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Creativity in Context

Creatvty
in Context
Update to
The Social Psychology of Creativity

Teresa M. Amabile
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

with updates Tbjj


Teresa M. Amabile
Mary Ann Collins
Regina Conti
Elise Phillips
Martha Picariello
John Ruscio
Dean Whitney

Routledge
Taylor &. Francis Group
New York London
First published 1996 by Westview Press

Published 2018 by Routledge


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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data


Amabile, Teresa M.
Creativity in context / Teresa M. Amabile.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
ISBN 0-8133-2827-6 (he).—ISBN 0-8133-3034-3 (pbk.)
1. Creative ability. 2. Creative ability—Social aspects.
3. Motivation (Psychology) I. Title.
BF411.A43 1996
153.3'5—dc20 96-11298
CIP
ISBN 13: 978-0-8133-3034-1 (pbk)
To my parents,
Charles and Carmela Amabile
Contents

Preface to the Updated Edition xi


Preface to the 1983 Edition xv

Part One
Understanding and Assessing Creativity
1 The Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity 3
A Gap in Creativity Research, 3
Some Social Psychological Stories, 5
A Recurrent Theme: Intrinsic versus Extrinsic Motivation, 15
Update, 16

2 The Meaning and Measurement of Creativity 19


Previous Approaches to Creativity Definition, 20
Previous Approaches to Creativity Measurement, 22
A Consensual Definition of Creativity, 33
A Conceptual Definition of Creativity, 35
Update, 37

3 A Consensual Technique for Creativity Assessment 41


The Consensual Assessment of Artistic Creativity, 44
The Consensual Assessment of Verbal Creativity, 54
A Summary of Major Findings, 60
Comparison with Previous Techniques, 63
Limitations and Future Possibilities, 65
A Wider Context, 67
Update, 67
Reliability Calculation, 68
New Reliability Data on Collages and Haiku Poems, 68
New Creativity Tasks, 69
Issues and Changes in the Consensual Assessment Technique, 72

vii
viii Contents

Other Uses of the Consensual Assessment Technique, 78


Summary, 79

4 A Theoretical Framework 81
Preliminary Assumptions and Observations, 82
The Components of Creative Performance, 83
A Componential Framework, 93
The Intrinsic Motivation Hypothesis of Creativity, 107
Update, 112
The Original Model, 112
Expansion, Refinement, and Revision of the Original Model, 112
Empirical Support for the Componential Model, 122
Comparision to Other Comprehensive Models, 124
Summary, 127

Part Two
Social and Environmental Influences
5 Effects of Evaluation on Creativity 131
Intrinsic Motivation, Creativity, and the Nature of the Task, 133
The Basic Research Paradigm, 134
Impact of Evaluation Expectation, 135
Impact of Actual Evaluation, 145
Summary, 149
Update, 150
Summary, 152

6 Effects of Reward and Task Constraint 153


Previous Research, 155
Effects of Reward of Children's Creativity, 162
The Interaction of Reward and Choice, 165
Choice in Aspects of Task Engagement, 169
Summary, 171
Update, 171
Reward, 171
Constraint, 176
Summary, 177
Contents ix

7 Social Facilitation, Modeling, and Motivational Orientation 179


Social Facilitation Theories: Implications for Creativity, 179
Evidence on the Social Facilitation and Inhibition of Creativity, 182
Modeling Influences on Creative Individuals, 185
Experimental Studies of Modeling, 189
Motivational Orientation: A Theoretical Analysis, 192
Motivational Orientation: An Empirical Demonstration, 193
Summary, 197
Update, 198
Social Facilitation, 198
Modeling, 198
Motivational Orientation, 199
Summary, 202

8 Other Social and Environmental Influences 203


Educational Environments, 203
Work Environments, 210
Family Influences, 211
Societal, Political, and Cultural Influences, 213
Other Influences on Creativity, 222
Summary, 228
Update, 229
Educational Environments, 230
Work Environments, 230
Family Influences, 236
Other Influences on Creativity, 237
Summary, 240

Part Three
Implications
9 Implications for Enhancing Creativity 243
Direct Attempts: Creativity-Training Programs, 244
A Review of Social Influences on Creativity, 248
Implications for Education and Child-rearing, 250
Implications for the Arts, the Sciences, and Industry, 253
Update, 257
X Contents

Enhancing the Components of Creativity, 257


Supporting Children's Creativity, 260
Supporting Creativity in Work Organizations, 261
Summary, 262

10 Toward a Comprehensive Psychology of Creativity 263


Social Psychology of Creativity: Current Status, 264
Social Psychology of Creativity: Future Directions, 266
Integrating Theoretical Perspectives, 268
Update, 270
Research Advances, 270
Next Steps in Research, 272
Theoretical Advances, 273
Conclusion, 274

References to the 1983 Edition 275


References to the Updates 295
About the Book and Author 303
Credits 305
Index 307
Preface to the Updated Edition

When Westview Press expressed an interest in republishing The Social Psychology


of Creativity, I was very pleased. The book, originally published in 1983, had been
out of print for three years, and I felt frustrated whenever researchers or students
called to ask where they might find a copy. However, although I was pleased to
know that the book would once again be available, I was well aware of the many
recent advances that are not represented in the original. It is my hope that this up-
dated edition, retitled Creativity in Context, will both preserve the original and
provide some insight into recent developments in the field. As indicated by the
change in title, the updates will build upon and expand beyond the boundaries of
the original work.
It has been 13 years since I began writing The Social Psychology of Creativity.
Although those years have passed quickly, there have been significant changes in
my research and in my thinking about creativity. I have worked with a great many
new students and colleagues, and although we have continued to explore a num-
ber of the research questions outlined in the 1983 edition of this book, we have
also moved in new directions. We have begun to study the ways in which social
factors can serve to maintain creativity, going well beyond our earlier focus on the
ways in which social factors can kill creativity. We have considered personality fac-
tors—stable individual differences—in motivational orientation and how they af-
fect creativity in a number of domains. We have begun to think in detail about the
cognitive mechanisms by which motivation might have an impact on creativity.
And we have stretched the scope of our research by expanding to new populations
(for example, professional artists and research scientists), new settings (specifi-
cally, business organizations), and new methods (such as surveys, interviews, and
the examination of existing creative works).
As I began my study of creativity, over 20 years ago, I envisioned myself as care-
fully and methodically adding planks to the grand framework of psychological
science. In retrospect, my work over these past two decades seems rather more like
a surprising journey in search of the pieces to an important puzzle; although
much of it was unpredictable, it does nonetheless fit together. This journey has
taken me far beyond the domain of traditional social psychology, where I began,
to many disparate domains that all hold pieces of this puzzle—cognitive, person-
ality, developmental, and industrial psychology; organizational behavior; and or-
ganizational development. It has been a journey marked by both stability and
change, by planning and chaos, by systematic research and opportunistic investi-
gations. Although the puzzle now has a definite shape, there are still wide gaps. I

xi
xii Preface to the Updated Edition

am excited about sharing the discoveries we have made in our journey over the
past few years; that is the purpose of this new, updated edition.
Let me provide a brief guide to the updated edition. The original Preface, the
body of the book (Chapters 1-10), and the References section for the original 10
chapters are unchanged. We felt that it was important to preserve these original
statements on the social psychology of creativity, because they largely served as the
foundation for the field as it has developed in the past several years. The Updates
directly follow each chapter; they were written by me and Mary Ann Collins,
Regina Conti, Elise Phillips, Martha Picariello, John Ruscio, and Dean Whitney.
Other colleagues provided detailed and valuable suggestions on drafts of the
Update: Steve Kramer, Beth Hennessey, Karl Hill, Heather Coon, Mark Runco,
Scott Isaksen, and Dean Simonton. Neither these colleagues nor those who coau-
thored the Updates with me can be held responsible for any errors that might be
found there. Often they argued with me about the final presentation of a particu-
lar point; sometimes I listened, but sometimes I didn't! (I should also note that al-
though I use the first person plural throughout the Updates, the "we" that I use in
describing material from the 1983 edition really refers to me alone; I am respon-
sible for most of the insightfulness and all of the wrongheadedness you might find
there.)
In the original ten chapters we have placed a special symbol in the margin be-
side each section or paragraph for which the Update contains substantial new the-
ory or data. That symbol appears in the margin beside this paragraph.
In the Updates, we review the major changes in theory and research that have
occurred in the social psychology of creativity—and the field of creativity in gen-
eral—since 1983. Although much of the theory and research reviewed in the
Updates comes from our own work, we have tried to provide an overview of the
work done by others in the field as well.
Much of my research over the past 12 years has been supported by external
agencies and foundations, and I gratefully acknowledge their assistance: the
National Institute for Child Health and Human Development, the National
Institute of Mental Health, the Exxon Education Foundation, and the Center for
Innovation Management Studies at Lehigh University.
A great many collaborators have contributed to my research—graduate stu-
dents, undergraduate students, research assistants, research associates, and faculty
colleagues. I wish to single out two individuals who have been particularly influ-
ential in developing this program of research over the past decade, and whose pro-
ductive contributions have proved to be invaluable. Beth Hennessey began work-
ing with me as a graduate student in 1981, and after playing a seminal role in
much of the research reported in this Update began a career as a faculty member
at Wellesley College. In that capacity, she has continued to serve as a valued re-
search associate, colleague, and friend. Karl Hill too began as a graduate student
at Brandeis (in 1983) and during his years in my laboratory began to move the re-
search program toward more complex, ecologically valid models. Karl continued
Preface to the Updated Edition xiii

to make valuable contributions to this work during his years as a faculty member
at Wellesley College and then as a researcher at the University of Washington. I am
most appreciative for all that Karl has given us, professionally and personally, over
the years. Other collaborators include Kim Appelmans, Bob Burnside, Michele
Castle, Mary Ann Collins, Regina Conti, Heather Coon, Barbara Grossman, Nur
Gryskiewicz, Stan Gryskiewicz, Jessica Guite, Jenifer Harlem, Kathleen Holt,
Nancy Koester, Marcie Korman, Tom Leahy, Ayelet Meron, Jill Nemiro, Elise
Phillips, Martha Picariello, Sara Pollak, Shari Rist, John Ruscio, Amy Silverman,
Debby Stephens, Monica Sultan, Sylvester Taylor, Sandra Teare, Elizabeth Tighe,
and Dean Whitney. I am grateful for the camaraderie, the intellectual stimulation,
and the productive work that these collaborators have given me. In particular, the
members of "Amabile's Research Group" (ARG) during my 18 years at Brandeis
University proved that it is possible to have high-level meetings that are consis-
tently challenging, productive, and fun.
My new home, the Harvard Business School, has presented me with an exciting
new set of colleagues whose diverse perspectives and challenging questions have
already had a positive impact on the ideas expressed in the Updates.
My thinking has also been shaped these past several years by a number of col-
leagues in the field through their written work, their conversations with me, and
their conference presentations: Frank Barron, Mike Csikszentmihalyi, Howard
Gardner, Scott Isaksen, Michael Kirton, Sid Parnes, David Perkins, Mark Runco,
Dorie Shallcross, Dean Simonton, Moe Stein, and Bob Sternberg. I found certain
research conferences to be particularly stimulating: the 1988 Pitzer College cre-
ativity conference, the 1990 Harvard Graduate School of Education research con-
ference, the 1992 International Creativity and Innovation Networking
Conference, the 1994 KAI researchers' workshop, and many research presenta-
tions in the Creative Education Foundation's annual Creative Problem-Solving
Institutes. I am grateful to my colleagues who organized and contributed to these
conferences, and to the organizations that supported them.
I also wish to acknowledge the encouragement I received from the Creative
Education Foundation in undertaking this update, and the excellent support that
Michelle Baxter and the folks at Westview Press have given to me.
Finally, I wish to acknowledge my debt of gratitude to my parents, Charles and
Carmela Amabile, who aroused in me a passionate intellectual curiosity, and to
my husband, Steven Kramer, and my daughter, Christene Dejong, who continu-
ally inspire me to think and live creatively.
I invite the reader to enter into this puzzle of creativity and to consider the re-
wards of patiently trying to fill in the gaps.

Teresa M. Amabile
Preface to the 1983 Edition

The ideas presented in this book have been incubating for over 25 years. I was in
the first grade, I believe, when the ideas that eventually developed into this social
psychology of creativity first began to germinate. The occasion was art class, a
weekly Friday afternoon event during which we were given small reproductions of
the great masterworks and asked to copy them on notepaper using the standard
set of eight Crayola® crayons. I had left kindergarten the year before with encour-
agement from the teacher about developing my potential for artistic creativity.
During these Friday afternoon exercises, however, I developed nothing but frus-
tration. Somehow, DaVinci's "Adoration of the Magi" looked wrong after I'd fin-
ished with it. I wondered where that promised creativity had gone.
I began to believe then that the restrictions placed on my artistic endeavors
contributed to my loss of interest and spontaneity in art. When, as a social psy-
chologist, I began to study intrinsic motivation, it seemed to me that this motiva-
tion to do something for its own sake was the ingredient that had been missing in
those strictly regimented art classes. It seemed that intrinsic motivation, as de-
fined by social psychologists, might be essential to creativity. My research program
since then has given considerable support to that notion. As a result, the social
psychology of creativity presented in this book gives prominence to social vari-
ables that affect motivational orientation.
The social psychology of creativity is such a new field of investigation that the
phrase itself is almost impossible to find in the creativity literature. I first came
across it shortly after I began my program of research. In a 1975 article, D. K.
Simonton called for the development of a social psychology of creativity
(Simonton, 1975a). His own work since then has been invaluable in providing in-
formation on the relationship between social environments and creative produc-
tivity over long periods of time. Simonton's archival research, which differs in
many respects from mine, is reviewed at length in Chapter 8.
Aside from Simonton's work and my own, there is almost no empirical research
on the impact of specific social factors on creativity. Creativity researchers have
instead concentrated primarily on individual differences in creative abilities or
constellations of personality traits that characterize outstandingly creative per-
sons. While those areas of inquiry are important, there are a number of reasons to
develop a social psychology of creativity. On a practical level, social variables rep-
resent one of the most promising avenues for influencing creative behavior. There
is not much that can be done about innate abilities and personality characteris-
tics. Furthermore, although cognitive skills necessary for creative performance

xv
xvi Preface to the 1983 Edition

can be developed, this process normally occurs over relatively long periods of
time. By contrast, social environments influencing creativity can be changed eas-
ily and can have immediately observable effects on performance.
On a theoretical level, it is important to consider motivational variables in
analyses of the creative process. This approach can contribute to theoretical social
psychology by describing the impact of "traditional" social-psychological vari-
ables on cognitive performance, specifically creative performance. It can also con-
tribute to theories of creativity by introducing a consideration of social factors
and the motivational mechanisms by which they influence creativity.
The case for a social psychology of creativity is argued more fully in Chapter 1.
There, I review the writings of several notably creative persons who have de-
scribed the impact of social factors on their creativity. These arguments are then
considered in the context of previous empirical research. In Chapter 2, I review
existing definitions of creativity and methods for assessing creativity and, in
Chapter 3,1 present the definitions and assessment techniques I have applied in
my own research. Chapter 4 outlines the theoretical framework that guides the
discussion of creativity throughout the book. (A shorter discussion of the mate-
rial in Chapters 2, 3, and 4 can be found in Amabile [1982b, 1983]).
Empirical research on social factors influencing creativity is presented in
Chapters 5, 6, 7, and 8. Although much of the research in Chapters 5, 6, and 7 is
mine, I also include a fairly exhaustive review of the work other researchers have
done on evaluation, reward, choice, social facilitation, modeling, motivational
orientation, and other social variables that might affect creativity. In Chapter 9,1
draw practical implications from the research reviewed. In Chapter 10,1 outline
future research directions for a social psychology of creativity.
This book does not exhaustively review all previous creativity research. Rather,
it reviews work on personality, testing, cognition, and creativity training that is
most relevant to a social-psychological perspective on creativity. Information from
this previous work is integrated with current social-psychological research in my
attempt to lay the foundation for a comprehensive social psychology of creativity.
This book is clearly not a complete statement. It is, instead, a description of the cur-
rent state of the art and an outline of what a comprehensive model might be.
The research reported in this book was supported by a Young Scholars grant
from the Foundation for Child Development, a series of Biomedical Research
Support Grants from the National Institutes of Health, and a predoctoral fellow-
ship from the National Institute of Mental Health. A grant from the Mazer Family
Fund at Brandeis University was invaluable in the preparation of this manuscript.
All of this support is gratefully acknowledged.
Several institutions generously allowed me and my students to conduct one or
more of these studies within their walls: St. Jude's School in Waltham,
Massachusetts, St. Clements's School in Somerville, Massachusetts, the Charles E.
Cashman School in Amesbury, Massachusetts, the Lemberg Day Care Center at
Preface to the 1983 Edition xvii

Brandeis University, and the Veteran's Administration Hospital at Brockton,


Massachusetts.
Dozens of people helped me develop the ideas presented here, conduct the re-
search I report, and work this manuscript into its final form. First, after the debt
of gratitude I owe my first teachers for making me wonder where my "creative po-
tential" had gone, I owe thanks to my graduate mentors at Stanford, Mark Lepper
and Lee Ross, for their part in the early development of my hypotheses on cre-
ativity. It was Mark's research and theorizing on intrinsic motivation that led me
to consider the impact of motivational state on creative performance. Both Mark
and Lee encouraged me in the risky business of creativity research and spent long
hours discussing with me my earliest ideas on creativity. The other members of
my doctoral dissertation committee, Daryl Bern and Philip Zimbardo, also gave
me helpful insights at the earliest stages of this work.
Many colleagues, students, and friends contributed to this research. Steven
Berglas and Ellen Langer collaborated with me on studies reported in this book,
as did my graduate students, Margaret Stubbs, Beth Hennessey, and Maureen
Whalen, and my undergraduate students, Phyllis Goldfarb, Shereen Brackfield,
Lisa Berman, Donna Capotosto, and Nancy Goldberg. Anne Sandoval did a mar-
velous job with the data analyses for many of these studies. Several research assis-
tants helped to conduct the studies, analyze the data, or locate resource material
for this book: Barry Auskern, Linda Blazer, Tony Cadena, Scott Carlin, Ronit
Goldlust, Barbara Grossman, Marie Handel, Leah Kaufman, Chihiro Mukai,
Christopher Patsos, Gail Rubin, and Julia Steinmetz. In addition, my sisters,
Carolyn Amabile and Phyllis Amabile, gave me important assistance in planning
and conducting one of the studies described here.
Others contributed to the preparation of this book in various ways. Students in
my "Psychology of Creativity" course at Brandeis have challenged and expanded
my ideas on creativity. Teri Buchanan of Chevron U.S.A. most graciously provided
me with complete transcripts from Chevron's 1981 national creativity exhibit.
Verna Regan, Judy Woodman, and Karen Diehl of the psychology office at
Brandeis helped to prepare pieces of the manuscript at various points. And Bill
Harrington of Computer City helped to keep my Apple II-Plus smoothly process-
ing the words that are served up here.
Although they cannot be held responsible for flaws in this book, several col-
leagues can be credited with helping to clarify my ideas and my prose. Robert
Kidd, my advising editor, not only suggested this project initially, but he also pro-
vided generous encouragement throughout and helpful comments on a first draft
of the book. Kenneth Gergen, Robert Hogan, Dean Keith Simonton, and David
Campbell offered valuable suggestions for Chapters 2, 4, 8, and 9, respectively.
Many other colleagues have given me comments over the past three years on
drafts of proposals or manuscripts that found their way in some form into this
book: Reid Hastie, Maurice Hershenson, Ray Knight, Ellen Langer, Leslie
xviii Preface to the 1983 Edition

McArthur, Ricardo Morant, Harvey Pines, David Schneider, Mark Snyder,


Margaret Stubbs, Mick Watson, and Art Wingfield.
The staff of Springer-Verlag provided just the right blend of freedom, encour-
agement, guidance, and friendship to keep my motivation and creativity near
their highest levels.
Finally, I owe my biggest debt of gratitude to my husband, William Dejong. In
countless ways, he has been a true colleague and friend throughout the seven years
of this research program. He discussed my ideas on creativity with me at every
stage and was instrumental in their refinement. He helped as I developed and im-
proved the research paradigm. Most importantly, he read and edited the entire
first draft of this manuscript—a task which he did not take lightly. Bill's com-
ments on conceptualization, consistency, and organization, together with his line-
by-line editing, rendered this book considerably more readable than it would oth-
erwise have been.
But Bill's contributions go far beyond those he made as a psychologist. He pro-
vided me with the time, space, and encouragement I needed to complete this proj-
ect, and he did so by performing a number of acts that were clearly above and be-
yond the call of duty—from serving cups of tea and administering shoulder rubs
as I hunched over the word processor at 2 A.M., to assuming the lion's share (and
the lioness's, too) of child care for our two-year-old, Christene, to sending me off
for a week at Cape Cod to complete the finishing touches on the book. Quite sim-
ply, this is his book, too.

T.M.A.
Part One
Understanding and
Assessing Creativity
1
The Case for a Social
Psychology of Creativity
It is nothing short of a miracle that the modern methods of instruction have not
yet entirely strangled the holy curiosity of inquiry; for this delicate little plant,
aside from stimulation, stands mainly in need of freedom; without this it goes to
wreck and ruin without fail. It is a very grave mistake to think that the enjoyment
of seeing and searching can be promoted by means of coercion and a sense of duty.

Einstein, 1949, p. 19

In this surprisingly lyrical passage from his autobiography, Einstein sounds a


theme that will be repeated throughout this book: largely because they affect mo-
tivation, social factors can have a powerful impact on creativity.
To understand creativity, two basic questions must be answered. How is creative
performance different from ordinary performance? What conditions are most fa-
vorable to creative performance—what personal abilities and characteristics, what
social environments? With this book, I hope to lay the foundation for a social psy-
chology of creativity. In this endeavor, I will concentrate on the second question by
considering the social conditions that are most conducive to creativity. In examin-
ing the impact of social factors on creative performance, however, it is also neces-
sary to consider the ways in which creative performance is different from ordinary
performance. Thus, throughout the book, both questions will be addressed.

A Gap in Creativity Research


There are two reasons for developing a social psychology of creativity. The first,
obvious reason is simply that there has previously been no such discipline. There
is little relevant theory, there is only a small research literature on the effects of
specific social and environmental influences on creativity and, more importantly,
there are virtually no experimental studies of the effects of such influences.
Clearly, this is not because there are few creativity studies overall. In 1950,
Psychological Abstracts had 11 listings under "Creativity," less than .2% of the total
number of articles abstracted. In 1960, this category represented .4% of the total;
in 1966, it accounted for .8%, and by 1970 creativity articles made up fully 1% of

3
4 Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity

all publications listed. Few of these studies were experimental, though, and even
fewer concerned social-psychological factors. Between 1976 and 1978, no articles
on creativity were published in the Journal of Experimental Psychology,
Psychological Review or the Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. One article
that could be considered related to creativity appeared in Cognitive Psychology,
one in Psychological Bulletin, and four in the Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology. During that same period, however, over 600 creativity articles were
published in less experimentally oriented journals.
If creativity researchers have not been doing experimental studies of social-
psychological effects on creative performance (and clearly they have not), what
have they been doing? The major emphasis in creativity research over the past
three decades has been on personality studies of creative individuals. This em-
phasis was directly predicted—or, perhaps, initiated—by Guilford in 1950: "the
psychologist's problem is that of creative personality" (p. 444).
This research has taken several different forms. One long-standing approach
involves the study of biographies and autobiographies of well-known creative in-
dividuals, attempting to define their peculiar qualities of intellect and personal-
ity (Galton, 1870; Cox, 1926). A second approach to the examination of individ-
ual differences in creative ability is the intensive laboratory study of one or a few
creative individuals. Research carried out by MacKinnon and Barron
(MacKinnon, 1962) at the Institute of Personality Assessment and Research at
Berkeley is typical of this approach. These researchers carried out "living-in" as-
sessments of artists and scientists who had been reliably nominated as creative by
their peers. Over a weekend, each subject would be formally interviewed by dif-
ferent individuals, and would complete a large battery of personality and intelli-
gence tests. Finally, the most common variety of individual-difference research
on creativity examines ordinary individuals. Typically, an average population is
chosen and the members are given personality, intelligence, and creativity tests.
Those who achieve high creativity scores are compared along the other assess-
ment dimensions with those who score low (e.g., Wallach & Kogan, 1965).
Some creativity research has focused on issues other than individual differ-
ences. For example, Newell, Shaw, and Simon (1962) have considered the cogni-
tive skills necessary for creativity. They describe an information-processing ap-
proach to the problem, one in which creative activity is seen as the application of
particular set-breaking heuristics. Their relatively sophisticated description of
the creative process is linked to computer-based notions of human intellectual
abilities. In contrast to the approach of Newell et al. (1962), most other work on
the cognitive skills involved in creativity is less theoretical, relying on common-
sense notions of the creative process and, occasionally, empirical findings from
industry and education. The most familiar work in this category, Osborn's (1963)
"brain-storming" program, is prototypical: sets of rules or heuristics are taught
as guidelines for the generation of creative solutions to problems. Subsequently,
ideas generated by people who have been trained in the program are compared
with those of people who have not.
Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity 5

Finally, there have been a modest number of studies examining the effects of par-
ticular social or physical environments on creativity. Some studies have compared
two populations from different environments on creativity test performance. For
example, open classrooms have been compared to traditional classrooms (e.g.,
Klein, 1975), and large-city classrooms have been compared to those from smaller
cities (Torrance et al, 1960). Other studies have used biographical data to investi-
gate the effects of home and religious influences on the creativity of eminent peo-
ple (e.g., Roe, 1952), or historical data to uncover the social, political, and cultural
environments that foster or inhibit creativity (e.g., Simonton, 1975a).
The most active area of creativity research, then, has been the description of the
peculiar characteristics of famous or widely recognized creative people, living and
dead, or the description of differences in personality and intellect between people
who do well on creativity tests and people who do not. Implicit in much of this work
is the assumption that the important characteristics of creative people are largely in-
nate (or at least largely immalleable), and that these characteristics clearly and reli-
ably separate creative people from noncreative people.
As a result of the focus on individual differences, some potentially important
areas of inquiry into creativity have been virtually ignored. There has been a con-
centration on the creative person, to the exclusion of "creative situations"—i.e., cir-
cumstances conducive to creativity. There has been a narrow focus on internal de-
terminants of creativity to the exclusion of external determinants. And, within
studies of internal determinants, there has been an implicit concern with "genetic"
factors to the exclusion of contributions from learning and the social environment.
Previous research on creativity has had fundamentally different aims, in most re-
spects, from those of a social psychology of creativity. Studies on the personality
characteristics of outstandingly creative individuals have been concerned with iden-
tifying particular clusters of traits that can accurately describe such individuals. To
an extent, these studies have been successful in fulfilling that goal. Studies on the
characteristics that distinguish people who do well on creativity tests from those
who do not do well are also concerned with individual-level description and, per-
haps, with prediction. Again, this research has met with some success. Cognitive
psychologists studying the creative process have identified some operating proce-
dures of the human cognitive system that seem to lead with a high probability to
novel and useful solutions. In contrast to these research endeavors, a social psychol-
ogy of creativity aims to identify particular social and environmental conditions
that can positively or negatively influence the creativity of most individuals.

Some Social Psychological Stories


The second reason for developing a social psychology of creativity is more im-
portant than the simple dearth of studies in this area: Social and environmental

1. When this symbol appears beside a paragraph, it means that the Update to this chapter contains sub-
stantially new theory or data on this point.
6 Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity

factors seem to play a crucial role in creative performance. There is considerable


informal evidence that social-psychological factors have a significant impact on
the productivity and creativity of outstanding individuals. Most of this evidence
comes from autobiographies, letters, journals, and other first-person accounts by
scientists, artists, writers, and others generally acknowledged for their creative
achievements. Certainly, caution must be exercised in the use of such sources as
evidence of actual psychological phenomena. One poet herself expressed doubt in
the ability of creative persons to provide insight into their creativity:

In answering the question, How are poems made? my instinctive answer is a flat, "I don't
know." It makes not the slightest difference that the question as asked me refers solely to
my own poems, for I know as little about how they are made as I do of anyone else's.
What I do know about them is only a millionth part of what there must be to know. I
meet them where they touch consciousness, and that is already a considerable distance
along the road of evolution. (Lowell, 1930, p. 24)

There are three reasons, however, for considering first-person reports as legiti-
mate sources of background material for developing a social psychology of cre-
ativity. First, the main focus of interest is not on introspections about thinking
processes (which, as Lowell noted, are bound to be inaccurate or at least incom-
plete). Rather, the main focus is on creative persons' reports of social factors that
impinged on them and the apparent stimulation or inhibition of their work that
followed. Second, these reports are used only as sources of hypotheses about so-
cial factors, and not as tests of those hypotheses. Finally, although particular cre-
ative persons might certainly have experienced idiosyncratic reactions to social
and environmental influences, if certain factors are repeatedly cited as important
by creative people, it is likely that a real phenomenon is being identified.
Several creative people have provided excellent accounts of their daily working
lives, often affording insight into influential social forces. (Not surprisingly, the
majority of such accounts—particularly the more richly descriptive ones—come
from writers.) In many of these reports, social forces are cited as harmful to cre-
ativity. This creates a peculiar paradox: May we accept the notion that such forces
are indeed detrimental to creativity, if we draw the evidence from persons who
distinguished themselves for their highly creative work? It seems more appropri-
ate to find such evidence in the working lives of individuals who were never able
to achieve wide acclaim for their work. But these individuals, of course, are not to
be found among the names catalogued in collections of autobiographies, journals,
and personal letters. We are forced, then, to use as a preliminary data source the
writings of creative individuals who experienced normal peaks and depressions in
their creative productivity, and then to examine experimentally the social forces
that appear to have covaried with those fluctuations.
First-person accounts of creative activity contain ample evidence on the major
issue considered in this book: the creativity-enhancing effect of working on some-
thing for its own sake, and the creativity-undermining effect of working on some-
thing for the sake of meeting an external goal. This contrast between internal (or
Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity 7

intrinsic) and external (or extrinsic) motivation appears repeatedly in these ac-
counts and, because of this obvious importance, it appears repeatedly in the so-
cial psychology of creativity developed in later chapters.

Albert Einstein: From External to Internal Control


Although Einstein wrote little of his life and work, what he did record contains a
recurrent theme: His interest in science and, presumably, his creativity, were un-
dermined by forces that exerted external control over his work. As a youth, he at-
tended a regimented, militaristic school in Germany where the pressures of exam
period so overwhelmed him that he temporarily lost his interest in science which
was, even at that time, quite substantial. "This coercion had such a detering effect
upon me that, after I had passed the final examination, I found the consideration
of any scientific problems distasteful to me for an entire year" (1949, p. 18).
Partly in an attempt to escape from such a strictly regimented learning envi-
ronment, Einstein left Munich for Zurich when he was 15, hoping to enroll in the
Polytechnic Institute there. To his dismay, however, he failed the entrance exami-
nation and was required to enroll in a Swiss school for remedial coursework.
According to one Einstein analyst (Holton, 1972), this episode represented a turn-
ing point in Einstein's schooling and, perhaps, in his scientific thinking as well. In
sharp contrast to what he had known, this school was humanistic in orientation,
stressing the individual's unencumbered search for knowledge. This social atmos-
phere was ideally suited to Einstein's independent style of thinking and working.
There was little emphasis on memorization, much emphasis on individual labo-
ratory work and student-initiated investigation, and a concentration on the de-
velopment of relaxed, democratic exchanges between students and teachers. To
the end of his life, Einstein remembered this school fondly: "It made an unforget-
table impression on me, thanks to its liberal spirit and the simple earnestness of
the teachers who based themselves on no external authority" (Holton, 1972, p.
106). It was here that Einstein devised the first Gedankenexperiment that would
lead him to the theory of relativity.
Other creators have resisted external attempts to control their behavior. For ex-
ample, Woody Allen reports enjoying his work as a stand-up comedian and a
writer far more than his work as a filmmaker precisely because other people have
so much more control over various aspects of filmmaking; in his other pursuits,
he alone is in complete control of the outcome (Lax, 1975). Like many highly cre-
ative individuals, Allen shuns tasks that he feels pressured to do but earnestly at-
tacks work that meets his own interests. He regularly played hooky from school as
a child, and flunked out of NYU after his first semester. (The courses he failed in
college included film production.) Starting at an early age, with great consistency,
he rejected the expectations that others had for his performance. Rather than at-
tending school, he would wander around Manhattan observing people or visiting
magic stores or watching movies. Rather than conforming to someone else's no-
tion of his proper education, he taught himself filmmaking, music, literature, phi-
8 Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity

losophy, history, and magic. On the night he was awarded an Oscar for Annie Hall,
he was doing what he always did on Monday night, and what he clearly preferred
to society's recognition—playing clarinet with his jazz group in Manhattan.
The rejection of external constraints is evident in the writing of D.H. Lawrence,
who wrote to a friend, "I always say, my motto is £Art for my sake.' If I want to
write, I write—and if I don't want to, I won't" (Allen, 1948, p. 225). Joyce Carol
Oates suggests that her underlying reason for writing is the intrinsic pleasure that
reading something good brings: "I write to discover what it is / will have written.
A love of reading stimulates the wish to write—so that one can read, as a reader,
the words one has written" (1982, p. 1). And Picasso said, "When we invented cu-
bism, we had no intention of inventing cubism, but simply of expressing what was
in us. Nobody drew up a program of action, and though our friends the poets fol-
lowed our efforts attentively, they never dictated to us" (Zervos, 1952, p. 51).
Even the minor daily demands of relatives, friends, and colleagues can act as so-
cial constraints that undermine creativity. It appears that highly creative individ-
uals must often resist those sources of external control, as well. Charles Dickens
bluntly pointed this out in answer to a friend's invitation:
"It is only half-an-hour"—"It is only an afternoon"—"It is only an evening," people say
to me over and over again; but they don't know that it is impossible to command one's
self sometimes to any stipulated and set disposal of five minutes—or that the mere con-
sciousness of an engagement will sometimes worry a whole day. These are the penalties
paid for writing books. Who ever is devoted to an art must be content to deliver himself
wholly up to it, and to find his recompense in it. I am grieved if you suspect me of not
wanting to see you, but I can't help it; I must go in my way whether or no. (Allen, 1948,
p.230)

Anne Sexton: Coping with External Constraint


In Anne Sexton's letters to friends, colleagues, and relatives (Sexton & Ames,
1977), one attitude toward her writing is prominent: a consistently high level of
intrinsic motivation, a motivation to write poetry primarily because it was some-
thing she loved to do. Perhaps this should be expected of someone who, as a
housewife at the age of 28, watched an Educational Television program called
"How to Write a Sonnet" and decided to give it a try. She enjoyed it so much that,
for the rest of her 46 years, she never stopped writing poetry. It became first her
passionate avocation and then her vocation, carried out over obstacles that in-
cluded a traveling-salesman husband, two young children, a household to run,
and repeated bouts with serious depression. In an introduction to Sexton's letters,
her daughter says, "Very quickly she established a working routine in a corner of
the already crowded dining room. Piled high with worksheets and books, her desk
constantly overflowed onto the dining room table; she wrote in every spare
minute she could steal from childtending and housewifely duties" (p. 29).
Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity 9

Throughout her career as a writer, Sexton struggled (usually with success)


against several types of external constraints, including evaluation, competition,
and rewards. She once wrote to her psychiatrist, for example, that she had become
a "cheap artist" since winning a Radcliffe grant, that success of this type was not
good for her. At times, though, she was so obsessed with making as much money
as possible that she would consider doing projects only for their commercial
value:

About the little whiz-bang piece (book, whatever) on psychiatrists.... a desperate at-
tempt on my part to write something that will make me some money. . . . it is supposed
to be funny and awful and a little nutty, i.e., not literature but rather a cheap but possi-
bly commercial thing, supplemented with cartoons and all. I don't want my name on it.
Not that my name isn't good enough but the book isn't good enough for my name. . ..
(Sexton & Ames, 1977, p. 241)

Sexton seemed to be generally aware, however, of the detrimental effects that


excessive concern with reward could have on creativity. When her friend W. D.
Snodgrass won the Pulitzer Prize for poetry, she cautioned him against losing his
original intrinsic motivation for writing:

So okay. "Heart's Needle" is a great poem. But you have better than that inside you. To
hell with their prize and their fame. You've got to sit down now and write some more
"real" . .. write me some blood. That is why you were great in the first place. Don't let
prizes stop you from your original courage, the courage of an alien. Be still, that alien,
who wrote "real" when no one really wanted it. Because, that is the only thing that will
save (and I do mean save) other people. Prizes won't. Only you will. (Sexton & Ames,
1977, pp. 109-110).

Sexton's cautious and ambiguous attitudes toward reward for creative work are
captured well in this passage from a letter to her agent: "I am in love with money,
so don't be mistaken, but first I want to write good poems. After that I am anx-
ious as hell to make money and fame and bring the stars all down" (pp. 287-288).
In addition to overcoming her concerns about money, Sexton also struggled to
avoid an excessive focus on external evaluation. One of her earliest poetry men-
tors, Robert Lowell, told her once to "write ten more really good poems," and she
immediately found herself incapable of writing anything until she could decide
that Lowell's dictum was of no importance. Like other creative writers, Sexton saw
publication and critical acclaim as a kind of addictive drug; pleasing at first, it is
never enough and quickly becomes the misplaced focus of one's work. She single-
mindedly fought to remain her own critic, instead of allowing the outside world
to dictate the worth and direction of her work. Indeed, she once facetiously sug-
gested that poems be published anonymously to avoid this trap. Her advice to
Erica Jong (after the publication of Jong's second novel) captures the essence of
Sexton's ability to avoid the undermining effects of this social constraint:
10 Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity

Don't dwell on the book's reception. The point is to get on with it—you have a life's
work ahead of you—no point in dallying around waiting for approval. . . . You have the
gift—and with it comes responsibility—you mustn't neglect or be mean to that gift—
you must let it do its work. It has more rights than the ego that wants approval. (Sexton
& Ames, p. 414).

Despite her occasional focus on external praise and tangible reward, Sexton's
primary concentration on the intrinsic satisfaction of writing was evident in a let-
ter she wrote to her mother shortly after her work in poetry had begun:
Although there is nothing new in the manner in which I have written these, it seems new
to most poet tasters. I do not write for them. Nor for you. Not even for the editors. I want
to find something and I think at least "today" I think I will. Reaching people is mighty
important, I know, but reaching the best of me is most important right now. (Sexton &
Ames, pp. 32-33)

In keeping with this intrinsic orientation, Sexton often did succeed in functioning
as her own worst critic. On more than one occasion, she sent poems to magazine
editors virtually asking them not to print the poems because they did not meet her
own high standards. "Now . . . the magazine acceptance ceased to work—now it's
got to be a Good Poem (worst critic Anne Sexton)" (p. 78). From time to time,
when she struggled with a loss of intrinsic motivation brought about by a fear of
external reactions to her work, she attempted to explicitly reject external goals:
"my ambition to write good poems is going to stop me from daring to write bad
ones. But I feel a new confidence somewhere, a new daring... to write for its own
sake and give up the goal. I am going (I hope) to love my poems again and bring
them forth like children . . . even if they are ugly" (p. 153).

Sylvia Plath: A Losing Battle with External Constraint


If Anne Sexton appears to have been primarily driven by intrinsic motivation,
Sylvia Plath appears to have struggled unsuccessfully for most of her working life
against some powerful extrinsic motivations. Her earliest attempts at publication
of poetry and fiction met with marked success; by the time she graduated from
Smith College, she had won various writing awards, published in national maga-
zines, served as guest editor at Mademoiselle magazine, and won a Fulbright schol-
arship to study at Cambridge. A desire to regain this early success that seemed so
effortless, however, bedeviled her through persistent writer's blocks in later years:
"Suddenly my life, which had always clearly defined immediate and long-range
objectives—a Smith scholarship, a Smith degree, a won poetry or story contest, a
Fulbright, a Europe trip, a lover, a husband—has or appears to have none"
(Hughes & McCullough, 1982, p. 251).
Plath struggled with social constraints of many forms. Through her tortured
adolescence and early adulthood, she repeatedly imagined the possible devastat-
ing effects that conventional marriage could have on her creativity: "I desire the
Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity 11

things which will destroy me in the end. . . . I wonder if art divorced from normal
and conventional living is as vital as art combined with living: in a word, would
marriage sap my creative energy and annihilate my desire for written and pictor-
ial expression" (Hughes & McCullough, 1982, p. 23).
Clearly, though, the greatest burden that impeded Plath's writing during her
postcollege years is an extrinsic constraint that, perhaps more than any other spe-
cific social factor, appears to undermine the creativity of outstanding individuals:
the expectation of external evaluation, and the attendant concern with external
recognition. Plath's excessive concern with recognition often resulted in jealousy
and competitive rage. For example, after writing one poem of pure description,
she felt disgusted with her effort because, unlike Adrienne Rich, she seemed inca-
pable of "getting philosophy" into her poems: "Until I do I shall lag behind A. C.
R." (Hughes & McCullough, 1982, p. 296). Repeatedly, she was consumed by her
desire to achieve more than others with whom she compared herself. "Yes, I want
the world's praise, money & love, and am furious with anyone, especially with
anyone I know or who has had a similar experience, getting ahead of me" (p. 305).
On many occasions, these concerns clearly interfered with Plath's ability to work:

All I need now is to hear that G. S. [George Starbuck] or M. K. [Maxine Kumin] has won
the Yale and get a rejection of my children's book. A. S. [Anne Sexton] has her book ac-
cepted at Houghton Mifflin and this afternoon will be drinking champagne. Also an
essay accepted by PJHH, the copycat. But who's to criticize a more successful copycat.
Not to mention a poetry reading at McLean. . . . And now my essay, on Withens, will
come back from PJHH, and my green-eyed fury prevents me from working, (p. 304)

Plath was fully aware that her early success had led her to become dependent
on—almost addicted to—positive evaluation from others.

I have been spoiled, so spoiled by my early success with Seventeen, with Harper's, and
Mademoiselle, I figured if I ever worked over a story and it didn't sell, or wrote a piece
for practice and couldn't market it, something was wrong. I was gifted, talented—oh, all
the editors said so—so why couldn't I expect big returns for every minute of writing?
(Hughes & McCullough, 1982, p. 250)

Repeatedly, Plath realized that she was obsessed with the idea of publication of her
work, obsessed with a fear that she might not be admired and esteemed.
Furthermore, she realized that this obsession was undermining her efforts to write
creatively: "I dream too much of fame, posturings, a novel published, not people
gesturing, speaking, growing and cracking into print" (p. 180)
Like Sexton, Plath tried consciously to adopt a more intrinsic orientation: "ed-
itors and publishers and critics and the World,... I want acceptance there, and to
feel my work good and well-taken. Which ironically freezes me at my work, cor-
rupts my nunnish labor of work-for-itself-as-its-own-reward" (Hughes &
McCullough, 1982, p. 305). And, like Sexton, Plath attempted to distance herself
from the constraint of external evaluation, to diminish its salience. She occasion-
12 Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity

ally resolved, for example, to avoid showing her creative efforts to her poet-hus-
band. At other times, she resolved to shut out all thought of critics except herself
and her husband: "So I will try to wean myself into doing daily poetic exercises
with a hell-who-cares-if-they're-published feeling. That's my trouble. . . . The
main problem is breaking open rich, real subjects to myself and forgetting there is
any audience but me & Ted" (p. 170). In one particularly interesting example of
self-deception, she wrote in her journal, "I must feel the pain of work a little more
& have five stories pile up here, five or ten poems there, before I start even hoping
to publish and then, not counting on it: write every story, not to publish, but to
be a better writer—and ipso facto, closer to publishing" (p. 173). At another point,
she summed up the heart of the problem: She had become trapped by the desire
for the external world to label her "a writer."
Apparently, this problem is a common one among writers and, perhaps, among
individuals in other domains of creative activity, as well. In discussing what she
saw as the major problem with American writers, Gertrude Stein remarked, "The
trouble is a simple one. They become writers. They cease being creative men and
soon they find that they are novelists or critics or poets or biographers" (Preston,
1952, p. 167). Stein pointed to Sherwood Anderson as a contrary example, some-
one who "is really and truly great because he truly does not care what he is and
has not thought what he is except a man, a man who can go away and be small in
the world's eyes and yet perhaps be one of the few Americans who have achieved
that perfect freshness of creation and passion" (p. 167).

James Watson: A Race for Success


Almost from the day James Watson entered the Cambridge laboratory where he
met and began to collaborate with Francis Crick, one motive was clear in their
pursuit of the correct descriptive model for DNA: "Imitate Linus Pauling and beat
him at his own game" (Watson, 1968, p. 37). They knew that they would have to
use methods and theories that had been devised by Pauling in his work on alpha-
helics. They knew that Pauling, like many chemists and biochemists, was also
working on the DNA problem. And, finally, they were certain that there was a
Nobel prize waiting for whomever first published a correct description of the
DNA molecule.
This knowledge, along with their overriding desire to win this competition, was a
salient force in Watson and Crick's work on the problem. Few pages go by in
Watson's account of the research without mention of their obsession with this com-
petition: "But if I went back to pure biology, the advantage of our small headstart
over Linus might suddenly vanish" (Watson, 1968, p. 92). "Fortunately, Linus did
not look like an immediate threat on the DNA front" (p. 93). When it appeared that
Pauling would pull ahead in the race, as it appeared from a letter he had written his
son (who was living in Cambridge and knew Watson and Crick), they despaired:
Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity 13

It was from his father. In addition to routine family gossip was the long-feared news that
Linus now had a structure for DNA. No details were given of what he was up to, and so
each time the letter passed between Francis and me the greater was our frustration.
Francis then began pacing up and down the room thinking aloud, hoping that in a great
intellectual fervor he could reconstruct what Linus might have done. As long as Linus
had not told us the answer, we should get equal credit if we announced it at the same
time. (p. 99)

And, when Pauling failed in his initial attempts, they were ecstatic:
Francis and I went over to the Eagle. The moment its doors opened for the evening we
were there to drink a toast to the Pauling failure. Instead of sherry, I let Francis buy me
a whiskey. Though the odds still appeared against us, Linus had not yet won his Nobel,
(p. 104)

It is impossible to estimate the impact that this fierce competition had on


Watson and Crick's creativity. Obviously, they did eventually succeed in their task.
It is possible, of course, that they would have made their discovery sooner and
with fewer false starts if they had not been so caught up in trying to beat another
researcher "at his own game." Watson, however, gives no hint of this possibility: if
anything, he seems to have viewed this competition as a spur to productivity at
best and a simple fact of life in science at worst. In any case, it is clear from
Watson's account that competition must be considered a salient social factor in
creative endeavor.
What are the effects of winning the rewards that many creative people appear
to so earnestly desire? Although, certainly, in many cases their work would be im-
possible without the support of grants, prizes, stipends, and ordinary salaries, at
least some creative individuals appear to have suffered from the receipt of salient
tangible rewards. Apparently, T. S. Eliot believed that the Nobel Prize would de-
stroy his creativity. He was actually somewhat dejected after receiving it, and when
a friend congratulated him and said, "High time!", Eliot replied, "Rather too soon.
The Nobel is a ticket to one's own funeral. No one has ever done anything after he
got it" (Simpson, 1982, p. 11). And Dostoevsky appears to have been virtually par-
alyzed by a large monetary advance for writing a novel which he had not yet even
conceived:

And as for me, this is my story: / worked and was tortured. You know what it means to
compose? No, thank God, you do not! I believe you have never written to order, by the
yard, and have never experienced that hellish torture. Having received in advance from
the Russy Viestnik so much money (Horror! 4,500 roubles). I fully hoped in the begin-
ning of the year that poesy would not desert me, that the poetical idea would flash out
and develop artistically towards the end of the year, and that I should succeed in satisfy-
ing everyone. . .. but on the 4th of December . . . I threw it all to the devil. I assure you
that the novel might have been tolerable; but I got incredibly sick of it just because it was
tolerable, and not positively good—I did not want that. (Allen, 1948, p. 231)
14 Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity

Thomas Wolfe: The Pressure of Success


In describing the horrendous doubt and confusion he experienced in attempting
to write his second novel, Thomas Wolfe suggests that, ironically, the positive crit-
ical response to his first work was largely responsible:

I would read about myself, for example, as one of the "younger American writers." I was
a person who, some of the critics said, was to be watched. They were looking forward to
my future book with interest and with a certain amount of apprehension. . . . Now, in-
deed, I could hear myself discussed, and somehow the fact was far more formidable than
I had dreamed that it could b e . . . . I was a young American writer, and they had hopes
and fears about my future, and what would I do, or would it be anything, nothing, much,
or little? Would the faults which they had found in my work grow worse or would I con-
quer them? Was I another flash in the pan? Would I come through? What would happen
tome? (1936, p. 14)

Not only did the positive critical reception of his first book serve to paralyze
Wolfe, but many citizens of his hometown, in which the first novel had ostensibly
been set, were outraged at what he had portrayed. In some ways, this form of ex-
ternal evaluation was even more difficult for him to put out of mind:

Month was passing into month; I had had a success. The way was opened to me. There
was only one thing for me to do and that was work, and I was spending my time con-
suming myself with anger, grief, and useless passion about the reception the book had
had in my native town, or wasting myself again in exuberant elation because of the crit-
ics and the readers' praise, or in anguish and bitterness because of their ridicule, (p. 25)

Time pressures became part of the burden success had laid on Wolfe; his "pub-
lic"—especially his critics—were awaiting his second novel. Although no pub-
lisher had given him a deadline for completion of this second manuscript, he had
a clear sense of the implicit expectations.

At any rate, while my life and energy were absorbed in the emotional vortex which my
first book had created, I was getting almost no work done on the second.... A young
writer without a public does not feel the sense of necessity, the pressure of time, as does
a writer who has been published and who must now begin to think of time schedules,
publishing seasons, the completion of his next book. I realized suddenly with a sense of
definite shock that I had let six months go by since the publication of my first book and
that, save for a great many notes and fragments, I had done nothing. (1936, p. 26)

Once the time pressure became explicit, Wolfe's despair and distraction only in-
tensified:
Almost a year and a half had elapsed since the publication of my first book and already
people had begun to ask that question which is so well meant, but which as year followed
year was to become more intolerable to my ears than the most deliberate mockery:
"Have you finished your next book yet?" "When is it going to be published?" . .. now, for
Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity 15

the first time, I was irrevocably committed so far as the publication of my book was con-
cerned. I began to feel the sensation of pressure, and of naked desperation, which was to
become almost maddeningly intolerable in the next three years, (pp. 49-50)

A Recurrent Theme: Intrinsic versus Extrinsic Motivation


The creative individuals whose first-person accounts of creative work I have re-
viewed here do not, of course, represent a random sample of writers, scientists,
and artists. Nonetheless, their explicit and implicit statements about the influence
of social factors on their work are in fact representative of the statements made by
many others who have distinguished themselves for their creativity. Each of these
factors appears regularly in first-person reports: a concern with evaluation expec-
tation and actual evaluation; a desire for external recognition; a focus on compe-
tition and external reward; a reaction against time pressures; a deliberate rejection
of society's demands; and a preference for internal control and intrinsic motiva-
tion over external control and extrinsic motivation.
These influences can be considered together as illustrations of one general prin-
ciple: Intrinsic motivation is conductive to creativity, but extrinsic motivation is
detrimental. It appears that when people are primarily motivated to do some cre-
ative activity by their own interest in and enjoyment of that activity, they may be
more creative than they are when primarily motivated by some goal imposed on
them by others. Although this principle appears in some form in nearly all of the
first-person accounts presented earlier, it is clear that there are large differences in
the degree to which external goals undermined creativity. Sylvia Plath, for exam-
ple, appeared to be crippled for long periods of time by a concern with evaluation
and competition and the demands that others made on her. For Anne Sexton, on
the other hand, these seem not to have been major issues. Why the difference? It
is possible that the two writers differed in their fundamental abilities and tem-
peraments. There are ways, however, in which social factors could also have played
a part. Through early socialization, Sexton might have learned strategies for ig-
noring or overcoming external constraint. Or, perhaps, there were important dif-
ferences in the levels of constraint in the working environments of these two writ-
ers. It is not possible, by simple examination of the introspective accounts, to
arrive at any reliable conclusions to this issue; experimental research is required.
In any case, however, it can be said that social psychological factors are important
in creativity and, among these, the most crucial may be those that either lead peo-
ple to concentrate on the intrinsically interesting aspects of a task or lead them to
concentrate on some extrinsic goal.
The intrinsic motivation principle will be the cornerstone of the social psy-
chology of creativity developed in this book. Before that principle is examined in
detail, however, it will be necessary to lay a methodological and conceptual foun-
dation. Chapter 2 deals with the meaning and measurement of creativity, and
Chapter 3 presents in detail a consensual assessment technique used in much of
16 Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity

the research that appears in later chapters. Chapter 4 presents a working model of
the creative process, highlighting the role of social-psychological factors. Chapters
in the second section of the book include research evidence on several specific fac-
tors used in tests of the intrinsic motivation hypothesis: evaluation, reward, and
task constraint of other types. In addition, these chapters present research on so-
cial factors that do not derive directly from the intrinsic motivation principle: so-
cial facilitation, modeling, and educational environments, among others. The
final section of the book includes chapters on the application of social-psycho-
logical principles to creativity enhancement and on integrating a social psychol-
ogy of creativity into a comprehensive theoretical framework.

Update
As of 1983, besides our own program of research there was only one other re-
searcher who had produced a significant body of work on the social psychology of
creativity: Dean Simonton. In the years since, many researchers and theorists have
seriously turned their attention toward the impact of social factors on creativity.
For example, Harrington and his colleagues conducted an empirical study of long-
term parental influences on creativity (Harrington et al, 1987) and developed an
"ecology of human creativity" theory that includes social influences (Harrington,
1990). Several other theorists have included social psychological factors in their re-
cent conceptualizations—for example, Csikszentmihalyi (1988) in his "systems
view of creativity," Gardner (1988) in his "interdisciplinary perspective," Gruber
(1988) in his "evolving systems" approach to creativity, Sternberg and Lubart
(1991) in their "investment theory" of creativity, and Woodman, Sawyer, and
Griffin (1993) in their interactionist theory of organizational creativity.
Although creativity theorists had, several decades earlier, speculated on the im-
portance of environmental "press" (Mooney, 1963), it is only in recent years that
creativity conferences, edited books, and journals have explicitly focused attention
on the issue (e.g., Gryskiewicz & Hills, 1992; Isaksen, Murdock, Firestien, &
Treffinger, 1993). The field of creativity research has two major new journals,
Creativity Research Journal and Creativity and Innovation Management, in addi-
tion to the long-standing Journal of Creative Behavior. Over the past few years,
many of the conceptual and empirical articles in each of these journals have dealt
explicitly or implicitly with social psychological variables. Moreover, though they
are still rare, articles on creativity have appeared with increasing frequency in
mainstream psychology journals.
Thus, it appears that the case for a social psychology of creativity has been made
successfully. It also appears that the creativity field overall has enjoyed an increase
of activity in both conceptual development and rigorous empirical research. But
the social psychology of creativity is still in its early stages, and a focus on creative
persons, creative personalities, and creativity skills still dominates the field. Even
Case for a Social Psychology of Creativity 17

considering the sizable advances reported in this update, there are still many
unanswered questions about social influences on creativity.
The first edition of this chapter asserted that "largely because they affect moti-
vation, social factors can have a powerful impact on creativity." With twelve more
years of research behind us, we reaffirm that basic theme. Whatever an individ-
ual's talents, domain expertise, and creative thinking skills, that individual's social
environment—the conditions under which he or she works—can significantly in-
crease or decrease the level of creativity produced. It still appears that the primary
mechanism (or at least a primary mechanism) of this influence is the individual's
motivational state. Intrinsic motivation, which is the drive to engage in some ac-
tivity because it is interesting and involving, appears to be essential for high levels
of creativity. And intrinsic motivation can be significantly affected by the social
environment.
In examining this proposition, we initially focused on individuals (both children
and adults) in experimental studies where we carefully manipulated social factors
and studied the effects on artistic and verbal creativity. The first edition of this
book reported the results of these early experiments. We have since expanded our
program of research to include problem-solving creativity and to add nonexperi-
mental methods (surveys, interviews, and archival sources) for studying influences
on the creativity of individuals, groups, and organizations. In so doing, we have
moved beyond a focus on intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. Although the intrin-
sic motivation principle (formerly termed the intrinsic motivation hypothesis) is
still crucial in our theory of creativity, we have paid more detailed attention to
other aspects of social influence on creativity. And, as we shall make clear in the
Update to Chapter 4, the intrinsic motivation principle itself has been revised.
Indeed, we have even expanded beyond our original concern with social psy-
chological factors, in large part because the social psychological perspective has fi-
nally begun to find its way into mainstream research and theory. The first edition
of this book presented the outline of a comprehensive theory of creativity, a the-
ory in which social and motivational factors were highlighted. As will become ev-
ident in the updates of Chapters 2 through 10, in the years since, we have at-
tempted to become more inclusive in the factors we studied and the theoretical
perspectives we incorporated. We have also attempted to move toward a compre-
hensive systems view that includes interacting networks of factors influencing—
and being influenced by—creativity. The social psychology of creativity as it was
originally conceived grew largely from a desire to explore uncharted territories of
the creativity question that stretched well beyond the personality psychology of
creativity that was then overwhelmingly dominant in the field. Now we regularly
include personality measures in our studies of social influences, and we have
begun to use cognitive measures as well. We have, we hope, begun to practice the
integration of disciplines we preached twelve years ago.
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