Musica e Guerra-Conflito B

Competition and Conflict as a Framework for Understanding Performance Culture among
the Urban Anlo-Ewe

Author(s): Daniel Avorgbedor
Source: Ethnomusicology, Vol. 45, No. 2 (Spring - Summer, 2001), pp. 260-282
Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of Society for Ethnomusicology
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VOL. 45, No. 2 ETHNOMUSICOLOGY SPRING/SUMMER 2001
Competition and Conflict as a

Framework for Understanding
Performance Culture among the
Urban Anlo-Ewe
DANIEL AVORGBEDOR / Ohio State University
he motivations and experiences associated with performance events

often transcend their immediate contexts. In the case of the urban
Anlo-Ewe, this transcendence is facilitated by the quality of existing s

relations. In brief, this essay seeks to explain competition and con
significant social and interpersonal traits that structure and qualify p
mance events among urban Anlo-Ewe performing ensembles in Ac
Ghana.' The notion of competition and conflict, as exemplified by
ban material, is located primarily within the dynamics of social re
The range of examples of competition and conflict discussed in th
will clarify these relations and their impact on musical performanc
institutionalized behavior among the urban Anlo-Ewe.
The Hababa as a Framework for Social and

Musical Interaction
Hababo (lit., club- or crowd-making; association), is the indig

term that describes the formal, social networking among the urba
Ewe.2 The notion and problems of "crowd-making" are, however,
visibly articulated in performance contexts, thus underscoring the ce
ity of performance in understanding the hababo. The structural and f
tional characteristics of the hababo confirm many of the features oft
tinguished for voluntary associations in other African societies (B
1956:354-67; Imoagene 1967:51-66; Little 1965, 1967; Hamilton 1966;
Parkin 1969:90-95; Skinner 1978:191-211; Wunsch 1974). For example,
each association is run in a democratic fashion, with a hierarchy of offices
? 2001 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois
260
Avorgbedor. Competition and Conflict among the Anlo-Ewe 261
and ranks: Chairman, Vice Chairman, General Secretary, Financial Secretary,

Publicity Officer, Chief Drummer, Porter, Women's Leader, Catechist (i.e.,
Chaplain), and others. Crosscultural definitions of voluntary associations
often summarize them as mutual-help networks that subsume recreational
activities such as games, sports, music, and dance (Gist & Fava 1967:384-
404; Pahl 1970:83-99; Luckingham 1969). The urban Anlo-Ewe examples
presented here not only confirm and transcend these features, but they also
uniquely highlight: (1) musical performance as a prescribed, focal point of
associational activities; and (2) musical performance as a framework for
constructing differences and in interrogating group autonomies.
The core of social and cultural activities among the hababowo (hababo,
sing.) centers around 1ufofo (lit., "beating of drum"), which is a compos-
ite art involving song, percussion instruments, dance, prescribed costume,
and gesticulation.3 Printed constitutions and membership certificates are
important evidence of group membership, and the constitutions highlight
regular participation in music, both as a key privilege and as an obligation.
Special attention is paid to this close relationship between social partici-
pation and performance experience. This dual definition of contemporary
urban Anlo-Ewe is also well-explained in the ways in which associations are
named-most hababowo are either named after their favorite music and
dance types, or they combine both the social and performance objectives
into one cryptic statement. A common trait shared by several of the names
concerns their explicit acknowledgment of the problems of competition,
conflict, and general hostilities:
Table 1: Associations as Performing Ensembles Concerned with

Peace and Love
Kemelio Named after the music adzida; social objective is peace ("ke-
melio," lit., "no hostilities").
The name and motto of the group is recited in a call-and-response fashion:

Call: "Kemelio" ("no hostilities")
Response: "L3las3r)" ("full of love")
Miwornovi Kinka "Keep brotherhood"; also named after the music kinka.
Unity Gadzo "Unity"; also named after the music gadzo.
Nutifafa "Peace."
Lolonyo Adzro "Love is good"; also named after the music adzro.
Kotobabi Dunekpoe Named after their place of residence in Accra, and after the
music dunekpoe (also known as adzro).
Abelenkpe Kinka named after their place of residence in Accra, and after the
music kinka.
Akpalu (Now defunct); named after the music akpalu.

Avenorpedo Kinka Named after place of origin (Avenorpedo) and the music
kinka.
Lebene "Take care of it" (i.e., take your music and culture seriously).
Dzigbordi "Patience"; name of the main music performed.
262 Ethnomusicology, Spring/Summer 2001
Many individual urban Anlo-Ewe--especially first- and second-genera-

tion-trace their origins in various rural towns and villages. Associations
are usually first formed and maintained along village lines, but they even-
tually expand their constitutional framework to draw membership from a
broader Ewe population base. There are over 200 Anlo-Ewe associations in
Accra, and there are at least twenty associations or ensembles whose mem-
bership figures either approach or exceed 600 (e.g., Nukunu, Adeigo, Ke-
melio, Avenorpedo, Abeka Ewe Union, Avenorpedo, Nukunu, Yexoese).
These major associations also maintain branches or subsidiaries in other
towns and cities.
Contextualizing Conflict: The Case of Lebene vs. Dzigbordi

The situation of conflict and competition is summed up in a numbe
of case studies involving individuals and selective hababowo; that of L
ebe vs. Dzigbordi is presented here. Lebene was founded in January 19
as a splinter group that was once part of a mother group, Dzigbordi. T
main area of disagreements and contentions involves allegations and ac
sations surrounding the management of group funds. Each faction narrate
controvertible and edited versions of the details of the situation leading to
the splinter, but both associations are unanimous on the general proble
of mismanagement. Prolonged and intensified moments of friction an
hostilities surrounding management issues finally led to the splinter. In th
following interview excerpt framed around Lebene, the Vice Chair, M
Francis Duvor, found it necessary to interpolate--albeit emphatically--t
issue of mismanagement from his previous group, Dzigbordi:
Text 1: Textualizing Conflict in Lebene [interview with Francis Duvor,

Accra, Abeka-La Paz, 30 Dec. 1991]
1. For us, in this association
1. Mia, hababo sia mea
Everyone can join freely
Amesiame ateru age 4e eme faaa
The Hausa can also join freely
Awusatowo atelju age 4e eme faa
The Akan can also join freely
Eblutowo ateqlu age 4e eme faa
5. No one should boast that
5. Ameac[eke mele adegbe fo ge be
He owns the association
Yefe hababoe
To be acting that way
Yea no nu wom 4ce edzia
"No," miele numa gbo o "No," we don't tolerate that
Ese wom miele We abide by rules and regulations
10. You don't have the right to
10. Mekpa mo nac[u
embezzle
Hamea fe katoge o
"No way" The association's sixpence
Mianya wb'fifi lae! "No way"
We'll expel you right away!
W6noa ga c[um
They were embezzling the funds
15. Ke ne w6awa akonta na mi
Ke ne w6awa akonta na mi 15. To let them present account

statements
Ke ne w6awa akonta na mi
W6gbe! To let them present account statemen
To let them present account statemen
W6 Dzodze towoa They refused!
20. W6su gbo wu mi
They, natives of Dzodze
Eyatae w6noa ga 4um c4o 20. They are more numerous than we
That's why they were embezzling fun
It is important to note that although the subject of this in

cused on Lebene's musical performance during the previou
formant consciously redirected the thrust toward the splinter
tive presented above identifies the particular area of conflict and
disagreement: mismanagement. However, as summarized earlier, there are
plural forces that are often imbricated in the urban Anlo-Ewe model of
competition and conflict. In this brief interview excerpt alone, we readily
discern the seriousness of the conflict situation through the careful but
highly-emotional phrasing (see fast repetition in lines 15-17; and bold types
marking sudden rise in pitch and volume in lines 13, 14, 18). In addition,
the use of the third-person plural, "they," underscores the existing frame-
work of hostilities, both in the urban context and in the Anlo-Ewe polity
in general. The collective referent "they" also serves to create a safe dis-
tance and space for grounding individual discourse about conflict and hos-
tilities. The locating of the enemy in "they" is also a borrowing from an
existing song tradition whereby a target individual is obliquely referenced
and insulted or maligned.4 Personal names are not generally used in the
general song tradition in order to avoid charges of libel, but the insults are
framed in such a way that audiences can fairly discern the specific individ-
ual target. In sum, the repeated or serial instances of w6 (i.e., "they") in
the excerpt shows the informant's technique of creating distance, and at
the same time identifying with the emotional impact of the conflict.
The Lebene vs. Dzigbordi example of conflict and competition is fur-
ther textualized and reconstituted through the agency of the performative.
A performance, such as the one extracted below, not only extends the
public dimension of the conflict, but it also adds a fresh, rhetorical impulse:
Text 2: Performing Conflict in Lebene [30 Dec. 1991; Accra, Abeka-La Paz]
Zewuze ha A pot that surpasses other pots
To gbo wo kpa ne le It is at the waterfront where it is proved
Xe ci hoa A bird resembling an eagle
Mewoa ho wo nugbe o Cannot exhibit the qualities of an eagle
Ha menye akoe fe nu o Song is not a matter of money
A paraphrase of this brief song text will illuminate the rhetorical goal
and the dimensions of acknowledged hostilities. This song was composed
in 1990, after the splinter. It was performed among many others during the
1991 Christmas celebrations, which Lebene also described as a "pre-anni-
versary" performance (i.e., in preparation for a five-year anniversary, which
took place in 1992). The reference to a "superior pot" is a reformulation
of Lebene's own perception of Dzigbordi, who had not yet composed any
specific songs addressing the cleavage. The song is saying:
If you think you are superior, come let us prove it through musical performance
before audiences. You are many, you look strong and capable of performing
great music, but you cannot do it. Great performance is not helped by great
wealth, although you think you are rich in your assets.
The last line, "Song is not a matter of money," is a scathing double-

entendre that implicates Dzigbordi's wealthier assets and the mismanage-
ment of association money, the bedrock of the conflict and contestation.
Many associations reinforce their identities or autonomies through the
construction of a permanent meeting center, which is always very close to
the regular performance arena. The "matter of money" referenced in the
song thus extends the oxymoronic rhetoric necessary in conveying an
important difference: "We are young, we do not yet have a permanent
building like you the older ones. The ability to compose and maintain
an impressive performance repertoire before many audiences is the most
desirable. " The metatextual articulation of competition and conflict is ad-
ditionally elaborated through gestural interpretation of a song used to close
a performance segment known as hatsiatsia (lit., main song and styling;
an all-song rendition with very minor instrumental accompaniment). "Mie-
da akpe na mi" (i.e., "we throw you a clap"; meaning, "we thank you") is
a thanksgiving phrase from this song and was accompanied by a threefold
group handclap, as shown in Figure 1 below:
The song and the "clap" were addressed to two friendly associations
who, by mutual arrangements, support performance and social activities of
Lebene. Many associations generally establish formal ties with other groups,
which provide mutual support during performances and in moments of so-
cial crisis. The ties, therefore, serve partly to mitigate the stress and insta-
bility associated with competition and conflict, and partly to create a reli-
able base of supportive audiences. The audience factor is a reasonable
concern because there is a large non-Ewe population in Accra who are not
very familiar with Anlo-Ewe performance traditions. It is therefore necessary
that hababowo make special efforts to ensure the presence of supportive
and appreciative Ewe audiences during performances. For example, Nuti-
fafa association, one of Lebene's supporters, was always represented at per-
formances by Lebene, from 1989 to the present. The name Nutifafa is an
Figure 1. Thanks Offering.
MM L = 85
atoke (main regulative bell)
Voices
Mi - co to A - be - ka -via,'o mie- xo - m'a NA - wo
neunye I'ia me= I - ye

nu - nyuia na 'mea - e hee Kpo- lia T 'o-lia ny 'ame -ny
-d do
E - du- m
me - yia -
wo woa -
Ko- klo
English
Ha Trawl.
Listen, Abeka p
To do a good de
My AfA oracle
Town elders, I am
Those offering t
The companies
In addition to th
When a rooster
Ewe transl
association
behind the
and conflic
ably index
tition; the
es. In the c
progress an
in conflict
tinely recit
in the follo
Lebene: "Nutifafa" ("Peace")

Nutifafa: "Nena kpli mi" ("Be with you!")
The style of performance involved in this name appellation is patterned

after the Anlo-Ewe system of ahanoqrka (i.e., "drinking-name"; Avorgbedor
1983:21-43). The Nutifafa performance allows both parties to reevaluate
and confirm the messages of hope and peace coded in the name. The "clap"
and the name appellation are, therefore, best understood within the exist-
ing framework of competition and conflict. The formation of partnerships
is informed not only by the goals of progressive musical culture, but also
by its essential component: the ideal of social harmony.
Many individuals in Lebene and other associations take on multigroup
affiliations, not because they wish to accumulate performance and social
privileges, but because they must have alternative routes that would easily
lead them away from hostile encounters into the more "stable" environ-
ments of other associations. For example, the late Robert Kofi Tayvia be-
longed to two associations: Ebu hababo and Peace and Love association.
Peace and Love is a non-performing, non-Ewe or pan-ethnic association in
Accra whose members attended Tayvia's funerary rites organized by Ebu
in April 1988. This Ebu/Peace and Love example is a further demonstration
of how themes of peace, love, and unity are assigned special priorities in
the associations. These priorities are driven mainly by the framework of
existing hostilities, fears, suspicions, and interpersonal conflicts. In the case
of Lebene the generic term nutifafa (peace) is doubly-reinterpreted: from
the vantage point of what the Nutifafa association has to offer, in particu-
lar, and from the general politics of peace among associations. The case of
Peace Love also shows that a full explanation of the Anlo-Ewe preoccupa-
tion with the subject of peace in performance and its related social dis-
course must be situated within the larger urban contexts of ethnic diversi-
ty and relations, economic opportunities, and so on.
There is also a hidden audience to which the Lebene's clap is addressed,
namely, Dzigbordi; it is also addressed to any other "enemy" that might have
come to the performance with the intent of "destroying" it through juju
(i.e., negative magical practices). The thanksgiving is, therefore, constitut-
ed differentially in the minds and ears of Dzigbordi members, who are seen
by Lebene as evil-wishers who do not deserve any gratitude but retribution.
Daily encounters with shades of conflict, competition, and open hostilities
among rural and urban Anlo-Ewe performing groups encourage the com-
mon practice of juju and its extended variants.5 Such combative and pro-
tective measures in the spiritual realm are renewed publicly during perfor-
mances; incantations, libations, display and wear of ritual objects are
examples. Ketowo (i.e., hidden enemies) are addressed regularly in libation
texts during performances by Lebene and other associations.6 These pro-
tective measures constitute an important mechanism for dealing with past

memories; they also represent an attempt to preempt future disasters. The
realities of competition and conflict have important implications for the
qualities of social and musical lives, and this is why interpersonal and in-
tergroup discords are intensified and framed as "spiritual warfare." A drum-
mer from Dzigbordi who dares to participate in a drumming session by
Lebene would instantly be seen as an enemy who had come to da nu 4e
vu dzi (lit., leave a "thing" on the drum, or to bewitch the drum and any-
one who plays on this drum thereafter). According to Francis, the chief
informant, Lebene has a unique chaplain, an Islamic priest whose prayers
are always recited in the Arabic-his prayers are considered "always effec-
tive." The group maintains a special chaplain in order to secure a more
grounded system of peace and solidarity. The circumstances and experienc-
es of the splinter are still fresh in the memories of the members, and the
conscious identification with nutifafa (peace) and the spiritual protection
in and out of performance situations are to secure a more pleasant passage
into the future. These protective measures ultimately serve to ensure suc-
cess in musical matters.
Multigroup affiliations bring about a special category of competi

when the respective member is deceased. A group must provide fin
support and transport the corpse for burial in the rural home and perfo
music there, according to the constitutional prescriptions. The total
and post-burial rites are centrally defined by musical performances.
sionally two or more associations take separate trips from Accra to h
their dead at the original rural home. On these occasions questions of
priety or ownership are fiercely contested, mainly because the dece
had belonged to more than one association. There are many example
which Lebene and other associations were forced to return to Accra
maturely because of threats of destructive magical practices from comp
ing associations during funerals in the rural area. The original home
citizens usually give over their performance responsibilities to the "visit
but the hosts still possess influential voices, especially during informal c
tiques of performances by the visiting groups.' When two or more g
seem to coexist peacefully in these parallel performance sessions, there a
always underlying tensions as they compete for audience and excell
these experiences are integral to Anlo-Ewe funerary traditions. These
sions usually reach a climax known in the rural traditions as dzokpikpli
"locking of horns"), a spontaneous musical contest due to the close t
poral and spatial coincidences of the parallel performances. Audien
decide on a winner, and gestures of victory often invite negative reactio
from the "losers" and their supporters.8 The occasion of dzokpikpli
intense moment where both parties often engage in magical practice
signed to challenge opponent groups and individuals physically, spiritual-

ly, and musically. This is why some individuals in Lebene and from other
associations do not desire to travel to the rural area whenever two or more
associations journey there for the same purpose. The ugly heads of com
petition and conflict among the urban Anlo-Ewe are thus not limited to
urban circles; they are renewed by the dynamics of rural-urban interaction
such as those identified with funerals.
In the interview partially transcribed in Text 1, the informant me

tioned, by name, the key players from Dzigbordi side. The total narra
touched on several sensitive issues, including interpersonal hostilities
tween the informant and Mr. X from Dzigbordi. In brief, Mr. X is presen
ed as a shrewd subverter who has connections with GBC (Ghana Broad-
casting Corporation). He is consequently able to "bribe" GBC officials into
depriving Lebene of broadcast opportunities. Many associations see radio
and television performance as special privileges that extend the range of
audiences. In addition, such opportunities represent tacit, national recog-
nition of the performing groups' objectives and repertoire. However, com-
petition for performance spaces in the electronic media is intensified when
prospective groups resort to questionable and clandestine measures, such
as those identified with Mr. X. The fact that there are many Anlo-Ewe ha-
babowo that covet and privilege such extended exposures shows how
competition is inextricably woven into the general framework of conflict.
For example, the Chairman and song composer for Abeka Dunekpoe ha-
babo suddenly changed in mood and conversation as soon as the name GBC
was mentioned during two interviews conducted in 1991 and 1993. He was
soon joined by his wife to complain about some nugblegawo (i.e., "spoil-
ers") who went to GBC to suppress the airing of Dunekpoe's recorded
performances and their scheduled live appearances.9 The audiences and
participants of competition and conflict among the urban Anlo-Ewe per-
forming groups thus extend to include non-Ewe individuals and national
media institutions.
The example of Lebene and Dzigbordi thus highlights the multifac

ed nature of competition and conflict, ranging from intra-group feuding
that which is specifically interpersonal. The status and process of a confli
situation may also ramify in unpredictable ways, depending on the level o
competitive spirit or rivalry evoked. The exactment of punitive measu
against those who default in the payment of their monthly dues also con-
tributes toward personal insults and prevailing tensions. For example,
tween 1989 and 1991 the relatively young Lebene expelled thirty-six mem
bers: twenty-two were defaulters, while the rest were charged with varyi
misdemeanors (e.g., failure to attend meetings, repeated drunkenness
performances, etc.).'0
Avorgbedor: Competition and Conflict among the Anlo-Ewe 269
Although many associations emphasize attitudes and procedures that

encourage unity irrespective of village loyalties, the case of Lebene vs.
Dzigbordi shows that the element of competition can be played up to very
destructive degrees when individuals seek to elevate their home-town loy-
alties over the group's. The informant in interview Text 1 first reviewed
the leadership structure of his group, Lebene, with emphasis on the diver-
sity of village origins. In contrast, he stressed how the majority of "embez-
zlers" of Dzigbordi (including Mr. X) all come from one specific town,
Dzodze. A common village ancestry is nevertheless an important variable
that often facilitates the discoursing and execution of projects in advance-
ment of the association's causes. Despite the growth of multi-village asso-
ciations, the factor of strong village identification continues to resonate in
Lebene, Dzigbordi, and in other associations. Patterns of this identification
can assume highly competitive dimensions, as many individuals of one vil-
lage ancestry strive to dominate the higher offices in the associational hi-
erarchy. There are, however, interesting field examples that depart signifi-
cantly from the Dzigbordi case, as far as the factor of village loyalty is
concerned. For example, Seva Youth Association (SEYA) was formed in
Accra in 1973 as a village-specific hababo (i.e., named after the rural Anlo-
Ewe village Seva)." SEYA is a splinter group made up of younger persons
of higher education who sought autonomy from the parent association, Seva
Development Association (SEDA).12 The generation gap, educational back-
ground, and occupational statuses are among the main areas of conflict
motivating the splinter, but both groups traced their ancestry to one place,
Seva. Today, SEDA has completely re-absorbed SEYA and there is an appre-
ciable degree of collaboration and harmony among the composite popula-
tion; the two groups are now one, SEDA. The reintegration has one impor-
tant musical consequence: the general increased membership included
expert musicians who are able to organize effective musical performances
during special social events. Formerly, the minimal and split populations
of warring groups could not organize any meaningful performances. 1
In the case of Lebene, the group was able to build, in a relatively short
time span, an impressive repertoire of new songs in the Anlo-Ewe genre
known as adzida, the most frequently performed musical type among both
Lebene and Dzigbordi. Lebene made special effort to give intensive train-
ing to potential song leaders, including the wife of the chief informant. They
also were able to increase the kernel population of about fifteen to a little
over 200 in a two-year period. Situations of competition and conflict both
constitute a problem and resource; they help expose new musical talents,
new approaches to managing musical and social resources, and they can
initiate moments of intense musical creativity. Lebene's search for autono-
my must necessarily be justified through the exhibition of an appreciable
performance repertoire; it is also necessary in maintaining a positive group

image, not only before Dzigbordi but also within the general framework
of competition among other associations. The existence of petty intra-group
conflicts and hostilities have not yet reached a magnitude that will totally
disintegrate the group.
The Common Experience of Conflict and

Creative Responses
Many features of the Lebene vs. Dzigbordi case can be generalized
across several associations, thus confirming competition and conflict as a
common problem and resource within the urban Anlo-Ewe society. We will
now briefly examine selective examples from additional hababowo, focus-
ing on their performance implications. We begin with the following song
texts, which were performed on May 7, 1988 during the eighteenth anni-
versary celebrations of Abelenkpe Kinka hababo:
Text 3a: Performing Insult in Abelenkpe Kinka [exx. 3a, 3b were

recorded on 7 March 1988 during the seventeenth year anniversary
of the association]
1. Kinkaviawo miva se nam aa 1. Kinka* performers, come hear

Duawo miva see Towns (i.e., peoples) come hear
Miva se yewo ha nam aa Come hear my song for me
Yewo ha nam aa My song for me
5. XXX be ha yiawo be nyea medzina
5. XXX** said that the songs I sing
Be nye medzua 'me o I do not insult a person
Eku fam ee nyea mele That I am only mourning the dead
Ameyiawo dzo Abelenkpe Those who died in Abelenkpe***
Be yea xlbm yae mele They are the ones I am mourning
10. No one believes me
10. Ameacekea mexoe se o
Duacewo tsoe 40o wocokui dzi Some
be people took it upon themselves
Yedzum ee nyea mele That I am insulting them
No one came to believe it
Ameaqceke meva xoe se o
Some people took it upon themselves
Duacewo tsoe do wocokui dzi be
15. Yedzum ee nyea mele, 15. That I am insulting them
NUKA WOE MA HAA? WHAT ARE THOSE, REALLY?
*Kinka is one of the Anlo-Ewe music and
dance types.
**This is to protect the identity of the
composer's name mentioned here.
***Abelenkpe is one of the sectors of
Accra with large Ewe populations.
Text 3b: Performing Insult in Abelenkpe Kinka
Sakabo nulabo le afeawo me Long-mouthed prostitute is in that

Sakabo kple dadawo no monye kpom aa certain house
Mo4i mo nawo Prostitute and her mother gazing into
Wokata woto moceka my face
Mo4i mo nawo Face resembling a face for them
Both had identical faces
Wokata woto moceka
Sakabo nulokpoe Face resembling a face for them
Yae do wode gbe ... Both had identical faces
It's thick-lipped prostitute

That spoke her native language...
In Text 3b the song targets an individual, labeled here as a "prostitut

one of the severe forms of personal insult or verbal aggression in the A
Ewe culture. In addition, specific physical features are ridiculed, an
victim is further presented as a "strange" member of the Anlo-Ewe soci
because of her foreign ancestry (see "her native language"). Although
subject's personal name is not mentioned, the negative biographical d
ing offers Ewe audiences an important clue about her full identity.
negative portrayal of individuals in song often encourages hostilitie
strained relationships, both between individual singers and the victim, a
between performers and the victim's supporters (i.e., one association
against another).
Text 3a operates at the intergroup level: Abelenkpe presents and re-
sponds to a "false accusation" from an unnamed rival group. Abelenkpe
members declare their innocence by saying that they "do not insult a per-
son" in song. However, this example concludes with an insult that is
phrased emphatically (see all-upper case letters) and directed toward the
rival group. In paraphrase, Abelenkpe is saying: "You are not even human
beings, you are things." Groups and individuals pursue accusations and
insinuations with grave concern, but more so when conflict, competition,
and related hostilities are taken up in the spiritual realm. For example, there
is a common belief among Miwornorvi Kinka hababo members that dur-
ing one of their performance tours in the rural area, members of a rival
group joined them. These "strange" members brought along hidden juju
items that would cause the vehicle to have an accident, in order to "dis-
able" the planned performance. Hostile and highly competitive acts-in-
cluding accusations, threats, insults-are frequently the themes of associa-
tions' songs. These songs invariably highlight existing problems and at the
same time generate new ones, thus creating a dynamic continuum for ex-
periencing competition and conflict. Our next extended example shows
that there are, indeed, multiple features to intergroup conflict and compe-
tition; they widen the social circle and increase the number of actors. For
example, the following interview excerpt illustrates how certain indepen-

dent primary groups-such as independent Christian organizations-be-
come imbricated in the discourse of conflict:
Text 4: Church Leader's Testimony [excerpt from an interview with Mr.

A. Tamakloe, Presbyter of the charismatic and breakaway E. P. Church
Ghana (Kotobabi sector of Accra), 27 July 1997]
Eku tae amege4e wono na "social groups" siawo me. Ta, ekua, Tsyotsia akpo
egbo be yewo nusianu na amea. Ta, miewoe alegbegbe be me aga no nenem
fe "social group" wo me o.
It is because of death that many people belong in these social groups. For this
death, the Church would see to it that everything is done for that person. Fo
this, we have done it in such a way that s/he would not join such social groups
Evidence from oral interviews and song texts clarify this dimension of
competition and conflict in which Christian organizations or churches ar
involved. As shown above, both groups compete at the levels of recruit
ing and retaining new members. In the case of the E.P. Church (a predom-
inantly Ewe congregation), adequate provision must be made available t
members so that they are not lured by the privileges available among th
hababowo. Christian organizations must actively increase and protect th
interests of their members. These organizations therefore frequently engag
in varying forms of competition with non-religious ones, as they all see
to match or exceed competing offers and privileges. The following son
by Tema Lebene hababo addresses the tension between Christian and non
religious groups, albeit in a very satirical and sarcastic tone:
Text 5. Satirical Text from Tema Lebene Association (founded 1967,

Tema [about 18 miles from Accra]; this association is different from the
Accra Lebene employed in the case study).
Dze 4omee w6le loo, ayee They are kidding, really

Hesino Novor be dze4omee wole hai Composer Novor says they're just talking
Mekawoe be xosetoa Who says a Christian
Does not drum?
Mefoa l)u o, hee
[Godoo] 'Dzee woacfa hee [Certainly] They're kidding
Nyagblodzo le vovo, 'dzee woacfa hee Empty talk is cheap, they are kidding
This drum* buries fathers
l)u ya ci ameto
Di ameno Buries mothers
Kinkaviawo miva miawo adzo via ce Kinka players, come let's play for some fun
When a certain Christian dies
Xoseto ce ku hi
Kinkaiua gbona Kinka is coming**
Mikpoca Kinkaviawo
See, kinka players
Novor be nya yae melio
Novor says there's no problem
Miga gbloe o
Don't talk about it
Nu yae se na ame 'yae w6wo na You do that which Destiny endowed

Midze klo miade ayenu Kneel down and make stylized gestures
Miano gbe dom ca be: While praying in this fashion:
"Miat3 si le Dzifo..." "Our Father, Who art in Heaven..
*Drumming is an essential component of Anlo-Ewe funerals

**Kinka and other musical types are frequently performed in conjunction with
necessary Christian funerary rites
[This song text is part of a set of new compositions collected during nightly
rehearsals in Tema, 1984 during the group's preparations for its tenth
anniversary celebrations]
The contexts of performance provide avenues for viewing competition

and conflict as an embodiment of social expectations and the construction
of differences. In this song example (Text 5), the singers address perceived
conflict between Christian practices and Ewe traditions, including drum-
ming. It argues and rationalizes the practices as desirable, drawing on con-
temporary evidence of drumming in Christian funerary contexts. Further,
the song presents a rhetorical review of conflict and competition through
intertextual manipulation, as seen in the quotation of Matthew 6:9 (also
known as the Lord's Prayer, "Our Father .. ."). In an exemplary effort to
manage tensions, conflicts, and competitions in a friendly way, the singers
demonstrate their competence in Christian matters (i.e., as seen in the Psalm
setting) in order to emphasize the appropriateness of drumming in Chris-
tian funerary contexts. In other words, they do not claim to be Christians
but they are knowledgeable about and accept Christian teachings. The mes-
sage is that Christians should freely come join the association and its per-
formance activities; the group's ability to perform the Lord's Prayer in the
drumming context is an eloquent appeal to this end. The Ewe believe in a
Supreme Being, Mawu, which is equivalent to the Creator God of the Bi-
ble, and Mawu is sometimes conceptualized as Destiny, as employed in the
song example above. The singers cite God as the source of their skills and
talent for drumming and other cultural practices and are thus able to
strengthen their argument before Christian individuals and institutions.
The following speech text (Text 6) encapsulates many features of com-
petition and conflict, including the processes by which the urban Anlo-Ewe
attempt to accommodate them through the agency of the performative:
Text 6. English Translation of Speech by Keynote Speaker Major (rtd.)

Courage Kwashigah on 6 March 1987 on the Occasion of the 25th Anni-
versary of Kemelio Association
1. Grandfathers
Grandmothers
And my younger ones

I am also older than some people here
5. First, although you have already prayed

It is not prayer I am about to say
I also will call the god Sogbo Lisa
Kitikata, Tahono
Designer-Advisor who makes arms and legs
10. He Himself to come stay in our midst
The subject we are about to discuss now
He to bless and support it
Those who will hear, will hear
To please their ears
15. Now, I also acknowledge/invite
Those whose invisible presence--remarkable
I also recognize/invite them
Thirdly, I acknowledge those Diviners present in our midst today
The reason is that
20. According to our own traditions

Afi (i.e., divination cult), if you do no know
It is also our god we worship
Our Scriptures, that's what it is
Those of you who read White people's Bible
25. And then read something about Afa
You will see that there is no difference between them
Perhaps, if you approach it

You will understand it a bit
So that those who are convinced
30. Then they can reinvestigate it

To see for themselves
If I am telling lies
Now, those of you who are song composers
They should be ready
35. Garkoguiwo [i.e., double bells] to be ready beside them
Because since we are preaching
If some ideas come to realization
Composers should put them into song-as quickly as possible

But, now, when one recognizes/acknowledges Diviners
40. What kind of song do we sing?
Introduce it quickly for us to ...
[some laugh, noise and then followed by a brief performance of song and
drumming deriving from Aia (Yoruba = Ifa) cult. As an established practice
both rural and urban areas, brief performances of fast and slow movements
Afi- repertoire introduce regular performances, to serve as a prayer and inv
to the unseen world for a successful musical event]
To enable me continue my speech
Firstly, I want to express my unqualified gratitude
Although I am just a child
45. You give me this great honor
That I, to come talk to you
In this place, today
My grandfathers are in this place

If it were not because of some circumstances
50. My heart would have been trembling

But, we [referring to himself] also have consulted some higher forces
So, I will only appeal to the elders, grandfathers
So that they might free my voice [applause]
Now, I want to thank you very much
55. I praise you very much
For the ways you are attending to the celebrations
Twenty-five years is no joke
Mr. Zioklui, the Chairman
Has already said at the beginning that
60. It was not easy
For you to have arrived at where you are now today
So, I welcome you
You are, indeed, celebrating twenty-five years
The words I am about to speak this afternoon
65. There are three ideas I will emphasize
The first one is:
How you can maintain the association

So that it will grow bigger
The second one, it is improving on your home town
70. The third one is also unity among all Ewes
For example, as we should do among us Anlo-Ewe
The final one is also important

Which is our own philosophy
For which you say, "Lalssrq, Kemelio"
[quoting motto and name of the group, Kemelio, i.e., "There is no hostility; full
of love" which is recited sporadically in performance and in call-and-response
fashion]
75. Which is an important saying
For, according to the Word of God
In the Bible
They often say that

You should not hate your neighbor
80. For if you hate your neighbor
It is rather you who will suffer evil consequences
I am not telling lies
It is in the Bible [applause]
Similarly, Af-a's oracle Gbeyevu also said
85. "Pneumonia is not a pleasant disease
There are some coughs where you spit
There are some which you swallow
Those which you swallow
They cause your death
90. It parallels the Biblical account [applause]
[interpolation by group: brief song and drumming]
And now, Is it not how church people do it?

Yes!!! (group response)
They preach and then interpolate a song
95. Yes!!! (group response)
This is just what we are doing here
Afal oracle Letesa said
He said
A friend is like a shirt to wear [applause]

100. That also is in the Bible
We do read both sides
"We are one people

102. Do and Dosa do not contend over a thing"
(Lines 102-103 are two lines from a song that emphasize the theme of
brotherhood, an interpolation by the group; "Do" and "Dosa" are customar
names of two siblings born after twins.)
The Speech in the Contexts of Competition and Conflic

On March 6 (Ghana's Independence Day) 1987, Kemelio hababo
maxed its twenty-fifth anniversary (i.e., 1960-1987) celebrations,
were delayed two years due to some internal problems. The specia
at these special performances was Major Courage Kwashigah, now a
officer. The officer became a national hero because of his special r
securing the victory of the present government of President J. J. Ra
during its early struggles over attempted coups d'etat. Major Kwa
remains an important political and cultural symbol, especially amo
Ewe population, although he seems to have fallen into disfavor wit
present government in recent years. In addition to the general signifi
of anniversary and special celebrations among the associations, the
augment their social visibility by inviting special guests to these c
tions. The presence of these guests-and what they say-also serve
legitimate the objectives and performance events of the respective
ations. As summarized earlier, the goals, advantages, and core mea
associated with these anniversaries and special celebrations provide
tional opportunities for the groups to actively negotiate among compe
claims at social and performance levels. The processes and routes in
in these negotiations often yield a cyclic framework of challenge,
tition, conflict, and hostility. For example, Kemelio's special identifica
with the Major Kwashigah was preceded by his similar appearanc
special guest of honor at the twenty-fifth anniversary celebrations
of Yexoese hababo (formerly Dzelukorpe), where he distributed certific
of achievements to some leaders of that group. In order to approxi
and possibly outperform Yexoese-Kemelio pursued, competitively,
ilar path but with slightly different ends, with emphasis on the probl
of competition, conflict, and their possible solutions.
In the anniversary speech by the Major, conflict is highlighted as one

of the major problems facing the associations (see lines 71-103). The
conflict addressed here is tridimensional: interpersonal, intragroup specific,
and intergroup. The importance of the speaker's theme is validated and
discoursed within the framework of the dual, and often conflicting religious
background of the Anlo-Ewe: indigenous and Christian. The speaker is able
to affirm conflict as an important community trait that must be recognized
and resolved by appealing to both Afai and the Bible, a situation that recalls
our E.P. Church example (Text 4). In addition to the amount of time and
thought devoted to conflict, he also called for, directly and indirectly,
musical commentaries that served as meta-narrative devices. The positive
responses from the group (i.e., applause) and the use of supportive musi-
cal excerpts as provocative confirmations increased the affective impact of
his exposition on the themes of conflict and unity. For example, the tran-
scription below (Fig. 2) departs significantly from the conventions often
observed (e.g., stricter tempo and rhythmic precision) when this song is
sung in adzida or agbadza performances:
Figure 2. Performing Affirmation
auaga (ritua clapper bell)
gakogui (double bell motive with variation, ad lib.) etc.
Verbal afirmations, ad lib. etc.

Voices LIi
S -me- e - e -
me - e - e - woe mie - nye 'a Do kple Do - sa
tu - la ka - 4 woe le so - dzi ee
English Trans.
You an on people
You arn on peoplc
Do and Dosa do not contend over a thing
All the guns a riding over horse back.
The employment of auaga (ritual clapper bell) as a prominent accom-

paniment is to underscore the seriousness of the situations of competition
of conflict. Interpersonal hostilities are often thought to carry negative
consequences within the physical and spiritual environments of the con-
cerned individuals and their relatives. In familial examples (e.g., frequent
quarrels between husband and wife), a special ritual known as nugbidodo
is performed to ward off the negative consequences inflicted on the chil-
dren by the discord. The deliberate inclusion of the aiaga is, therefore, to
help recreate this ritual atmosphere, thereby confirming the extended
implications of competition and conflict. In addition, the strategic ayoqeqe
style (highlighted by the formulaic but intermittent bell strokes, spoken
affirmations, and relaxed tempo) encourages intense reflection on the song
text in context. We can thus summarize Fig. 2 as a musical narrative of
nugbidodo.
The Major's dramatic communication about conflict and unity serves
to summarize the daily and long-term concerns of the average urban Anlo-
Ewe: peace and security. The musical epilogue by the group (lines 102-
103) effectively concludes the drama; it is also a discursive performance
of the adverse influences of competition and conflict. This speech text
shows how performance contexts are deliberately framed to secure the
support of national figures, and also to challenge the social and musical
competence of competing groups.
There are also many instances where the speaker alludes to the surreal-
istic manifestations of conflict and competition, as seen in juju practices and
forms of spiritual protection: the major himself is well-prepared against any
spiritual machinations designed to challenge or disable him spiritually (lines
47-53). The skillful exposition involving several dimensions of competition
and conflict shows that the contexts of performance can provide an impor-
tant community forum for discoursing the subjects of competition and
conflict. The metalinguistic coding of associations' names and mottos form
part of the preemptive and combative measures adopted when competition
and conflict seem to threaten social harmony, as shown in Table 1.
Conclusions
Musical performance and the phenomena of conflict and com

inform each other in very resourceful ways among the urban A
While the gross features of the examples explored may be found
cultures, the particular ways in which the finer details are conc
articulated publicly require a holistic analytical perspective that tra
the boundaries of fixed structures and norms. Competition and
provide an important framework for experiencing performanc
Avorgbedor.: Competition and Conflict among the Anlo-Ewe 279
creative ways. The perspectives the participants bring to competition or

conflict are redefined from moment to moment, depending on the urgen-
cy of its musical and social messages. The individual actors involved in this
precarious arena align themselves strategically in order to gain musical and
social advantages. The manners in which performance is structured, expe-
rienced, scheduled, and presented in time and place among the urban Anlo-
Ewe and their rural extensions support the view of competition and conflict
as important musical resources. Performance has important implications for
the quality of everyday life among the urban Anlo-Ewe, as illustrated in their
concern for artistic excellence and musical superiority. This search for
excellence is an essential component of the processes and goals of the
general Anlo-Ewe performance culture. In the urban context, however, this
component is elevated by and interpreted within the increasing prolifera-
tion of performing groups and subsequent competition for social and phys-
ical spaces. The rural and urban Anlo-Ewe societies employ the medium of
song in managing situations of conflict, but the urban experiences gener-
ate new problems and resources that tend to heighten the relationship
between conflict and the production of musical culture in the city, as shown
by the case study and its supplementary evidence. The notions of compe-
tition must remain resilient enough to include not only formal or pre-ar-
ranged contests with appointed judges, but must also be able to address
the more dynamic sectors where actions and outcomes are least predict-
able, with shifting levels of face-to-face confrontation in time and place. In
the case of the urban Anlo-Ewe hab3b3 these levels of confrontation take
interpersonal, intragroup, intergroup, and extra-group dimensions, includ-
ing important rural input. The qualities of social relations and supportive
musical experiences are shifted into the realm of the supernatural, which
alters the ways in which participants identify with performance.
There is a growing body of research that focuses on competition in
African urban contexts. Early classic studies such as works by Clyde Mitchell
(1956) and Terence Ranger (1975) demonstrate the various ways in which
competition promote innovative approaches to musical performance among
performing groups in East African urban centers.'4 Since the appearance
of the volume of essays on urban ethnomusicology edited by Bruno Nettl
(1978), scholars have begun to pay close attention to some of the research
ideas raised by that seminal publication. Many Africanists now focus on
economic, political, religious affiliation, and ethnic or demographic char-
acteristics of African urban environments as significant variables that qual-
ify the processes and outcomes of competition and musical creativity (Barz
and Gunderson, eds. forthcoming; Coplan 1985; Erlmann 1996). The works
by Erlmann and Barz/Gunderson not only show an important theoretical
concern for the ways in which we formulate our research ideas on the
subject, but they also expand significantly on the range of issues normally
covered in the literature (e.g., violence, legal implications, practices of
witchcraft and magic, power and prestige, political economy, issues of
identity, and poetics of competition). The body of evidence and support-
ive arguments presented in this essay illustrate some unique ways in which
performance culture is shaped within the processes of competition and
conflict.
Notes
1. This paper is based on cumulative data from several years of fieldwork amon
and urban Anlo-Ewe performing groups, beginning in 1983. The most recent fieldw
undertaken in the summer of 1997. I wish to thank Gerhard Kubik, Margarita Mazo
Barz, and Mark Dewitt for their useful comments on the earlier drafts of this pape
dard Ewe orthography is employed but with modifications to reflect important sp
erties unique to the Anlo dialect. The Ewe term, hababo, is used interchangeably
English terms association, group, and ensemble. The term music is also used interc
with uufofo, a comprehensive one that includes dance, gesticulation, costume,
playing of instruments.
2. The concept and practice of hababo exist in the rural culture also; the urb
Ewe employ both the indigenous and English terms interchangeably in their official
and daily discourse.
3. For detailed information on the general Anlo-Ewe musical culture see, for ex
Kofi Anyidoho (1983), Avorgbedor (1994:105-19), Nissio Fiagbedzi(1977), and Kob
po (1971:6-13).
4. Details of this tradition are climaxed and exemplified in the proscribed genr
as hal6 (Avorgbedor 1994:83-112).
5. The case of the breakaway E.P. Church cited later in the essay shows some in
professing Christians who left the performing associations because of juju practice
6. A libation consists of special prayer-like recitation, a glass of hot drink, and a
with water and corn flour. The liquids are poured on the ground in certain pattern
quence, and texts are addressed to ancestors and other supernatural forces.
7. It is usually a great privilege for the rural hosts to have more than one group
formance and the hosts may freely join in the music and dance. Opinions are freely
by audiences on the quality of musical performances and general funerary obligati
of these opinions are expressed in non-verbal forms, such as shown when audien
move away from one performance to a "more interesting" one.
8. In dzokpikpli there are no formal judges since the event is a spontaneous one
ences are the final arbiter and they take into consideration level of musical innova
as composing a song on the spot, and creative ways of shortening and lengtheni
portions of the music for maximum effect). Occasionally a token symbol of victor
a white flag or expensive drinks) is given to the winner. The issue of a winner or
become very controversial depending on, for example, the quality of social relation
isting among supporters of both groups.
9. Mr. Atsu Atsiatorme, a former classmate, is the senior person in the GBC's d
music, responsible for locating, auditioning, and broadcasting performances by var
naian ensembles, including church choirs. He is well-known among the Anlo-Ewe as
and he is sometimes implicated in these competitive efforts and subsequent allegat
favoritism. Atsu voluntarily gave me a cassette copy of a radio performance by Abe
poe and he did not indicate any problem with airing this group.
Avorgbedor.: Competition and Conflict among the Anlo-Ewe 281
10. It is a common practice among the associations to restore banished culprits to their
former membership statuses after fines are paid or changes in behavior patterns. Counseling
from group elders or leaders is a normal function or privilege available to members, especial-
ly defaulters and those expelled from the group.
11. A home branch was also formed the same year during Easter celebrations in the vil-
lage.
12. Contents of past issues of the SEYA newsletter show a high literary quality; member
contributors were high school and post-high school graduates.
13. The home village population count ranges from 600 to 900. The number of individ-
uals who migrate to Accra either temporarily or permanently remains small because of the
small rural population base. Officers, therefore, often issue letters of warning to those who
default in attendance, and the quality of musical performances is often adversely influenced
by absenteeisms.
14. A recent critique of these two works highlights the importance of rural interactions
in the formation of new music and dance styles (Argyle 1991:65-86).
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Competition and Conflict as a Framework for Understanding Performance Culture among

the Urban Anlo-Ewe

Competition and Conflict as a

DANIEL AVORGBEDOR / Ohio State University

he motivations and experiences associated with performance events

Anlo-Ewe, this transcendence is facilitated by the quality of existing s

The Hababa as a Framework for Social and

Hababo (lit., club- or crowd-making; association), is the indig

? 2001 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

and ranks: Chairman, Vice Chairman, General Secretary, Financial Secretary,

Table 1: Associations as Performing Ensembles Concerned with

The name and motto of the group is recited in a call-and-response fashion:

Akpalu (Now defunct); named after the music akpalu.

Many individual urban Anlo-Ewe--especially first- and second-genera-

Contextualizing Conflict: The Case of Lebene vs. Dzigbordi

Text 1: Textualizing Conflict in Lebene [interview with Francis Duvor,

Ke ne w6awa akonta na mi 15. To let them present account

That's why they were embezzling fun

It is important to note that although the subject of this in

The last line, "Song is not a matter of money," is a scathing double-

Figure 1. Thanks Offering.

Mi - co to A - be - ka -via,'o mie- xo - m'a NA - wo

neunye I'ia me= I - ye

Lebene: "Nutifafa" ("Peace")

The style of performance involved in this name appellation is patterned

tective measures constitute an important mechanism for dealing with past

Multigroup affiliations bring about a special category of competi

signed to challenge opponent groups and individuals physically, spiritual-

In the interview partially transcribed in Text 1, the informant me

The example of Lebene and Dzigbordi thus highlights the multifac

Although many associations emphasize attitudes and procedures that

performance repertoire; it is also necessary in maintaining a positive group

The Common Experience of Conflict and

Text 3a: Performing Insult in Abelenkpe Kinka [exx. 3a, 3b were

1. Kinkaviawo miva se nam aa 1. Kinka* performers, come hear

*Kinka is one of the Anlo-Ewe music and

Text 3b: Performing Insult in Abelenkpe Kinka

Sakabo nulabo le afeawo me Long-mouthed prostitute is in that

It's thick-lipped prostitute

In Text 3b the song targets an individual, labeled here as a "prostitut

example, the following interview excerpt illustrates how certain indepen-

Text 4: Church Leader's Testimony [excerpt from an interview with Mr.

Text 5. Satirical Text from Tema Lebene Association (founded 1967,

Dze 4omee w6le loo, ayee They are kidding, really

Nu yae se na ame 'yae w6wo na You do that which Destiny endowed

*Drumming is an essential component of Anlo-Ewe funerals

The contexts of performance provide avenues for viewing competition

Text 6. English Translation of Speech by Keynote Speaker Major (rtd.)

And my younger ones

5. First, although you have already prayed

20. According to our own traditions

Perhaps, if you approach it

30. Then they can reinvestigate it

Composers should put them into song-as quickly as possible

My grandfathers are in this place

50. My heart would have been trembling

How you can maintain the association

The final one is also important

They often say that

And now, Is it not how church people do it?

A friend is like a shirt to wear [applause]

"We are one people

The Speech in the Contexts of Competition and Conflic