and violations against the media and its
practitioners, including journalists, took place in
Pakistan over the course of one year — between May
2020 and April 2021. This is an increase by over 40%
from the 91 cases of violations documented in the
preceding year (May 2019-April 2020). Needless to
say, this alarming escalation in the climate of
intimidation and harassment of the media and its Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
practitioners is adversely affecting freedom of
expression and access to information. But there is
more. Iqbal Khattak, the executive director of the
Freedom Network, tells us that the increase in attacks
on media and its practitioners in Pakistan points to a
collective failure of the government and the state of
Pakistan to honour the commitment of upholding
peoples’ right to speak in a fear-free environment.
The record registration of 27 legal cases against
journalists has proven a growing threat to media
freedom in the past year as different actors moved to
adopt sophistication in silencing dissenting voices.
The top three categories of violations against
journalists in Pakistan in the period under review
included 27 legal cases filed against them (18%), 26
verbal threats of murder or other dire consequences
(17%), and at least 25 cases of arrests or detention of
journalists (16%). These three categories of
violations — legal cases, threats and detentions —
constituted over 60% of the 148 categories of
violations against media in Pakistan in the period.
The report also revealed that different quarters have
joined forces to tighten the screws on the media using
various means of coercive censorship. The fact that
148 cases of attacks and violations against journalists
and media practitioners were documented in Pakistan
in the one year between May 3, 2020 and April 20,
2021 is cause for great concern. This is an average of
over 12 cases of violations a month — one every
third day. The violations included killing of six
journalists for their work. Seven others faced
assassination attempts while there were five
kidnappings, 25 arrests or detentions, 15 assaults and
27 legal cases registered against journalists. Amongst
the most targeted mediums in Pakistan, television
emerged as the single largest victim with at least 79
cases (54%) of the cases against its practitioners.
Print media was the second most targeted medium
with 58 journalists working for it were targeted (38%)
while 11 cases (7%) were recorded of online
journalists being targeted. No targeting of any radio
journalist was documented. These figures tell a
chilling tale. Media continues to be under threat in
Pakistan. The government has to do more to protect
journalists doing their work. Such an atmosphere will
only breed disinformation and fear. (Published in The
Express Tribune, May 3rd, 2021)
POWER, PEOPLE, AND POLICY
Inequality makes headlines every day. Most of us
now, are unfortunately getting used to the bold font
condemning racial injustice, gender violence, and the
rising costs of living. Inequality has even defined the
Covid-19 pandemic; from who gets infected to who
gets vaccinated first. Within this context, one can be
forgiven for thinking that inequality is simply
collateral for the world we live in: ‘This is how it has
always been, and this is how it will always be’.
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However, inequality is not inevitable.UNDP’s
Pakistan National Human Development Report
(NHDR) 2020 on Inequality, entitled “The Three Ps
of Inequality: Power, People, and Policy”, attempts to
highlight this idea. Authored by former finance
minister Dr Hafiz Pasha, the report examines
inequality of income and opportunity in Pakistan, and
lays out a reform agenda that can put the country on
the road to an equal society.
Earlier this month, the NHDR 2020 was jointly
launched by the Honourable Prime Minister Imran
Khan and Ms Kanni Wignaraja, UNDP director of
the Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific. In a
special message written for the report, Mr Asad Umar,
the Federal Minister for Planning, Development, and
Special Reforms, speaks about the idea of two
different Pakistans — one for the country’s richest,
and the other for its poorest. In its exploration of
inequality, the NHDR 2020 highlights how three
drivers of inequality create these two different
Pakistans, and lays out a blueprint for overcoming
inequality in the country.
The three Ps: The key drivers of inequality: The
Pakistan NHDR 2020 identifies the three Ps that
drive inequality in Pakistan: Power, People, and
Policy. Power, the first driver of inequality, relates to
privileged groups that make use of loopholes,
networks, and policies for their benefit. It is no
surprise, then, that the richest 1% of Pakistan’s
population holds over 9% of national income. This
finding follows UNDP’s global Human Development
Report (HDR) of 2020, which highlights how people
who have more are able to exploit their surroundings
and shift associated costs onto those who have less. Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
The HDR therefore attempts to address ‘the gross
imbalances of power and opportunity’ that prevent
progress. The Pakistan NHDR’s first ‘P’ of Power
highlights this theme as well.
People, the second driver of inequality, refers to the
deeply embedded belief systems that encourage bias
against social identities like race, class, gender,
religion, or caste, among others. In Pakistan, for
example, an estimated three million people live in
modern slavery as bonded labourers. The NHDR
2020’s consultations with these workers highlighted
that they are often faced with poor working
conditions and even violence in their attempts to pay
off the debts of their forefathers.
Policy, the third driver of inequality, speaks to the
systems and strategies that are either ineffective, or at
odds with the principles of social justice. This can be
a consequence of poor implementation or even of a
systemic lack of focus on the country’s most
vulnerable groups. For example, Pakistan’s current
government spending on human development
dimensions such as education, health, and social
services is estimated at only 3.5% of the GDP —
lower than most South Asian countries. Increasing
such spending will no doubt lead to better outcomes
for the country.
The NHDR 2020 shows how the key drivers of
Power, People, and Policy combine to create
inequality in Pakistan, benefiting the rich at the
expense of the impoverished. But what is the impact
of the three Ps on the country?
The two different Pakistans — a byproduct of
inequality: The NHDR 2020 shows how the key
drivers of inequality lead to two different Pakistans
of the haves and have-nots. For example, the richest
20% of Pakistan’s population has an HDI of 0.698,
which is categorised as high human development,
while the poorest 20% has an HDI of only 0.419,
which corresponds to low human development. This
difference is also apparent regionally. Sindh has the
highest human development value in the country,
followed by Punjab, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, and then
Balochistan. However, progress in some regions is
already apparent. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, despite
ranking third, has actually made the fastest
improvement in human development in the country,
promising substantially better outcomes for its
residents. Inequality, in this sense, is far from a
statistic. It affects which schools children from
impoverished backgrounds can attend, the quality of
healthcare a transgender person can access, and even
the jobs a person with a disability can secure. The
only way to improve these lived experiences of
inequality, therefore, is to focus on a singular vision
of inclusion, accountability, and progress. The one
goal — overcoming inequality: Ultimately, the
Pakistan NHDR 2020 points to one goal — a country
that is equal both economically and in terms of
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services, opportunities, and acceptance towards
marginalised groups. This has become especially
important in the context of the on-going Covid-19
pandemic, which has left five million people in
Pakistan unemployed as of June 2020, and will lead
to an additional 28 million people living below the
poverty line by the end of 2021. The NHDR 2020
shows that eliminating inequality is both necessary
and possible. It does so by outlining a three-point
agenda targeting policies and reforms for the
betterment of the country. First, Pakistan must reduce
the privileges of the elite, which will involve
wide-ranging tax reforms, the elimination of
subsidies, and measures to ensure equitable access to
land and capital. Second, the country must spend
more on human development and social protection,
which will lay the necessary foundation for
expanding human capabilities, bridging regional
disparities, and reducing inequality of opportunity.
Lastly, the NHDR 2020’s reform agenda highlights
the importance of improving conditions of work and
providing employment. This includes enhancing the
rights of workers, raising the minimum wage, and
increasing non-marginal work opportunities for
women. Overcoming inequality will lead to
significant progress in human development — a
concept central to the success of countries like
Pakistan. Pakistani economist Dr Mahbubul Haq
often spoke about ‘human security’, a concept closely
related to his human development approach. He said
it meant “a child who did not die, a disease that did
not spread, (...) a human spirit that was not crushed”.
The Pakistan NHDR 2020 takes the same view, with
the recognition that these inequalities are not a
precondition for Pakistan. With the will to reduce
Current Affairs for CSS 2022, Articulate — by Aamir Mahar
privileges, prioritise human development and
improve working conditions, inequality can be
overcome and — with that — the overall
development of Pakistan accelerated. (Published in
The Express Tribune, May 4th, 2021).