‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(2013-2006‬‬

‫‪THE QATARI-IRANIAN‬‬
‫‪IRANIAN RELATIONS AND‬‬
‫‪AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE‬‬
‫‪TH‬‬
‫)‪PALESTINIAN CAUSE (2006-2013‬‬

‫ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‪:‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻷﻏﺎ‬

‫ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃ‪.‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻨﺎﺠﻲ ﺸﺭﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ – ﻏﺯﺓ‬

‫ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻜﻤﺎﻻﹰ ﻝﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ 1436‬ﻫـ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻕ ‪2015‬ﻡ‬

‫﴿ ﻗﹶﺎﻟﹸﻮﺍ ﺳ‪‬ﺒ‪‬ﺤ‪‬ﺎﻧ‪‬ﻚ‪ ‬ﻟﹶﺎ ﻋ‪‬ﻠﹾﻢ‪ ‬ﻟﹶﻨ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﹺﻟﱠﺎ ﻣ‪‬ﺎ ﻋ‪‬ﻠﱠﻤ‪‬ﺘ‪‬ﻨ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﹺﻧ‪‬ﻚ‪ ‬ﺃﹶﻧ‪‬ﺖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﹾﻌ‪‬ﻠ‪‬ﻴﻢ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﹾﺤ‪‬ﻜ‪‬ﻴﻢ‪﴾ ‬‬

‫ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺮﺓ ﺍﻵﻳﺔ )‪(32‬‬

‫ب‬
 ‫ﺍﻹﻫﺪﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻭﻃﲏ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﱄ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳛﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺰ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀﺤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻞﹶ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻕ‪ ‬ﺟﺒﻴﻨ‪‬ﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻘﻘﺖ ﺍﻷﻳﺎﻡ ﻳﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺇﻻ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻟﺼﱪ ﻭﺍﻹﺻﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻱ ﺃﻃﺎﻝ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻘﺎﺀﻩ‬

‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺬﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺗ‪‬ﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﱪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻴﻚ ﺃﻣﻲ ﺃﹸﻫﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬

‫ﺇﱃ ﺭﻓﻴﻘﺔ ﺩﺭﰊ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺟﱵ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺅﻝ ﺑﺄﻋﻴﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓﹶ ﰲ ﺿ‪‬ﺤ‪‬ﻜﺎ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺷﻌﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺎﺀِ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭﹺ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﳌﻔﻌﻢ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻟﱪﺍﺀﺓ )ﺍﺑﲏ ﺑﺮﺍﺀ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﱄ )ﺍﺑﲏ ﻋﻮﺩﺓ( ﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﲰﻚ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ‬

‫ﺑﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﻭﻃﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻮﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ج‬
 ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻏﻤﺮﱐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻀﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻓﻘﲏ ﻹﲤﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﻬﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺿﻊ‪ .. " ،‬ﺭ‪‬ﺏ‪ ‬ﺃﹶﻭ‪‬ﺯﹺﻋ‪‬ﻨﹺﻲ ﺃﹶﻥﹾ ﺃﹶﺷ‪‬ﻜﹸﺮ‪ ‬ﻧﹺﻌ‪‬ﻤ‪‬ﺘ‪‬ﻚ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﱠﺘ‪‬ﻲ ﺃﹶﻧ‪‬ﻌ‪‬ﻤ‪‬ﺖ‪ ‬ﻋ‪‬ﻠﹶﻲ‪ ‬ﻭ‪‬ﻋ‪‬ﻠﹶﻰ ﻭ‪‬ﺍﻟ‪‬ﺪ‪‬ﻱ‪ ‬ﻭ‪‬ﺃﹶﻥﹾ ﺃﹶﻋ‪‬ﻤ‪‬ﻞﹶ ﺻ‪‬ﺎﻟ‪‬ﺤ‪‬ﺎ ﺗ‪‬ﺮ‪‬ﺿ‪‬ﺎﻩ‪‬‬
‫‪‬ﻭﺃﹶﺩ‪‬ﺧ‪‬ﻠﹾﻨﹺﻲ ﺑﹺﺮ‪‬ﺣ‪‬ﻤ‪‬ﺘ‪‬ﻚ‪ ‬ﻓ‪‬ﻲ ﻋ‪‬ﺒ‪‬ﺎﺩ‪‬ﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺼ‪‬ﺎﻟ‪‬ﺤ‪‬ﲔ‪ "‬ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻞ )‪(19‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﻄﻼﻗﺎﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﳌﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ‪" :‬ﻻ ﻳﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺸﻜﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ"‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﱐ ﺃﺟﺪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐﹺ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﳌﻦ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺇﳒﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺑﺪﺃ ﲟﺸﺮﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺿﻞ ﺃ‪.‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺟﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﺒﺨﻞ ﻋﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻛﲏ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻭ‪‬ﺳ‪‬ﻊ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻄﻴﺐ ﱄ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻟﻌ‪‬ﻀ‪‬ﻮ‪‬ﻱ ﳉﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﹸﻜﹾﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞﹲ ﻣﻦ ﺃ‪.‬ﺩ‪.‬ﺃﺳﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺑﻮ ﳓﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩ‪ .‬ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﻳﻔﻮﺗﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﲜﺰﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻟﻠﻤ‪‬ﺮ‪‬ﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺿﻠﺔ ﻣﻴ‪‬ﺴ‪‬ﺮ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻏﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﻗﻘﺖ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﱵ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﱡﻐ‪‬ﻮﹺﻳﺔ ﻭﻗﺪ‪‬ﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺢ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻛﻠﻞﹴ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﺃﻧﺴﻰ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬
‫ﺩ‪.‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺃﻛﻤﻞ ﻓﹼﻀ‪‬ﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺘﺪﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﳌﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﳒﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫د‬
 ‫ﻓﻬﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻫﺩﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻫـ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺨﺹ‬
‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻓﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‬
‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ‪ :‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‬
‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-2‬‬
‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-3‬‬
‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-4‬‬
‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ‬
‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ‬
‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-2‬‬
‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-3‬‬
‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-4‬‬
‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ‬
‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‬
‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻤﺴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‬
‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ :‬ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‬

‫و‬
‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‬
‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪ :‬ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪105‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-2‬‬
‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪107‬‬ ‫ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫‪109‬‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ "ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ"‬ ‫‪-2‬‬
‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ‪2013 – 2006‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2006‬ﻡ ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل‬
‫‪112‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺸﺭﺓ‬
‫‪115‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2007‬‬
‫‪117‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ‪2009-2008‬‬
‫‪121‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2012‬‬
‫‪124‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪127‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ "ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ"‬
‫‪131‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‬
‫‪132‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫‪132‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫‪135‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫‪136‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ‬
‫‪136‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪156‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ز‬
 ‫ﻤﻠﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ )‪-2006‬‬
‫‪ ،(2013‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺜﺎﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺒﺄﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻓﺼﻭل ﺨﹰﺼﺹ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻺﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﻜﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻘل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻝﻴﺴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﺘﻡ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻐﻁﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻤﻔﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﻭل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1948‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺴﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺄﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺤﺎﻀﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪.2013 – 2006‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﻴﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﻠل ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻝﻶﺨﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺘﺭﻯ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻔﺯﺍﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺘﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ح‬
 Abstract
This study tackles the Iranian-Qatari relations and their impact on the
Palestinian issue, during the time (2006-2013), where this period witnessed a
notable events at the political level for both countries, as the same period witnessed
important events regarding the Palestinian cause, and changes in the region which
is reflected in the two countries relationship.
This study was divided into five chapters, in the beginning, the first chapter
was for the theoretical approach, the second chapter aimed to tackle the political
behavior as a mean of comparison between of the powerful states and the small
states, and then, the third chapter was meant to analyze the indicators and
destinations of the foreign policy for both Qatar and Iran, the forth chapter
focused on the Iranian-Qatari relations in terms of historical evolution and
limitation, the fifth and last chapter tackled the impact of Iranian-Qatari relations
on the Palestinian cause, following the official attitudes for both countries through
the most critical events that affected the course of the Palestinian cause, through
the period of time covered by this study.
The study hypotheses states that "the Palestinian cause is the most important in
the Middle East issues, and this issue affected by various regional and international
interactions that took place during the time period since 1948, and until now, has
been reflected various international relations between the key actors in the region
are one way or another on this issue. "
The study aimed to discuss and understand the Qatari-Iranian relations and its
repercussions on the Palestinian issue by reading the history of the relationship, and
give deep analyses for the present, in the light of the changes that have occurred in
the period between 2006 - 2013.
Among the most important findings (outcomes) of the study:
- Cooperation and integration are the main features of Qatari-Iranian relations;
where imposes flaw in the construction of the solid power of each of Qatar and
Iran need each other.
- Qatar and Iran are fully convenient that, in their support for the Palestinian
cause, they are in the meantime achieving their goals of nationalism and their
mutual interest.
- The Palestinian issue is an important catalyst for the Qatari-Iranian relations;
the orientation of the two countries in support of the case, with a different means.
- The integration of roles between Qatar and Iran in support of the Palestinian
cause has reinforced the national and the Islamic dimensions, under the Arab
revolutions and counter-revolutions.

‫ط‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻓﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‬

‫‪1‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺎﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻻﺘﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل‬

‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺘﻨﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺴﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺒﺸﻜل ﺘﺼﺎﺭﻋﻲ ﻓﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺘﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺠﺴﺩ‬

‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﻝﻠﻌﻨﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ‪،‬‬

‫‪(2010‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ )ﻁﺸﻁﻭﺵ‪ ،(2010 ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺤﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل ﻤﻊ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻹﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺭﻫﻴﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﺜﺒﺕ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﺒﺩﺍ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺎﹰ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺸﻬﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻜل ﺤﺩﺙ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺭﺡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ‬

‫ﻝﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺙ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻜل ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﻴﺎﹰ ﻋﻥ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ )ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ(‪،‬‬

‫ﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺃﻝﻘﻰ ﺒﻅﻼﻝﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻨﻌﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺒﺩل ﻭﻓﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻼﻋﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺄﺜﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ؛ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻝﺘﻌﺎﻝﺞ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺃﺜﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﺜل ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫‪2‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ )ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺫﻝﻙ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴ‪‬ﺅَﺜﺭ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻐﻁﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪.2013-2006‬‬

‫ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ‪ ،2013-2006‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﻁﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺸﻤﻠﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ‬

‫)ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2008‬ﻭﻋﺎﻡ ‪2012‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺒﺸﻜل ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﺤﻁﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻁﺎﺕ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺘﻨﺎﻏﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻜﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺒـ )ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ ‪2013-2006‬؟‬

‫ﻭﻝﻠﻭﺼﻭل ﻝﺠﻭﺍﺏ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ؟‬

‫‪ .2‬ﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ؟‬

‫‪ .3‬ﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ؟‬

‫‪ .4‬ﻤﺎ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﻀﻲ؟‬

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 ‫ﻓﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺭﺕ ﻁﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1948‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺴﺕ‬

‫ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺄﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻴﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﺎﻤل‬

‫ﺩﺍﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﺜل ﻝﻠﻨﻔﺎﺫ ﻝﻤﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﻭﻭﺠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺭﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻝﻼﻋﺒ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴ‪‬ﻴ‪‬ﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺯﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺼﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﻀﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﻗﻭﻋﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﺴﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺠﻭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺠﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺤﻠﻔﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺵ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺯﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﺎﹰ‪.‬‬
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 ‫‪ .3‬ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺎﹰ ﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .4‬ﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻔﻬﻡ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻝﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻠﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻤﻥ ‪ 2006‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ‪.2013‬‬

‫‪ .5‬ﺇﺜﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻼﻋﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﻡ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻁﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ‬

‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺤﺎﻀﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ ‪،2013 – 2006‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺭﺍﺽ ﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﺭﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﻓﺘﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻀﺎﺒﻁﺔ ﻷﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺠﺘﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺼﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺃﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻼﻋﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺼﻑ ﻝﻸﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

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 ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺭﺼﺩ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴ‪‬ﺨﻀ‪‬ﻊ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻓﻬﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺨﻁﺎﺒﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺅﻯ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺭﺍﻓﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ ﻝﺘﺠﻨﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺤﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2006‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2013‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﻬﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2006‬ﻭﺼﻭل‬

‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ "ﺤﻤﺎﺱ" ﻝﻠﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﺤﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺤﻁﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫‪ 2008‬ﻭﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2012‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﻗﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺴﻤﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ )ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻔﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻻﻋﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
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 ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ )‪" (2013‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ"‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻗﻭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻡ ﺴﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺜل ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺴﻤﺔ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻻ ﺘﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻌﺯل ﻋﻥ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﺩﺭﻙ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﻗﻨﺩﻴل )‪ (2011‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺤﻜﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ"‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺜﻘﻼﹰ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﹶﻌ‪‬ﺘﹶﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻝﻭ ﺘﻤﻜﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺯﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﺨﺘﺭﺍﻕ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺯﺯ ﻁﻤﻭﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺨﻀﻴﺭ )‪ (2011‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ" ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻨﺎﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻜﺎﺌﺯ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﻏﻡ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻜﻬﺎ ﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﻴﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﺌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻴﺌﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻤﺯﺩﻭﺝ؛ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻴﺩﻋﻡ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻗﻁﻊ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺃﻱ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل‬

‫ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﻁﺊ ﻗﺩﻡ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺩﻋﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﻻﹰ ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺤﻀﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ )‪ (2010‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ"‬

‫ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻝﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ )ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2008‬ﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻗﺩ ﺃﺜﻤﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺼﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﺎﻋﻼﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺭﺅﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﺴﺴﺕ ﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻭﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -5‬ﺭﺠﺏ )‪ (2011‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭﻫﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل" ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫل ﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺘﻤﺩ‪‬ﺩ ﻝﻬﺎ؟‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺒﻠﺔ؟‪ ،‬ﻭﻫل ﺴﺘﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻊ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ؟‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﺭﻀﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺜﻼﺙ ﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭﻫﺎﺕ ﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭ "ﺘﻤﺩﺩ" ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻭﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻩ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻤﺘﻌﻪ‬

‫ﺒﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺩﻋﻡ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﻻﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺴﺒﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻴﻨﺼﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻼﻗﻲ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ )ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ( ﻝﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻴﻨﺼﺭﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺭﻜﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍﻻﹰ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪.‬‬

‫ﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ‪ :‬ﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻅﻰ ﺒﺄﻱ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻬﻭ "ﺘﻘﻠﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‪ :‬ﻭﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﻼﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻨﺤﺴﺎﺭ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭ ﺒﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻜل ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺒﺩﺀ ﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻜﻭﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﺠﻴﺢ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭﻫﺎﺕ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﺢ ﺘﺒﻌﺎﹰ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﺒﺎﻤﺎ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺭﺃﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻀﻴﻑ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺃﻭﺒﺎﻤﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﻔﻘﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭ ﺍﻷﻭل‪.‬‬

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 ‫‪ -6‬ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ )‪ (2010‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ"‬

‫ﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ )‪ ،(2009 - 2006‬ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﱠﻪ ﺒﺼﻌﻭﺩ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺎﹰ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺇﺒ‪‬ﺎﻥ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ‬

‫ﺴﻠﺒﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻋﻭﺍﺩ )‪ (2007‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ" ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﺘﺜﺒﺕ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﺭﺍﻏﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻌﺘﺩﻝﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺘﺸﺩﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺇﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻜﻤﺤﺭﻙ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻼﻨﻘﻀﺎﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺨﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻭﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﺩﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﻬﻡ‬

‫ﻜﻘﻭﺓ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺇﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻤﻔﺘﻭﺤﺔ ﺘﻤﻨﻊ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺇﻜﻤﺎل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻨﺠﺤﺕ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺠﻴﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻀﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻭﻀﺎﻏﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺒل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻠﻔﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺴﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺒﺘﺤﻴﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺇﻤﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﻌﺎ ﻗﻭﻴﺎﹰ ﻝﺘﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﺘﺄﺩﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺴﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﺓ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻘﻴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺸﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﻘﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﺎ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ( ﻭ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﺭﻙ ﺠﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﺎ )ﻗﻨﺩﻴل( ﻭ)ﺨﻀﻴﺭ( ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻭﺼﻠﺘﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﻁﻤﻭﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺨﻠﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻭﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺘﺄﺩﻴﺔ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﻜﻘﻭﺓ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻫﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﺭﺍﻀﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻀﺎﻤﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺭﺼﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺸﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪) .‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ‪(2010 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻫﻲ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺩﻩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻴﻴﻑ‬

‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺴﺠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﻴﺒﺔ‪(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﻭﻤﻘﺘﺭﻥ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺨﺫﻩ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪) .‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ‪(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ‪-‬ﻭﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ ﻭﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﻪ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺏ‪(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻨﻁﻭﻱ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺘﺨﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ‬

‫ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻭﺼﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﹸﺤ‪‬ﺩ‪‬ﺩ ﺼﻔﺘﺎﻥ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻬﻤﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ )ﺍﻝﺸﻤﻭﻝﻴﺔ( ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻲ )ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺭﻴﺔ( ﻭﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬

‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺩﻩ ﺼﺎﻨﻌﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﺒﻭﺀﻭﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺌﻤﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻴ‪‬ﺤ‪‬ﺩﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺩﺍﻓﻌﻭﻥ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻜﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ﺒﺄﻜﻤﻠﻬﺎ )ﺃﻭﻜﻼﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺭﻴﻔﻴﺜﺱ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻭﻓﻥ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺒﺈﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻲ ﻉ‪.(2006 ،.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ :‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ‪ :‬ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺁﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻜﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻷﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل؛ ﻓﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺘﻬﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺴﻠﺒﺎﹰ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﺎﹰ ﻤﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻠﻙ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻜﻴﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺤﻭﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻨﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺼﺩ ﻤﻨﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍﹰ ﻓﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﺤﺎﻓﺯ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻤﺘﺨﺫﻱ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻴﻔﻜﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺨﻁﺭﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪.(16 :2009 ،‬‬

‫ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻨﺼﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﺼﻭﻍ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﻝﻠﻅﺭﻭﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﻝﻠﻭﺴﻁ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ )ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ )ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻪ(‪،‬‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ )ﺍﻝﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺜل‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻌﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻓﻲ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻋﺩﺓ ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻫﻭ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻻ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺴﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﺒﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﻨﻔﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻜل ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻅﻬﺭ ﺘﻨﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻪ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬

‫‪ −‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻜل ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ −‬ﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻷﺭﺽ ﻜل ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ −‬ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻜل ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺘﺏ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ −‬ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻜل ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﺫﺍﹰ ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﹰ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻭل ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻋﻤﻼﻗﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻭل ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻭل ﺫﺍﺕ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻗﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻭﻗﻠﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻤﻌﺎﹰ ﻝﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻜل ﺫﻝﻙ ﻻ ﻴﻠﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻭل ﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻭﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻭﺩﻭﻻﹰ ﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺘﺨﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎﹰ‬

‫)ﺼﺎﻓﻲ‪.(112 :1999 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻗﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺎﹰ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻨﺱ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻼﻤﺢ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ )ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،(1997 ،‬ﻜﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺴﺘﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ‬

‫ﻤﺼﻴﺭﻴﻥ؛ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺒﻭﺩﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺒﻘﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺤﻜﻴﻤﺔ ﺭﺍﺸﺩﺓ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺤﺩﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺩﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻁﺒﻕ ﺃﺴﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺸﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺸﺊ ﺠﻴﺸﺎﹰ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺎﹰ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻓﻴ‪‬ﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﻤﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺴﺘﻜﻤل ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻭ‪‬ﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﹸﺤﺴ‪‬ﻥ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻤﻅﻬﺭﺍﹰ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴ‪‬ﺔ )ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺭﻤﻲ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ؛ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺼﺎﺀ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻗﻴﻡ ﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﻭﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪) ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪ ،(2000 ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺃﺤﺩ ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻌﺩﺩﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺒﻨﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ )ﻜﺎﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ( ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ )ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺠﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﺇﻝﺦ(‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ‬

‫ﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺠﺩل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻻ ﺘﻘﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﺒل ﻻﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻋﺩﺩ‪‬ﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﻤﺜل‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﻓﻥ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺸﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﺴﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻗل ﻗﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺴﺎﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻬل ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﻘﻘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻲ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﻋﻤﻭﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ )ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ( ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﺘل ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ؛ ﻓﺘﺘﻀﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺄﺸﻜﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﹰ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺎﹰ ﻝﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ؛ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﺴﻡ ﺃﻱ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﺒﺭﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻴﻘﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﻨﻌﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2011‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﺠﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﺨﺎﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻌﺒﺌﺘﻬﺎ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻤﺴﻠﺢ )ﻗﻭﺓ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ‪ -‬ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁ ‪ -‬ﺘﺨﺯﻴﻥ ‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﺇﺠﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﺨﺎﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻨﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﻁﻼﻗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺼل ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ )ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺘل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺭﺍﺀ‪،‬‬

‫ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﻨﻬﺠﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻭﻫﺎﺩﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻬﺞ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﻨﻭﻋﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﺼﺎﻨﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﺡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ‬
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‫ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‬

‫ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﺕ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻻﻨﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﻋﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻋﺼﺭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻗﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﻤﻪ‬

‫ﺘﻌﻅﻴﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺜﻘل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ )ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺘل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻼﹰ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺫﺓ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻹﻏﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﺎﻓﺊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪،‬‬

‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﻜﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻘﺎﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻏﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻴﺸﻜل ﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯﺍﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﺠﻡ‬

‫ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻲ ﺘﻨﺠﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻫﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻭﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻨﺫﻜﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺨﻁﻲ ﻋﺭﺽ ﻭﻁﻭل ﺜﺎﺒﺘﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل ﻻ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻜﺴﻪ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻁﻭل ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﻜﻲ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺨﻁ‬

‫ﺠﺭﻴﻨﺘﺵ ﺸﺭﻗﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻏﺭﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﻓﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻭﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‬
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‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻴﺎﺒﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﺀ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻱ ﻝﻪ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺭﻙ ﺃﺜﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺩﻓﻊ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴ‪‬ﻤ‪ ‬ﱢﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻌﻴﺸﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺭﻀﺎﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻱ ﻤﻬﻡ ﺠﺩﺍﹰ ﻷﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﺎﻤﺘﻼﻜﻬﺎ ﻝﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺨﻀﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ )ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.(1997 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺸﻤﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﻝﻜﻡ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ )ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪.(1996 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﺼﺎﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺃﻗل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻨﻅﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﻠﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﻝﻼﻜﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴل‬

‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﻝﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﻴﻠﺔ )ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪ ،(2000 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺘﺤﺘﻔﻅ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺩﻤﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻋﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪.(1996 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻜﺴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﻭﻝﻭ‬

‫ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﺴﻁﺔ ﻭﺴﺭﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻁﻭﺍل ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻤﻨﺘﻅﻤﺔ ﺒﻘﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﺭﻱ ﻴﺴﻬل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻗﺎﻝﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﹰ ﺴﻬﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‬

‫ﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺸﺘﺕ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻘﻁﻊ ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻴﺴﻲﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺘﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺍﺤﺘﻭﺍﺀ ﺠﺯﺀ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﻭﺴﻁ ﺃﺭﺽ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻜﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺀ‪ ‬ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺍﻹﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ‬
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‫ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل ﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ )ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،(1997 ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ‬

‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﻪ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻷﻫﻡ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻨﺎﻏﻡ ﺸﻜل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ ﻭﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻝﻡ‬

‫ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺇﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻬﺎﻤﺔ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺠﺎﻨﺴﺎﹰ ﻭﺘﻤﺎﺴﻜﺎﹰ ﻭﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﻜﻼﹰ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻨﻘل ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﺭﻴﻊ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ ﻤﺘﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻜﺭﺭ ﺤﺎﻝﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺨﻠﻑ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻼﺘﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪.(78 :2000 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﻜﻥ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺩﻭل ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ ﻭﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺤﻘﻘﺕ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﺎﹰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ‬

‫ﺘﺼل ﻝﻤﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻨﻔﺭﺩ ﻗﺩ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻘﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﻓﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻭﻯ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ )ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.(1997 ،‬‬

‫ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺴﻌﺕ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻤﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﻴﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺓ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﺎﺴﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻊ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻝﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ )ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪.(154 :1998 ،‬‬

‫ﻤﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ ‪-‬ﻋﺩﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﻰ‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻝﻸﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻵﺘﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ −‬ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻜﻔﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﻀﻁﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻠﻔﻬﺎ ﺃﻤﻭﺍﻻﹰ ﻁﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﻭﻅﺭﻭﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻀﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ‬
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‫ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﺼل‬

‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯﻻﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺸﺒﻪ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ −‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﻀﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﻤﻊ ﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﺨﺭﻭﺝ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺤﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ −‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻓﺴﺘﻀﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﺒﻁﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻗﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺩﻓﻊ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺴﻊ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺍﺘﺴﻌﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﺭﻗﻴﺎﹰ ﻭﻝﻐﻭﻴﺎﹰ ﻭﺩﻴﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻔﻜﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻨﻔﺼﺎل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻗﺎﻝﻴﻤﻬﺎ )ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪.(224 :1996 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﺫﻜﺭﻩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ‬

‫ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ‬

‫ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺒﻌﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ )ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(1998‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ؛ ﻓﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ‬

‫ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫‪ −‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻝﻸﻗﻠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻘل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﺍﻨﻔﺼﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺨﻼﻑ ﻝﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺘﺭﻜﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻤﺎﺴﻜﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﺜﺎﺭ ﻗﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ −‬ﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻝﻠﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺜﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺼﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩﺍﹰ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﺜﺎﺭ ﺨﻁﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻜﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ −‬ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﻗﻠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺜﺎﻻﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻐﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺎﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻻ ﺘﻔﻘﺩ ﻫﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺼﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﺘﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻡ )ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(1998‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻭﻭﺯﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻻ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ‬

‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻐﻠﺔ )ﺍﻝﺒﻁﻨﻴﺠﻲ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻷﻱ ﺒﻠﺩ؛ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻻ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ )ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺩﻩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻴﻴﻑ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺴﺠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،(2010 ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻘﺘﺭﻥ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺨﺫﻩ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪) .‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ‪،‬‬

‫‪(2010‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺩﻗﺔ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ؛ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻴﻁﻭﺭﻩ ﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﺍﺹ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻼﺌﻘﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ( ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺨﺎﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻻ‬

‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻁﺎﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﺘﺠﺴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ‬

‫ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺨﻭﺍﺼﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﺒﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺸﻜل ﻭﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺨﻭﺍﺼﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺘﻲ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻐﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻁﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

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‫ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻤﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ )ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(1998 ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﹸﺠﻨﱢﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻗﺎﻝﻴﻡ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ )ﺼﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،(1999 ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫)ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪.(1996 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻭﻓﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺘﻌﺭﻀﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻬﺠﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺘﻔﺭﻴﻎ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻘﻠﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺭﻤﻰ ﺍﻷﻋﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻁﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻨﺫﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ‬

‫ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺒﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻨﻘل ﺃﻭ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻴل )ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪.(2000 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻭﻓﻕ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﻴل ﻤﺭﺒﻊ )‪1609000‬ﻜﻡ‪(2‬‬

‫ﻓﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﻫﻲ ﺩﻭل ﻋﻤﻼﻗﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺠﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﺼﻑ ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﻴل ﻤﺭﺒﻊ ﺘﺴﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻻﹰ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﺃﻝﻑ ﻭﻨﺼﻑ ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﻴل‬

‫ﻤﺭﺒﻊ ﺘﺴﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻻﹰ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﺃﻝﻑ‬

‫ﻤﻴل ﻤﺭﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘل ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻤﻴل ﻤﺭﺒﻊ ﺘﺴﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻻﹰ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺠﺩﺍﹰ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺯﻤﻴﺔ )ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(1998‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺩﻭل ﻋﻅﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ ‪ 2‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﻴل ﻤﺭﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻨﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﺯﻴل‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﻝﻴﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺩﻭل ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﺘﻘل ﻋﻥ ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻤﻴل ﻤﺭﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻬﻨﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺭﺠﻨﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

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 ‫‪ .3‬ﺩﻭل ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﺘﺘﺭﺍﻭﺡ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻝﻑ ﻭﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﺃﻝﻑ ﻤﻴل ﻤﺭﺒﻊ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .4‬ﺩﻭل ﻗﺯﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺩﻭل ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺠﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻝﻑ ﻤﻴل ﻤﺭﺒﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺘﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻘﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﹰ ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺤﺼﻠﺔ ﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻩ؛ ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻗﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻗل ﻗﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ )ﺠﻨﺴﻥ‪ ،(1989 ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪.(2000 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﻓﺭﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺯﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻴ‪‬ﻤ‪‬ﻜﱢﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻕ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ ﻝﻠﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻫﻜﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺼﻤﺩﺕ ﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻏﺯﻭ ﻨﺎﺒﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻐﺯﻭ ﺍﻷﻝﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻐﺯﻭ ﺍﻝﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﻔﻀل ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‬

‫)ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪.(1996 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺄﺓ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﺔ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ‬
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‫ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻝﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻅﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﻜﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻝﺏ ﻤﺘﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ )ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪.(1998 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩﻫﺎ ﻝﻸﺤﻼﻑ ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﺩ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻻ‬

‫ﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﻼﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺘﻤﻴل‬

‫ﻋﺎﺩﺓﹰ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﻫﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺂﻝﻔﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺼﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﺘﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺒﻐﺽ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ )‪ ،(2006 ،Peterson‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻜﺘﺸﻔﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺕ ﻹﺼﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ؛ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﺌﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻌﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ؛ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻻ‬

‫ﺘﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﻴﻐﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﻀل ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺤﺎﺯﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺒﺘﻌﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻬﻤﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﻼﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺤﻼﻑ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺤﺎﺯﺓ ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻑ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ -5‬ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺤﺎﺯﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻭﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼﺎﺭﻋﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﻻ ﻴﺠﺩﻱ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺍﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻝﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻝﻜﻲ ﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺜﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻐﺽ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺁﺜﺎﺭ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺘﻤﻴل ﻝﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ‬

‫ﻝﻬﺎ )ﺠﻨﺴﻥ‪.(1989 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻴﺘﺄﺜﺭ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺩﺓ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻭﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ؛ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺘﻴﻥ؛ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺴﻤﺎﺤﻪ ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻴﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﻝﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺃﻭ ﻓﺸل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ )ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﺔ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻑ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﺼﻨﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻤﻴل ﻝﻠﺘﻨﺤﻲ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﹰ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻠﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ؛ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻴﻭﺭﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻹﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‬

‫)‪.(2006 ،Peterson‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ؛ ﻓﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎﹰ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻗﻁﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺎﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺤﺭﺏ ﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺤﺴﺎﺱ‬

‫ﻝﻠﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ؛ ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻜل‬

‫ﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻜﺴﺏ ﺼﺩﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻭﺃﻏﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺃﺘﺎﺤﺕ‬

‫ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﺴﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﻴﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪ ،(cooper & momani, 2011‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺇﻁﺎﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل )ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻔﺴﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺭﺽ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺤﺼﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺭﺍﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﺨﺴﺭﻩ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻀﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺼﺭﺍﻋﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻫﻴﻜل ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺨﺎﻤﺴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺴﺎﺩﺴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﻗﺩ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻨﺠﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬

‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺒﻴﺔ )ﺠﻨﺴﻥ‪.(1989 ،‬‬
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‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺈﻤﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻤﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻘﻭﻱ‬

‫ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺒﻘﺩﺭ ﻤﻌﻘﻭل ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﻠﺘﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻤﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺒﺈﻤﻜﺎﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺒﻐﻴﺭ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ )ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﺕ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﺭﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ )ﺤﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ( ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫‪ ،1973‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺤﻁﺔ ﻓﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻁ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ‪(cooper & momani,‬‬

‫)‪.2011‬‬

‫ﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻔﻜﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺼﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻨﺤﺴﺎﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﺭﻋﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺠﻬﺎﺯﺍ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺎﹰ ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺎﹰ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻷﻋﻀﺎﺌﻪ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺴﻭﻯ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ )ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2011‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻅﻡ ﺁﺜﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﺒﻤﻌﺯل ﻋﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺴﻠﺒﺎﹰ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻊ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻭﺘﺩﺍﺨﻼﹰ‬

‫)‪.(2006 ،Peterson‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ )‪،(1985 – 1945‬‬

‫ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‬
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‫ﻝﻠﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻴﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻵﺘﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻝﻶﺨﺭﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﺔ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﺴﺘﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻉ ﺼﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﻌﻘﻭل ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ‬

‫ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻤﺎﺴﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ‪(cooper & momani,‬‬

‫)‪ ،2011‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻝﻙ ﻭﺠﺏ ﺍﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ -‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻠﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯل ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺴﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻗﻭﻴﺎﺀ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﻥ ﻝﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ )‪.(2006 ،Peterson‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺭﻯ ﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻥ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﻘﺒﻭﻻﹰ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻗل ﻋﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺒﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻗل ﻋﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﺠﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﻐﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ )‪ ،(2006 ،Peterson‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻋﺎﺌﻘﺎﹰ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻨﺱ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﻋﺯﻝﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺍﹰ‬

‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻨﻔﺼﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻗل ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ )ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪.(2000 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﻤﺘﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻝﻸﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬
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‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎﹰ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺌﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺘﻪ ﻤﻭﺯﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺘﻰ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺼﻭﻍ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻜل ﺃﻗﺎﻝﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ )ﺴﻠﻴﻡ‪.(1998 ،‬‬

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‫ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﹰ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻡ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺼﺎﺀ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀﻫﺎ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﻭﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻔﻲ؛‬

‫ﻓﻠﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ‬

‫ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺱ ﺒﻜﺜﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺄﺓ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩﻫﺎ ﻝﻸﺤﻼﻑ ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻌﺎﺩﺓﹰ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻷﺤﻼﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺃﻭ‬

‫ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﻻ ﺘﺠﺩﻱ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺍﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻝﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻝﻜﻲ ﻴﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﺜﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﺎﹰ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﺼﻨﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻴل ﻝﻠﺘﻨﺤﻲ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻻ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﹰ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ؛ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻴﻭﺭﻁﻬﺎ‬

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‫ﺒﺎﻹﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﻝﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‬

‫ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﻋﺭﻀﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ؛ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺀ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻴل ﻨﺤﻭ ﻋﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺤﻼﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﻻ ﺘﺠﺩﻱ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺍﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻝﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﻌﻨﺩ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻨﻤﻁﺎﹰ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺒﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻏﻤﺎﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺜﺭﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺨﺎﺼﺔﹰ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻭﻓﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺒﻭﺀ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺤﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺒﺴﻁ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻫﺎ ﻭﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻕ ﻀﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﻭﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﻤﺒﺤﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭل ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻁﻠﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻴﺨﺘﺹ‬

‫ﺒﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻁﻠﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭل ﻴﺴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ؛ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ؛ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﺼﻭﻍ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﺤﻭﺍل ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻌل ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ )ﺠﻨﺴﻥ‪ ،(1989 ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻭﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻨﻘل ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻬﺎ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ )ﻋﻭﺽ‪.(1996 ،‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ؛ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻝﻬﺎ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﻗﺭﺭﻭﺍ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﹰ )ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﺭﺯ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﺍﻍ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻤﺼﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ‪ ‬ﺜﻼﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ؛ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﻗﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻤل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺜﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺘﺠﻬﺕ ﺒﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ )ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺩﻱ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻨﻨﺎﻗﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻨﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺩ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻬﻀﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ )ﺤﺒﻴﺏ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺃﻗﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤل ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﻁﻨﺎ ﻝﻠﻘﺒﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺘﺼﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﺒﺭﺍﹰ ﺒﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﻼ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻨﺯﻭﺡ ﻫﺠﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺩﻡ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﺭﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻁﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ‬

‫ﻤﻌﺎﻝﻤﻪ ﻤﺠﻲﺀ ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﺘﺼﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺌﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺃﻭل ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1968‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺨل‬

‫ﻫﻭ ﻭﺤﻠﻔﺎﺅﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪) 1971/09/03‬ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪(2011 ،‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﺎﹰ ﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎﹰ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤل ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻤﺘﺩ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ‪ 11437‬ﻜﻴﻠﻭﻤﺘﺭ ﻤﺭﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻴﺎﺒﺱ‬

‫ﺘﺨﺘﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻔﻪ؛ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﺴﺎﻁﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺎﻗﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻼﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻭﺭﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻹﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻊ‬

‫ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ )‪.(2006 ،Peterson‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺘﻘﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺄﺯﻕ ﺃﺒﺩﻱ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻭﺘﻴﻥ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺘﻴﻥ)ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺘﻔﻭﻗﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﺩﺍﹰ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺎﺴﺢ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﻠﺒﺎﺩ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻋﻁﻔﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﺇﺠﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ‪ 2.045.239‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻨﺴﻤﺔ ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 2013‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ‪ 1.275.000‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2010‬ﻴﺸﻜل ﻏﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻝﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ )ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ‪ ،(2010 ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2011‬ﺒﻠﻎ‬

‫ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ‪ ، 1,277,445‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺃﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺩﺍﻡ ﺃﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻓﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻁﻠﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ؛ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺨﺘﻼل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻅل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻴﺸﻜﻠﻭﻥ ‪ %93.9‬ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 2011‬ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﺘﺜﺒﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻱ‪ ‬ﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺠﺎﺭﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺘﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺼﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﻻ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﻴﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻭ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺴﻠﻴﺢ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺓ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺩﻉ ﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻏﺯﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﻌل ﺫﻝﻙ‬

‫ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻀﻴﻕ ﺭﻗﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﻋﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﻝﻭ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭﺕ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺨﻴﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻻﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺫﻭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻘل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺇﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺘﺘﺨﻁﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻻﺕ؛ ﻓﺎﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻐﻨﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﺔ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻝﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻭﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻅﻠﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻜﻤﺼﺩﺭﹴ ﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻝﻤﺩﺨﻭﻻﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ؛ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ‬

‫ﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻠﺏ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺸﻜل ﻋﻨﺼﺭﺍﹰ‬

‫ﻀﺎﻏﻁﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺸﻬﺩﺘﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺤﺭﻭﺏ ﻤﺘﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ )ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﻅﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﺘﻁﻠﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﺤﺴﺎﺴﻬﺎ ﺒﺈﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﺏ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻫﺩﻓﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2000‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻹﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻠﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺨﺘﺹ‬

‫ﺒﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺈﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺠل ﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ )ﺠﻠﻭﺩ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2011‬‬

‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‪ :‬ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻁﻭﻴل ﺍﻷﻤﺩ ﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻠﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺒﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2010‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﻤﺨﺯﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺌل‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻤﻤﻜﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﺃﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎل‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﺭﺩﺍﹰ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺨﻁﻁ ﺸﺭﻜﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﺯ ﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻤﻼﻴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻁﻥ ﺴﻨﻭﻴﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 41‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻁﻥ ﺴﻨﻭﻴﺎ ﺒﺤﻠﻭل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2014‬ﻭﺘﺼل ﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺴﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 20‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ‬

‫ﺴﻨﻭﻴﺎ )ﺍﻝﺒﺯﺍﺯ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

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‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻻ ﺘﻨﻭﻱ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺌﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎل‪ ،‬ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻤﻭﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻤﺘﺠﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺘﻜﻔﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ‪ 57‬ﻋﺎﻤﺎﹰ ﻗﺎﺩﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﻔﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻷﺴﺘﺭﺍﻝﻴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل‬

‫ﺴﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺴﻌﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺎﹰ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻜﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2005‬ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﺼﻭل ﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ؛ ﻝﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻋﻭﺍﺌﺩ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻘﻠل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ )ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺍﻷﺤﻭﺍل ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺴﺎﻫﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺤﻀﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻼﻓﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺒل ﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻋﻭﺍﺼﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ‪ :‬ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ )ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻤﻪ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻲ ﺒﺸﻘﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ(‪ ،‬ﺒﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﺤﺘﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ )ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﻝﻴل‬

‫ﺍﺤﺘﻀﺎﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ )ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺤﺩ ﺃﻀﺤﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻓﺎﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺩﺭﺝ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ ﻭﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﻨﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ )ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻲ‪ ،(2006 ،‬ﻓﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﹸﺼﻨﹶﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﺭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺨﺒﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻘﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫)ﺭﻭﺒﺭﺘﺱ‪.(2013 ،‬‬
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‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺇﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻲ ﺡ‪.(2012 ،.‬‬

‫ﺴﻤﺢ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺃﻭل ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ‬

‫ﺇﻗﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1998‬ﻭﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ‪ 5‬ﻤﺎﺭﺱ ‪) 1999‬ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،(1998 ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1999‬‬

‫ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻝﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﺒﺩﻻﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺜﻼﺙ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﻩ ﺒﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻝﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﻝﺘﺤﻀﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬

‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﻌل ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ 12‬ﻴﻭﻝﻴﻭ ‪ ،1999‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺃﻗﺼﺎﻫﺎ ﺜﻼﺙ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ )ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ ‪ %95‬ﻤﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺠﻠﻴﻥ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ‪ ،%75‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻹﺩﻻﺀ ﺒﺄﺼﻭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻴﺔ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻫﺎﺏ‪.(1999 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺱ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺒـ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﻥ( ﻜﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﻻﺴﺘﻁﻼﻉ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻗﺒل ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻴﺱ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺎﻝﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﻴﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ )ﺠﻠﻭﺩ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺃﻜﺩﻩ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﻼﻉ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻨﺸﺭﺘﻪ ﺠﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 25‬ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ‪ ،2009‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻥ ‪ %59‬ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻁﻼﻉ ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺱ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺨﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺎﻝﺱ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻌﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ )ﻝﺸﻴﺏ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﻝﻠﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﻫل ﻴﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻘﺏ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ" ﺃﻨﻪ ﺒﺭﻏﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﺼﺎﺼﺎﺕ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻭﺍﺩ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺘﻤﻨﺢ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻕ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻋﻨﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻴ‪‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻬﻡ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺘﻀﻌﻑ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﺩﺭ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﻔﻘﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻨﺴﺠﻤﺎﹰ ﻤﻊ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺨﺎﻝﻔﺎﹰ ﻝﺭﻏﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻴﻘﺎﺒل ﺒﺈﺤﺩﻯ‬

‫ﺜﻼﺙ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ؛ ﻓﻴﺭﺩﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻴﻬﻤل ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻗﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﺯﻤﻨﻴﺎﹰ ﻴﻠﺯﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻹﺼﺩﺍﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﻭﻴﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺒﻪ ﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻴﺔ ﺭﻗﺎﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻝﻺﻴﻘﺎﻑ )ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻀﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻪ ‪ 6‬ﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻫﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺸﻌﻭﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴـﻴﺎﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸـﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻓﻊ ﻋﺠﻠـﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘـﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‬

‫ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ )ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﺭﻴﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻼﻋﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ "ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ"‬

‫ﺃﻭ "ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻫﻥ" ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ "ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ" ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻀﻡ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﺘﻔﻅ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺼﺩﺍﻗﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ‪ ‬ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﻗﻭﺓ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﺽ )ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﺴﻌﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻠﺨﺭﻭﺝ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺄﻱ ﺒﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ‬

‫ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺒﻤﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺘﻭﻝﻴﻪ ﺴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ )ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﺃﺩﻯ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻋﺯﺯ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ )ﺭﻭﺒﺭﺘﺱ ﺩ‪ ،(2012 ،.‬ﻭﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻫﺎﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﺨﻭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻀﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ )ﺍﻝﻠﺒﺎﺩ‪،(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻱ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻅﻠﺕ ﺘﻁﻤﺢ ﻓﻲ "ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ" ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺼﻐﺭ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺒﺈﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ )ﻤﻘﺒل‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ‬

‫ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﻱ ﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺴﻭﺀ ﻓﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤﺤﺼﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ )ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

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‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﻤل ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﺩﺍﺀ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻨﻴﻥ )ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ‬

‫ﻭﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺨﺩﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ "ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻴﺩ" ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ )ﺴﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺸﺎﻁﺭﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻝﺤﻘل ﻏﺎﺯ ﺒﺤﺭﻱ ﻴﺤﻭﻱ ﻜﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬

‫)‪.(henderson, 2013‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻫﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻤل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻓﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ )ﺴﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪.(1998 ،‬‬

‫ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺕ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻅﻤﺕ ﺁﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﻠﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺯﺍﻝﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺠﺯ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬

‫ﻝﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﺒﻤﻌﺯل ﻋﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺴﻠﺒﺎﹰ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻊ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻬﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻭﺘﺩﺍﺨﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﺴﺠﻡ ﻤﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ )‪.(2006 ،Peterson‬‬

‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺎﹰ ﻅﻠﺕ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻜﺎﻙ ﺴﺎﺨﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﺎﹰ ﺤﻴﻭﻴﺎﹰ ﻴﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻐﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻤﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺃﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺃﻋﻁﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻹﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺨﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﻭﺍﺼﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺼﻭﺍﺭﻴﺦ ﻋﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺒﻁﻪ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻗﻲ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺤﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﻁﻠﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺸﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ )ﺁل‬

‫ﺴﻌﻭﺩ‪ ،(1997 ،‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺄﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺒﺎﹰ ﻤﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻷﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻠﻌﺏ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻁﻼﺌﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻴﺩﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻝﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﺒﺯﺍﺯ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺘﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻜﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺼﻐﺭ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻝﻜﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻭﻀﺕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﻭﻓﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺤﻭﻻﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻼ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﹰ ﻭﺘﺩﺍﺨ ﹰ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﻥ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻬل ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﺩﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻌﻠﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﺒل ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻨﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺌﻨﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻭﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ )ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻷﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﺭﻏﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺘﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺩﻓﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻥ؛ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻁﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ؛ ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻜﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻗﻁﺎﺏ ﺼﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻅل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻨﻐﻠﻘﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺎﺭ )ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﺘﻘﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻤ‪‬ﺘﻨﺎﻓﹶﺱ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻗﻭﻯ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ؛ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺨﺯﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻝﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﺯﻤﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻭﺤﺭﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ )ﻤﻨﻭﺭ‪ ،(2008 ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﺓ ﺘﹸﻌ‪‬ﺭ‪‬ﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ ﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﺯﺍﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺤﺘﻤﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ‬

‫ﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻼﻁﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ؛ ﻗﺩ‬

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‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﺈﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻅﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻨﻡ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺠﺯﺀﺍﹰ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻭل ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺤل ﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﺘﺩ ﻝﻠﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺃﻗﻨﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺼﺩﺍﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻲ ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺱ ﻝﻠﻐﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ )ﻏﻴﺙ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻴﺎﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻀﻁﺭ‪‬ﺓﹰ‬

‫ﻝﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺕ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻬﺩ‪‬ﺩ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ )ﺭﻭﺒﺭﺘﺱ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺠل ﻝﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺌﺩﺍﺕ ﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻜﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ )ﺁل ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻴﻜل‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ‪ ‬ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﻨﺤﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﻭﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ‬

‫)ﺠﻨﺴﻥ‪.(1989 ،‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻜﻲ ﺘﺤﻤﻲ ﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺩﻭل ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﺝ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻘﻠﺒﺔ ﺤﻴﺎل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻝﺨﻠﻕ ﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺩﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺠﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪ (2013 ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭ‪‬ﺼ‪‬ﻔﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ )ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺘل ﺃﺒﻴﺏ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺠﻤﻌﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‬
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‫ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﻭﻅﻔﺘﻪ ﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻜﺎﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﺘﻅل ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﺏ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ )ﻓﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺴﻴﻌﺯﺯ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺄﻤل ﺃﻥ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ )ﺴﺎﻝﻡ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﹸﻐﻔل ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﻴل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺡ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺩﻭل ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻋﻭﻀﺕ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﻤﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﻋﺎﺒﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺭﻨﺴﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ‬

‫ﺇﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﺯﻴل ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪) .‬ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺸﺭﻜﺎﺀ ﻭﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺍﻷﺼﻌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺩﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﻲ ﺒﺎﻹﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﻭل ﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﻘﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺌﻡ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻴ‪‬ﺒﺘﻠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻫﻭ‬

‫ﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ،(2010 ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‪-‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‬

‫ﻫﻭ ﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻘل ﻻ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻁﻔﺔ؛ ﻷﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﺤﺸﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺜﻠﺙ ﺼﻌﺏ ﻭﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻴﻀﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺤﻠﻴﻔﺎﹰ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﻀﻰ ﻝﻠﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ "ﺨﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ" ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﺒل ﺫﻝﻙ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﻭﺭﻴﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﻴﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺩﺭ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒـ‪ 3‬ﺁﻻﻑ ﺠﻨﺩﻱ )ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪.(2006 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻅﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ ﻭﺘﺤﻴﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺘﻪ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‪.‬‬

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 ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺘﻬﺩﺩ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﺘﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭ؛ ﺃُﺭﻏﻤﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻹﺒﺭﺍﻡ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺭﻨﺴﺎ )ﺭﻭﺒﺭﺘﺱ ﺩ‪،.‬‬

‫‪.(2013‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻼﻋﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ )‪ ، (cooper & momani, 2011‬ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻻﻋﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺅﺜﹼﺭﺍﹰ ﺴﻁﻊ‬

‫ﺒﺭﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴ‪‬ﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩ‪‬ﻭﻝﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪،2010‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﹸﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﻁﺭﻓﺎﹰ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﹰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﺭﺍﻏﺎﹰ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 30‬ﻋﺎﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻼ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻭﻤﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺍﻍ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﻠﺅﻩ )ﺁل ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻴﻜل‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻓﺘﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺭﺡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ )ﻏﻴﺙ‪ (2013 ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺭﺡ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ؛ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻘل ﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺘﺤﻤﺴﺔ ﻝﺠﻌل‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﺭﻗﻤﺎﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﺼﻌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﺠﻬﺎ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻤﻌﺘﺩﻝﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻋﻘﻼﻨﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺒﺯﺍﺯ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻻﻓﺘﺔ؛ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﺯﺍﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﻭﺼﻭل ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ )ﻻﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻤﻪ‬

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‫ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭﻩ ﻷﺠﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻩ )‪.(cooper & momani, 2011‬‬

‫ﻓﺄﺩﺭﻙ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺴﺏ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻌل ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﻊ )ﺍﻝﺒﺯﺍﺯ‪ ،(2008 ،‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺤﺼﻠﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﺴﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2001‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻀﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻘﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،2004‬ﻭﺘﺴﻠﻤﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻡ ‪ 17‬ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2004‬ﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝـ ‪ ،77‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻭﺍﹰ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻴﻥ ‪ 2007-2006‬ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 10‬ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ ‪، (cooper & momani, 2011) 2005‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻗﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺤﺘﻀﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﺨﻼل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2006‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬

‫ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ )ﺍﻝﺒﺯﺍﺯ‪ ،(2008 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺭﺃﺴﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﺓ ‪ 66‬ﻝﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 2011‬ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﺄﺨﺫ‬

‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﺸﻜﺎﻻﹰ ﻋﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺎﹰ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺊ‪ ،‬ﻁﺒﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﺩل‬

‫)ﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﺩﺭﻜﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻘﻁﺭ )ﺴﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻴﻔﻭﻕ ﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ )ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺩﻱ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺠﻌل ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﺤﻁ ﺃﻨﻅﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻭ‪‬ﻓﱠﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺌﺩﺍﺕﹸ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻵﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼﻐﺭ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ؛‬

‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﺘﺕ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﺘﺤﺘل ﻤﻭﻗﻌﺎﹰ ﻤﺭﻤﻭﻗﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﻤﻌﺩل ﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ )ﺒﻨﻙ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻬﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﺇﻤﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﺘﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬

‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ )ﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪ ،(2010 ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺩﺍﺭﻓﻭﺭ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻴﻤﻥ ﻭﺃﺜﻴﻭﺒﻴﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺃﺭﻴﺘﺭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺨﺩﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ "ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻴﺩ" ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬

‫ﺒﻘﻁﺭ ﻜﺼﺩﻴﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ )ﺴﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺠﺕ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﺒﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ )ﻓﻜﺭﻱ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻠﹼﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻌل ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻅﻬﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ‪‬ﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﺡ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋ‪‬ﺎ ﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪‬ﺍ ﻝﻠﺠﺩل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻗﺒل ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1979‬ﻓﺎﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗﺎﺩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ‪‬ﺍ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺠﺩل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﻴﺩﻩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬

‫ﺘﺭﻴﺩﻩ ﻝﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺨﺘﹸﺘﻤﺕ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﺒﺈﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋ‪‬ﺭﻑ ﺒـ "ﺸﺭﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻝﺏ ﻗﻭﻯ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻴﻭﻥ ﺸﻌﺒﻪ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﻁﺌًﺎ ﻭﻋﻤﻴﻼﹰ؛ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺒﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1963‬ﻹﺴﻘﺎﻁﻪ ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻓﺎﺘﻪ )ﺍﻝﺯﻭﻴﺭﻱ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﻤﺭﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅﺭﺍﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺯﻋﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺴﻌﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﻐﻴﺽ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻡ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻭﺍﻹﻁﺎﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ )ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﻕ( )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻴﻡ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻐﻠﻬﺎ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻤﻨﺤﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ؛ ﺒﻔﻌل ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻋﺩﺍ ﺘﺨﺼﻴﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺴﻌﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺤﻀﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﺒﻎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﻭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺘﺭﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻜﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1501‬ﻡ؛ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﺠﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﻠﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫‪1979‬ﻡ ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻅﻬﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻋﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻨﺭﻯ ﺘﻜﺭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺘﺴﻠﻁ ﺤﻜﺎﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻭﺀ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺤﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻋﺯﺯ ﺘﻨﺎﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺼﻔﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺭﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﻻﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺩﺭﻭﺱ‪.(2002 ،‬‬

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‫ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺸﺎﻩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ ‪ ،1848-1834‬ﻓﻌﻤﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺜل ﺃﺴﺒﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﻭﺒﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ ﻝﻜﻨﻪ ﻓﺸل‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻲ‪-‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺨﻠﻔﻪ ﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ ‪ ،1896-1848‬ﻭﺤﺎﻭل ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻸﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻪ ﺃﻝﻐﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺴﻲ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻷﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺭﺯﺡ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻫﻅﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺸﺠﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺯﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺨﺭﺝ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﺍﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ ﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ )ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻝﻲ‪.(1985 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1905‬ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻝﻴﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﻠﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺴﺎﻗﻁﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺸﺘﺎﺀ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻁﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺘﻔﻌﺕ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﺕ‬

‫ﻋﺎﺌﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﺩﻴﻭﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺠﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺭﺽ ﻀﺭﺍﺌﺏ‬

‫ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻓﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﺸل ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﻤﺠﺩﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﻌل ﺸﺭﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻜﻲ‪.(1999 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺤﺕ ﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻀﻁﺭ ﻤﻅﻔﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺸﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1906‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻝﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺃﻭل ﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺩﻡ ﻁﻭﻴﻼﹰ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﻤﻅﻔﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺸﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺨﻠﻔﻪ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻡ ﺤﺭﺴﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺯﺍﻕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1908‬ﺒﺎﻗﺘﺤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻭﺃﻏﻠﻘﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺭﻤﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺕ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻨﻭﺍ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻭﺘﻡ ﺇﺭﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ ﻓﺨﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺒﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻤﺎ ﻝﺒﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺼﻁﺩﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻴﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻀﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ ﻝﻠﻬﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﺵ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺴﻴﺔ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ‬

‫‪ 1911‬ﻭﻋﻁﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻴﺎﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1923‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺨﺎﻥ ﺒﺘﻨﺼﻴﺏ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺇﻤﺒﺭﺍﻁﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﺴﻡ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺒﻬﻠﻭﻱ ﺸﺎﻩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1921‬ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﺒﻬﻠﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻗﻑ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺸﺎﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺃﻝﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ؛ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﻗﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﻼل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1941‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺃُﺭﻏﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺒﻨﻪ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺒﻬﻠﻭﻱ )ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻝﻲ‪.(1985 ،‬‬

‫ﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔﹰ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﻌﻴﺔﹰ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1963‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃَﻋ‪‬ﻠﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻨﺯﻉ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﺫﺭ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺴﺤﺏ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺤﻭﺯﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺭﻉ ﻭﺭﺠﺎل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻀﺒﻴﻥ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺤﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻀﺭﺍﺏ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺘﻔﺎﻗﻤﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺴﻘﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺘﻠﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻘﻁ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 1979‬ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻑ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺭﺏﹴ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 1980‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ‬

‫ﺃﻏﺴﻁﺱ ‪ ،1988‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﻑ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺠﺭﻯ ﺒﻌﺩﻩ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺩﺭﺍﻤﺎﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻭﺼل ﻝﻠﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﻫﺎﺸﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻠﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺒﺎﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﺭﺍﻏﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ؛ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺠﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺼل ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺨﺎﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1997‬ﻝﻴﻌﻭﺩ‬

‫ﻝﻠﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﺨﻁ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺒﺜﻭﺏ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻴﺤﻤل ﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎﻩ ﻝﻁﺭﺡ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺼﺎﻨﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺴﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻭﺩ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﺼﻭل‬

‫ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2005‬ﻝﻴﺘﺭﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺭﺵ ﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2011‬ﻤﻨﻬﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪،‬‬

‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺀ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻝﻰ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

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 ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻨﺫ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬

‫ﺘﺸﻐﻠﻪ؛ ﻓﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻴﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻤﻴل ﻏﺎﻝﺒﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﹰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺎﹰ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻴﻤﻭﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺭﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻕ ﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺨﻁﺄ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﻀﻌﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ %61‬ﻤﻥ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺱ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪%16‬‬

‫ﺃﺫﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﻭ ‪ %10‬ﺃﻜﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ‪ %2‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ‪(central intelligence‬‬

‫)‪.agency, 2014‬‬

‫ﺘﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ )‪ 1,648,165‬ﻜﻡ‪ (2‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ‪ %1.279‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ %3.427‬ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺠﻨﻭﺒﻲ ﻏﺭﺒﻲ ﻗﺎﺭﺓ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 40-25‬ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺸﻤﺎل ﻭ‪63.5-44‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻁﻭل ﺸﺭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﺩﻝﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻜﺱ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﻗﻁﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ‬

‫ﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻐﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺒﺎﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍل ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭﺓ ﻝﻤﺩﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﻜﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻼﹰ ﻤﺤﻔﺯﺍﹰ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﻜﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﺒﻭﻝﻴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2011‬‬

‫ﺘﺤﺘل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﺎﹰ ﻫﺎﻤﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺯﻭﺍﻴﺎ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻁل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻭل ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ‪:‬‬

‫ﻝﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺴﻁﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺀ ﻴﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺴﺒﺒﺎﹰ ﻭﺠﻴﻬﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻫﻭ‬
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‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﻩ )ﺍﻝﺭﺸﻴﺩﻱ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺒﻤﻀﻴﻕ ﻫﺭﻤﺯ ﻋﺯﺯ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﻪ ﻤﻀﻴﻕ ﻫﺭﻤﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺤﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﻨﻔﻁﻴﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‬

‫ﺃﻭﺴﻁﻲ ﻭﺇﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﺴﻁ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺤﺘل ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﺏ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺠﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻜﺎﻝﻬﻨﺩ )ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺎل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻗﺎﺯ ﻭﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺯﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁﻰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺘﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁﻲ ﻤﺫﻫﺒﻲ )ﺃﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎﺩﻱ )ﻨﻔﻁ ﻭﻏﺎﺯ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ( )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ )‪ 80,840,713‬ﻨﺴﻤﺔ( ﻭﻓﻕ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2014‬ﻭﺍﺤﺘﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ ‪ 54-25‬ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ‪ ،%46.1‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،(2014 ،central intelligence agency) %1.22 2014‬ﻭﻴﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﺎل ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺤﺯﺍﻡ ﻴﻤﺘﺩ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺠﺒﺎل ﺯﺍﺠﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻁ ﻴﻤﺘﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻁﺊ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﻲ ﻝﺒﺤﺭ ﻗﺯﻭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻀﻴﻕ ﻫﺭﻤﺯ ﻤﻊ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺒﺴﻴﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﺒﺩﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻷﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ )ﺩﺤﻤﺎﻥ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ ﺘﻀﻡ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺜﻘل ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻫﻲ )ﺍﻷﺫﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻜﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺒﻠﻭﺸﻴﺔ( ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﺸﻜﻠﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ %40‬ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺘﺤﺘل ﻨﻔﻭﺫﺍﹰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ‬
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‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻭﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻠﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫)ﺍﻝﻴﻬﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺯﺍﺭﺍﺩﺸﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﺸﻭﺭﻴﺔ( )ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،(2009 ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻭﻥ ‪%99.4‬‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﺔ ‪ ،%95-90‬ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،(%10-5‬ﻭﺘﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺍﺭﺍﺩﺍﺸﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻴﻬﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪%0.3‬‬

‫)‪ ،(2014 ،central intelligence agency‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺩﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ )ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻀﻴﻑ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺒﻌﺩﺍﹰ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻴﺠﻌل ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻴﻘﻁﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻠﻭﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺫﺭﻴﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻜﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻸﻋﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺒﻠﻭﺵ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺒﻠﻭﺸﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺎﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻴﺠﺎﻭﺭﻭﻥ ﺘﺭﻜﻤﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺫﺭﻴﻭﻥ ﻴﻘﻁﻨﻭﻥ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﺫﺭﺒﻴﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﺍﺀ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ؛ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻼﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺘﻬﺠﻬﺎ ﻀﺩ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎﺕ )ﺩﺤﻤﺎﻥ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺯﻭﺍﻴﺎ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ؛ ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻗﻭﻱ ﻭﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺜﺭﻭﺍﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﺌل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻴﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﻭﻅﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ )ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

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‫ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺕ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻅﻠﺕ ﺘﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻤﻊ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻓﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻺﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﻑ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﺒﻼﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -6‬ﺇﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ )ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻜﺎﹰ ﻗﻭﻴﺎﹰ ﻝﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻜﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻝﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺍﻋل ﻓﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺘﺤﻭل ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻴﻘﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻹﺠﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺒﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ 928,9‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2011‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﺼﻠﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2010‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 12,84‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻀﺨﻡ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺒﻠﻎ ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ %13,5‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2009‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﻀﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ %11,8‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2010‬ﻴﺭﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ‬

‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ %16,8‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﻀﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ %16,2‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 2010‬ﻫﺎﺸﻡ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2012‬‬

‫ﻨﺤﻭ ‪ 40‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺼﻑ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻭﻥ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺨﻁ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺸﻔﺘﻪ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪2011‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻝﻠﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺴﻨﻭﻴﺎﹰ ‪ 12.2‬ﺃﻝﻑ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺼل ﻝـ ‪ ،%15,3‬ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻡ‬
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‫ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺤﺩ ‪ 18‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻜﺎﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﻨﻁﺎﻗﻬﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻹﻨﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2011‬ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺘل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝـ ‪ 88‬ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 187‬ﺩﻭﻝﺔ )ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻤﺜل ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺎﹰ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺘﺭﻭل )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻨﺎﻫﺯ ﺤﺠﻡ‬

‫ﻋﺎﺌﺩﺍﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ 2012‬ﻨﺤﻭ ‪ 69‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ‪ 95‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ‪) 2011‬ﺒﺩﻭﻱ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2014‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺯﺍﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘل‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺠﻪ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺃﻏﻨﻰ ﺒﻘﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻀﻴﻕ ﻫﺭﻤﺯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺭ ﻋﺒﺭﻩ ﻗﺴﻡ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺯﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁﻲ ﻨﻔﻁﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺒﺤﺩﻭﺩ ‪ 128‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺒﺭﻤﻴل )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪،(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﻬﻲ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻌﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺯﻭﺩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻪ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 70‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ‬

‫‪ 2300‬ﻤﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺯﻭﺩ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺒﺎﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻬﻨﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻴﺎﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﻭﻜﺭﺍﻨﻴﺎ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ﻭﺃﺭﻤﻴﻨﻴﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺃﺫﺭﺒﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﺘﺎﻴﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻜﻭﺭﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻫﻴﻙ ﻋﻥ ﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﻭﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﻨﻘل ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻁ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻐﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﻠﻪ ﻴﺨﻠﻕ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯل ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻼ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻗﻭﺓ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻭﻨﻔﻭﺫﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ )ﺍﻝﺒﻁﻨﻴﺠﻲ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻠل ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻻﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﺇﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﺼﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻋﻀﻭ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺘﻭﻜﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﺘﺅﺜﺭ‬
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‫ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ %35‬ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﻀﺨﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺘﻀﺨﻡ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻝﺘﻀﺨﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ‪ 2013‬ﻨﺤﻭ ‪ ،%40‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﻝﻺﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻀﺨﻡ‬

‫ﺒـ‪ ،%35.9‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ‪ ،%26‬ﻭﺘﺒﻠﻎ ‪ %40‬ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺭﻴﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺨﻠل ﺍﻝﻌﺠﺯ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ 35‬ﺘﺭﻴﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺭﻴﺎل )‪ 1.4‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ( ﺸﻬﺭﻴﺎﹰ ﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻹﻋﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﻋﺠﺯﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ‪10‬‬

‫ﺁﻻﻑ ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻴﺎل )‪ 405‬ﻤﻼﻴﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ( )ﺒﺩﻭﻱ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻕ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2007‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻨﺤﻭ ‪ %9‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻹﺠﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬

‫ﺘﻤﺜل ‪ %23‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1992‬ﻭﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ 27,6‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻨﺴﻤﺔ ﻭﻓﻕ‬

‫ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2005‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻀﻡ ‪ 6,7‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻨﺸﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺘﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀﺍﺕ )ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻭ‪ ،‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﻨﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻀﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ )ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒ‪‬ﻌ‪‬ﺩﺍﻥ ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺘﻨﺹ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺘﺠلﱟ ﻝﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻴﻤﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺴ‪‬ﻤ‪‬ﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ "ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻠﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﻤ‪‬ﻪ‬

‫"ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ"‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ "ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪" :‬ﻓﻲ ﺯﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻭﺇﻤﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺒﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩل‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺒﺼﻴﺭ ﺒﺄﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺸﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺒﻴﺭ" )ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻱ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﻪ )ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻠﺜﻭﺭﺓ(‪ :‬ﻭﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺘﻴﻥ ‪ 5‬ﻭ ‪ 109‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ‬

‫ﻤﺅﻫﻼﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻴ‪‬ﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻝﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ )ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ(‪:‬‬

‫ﺃ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﺍﺯل‪.‬‬

‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻭﻯ ﻜﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻻﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺝ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻪ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻭﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺠﻤﻊ ﺘﺸﺨﻴﺹ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺸﺭﺍﻑ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤل ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻤﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺤﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺼﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺘﻨﺼﻴﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺯﻝﻪ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻜﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻴﺒﻲ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﺘﻀﻔﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺒ‪‬ﻌﺩ‪‬ﺍ ﻤﻘﺩﺴ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ "ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﻪ" ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﻴﺘﺠﻠﹼﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﻪ‪/‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻠﺜﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻨﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ )‪(177‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ "ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﻀﺎﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬

‫ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ" )ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻱ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻗﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺤﺘل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ‪ 83‬ﻋﻀﻭﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺤﻲ ﻭﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ‪ 270‬ﻋﻀﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﺱ )ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺠﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﺤﻰ ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻀﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻠﻘﻴﻬﺎ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺘﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺨﻼل ﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻔﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ )ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻴﺒﻲ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﻔﺼﻠﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺘﺨﺎﻁﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ )‪ (125‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﺤﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻝﻲ ﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺨﺹ ﻓﺎﺭﺴﻲ ﺸﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻹﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻝﻬﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺇﻴﺤﺎﺀ ﺒﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻭﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺒﺎﻹﺭﺙ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺒﻲ )ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﺭﻗﻰ ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺤﺼﻠﺔ ﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ‬
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‫ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺒﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻨﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 125‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪" :‬ﻴﻭﻗﻊ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻨﻭﺏ ﻋﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﻕ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺭﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭ‪‬ﻗﱢﻊ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻭﺘﻭﻜﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻴﻌﺩ‬

‫ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﺎﹰ )ﺇﻴﺯﺩﻱ‪.(1999 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻴﺘﺒﻊ ﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺒﺎﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺨﻁﻁ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻴﺘﺨﺫﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻜﻲ ﻴﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﹶ ‪‬ﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ‬

‫ﻝﻠﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫"ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺒـ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -5‬ﻁﺭﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﹰ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪-16‬ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﻁﺒﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﺨﻭﻱ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻤﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪) "...‬ﺇﻴﺯﺩﻱ‪.(1999 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻤﺼﺩﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺎﹰ ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻨﺼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 176‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ" ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫"ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺒﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ "...،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪،‬‬
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‫ﺒﺄﻥ ﺃﻭﻜل ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل‬

‫ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﺒﺭﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺭﺅﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻼﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺃﺭﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺩﻭﺒ‪‬ﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﺩ ﻨﻴﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﺒﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻴﻀﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺘﻪ ﺃﻱ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﺹ ﻁﺒﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﻤﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ )ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬ﻨﺕ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺠﺯﺀﺍﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺃﻭﺍﻤﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺃﺩﻝﺔ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺼﻭل ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺌﻪ ﻝﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‬

‫ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻴﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﺌﻪ ﻤﻨﺼﺒﻪ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ‬

‫ﻤﻔﺎﺼل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﻐﻠﻬﺎ ﻜﻭﺍﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻨﺼﺏ ﺴﻜﺭﺘﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬ﻨﺕ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺠﻭﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺭﻯ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻝﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﻗﺎﻝﻴﻡ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃ‪ -‬ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻬﻼل ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻴﺏ ﻭﻴﻀﻡ )ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ(‬

‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻗﺎﺯ ﻭﻴﻀﻡ )ﺃﺫﺭﺒﻴﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺭﻤﻴﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻭﺭﺠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺎﻀﻭل(‬

‫ﺝ‪ -‬ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﻭﻴﻀﻡ )ﻤﻥ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺒﺤﺭ ﻗﺯﻭﻴﻥ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﺩ‪ -‬ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ )ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺒﺎﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ(‬

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‫ﺘﺸﻜل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ )‪ (Nation - State‬ﻭ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺠﺯﺀﺍﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻴﺭﺒﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻓﺭﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﺩﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﻜل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻁﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﻅﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪-‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ( ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭ ﺸﻌﻭﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﻴﻁﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ‬

‫ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺫﺭﺒﻴﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬

‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﺜل ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ )ﺒﺭﺯﻜﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴ‪‬ﻠﹾﺯﻡ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ؛ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺜﺒﺘﺘﻪ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ )ﺒﺭﺯﻜﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،2025-2005‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝِﺘﹶﺼ‪‬ﺩ‪‬ﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻁﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ؛ ﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‬

‫ﻓﺘﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ )ﻤﺴﻌﺩ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﻗﻠﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﻭﻗﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺩﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻘﺴﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺜﻨﻰ ﻋﺸﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﻜﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻝﻲ )ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻁﻲ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺒﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻠﻐﺭﺏ ﻭﻤﻌﻪ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻸﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﹸﻅﻡ‬
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‫ﺍﺴﺘﺒﺩﺍﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ‬

‫ﻝﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺩﻻﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺄﻁﻴﺭ ﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ )‪) (152‬ﺍﻝﺯﻭﻴﺭﻱ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ ‪ 11‬ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪-‬ﺃﻤﻨﻲ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﻜل ﻻﻋﺏ‬

‫ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺭﺴﺦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ )ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺼﺎﻋﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴ‪‬ﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻝﺘﻔﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺤﻭﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 11‬ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ )ﺒﺭﺯﻜﺭ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﻼﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺴﻘﻭﻁ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ )ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺒﻤﺤﻴﻁﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺒﺩﺃ ﻗﺩﻴﻤﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺠﻤﻴﺩﻩ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺴﻌﺩﻩ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻁﻤﻭﺡ‬

‫ﻗﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻗﻭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﻻﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﺡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﺭ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﻔﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﻭﻴﻘﻠﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺘﺘﺤﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺭﺩﻋﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻫﺠﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ )ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﺒﺭﺯ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻗﺩ ﻴﺘﺴﺒﺏ ﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻭﻀﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل ﻝﻡ ﻴﺅﺴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل‬

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‫ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﻭﻴﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ )ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻭﺘﺠﺎﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺒﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻁﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ ﺘﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪.(2000 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻁﻐﻰ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻐﺎﻝﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺨﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻴﻜﺎﺩ ﻴﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺨﻼﻓﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻻ‬

‫ﺘﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻘﻁ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻴﻡ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺒﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻋﻡ‬

‫ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺘﺤﻭل ﻝﺭﻓﺽ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺤﺘﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺩﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﺃﻭﻜﺭﺍﻨﻴﺎ ﻭﻜﺎﺯﺍﺨﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﺭﺒﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺴﻌﺩﻩ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻓﺜﻤﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﻋﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤلّ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﻨﺎﺼﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺭﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﻋﻥ‬
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‫ﺘﻌﺜﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﻋﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺇﺤﺭﺍﺯ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺼﻴﺒﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻠل ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﺒﺎﻝﻼﺌﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻝﻴل ﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﺎﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﺀ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺘﻜﺘل ﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺃﻭ‬

‫ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ ﺘﻘﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻴﻡ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺄﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻕ ﺩ‪.‬ﺠﻭﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻴﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻥ‪:‬‬

‫)ﺃ( ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫)ﺏ( ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻷﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻯ )ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ( )ﻤﻨﻭﺭ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺩ‪.‬ﺠﻭﺍﺩ ﻤﻨﺼﻭﺭﻱ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫)ﺃ( ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫)ﺏ( ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪.‬‬

‫)ﺝ( ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫)ﺩ( ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﻺﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﻓﻀﺢ ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﻨﻴﺠﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻗﻭﺓ ﻋﻅﻤﻰ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻌﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺼﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ‬

‫ﺨﻭﺽ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ )ﺍﻝﺒﻁﻨﻴﺠﻲ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺘﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺤﺩﺜﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺭﻭﺤﺎﻨﻲ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﻜﺭﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1979‬ﺘﺄﺭﺠﺤﺕ ﺤﻭل‬

‫ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﺘﺒﺩﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﺘﻠﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺘﻌﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﻭﻀﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻜﻘﻭﺓ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -5‬ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻥ ﻀﺩ ﻤﻀﻁﻬﺩﻴﻬﻡ )ﻤﻘﺩﻡ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻴ‪‬ﻨﹾﻅﺭ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺭﻭﺝ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻭﻀﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻋﻼ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻭﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻜﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺒﺭﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﺭﻗﺔ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﺴﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﻡ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ؟‪ ،‬ﺃﻡ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ )ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ‪.(2004 ،‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‬

‫ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺒﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺨﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺴﻌﺕ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﺼﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻤﻪ ﺒﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻡ )ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺼﺤﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺒﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻭﺘﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﹸﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻹﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻭﺘﺭﺃﺴﻪ ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﻫﺎﺸﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﻠﺕ ﺼﻼﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ )ﻋﻴﺘﺎﻨﻲ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2010‬‬

‫ﻓﻔﻲ ﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻻﻨﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ‪ 11‬ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪ 1980‬ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺜﻭﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺼﺭﺡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺃﻭل ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻪ ﻫﻭ ﺒﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺜﻡ ﻝﺘﻨﺘﻘل ﻝﻠﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃُﻨﺸﺌﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ )ﻋﺎﺩل‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻀل ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﻋﺩﺓ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ :‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﺴﻌﻲ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺒﺩﻋﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺼﺩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺎﻗﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻀﺎل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺘﻪ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺘﻤﺜﻴل‬

‫ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻹﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﻁﺊ ﻗﺩﻡ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﺭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻓﻲ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﻼﺠﺘﻴﺎﺡ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 1982‬ﻋﻴﺘﺎﻨﻲ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺭﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺎﹰ ﻭﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺘﻘﻠﺹ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﺘﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻤﻼﹰ ﺤﺎﻜﻤﺎﹰ‬
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‫ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻨﻁﺒﺎﻋﺎﹰ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺎﹸ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺘﺭﺠﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺨﻔﺕ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﺩﻋﻭﺍﺕ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻻﻨﺸﻐﺎل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻜﺒﺭ ﻫﺎﺸﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻻﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺩ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺎ ﻝﺒﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1998‬‬

‫ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﺘﻤﺴﻜﻪ ﺒﻤﺒﺎﺩﺌﻪ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯﻩ )ﻋﻴﺘﺎﻨﻲ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻨﺸﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻝﻌﺒﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﻤﺨﻁﻁﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻝﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺤﻠﻔﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﺍﹰ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻗﻭﻯ )ﺭﺠﺏ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻕ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺨﻁﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2025‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺘﺸﺨﻴﺹ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻝﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﻏﺭﺏ‬

‫ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻴﺴﻴﺭ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﻏﺭﺏ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻲ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻭﻫﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺴﻌﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺴﻠﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﺠﻴﺩﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺼﺎﺭﻭﺨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻌﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻭﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﻀﻌﻔﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺒﺩﻴﺭﻱ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺯﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻜﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺒﺩﺃ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1974‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﻀﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻨﺎﺌﻪ ‪ 23‬ﻤﻔﺎﻋﻼﹰ ﻨﻭﻭﻴﺎﹰ)‪. (bushehr, 2013‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﺅﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﺏ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل ﻋﺩﻡ‬

‫ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺠﻪ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺩﻤﺭﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ )ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﻤﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺨﺎﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻘل ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺕ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺃﺸﻤل ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﺤﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺘﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺒﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﺴﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻤﻤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﺜﺭ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬

‫ﺘﻁﻤﺢ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ‪.(2004 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺭﻭﺤﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﹰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺘﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻝﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻴﺔ )ﻤﻘﺩﻡ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ –ﺃﻴﺎﹰ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺸﻜﻠﻪ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺃﻤﻥ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﻬﻴﻤﻥ ﻁﺎﺭﺩ ﻷﻱ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻗﻭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻗﻭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫)ﻭﻤﻥ ﺒﺎﺏ ﺃﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻬﺎ(؛ ﻓﻤﻥ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺒل ﻷﻱ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻭﻯ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ‬

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‫ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺠﻲﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻫﺩﻓﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺃﺠل ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻁﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﻭﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬

‫ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺃﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ )ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ‪.(2004 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﺎﻤﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺭﻏﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻝﻌﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻁﺭﺤﺕ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺒﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫ﻜﻤﺩﺨل ﻹﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻤﻬﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ )ﺭﺠﺏ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2011‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﺯﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺠﺯﺀﺍﹰ ﺤﻴﻭﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺸﻐل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺠﻴﻭﺒﻭﻝﻴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺭﻓﹾﺽ‪‬‬

‫ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ ﻴﻘﺼﺩ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻷﻱ ﻗﻭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻤﺘﻪ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﻴ‪‬ﻰ ﺭﺤﻴﻡ ﺼﻔﻭﻱ ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪-‬‬
‫ﻴ‪ ‬‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻗﺎﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ )ﺍﻝﺒﺩﻴﺭﻱ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻝﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﻫﻼل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻝﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺜﻴﺭ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﺒﺎﻉ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﻌﻁل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ؛ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻀﺨﻡ ﻤﻨﺘﺞ ﻝﻠﺒﺘﺭﻭل ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻅﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺘﺭﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﻁﻠﻌﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺴﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ‬

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‫ﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﺍ ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺄﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ‬

‫ﻝﺩﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ )ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ‪.(2004 ،‬‬

‫ﺨﺎﻤﺴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻭﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ؛ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺅﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻭ ﻜﻠﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻤﺴﻴﻁﺭﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺤﺩﺘﻪ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﺘﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﺯ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﻭﻝﺕ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﺩ‪ ‬ﻝﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻌﻲ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻜﻘﻭﺓ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴ‪‬ﺎ ﺭﺌﻴﺴ‪‬ﺎ ﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺭﺏ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل‬

‫ﺇﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀﻫﺎ )ﻤﻘﺩﻡ‪ ،(2014 ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﻜﺎﺭﻴﺯﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﻷﻤﻴﺭﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﺴﺏ ﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻐﻠﺕ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺃﻤﻴﺭﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﻭﻭﻅﹼﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺴﻌﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻭﻫﻴﺒﺘﻬﺎ )ﺒﺎﻜﻴﺭ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬

‫ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺘﻨﺎﺯل ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺩ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ‪.‬‬

‫ﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭﺕ ﺒﺒﺭﺍﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺫﻜﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺴﺕ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل )ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ(‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺎﻋﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻝﻌﺏ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺼﻨﻊ ﺩﻭﻤﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﺭﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻝﻘﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﻬﻴﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﻭﻴﺢ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺃﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻝﻌﺩﺓ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﻀﻌﻑ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﺤﻠﻔﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻭﻭﻜﻼﺌﻬﺎ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺇﻤﺎ ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻼﺡ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﹸﻌﻁل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺭﻯ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﻜﺎﺭﻴﺯﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺘﻨﻘﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬

‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻼﻤﺢ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﻋﺭﻀﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻨﺘﻬﺞ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﻬﺎ؛ ﺒﺴﻌﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔﹰ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺸﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻤﺎﻨﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤ‪‬ﻌﺘﻤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻗﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻁ ﻨﺯﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻀﺔ؛ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺭﺯ ﺒﻬﻡ ﺘﻔﻭﻗﺎﹰ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﺤﻘﻘﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺼﺒﻭ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﻓﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﹸﺴ‪‬ﺨﱢﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻁﺎﻗﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻤل ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻜﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻐﻔل ﻋﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﻼﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ؛ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻤﺫﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻭﻓﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻓﻕ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻠﻌﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺎﹸ )ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2010‬‬

‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ‪:‬‬

‫‪.1‬ﺩﻭل ﺘﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﻋ‪‬ﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪.2‬ﻭﺩﻭل ﻤﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺔ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻜﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ‬

‫‪.3‬ﻭﺩﻭل ﺘﺭﺒﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ‬

‫‪ .4‬ﻭﺩﻭل ﺭﺍﻓﻀﺔ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻤﺼﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ )ﺭﺠﺏ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻴﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺨﺎﺹ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻷﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ‬

‫ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ‬

‫ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﻁﺭ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻘﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﻝﻜﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ ﻝﻸﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﺼﺎﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺘﻴﺢ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﻫﺎﻤﺸﺎﹰ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺤﺎﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻠل ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻫﻭﺍﺠﺱ‬

‫ﻭﻤﺨﺎﻭﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻗل ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺘﻤﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺒﺭﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻤﺅﺨﺭﺍﹰ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺓ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﺴﻁﺱ ‪،2011‬‬

‫ﻭﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻠﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﻝﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 2009‬ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻴﺔ ﺘﺎﻤﺔ ﺒﺄﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺼﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻋﺎﻤﺔﹰ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺠﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ)‪. (khatib, 2013‬‬

‫ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻴﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻜﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻜﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ﻓﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺘﺒﺭﺯ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻜﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﺤﻔﺯ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻘﺼﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﻌﻨﺼﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻋﺩﺩﺍﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﻼل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﻴﺔ؛‬

‫ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺘﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﻴﺅﺩﻱ‬
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‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻊ ﺍﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻗلﱠ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻗﻠﱠﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺇﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻐﹸﺒﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫)ﺠﻨﺴﻥ‪.(1989 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﻓﺎﺌﻀﺎﹰ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺎﹰ ﻀﺨﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﻤﺘﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻔﺘﻘﺭ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺠﻬﺎ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﻠل ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﺒﻘﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺤﻠﻔﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫)ﻤﻘﺩﻡ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺩﺭﻭﻜﺭﺒﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﺩﻓﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﺫﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻀﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻔﺘﺤﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﻨﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻅل ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﺭ ﺘﺜﻴﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺴﺅﺍل‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل‬

‫ﻋﺎﺌﺩﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭل ﻝﻠﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺃﺤﻘﻴﺔ ﻜل ﻁﺭﻑ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﺤﻘﻭل‬

‫ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺴﺎﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺜﺎل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺤﻘل ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻭﻱ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2013‬‬
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‫ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺫﹸﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﺯ "ﺤﻘل ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل" ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺤﻘﻭل ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺃﻗﻨﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺼﺩﺍﻤﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪) .‬ﻓﻜﺭﻱ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﺘﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺒﺤﺩﻭﺩ ‪ 500‬ﺘﺭﻝﻴﻭﻥ ﻗﺩﻡ‪ 3‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁﻲ ﻴﻘﺩﺭ ﺒﺤﺩﻭﺩ ‪360‬‬

‫ﺘﺭﻝﻴﻭﻥ ﻗﺩﻡ‪ ،3‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺒﺤﺩﻭﺩ ‪ 1300‬ﺘﺭﻝﻴﻭﻥ ﻗﺩﻡ‪ 3‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁﻲ ﻴﻘﺩﺭ ﺒﺤﺩﻭﺩ ‪ 900‬ﺘﺭﻝﻴﻭﻥ ﻗﺩﻡ‪ 3‬ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %20‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ )ﻨﻌﻨﺎﻉ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺠﻤﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺭﺝ ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻴﻠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﻏﺎﺯ ﻤﺴﺎل ﻗﺎﺒل ﻝﻠﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻌﺕ ﻭﺼﻭل ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻅﻠﺕ ﻋﺎﺠﺯﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺤﺼﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ )ﺒﻲ ﺒﻲ ﺴﻲ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺭﻜﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﻝﻠﺒﺘﺭﻭل ﻗﺎﻝﺕ ﺇﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺭﻴﺩ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺤﺼﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺤﻘل ﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ؛ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﺎﻥ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻤﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺭﻀﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻗﻌﺕ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﹰ ﻴﺘﻴﺢ ﻤﺯﻴﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻜل ﺤﻘل ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻀﺨﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻊ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺒﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺘﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺤﻘل ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻝﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﻨﺤﻭ ‪ %60‬ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﺩﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺘﻪ )ﺭﻭﻴﺘﺭﺯ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﺩ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﺘﺤﺴﻨﺕ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ‬

‫ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺒﺎﻁﻼﻉ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪51‬‬

‫ﺘﺭﻝﻴﻭﻥ ﻡ‪ 3‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﻭﻨﺤﻭ ‪ 50‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺒﺭﻤﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺜﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﻔﻁ ﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻴﺨﺭﺝ ﻜﻤﻨﺘﺞ ﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍﹰ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺴﻬﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﺭﺍﺝ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘل )ﻨﻌﻨﺎﻉ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺫﻝﻬﺎ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﻜﺴﺭ ﺤﺎﺠﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻀﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﺎﹰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ ﺤﻭل ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺤﻘل ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪،‬‬
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‫ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ ﺒﻤﺩ ﺠﺴﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ‬

‫ﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺭﻤﺘﻬﺎ )ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪ 2011‬ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﻨﻅﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺤﻭل ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺘﻡ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺨﻔﺽ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻀﺭﺍﺌﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﻨﻅﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ )‪،(2010 ،iran tracker‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻠﻎ ‪234.3‬‬

‫ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺭﻴﺎل ﻗﻁﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 2013‬ﺒﻭﺍﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻕ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‬

‫ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻜﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻪ ﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺘﺤﺘل ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﻓﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﺠﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻝﺘﺄﺨﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺤﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﺎﺭﻉ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺎﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ )ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ‬

‫ﻝﻠﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻴﻤﻨﺤﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻌﺘﺎﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ‬
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‫ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻠﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭﻩ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻁل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﺨﻭﺯﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺇﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﻜل )‪ (%87.2‬ﻤﻥ ﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2000‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺨﺯﺍﺭ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫• ﺇﻥ ﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻭﺍﻁﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻜﻁﺭﻑ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫• ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫• ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ )ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل ﻓﻘﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻨﻪ ﺴﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻨﻐﻼﻗﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻤﻬﺩﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﺸﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﹰ ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ )ﺍﻝﺨﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،(2009 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻴﺭﻓﻊ ﺴﻘﻑ ﻁﻤﻭﺤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪:‬‬

‫• ﺘﺘﺩﺨل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜﺒﺘﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪.‬‬

‫• ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺠﺎﻝﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫• ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
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‫• ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺼﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻤﺜل ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﺒﺤﻘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫• ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺭ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺘﻴﺔ )ﻁﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ -‬ﻁﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ‪ -‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ(‬

‫ﻭﻅﻬﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﺒﺭﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ )ﺭﺠﺏ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺒﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻝﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻌل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﺭﻜﺕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺩﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻷﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﺴﻴﻁﺎﹰ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ؛ ﻝﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻻﺼﻁﺩﺍﻡ ﺒﺄﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺤﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺭﺜﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ،(2010 ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻼﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﺤل ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺘﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺤﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﺒﻌﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2000‬ﻡ ﻭﻋﺎﻡ ‪2001‬ﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻤﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﺤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ )ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺩﻱ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﺍﻷﻋﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺴﻴﻁﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ؛ ﻹﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤل ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗ‪‬ﺒل ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ‬

‫ﺤﻠﻭل ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺒﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﺭﺴﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ‬

‫ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤل ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻠﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻝﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻘﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪) 2007‬ﺒﻲ ﺒﻲ ﺴﻲ‪ ،(2007 ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺩﻋﺎ‬

‫ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﺎﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻤﻨﻲ ﻭﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻙ‪،‬‬
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‫ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺭﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺒﺔ ﺒﻤﻨﺄﻯ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﻷﻱ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ )ﺭﺠﺏ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻤﺴﻘﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.2008‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻼ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﺭﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻴﻭﻝﻴﻭ ‪ ،2009‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻜﺩ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻤﺜﺎﻻﹰ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﻁﻤﺢ ﻝﻪ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺭ ﻝﻌﺏ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻀﻴﻕ ﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ "ﻫﺭﻤﺯ"‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻰ ﺒﻘﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،2010‬ﺒﻐﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺤﺒﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﻁﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻼﺤﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭﺍل ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺭﻀﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺭﺴل ﺃﺴﻁﻭﻻﹰ ﻤﺠﻬﺯﺍﹰ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﻭﺍﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻔﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺯﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺜﺔ ﺭﺼﺩ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺭﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻭﻓﺩ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺒﺘﻔﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪ Farrar-Wellman‬ﻭ ‪.(2011 ،Fulton‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ؛ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻴﺼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﺠ‪‬ﻌ‪‬ل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺠﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻙ ﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﺼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‬

‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﻁﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‬

‫ﻓﻴﺒﺭﺯ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﻀﻪ )ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻜﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺨﻠﻰ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﺴﻌﻰ‬

‫ﻝﻠﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻤﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﻭﻤﻤﺭ ﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻹﻴﺼﺎل‬

‫ﺸﺤﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﻭﺩ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺠﺩل‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﺘﺴﺘﻀﻴﻑ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﺘﻔﻅ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻜﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﺭﻫﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﺒﻭﻝﻴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ؛ ﻋﻭ‪‬ﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل‬

‫ﻀﻌﻔﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‬

‫)ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪1991‬ﻡ ﻓﺘﺤﺕ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﺭﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﺤﻔﻴﻅﺔ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻋﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺒﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﺍﻷﻋﺩﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻨﺠﺤﺕ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻤﺴﻘﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2008‬ﻡ )ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺄﻯ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺜﺭ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻜﻁﺭﻑ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻗﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﺃﺩﺭﻜﺕ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻴﺱ ﺒﺎﻹﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺕ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻝﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻁ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺼﺏ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

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‫ﺘﻨﺒﻬﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻝﻴﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﻔﻘﺔ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻠل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻁﺭ ﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗﺩ‬

‫ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﺜﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺤل ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻥ‬

‫ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺤﻭل ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺘﻌﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ )ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﻌﻠﻥ ﺍﻨﺩﻓﻊ ﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺒﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒل ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﻬﻨﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺒﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﻭﺒﺎﻤﺎ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻭﺼﻭﻝﻪ ﻝﻜﺭﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺭﺽ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓل ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻋﺎ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﻻﺤﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺩ ﻝﻠﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ )ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ‬

‫ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﻝﻠﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻪ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﻬل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺴﻴﻁ ﻓﻌﺎل ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ ﻝﺤل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﺭﺒﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻘﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺤﻕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‬

‫ﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﺴﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ )ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺒﻌﺔ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻌﺯﺯ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻫﻲ ﺤﺠﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺍﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻴﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻅﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻜﻀﺎﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻷﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﺴﺎﺌﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ )ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻷﻥ‬
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‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻭ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺘﺴﻠﻴﺢ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺓ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺩﻉ ﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻏﺯﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﻌل ﺫﻝﻙ‬

‫ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻀﻴﻕ ﺭﻗﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﻋﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﻝﻭ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭﺕ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺨﻴﺎﻝﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻠﺒﺎﺩ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2012‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻘل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ؛ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻁﻬﻤﺎ ﺭﻜﻴﺯﺓ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻜﺎﺌﺯ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ )ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻴﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ‬

‫ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺴﻤﺎﺤﻬﺎ ﻷﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻴﺩ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﺭ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺘﺩﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁ ﺒﺄﻓﻀل ﺴﻌﺭ ﻤﻤﻜﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺸﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﺩﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﺍﹰ؛ ﺇﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ؛ ﺒل ﺴﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﻘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺭﻓﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺘﺯﺍﺤﻤﺎﹰ ﺒﺒﺅﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺘﺭ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺘﺸﺎﺒﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺠﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﻓﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ؛‬

‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻁﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺒـ "ﻤﺤﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﻨﻌﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻴﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ "ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل" ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻀﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ )ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﺭﻴﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻼﻋﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ )ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﹸﻭﺍﺯﹺﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺃﻗﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻨﻔﺭﺩﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻅﻠﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻗﺭﺒﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻘﻘﺔﹰ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﹰ ﻤﻠﻤﻭﺴﺎﹰ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻠﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺼل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻘﺎﻕ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺴﻲ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻀﺎﻤﻨﺎﹰ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺸﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﺯﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻁﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺱ ﻜﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﻝﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺠﻴﺭﺍﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻜﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻗﺩﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺩﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻀﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺤﺎﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﺘﺤﺠﻴﻡ ﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﻀل‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2014‬‬

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 ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻌﺯﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻋﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯﻫﺎ‪:‬‬

‫• ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫• ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘل ﻨﻔﻁﻲ ﺒﺤﺭﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﻭﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺨﺸﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﺎﻋل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ )ﺍﻝﻌﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،(2014 ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻁﻭﻴل ﻤﻤﺘﺩ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﻭﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻤﺜل ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺒﺘﺭﻭل‬

‫)‪ ،(OPEC‬ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ )‪ ،(NAM‬ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ )‪.(OIC‬‬

‫ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺃﻭﻝﻰ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 1991‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻤﺎﺌﻲ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻝﻴﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺼﺭﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻝﻠﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ )ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺴﻲ‪،‬‬

‫‪ ،(2009‬ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺇﻻ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺃﺒﻭﺍﺒﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻘﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻠﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎﻴﻭ ‪ ،1992‬ﺘﻼ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1995‬ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻝﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻝﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ؛ ﻝﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﺒﻨﺤﻭ ‪ 100‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ‬

‫)ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،(2002 ،‬ﺃﻋﻘﺏ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﺭﺒﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻝﻘﺎﺌﻪ ﺒﻨﻅﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1995‬ﺃﺜﻤﺭﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،(2009 ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫‪ 1996‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ؛ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ )ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺒﻌﺔ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺙ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻨﻘل ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ؛ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺤ‪‬ﻤ‪‬لَ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻫﺎﺸﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺴﺕ‬

‫ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺴﻲ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

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‫ﺜﻡ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺨﺎﺘﻤﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺃﺒﺭﺯﻫﺎ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻝﻴﻭ ‪ 2000‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‪-‬‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ؛ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻭل ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻨﺫ ‪ 20‬ﻋﺎﻤﺎﹰ ﺴﺒﻘﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﺤﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﻨﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﻭﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﺕ‬

‫ﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﻴﻊ )ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺒﻌﺔ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺃﻋﻘﺒﻬﺎ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻝﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ ‪) 2001‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،(2002 ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻭﺩ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2006‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﺴﺴﺕ ﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ )ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺒﻌﺔ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2006‬ﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻤﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺼﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻭﺍﹰ‬

‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻘﻭﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ )ﺍﻝﻠﺒﺎﺩ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﺎﹰ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻼﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺠﻌﻠﺘﻪ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺩﺩ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺩﻋﺕ ﻤﺭﺍﺭﺍﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺨﻼﻑ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺼﺩﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﻭﺍ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬

‫‪ 2009‬ﻨﺎﻗﺸﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻌﻭﺙ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ "ﺩﻴﻨﺱ ﺭﻭﺱ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2010‬ﻨﺎﻗﺸﻭﺍ‬

‫ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻜﻠﻨﺘﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺩﺃﺕ ﺸﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻭ‪‬ﻗﹶﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺴﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﻀﺎﺌﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
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‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺒﻙ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﻬل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺒﻙ ﺃﻭ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻬﺎ )‪.(2010 ،iran tracker‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻴﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺸﺭﻴﻙ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻝﻘﺎﺌﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻴﻭﻝﻴﻭ ‪ Farrar-Wellman) 2009‬ﻭ‬

‫‪ ،(2011 ،Fulton‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﺼﺭﺡ ﺍﻝﺴﻔﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻤﺘﻪ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻀﺤﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻗﺩﻭﺓ ﻝﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻴﺘﺨﻠل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻔﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﻥ)‪. (fars news agency, 2009‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺠﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺒﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ )‪ ،(2009 ،fars news agency‬ﺃﺘﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺭﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 9‬ﻤﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﻤل ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺭﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺘﻬﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺴﻴل ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺯﻭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺒﺸﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ‪-‬ﻭﹺﻓﹾﻕ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻨﻅﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎل‬

‫ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺘﺅﻤﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ )ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻴﺏ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺠﺎﻨﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2006‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2008‬ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺘﺴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻘﺴﻤﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍل ﺒﺯﻋﺎﻤﺔ )ﻤﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﻨﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺸﻤل )ﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻲ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ(‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻓﻅﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﺴﻁﻲ ﻝﻜﻨﻪ‬

‫ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ )ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

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‫ﺜﻡ ﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻊ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺒﻥ‬

‫ﺠﺒﺭ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻘﺎﺌﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،2010‬ﻭﺸﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﺴﻌﺎﹰ ﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪،2011‬‬

‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻰ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻅﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ ‪ ،2011‬ﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻝﻠﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻬﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‬

‫ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺼﺎﻝﺤﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻰ ﺒﺄﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻬﺭ ﻤﺎﻴﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﻴﺔ )‪Farrar-‬‬

‫‪ Wellman‬ﻭ ‪.(2011 ،Fulton‬‬

‫ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2010‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺒـ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ( ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺼﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺅﻯ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﻭ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﻁﺭ ﺘﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺠﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻝﻴﺱ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺸﻌﺏ ﻝﻨﻴل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻘﺎﺌﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻤﺩﻋﻭﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭﻩ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻼﺩ )ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻭﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺭﺴﻠﺕ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻤﺘﻨﻌﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺃﻱ ﻨﻘﺩ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻴﺘﺒﺎﺩﻻﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘل ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻱ )ﻁﺭﺍﺒﻠﺴﻲ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺭﻱ ﻀﺩ‬

‫ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻋﻭﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺸﺒﻴﻜﺔ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﺨﻭﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻨﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ )ﺭﺠﺏ‪.(2012 ،‬‬
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‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻝﺤﻠﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺤﻴﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺭﺍل ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻭﺤﻴﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻥ‪" :‬ﺩﻭل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﺴﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﺩﻫﺎ )ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻁﺭ(‪،‬‬

‫ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﺩﺍﻗﺔ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺒﺩﻻﹰ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺘل ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﺭﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﺭﺤﺕ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻴﺄﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ؛‬

‫ﻹﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﻨﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻜل ﻁﻭﻕ ﻨﺠﺎﺓ ﻝﻠﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬

‫)ﻁﺭﺍﺒﻠﺴﻲ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺼﻠﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2013‬ﻓﻲ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻼﻡ ﻭﻝﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ‬

‫ﺘﻤﻴﻡ ﺴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﺨﻠﻔﺎﹰ ﻝﻭﺍﻝﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﺼﻴﺏ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺭﻭﺤﺎﻨﻲ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﺎﹰ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻠﻔﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺌﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻤﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ )ﻨﻌﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،(2014 ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ؛ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺨﻼل ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﻏﺭﻓﺔ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺠﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺌﻪ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻐﺭﻓﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﻁﺭ )ﺁل‬

‫ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺘﻔﻕ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻅﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺨﻼل ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺠﻠﺴﺔ ‪ 35‬ﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺒﺘﺭﻭل "ﺃﻭﺒﻙ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺯﺍﻝﺔ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻝﺘﺴﻬﻴل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺭ ﺫﻜﺭﻩ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﻼﺩﻩ ﻹﻤﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻷﻋﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ )ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺭﻏﺏ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻜﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺤﺒﺫ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻀﺭﺒﺔ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻤﻨﺸﺂﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺨﺸﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻴﻁﺎل ﻤﻨﺸﺂﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺃﻤﻭﺍﻻﹰ ﻁﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻊ ﺒﻜﺎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺍﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺎﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺨﺸﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺴﺤﺏ ﻤﺨﺯﻭﻨﺎﹰ ﻨﻔﻁﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺼﺘﻬﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‬
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‫ﻭﺴﺎﺌﻠﻬﺎ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺜﺭﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯﻴﺔ ﺨﻁ ﺃﺤﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ‬

‫ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻗﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1990‬ﻭﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﺤﺩﺍﹰ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺠﺩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺴﺒﻴﻼﹰ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ‬

‫ﺤﻴﺎﻝﻬﺎ )ﺍﻝﻠﺒﺎﺩ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻴﺤﻜﻡ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻯ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺠﺯﺀﺍﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻨﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻀﺎﻤﻨﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺘﺤﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻭﺍﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﻠﻭﺼﻭل ﻝﻠﻐﺭﺏ ﻭﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻝﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﻝﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺠﺎﻭﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻴﺎﹰ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺤﻘل ﻏﺎﺯ ﻀﺨﻡ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻘل ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻱ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ‪-2006‬‬

‫‪2013‬‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻤﺱ‪ :‬ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﻤﺤﻴﻁﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺩﺨل ﻀﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﺒﺭﺯﻫﺎ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ .4‬ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻻﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .5‬ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﺯﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .6‬ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺘل ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﺸﻐل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ :‬ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺒﻘﺩﺴﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ :‬ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺌﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﻪ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻁﺭﺩ ﺸﻌﺏ‬

‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻐﺎﺀ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻪ ﺍﻷﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﻀﻪ ﻭﻤﻘﺩﺴﺎﺘﻪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ :‬ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻝﻑ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻫﺩﻑ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻤﺯﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻌﻴﻬﺎ ﻨﺤﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺴﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﻨﺘﻘل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﻁﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻐﻁﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ‪ 2006‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ‪ 2013‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺨﻼل ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﻓﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻘل ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻜل ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻤﺤﺔ ﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻓﻌﺎل‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻔﺘﺎﺤﺎﹰ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﺭﺃﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻝﻙ ﻓﺭﺍﻏﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻜﺒﺩﻴل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺨﺎﺭﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻋﺯﺯ ﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ؛ ﻋﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﻲ ‪ 2007-2006‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺘﻜﺜﻴﻑ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻝﻠﻭﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ )‪ ،(2013 ،khatib‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎل ﺘﺤﻤل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺨﻼل ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺇﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﻴﻨﺔ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻴﺤﻜﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺴﻌﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺭﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺒﺭﺍﻏﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﺃﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﺠﻡ ﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺘﺤﻭﻝﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻁﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻠﺘﻘﻰ ﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻀﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﺩﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺴﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﺎﹰ ﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﺍﹰ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻏﻤﺎﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺭﻫﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻴﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﻊ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻋﺩﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻭﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻀﻌﻔﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ )ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2010‬‬

‫ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺴﺒﻴﻼﹰ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ؛ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻁ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ )ﻓﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺠ‪‬ﻨﹶﺕﹾ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺫﻝﻙ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﺘﻔﺠﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺼﺭﻑ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺍﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻜﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ )‪،khatib‬‬

‫‪.(2013‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻭ‪‬ﺜﱠﻘﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺄﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ "ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺘﻨﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺕ‬
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‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﺨﻁﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻭﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻬﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻀﺎﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻪ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻋﺎﺼﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ" )ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻀﺎﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﺈﻝﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻭﻜﹶﻑ ﻴﺩﻩ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﻤﻴﻡ ﺒﻥ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻤﺘﻪ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﻪ ﻜﻠﻤﺘﻪ ﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ‪" :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺒﺈﻝﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ "ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻗﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ "ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﻥ ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻘﺎ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ" )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺠﺄ ﺍﻵﻤﻥ ﻝﻠﻘﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺇﻴﺼﺎل ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻝﻸﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺩﻋﻡ‬

‫ﺼﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺇﺜﺭ ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻜﺘﻠﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ "ﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺯ ﺒﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2006‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺴ‪‬ﻤﺢ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴ‪‬ﻤ‪‬ﺢ‪ ‬ﻝﻬﺎ ﺒﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺭﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ‬

‫ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻬﺩﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺒﺭﻉ ﺒﻤﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 50‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ‬

‫ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ )‪ henderson‬ﻭ ‪.(2009 ،levitt‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻝل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻌﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻨﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻨﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺸﻬﺭ ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ ‪2012‬؛ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﺭ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺒﻠﻎ ‪450‬‬
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‫ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﹸﺴ‪‬ﻠﱠﻡ ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻻ ﺘﻨﺒﺜﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﺠﺄﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺼﺎﻨﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ؛ ﻓﺎﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﻝﻠﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺍﻜﻤﺕ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻸﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ‪ ‬ﻤ‪‬ﻭﺠ‪‬ﻪ‪ ‬ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﻀﻊ ﻗﻴﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ )ﺠﻨﺴﻥ‪.(1989 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﺫ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺤﺘﻀﻨﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﻠﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻨﻀﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻨﺨﺭﻁﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺘﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻘﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1969‬ﻡ ﺘﻭﻝﺕ‬

‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﻴﺎﺴﺭ ﻋﺭﻓﺎﺕ )ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﺎﻀﺭﺓﹰ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺎﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺒﻪ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1974‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻗﺎل‪" :‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﻨﺎ ﻤﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻨﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺤﻥ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻨﻀﻊ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﺴﺏ ﺃﻭﻻﹰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ" )ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﻜﺩ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﺎﺒﻪ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 1975‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬

‫ﻗﺎل‪ :‬ﻭﺇﻨﻨﺎ ﻝﻨﻘﻑ ﺒﻜل ﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻴﺤﻪ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺘﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻷﺸﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ؛ ﻝﺤﻤل ﻨﺼﻴﺒﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺌﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺘﻪ ﺤﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻁﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﺼﻴﺭﻩ ﻓﻭﻕ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺓ ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﻘﻴﻕ‬

‫)ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪.(2011 ،‬‬
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‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻁﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻤﻕ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻝﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 22‬ﻤﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 1974‬ﻗﺎل‪" :‬ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﻨﺎ ﻤﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻨﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺤﻥ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻨﻀﻊ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﺴﺏ ﺃﻭﻻﹰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺘﻨﺎ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ" )ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺘﻤﻴﻡ ﺒﻥ ﺤﻤﺩ‬

‫ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ‪-‬ﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻤﺘﻪ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﻭﺭﺘﻪ ﺍﻝـ ‪ ،-42‬ﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﻤﺤﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ" ﻭﺃﺒﺩﻯ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ "ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻁﺅ"‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪.(2013/11/05 ،‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺩﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻁﻭﺍﺌﻑ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﺘﺞ ﺨﻠﻴﻁﺎﹰ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻨﺘﺞ ﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻤﺘﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﺃﺼﻭﻝﻲ ﺜﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺼﻼﺤﻲ ﻤﻌﺘﺩل‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺤﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺘﻁﺭﻑ(‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺤﻭﻱ ﻜل ﺃﻝﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻼﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻓﻲ )ﺇﺩﺭﻴﺱ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﻼﻥ ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ "ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻤﺜﱠل ﻤﻌﻀﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺠﺩ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ؛ ﻷﻥ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻴﺭﻴﺩ ﺼﻙ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺘﺒﻘﻴﻪ ﻻﻋﺒﺎﹰ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻀﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ )ﻁﺎﻓﺵ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﻭﺍﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯﺍﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻌﻨﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ )ﻁﺎﻓﺵ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺜﺒﺘﺕ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ‬

‫ﻗﺩﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ‬

‫ﻅﻠﻡ ﻋﺭﻓﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ )ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺨﻁﺭﺍﹰ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‬

‫ﻜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﺯﺓ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺏ‬

‫)ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.(2012/11/22 ،‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺸﻜل ﻤﺼﺩﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﺠﺩﺍﹰ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ )ﻁﺎﻓﺵ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴ‪‬ﻔﻘ‪‬ﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭﻴﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﺭ ﺃﺨﻼﻗﻲ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﻌﻴﺩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻬﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ )ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺃﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ "ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ" )ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ ،(2012/11/20 ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﹶﺩ‪ ‬ﺭﻓﻌﺕ ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﺭﻓﺽ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒل‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻫﻲ "ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻁﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ"‪.‬‬

‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺴﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻤﺕ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‬

‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺤل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺈﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻻ‬
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‫ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﺡ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﹰ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﻘﺩﺴﺎﹰ )ﻁﺎﻓﺵ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ‬

‫ﺘﺭﺒﻌﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻗﺒل ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺒﺈﺯﺍﻝﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺩﻋﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻤﺘﺯﺍﻤﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ‬

‫ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺸﻌﺎﺭ "ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻏﺩﺍﹰ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺽ ﺃﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺸﻬﺭ ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ ‪ 1968‬ﻓﺘﻭﻯ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺘﺨﺼﻴﺹ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺱ )ﻭﻫﻲ ﻀﺭﻴﺒﺔ ﺯﻜﺎﺓ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ(‬

‫ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺘﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻭﻯ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻲ )ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﺇﺫﺍﹰ ﻓﺎﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻀﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻤﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺘل ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺎﹰ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺘﺭﻑ‬

‫ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ )ﻋﻭﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺓ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﺴﺘﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﻤﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﻴﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻴﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﻜﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬

‫ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋ‪‬ﺭ‪‬ﻀ‪‬ﺔﹰ ﻝﻠﻤﻜﺎﺌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻅﻬﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺩﻝﻌﺕ ﻋﻘﺏ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﻭﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﺸﺒﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﺍﹰ ﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ‬

‫ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪-‬ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ )ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﹰ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺒﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺭﺅ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﻋﻭﻯ ﺘﻐﻠﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ‬

‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺕ‬

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‫ﻭﺘﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﺩﻉ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺃﻱ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻤﺘﻭﻗﻊ )ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺭﻓﺽ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل )ﻁﺎﻓﺵ‪،(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ‬

‫ﻭﻴﻘﻭﺽ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﺼﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﺠﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﺴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺒﺎﻝﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻷﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻀﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ‬

‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﻭﺩ )ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﻀﺎﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻭﺘﺄﺯﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ "ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ"‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺯﻭل ﺒﺴﻘﻑ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻜﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫)ﻁﺎﻓﺵ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻝﻜل ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺴﻌﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻜﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﺴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻀﻔﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﺍﹰ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬

‫ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺎﹰ ﻭﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻏﻠﻕ ﺃﺒﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻜل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺭﺽ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻜﻁﺭﻑ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﻭﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺸﻜل ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬

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‫ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﺩﻋﻡ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﻌﺒﻴﺩﻱ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻨﺒﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺇﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺴﻌﺕ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺼﺭﺍﻋﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺒﻁ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﻤﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻹﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺤﻠﻭل‬

‫ﺘﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻌﺒﻴﺩﻱ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻴﺠﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻁﹸﺭﺡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 2007‬ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻝﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝـ ﺒﻲ ﺒﻲ ﺴﻲ ﻭﺴ‪‬ﻤ‪‬ﻲ‪ ‬ﺒـ "ﺍﻝﺼﻔﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺤﺼﻭل ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻤﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺴﺘﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺄﻱ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺘﺨﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻥ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯﻻﺕ‬

‫)ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،(2011 ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻨﻔﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 2003‬ﻓﺘﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﻲ( ﻋﺭﻀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺫﻝﻙ ‪-‬ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﻨﺎﺓ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺭ ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﺃُﺭ‪‬ﺴ‪‬ﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤ‪‬ﻤ‪‬ﺜﱢﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻴﺴﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﻗﺒﻭل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺒﻭﻗﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل؛ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺇﺒﻁﺎل ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻀﺩ‪ ‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ‬

‫ﺒﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ )ﻤﺸﻌل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺼﻔﻘﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬

‫ﻓﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻫﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﻁﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻘل ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻭﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻘﺎﺀﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻬﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﻝﺯﻭﺍل ﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻝﻭ ﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﻴﺎﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻲ )ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ‪-2006‬‬

‫‪2013‬‬
‫ﺴﻴﺭﻜﺯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻜﻼ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻐﻁﻴﻬﺎ ﺯﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ‪ ،2013-2006‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺴﻴﺭﻜﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ‬

‫ﻏﺯﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻝﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺎﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ‪ 2008‬ﻭﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ‪ ،2009‬ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2012‬ﻜﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭﻝﺔ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ‪ ،2006‬ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪:‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺎﺒﻪ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‬

‫ﺒﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ؛ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻜﻤﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﹸﻤﺎﺭ‪‬ﺱ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ‬

‫ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻋﺩﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ )ﻤﺸﻌل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺈﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺘﺼل ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻫﻨﺄﻩ ﺒﻨﺠﺎﺡ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻫﺎﺘﻑ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﻤﺸﻌل ﻤﺒﺎﺭﻜﺎﹰ ﻝﻪ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(2007 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻔﻭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﻡ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﹸﻌ‪‬ﻁﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ‬

‫ﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺨﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺒﺩﻯ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻜﻠﻤﺘﻪ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺘﺭﺍﺴﺒﻭﺭﺝ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎل‪:‬‬

‫"ﺒﺩﻻﹰ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺄﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻗﻠﻤﺎ ﻨﺸﻬﺩ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﺜﻴﻼﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﻤﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻗﺒﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﺎ ﻻ ﺃﻓﻬﻡ ﻜﻴﻑ ﻴ‪‬ﻔﹾﺭ‪‬ﺽ ﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﻨﺘﺨﺒﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﹸﻔﹾﺭ‪‬ﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻌﺏ ﺒﺄﻜﻤﻠﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﺤﻘﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺤﻜﻤﻪ" )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﺘﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺈﻋﻼﻥ ﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﺩﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻹﻤﻼﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻝﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺫﻫﺏ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻰ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻠﻙ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻤل‬

‫ﻤﻌﻪ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﺠﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل ﻫﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺢ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﻝﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻐﻔل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻉﹴ ﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﻴﻨﺔ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺩﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻼﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯﻻﺕ ﻝﻠﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ ﺘﻁﻤﺌﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2014‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﻭﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ؛ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﺭﺩﺩ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺯ‬

‫ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺨﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎل‪:‬‬

‫"ﺇﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺴﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻪ" )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺴﻌﺩﻩ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻐﻔل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺯ؛ ﻓﺤﺭﺼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻜﻼﻋﺏ ﻤﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺕ ﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﻤﺸﻌل ﻭﺒﺭﻓﻘﺘﻪ ﻭﻓﺩ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 19‬ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪2006‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻋﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﺩ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ‪ 250‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﻗﻁﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻨﺩ ﻝﻘﺎﺌﻪ ﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﻤﺸﻌل‪ :‬ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻨﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻝﻠﻭﻋﺩ ﺍﻹﻝﻬﻲ ﺒﺎﻻﻨﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺎﻫﺩﻴﻥ" ﻭﺃﻥ "ﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺒﻭﺍﺏ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻏﻠﻘﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺒﻕ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻫﻭ ﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ" ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻨﺘﺼﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻤﺭﻫﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ" )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(2007 ،‬ﻭﻴﻔﺴﺭ‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ؛ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﻝﻨﻭﺍﺏ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻥ ﺜﻡ‬

‫ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺘﺎل ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘل )ﻋﻭﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،(2007 ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻝﺠﻨﺔ‬

‫ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺁﻤﺎل ﻭﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺭﻕﹶ ﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻴﻑ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻌﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺴﻌﻲ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﺎﻷﺨﺹ ﻤﺼﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻝﺩﻯ ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺴﻌﺩﻩ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2007‬‬

‫ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺴﺕ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ‬

‫ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻜل ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺒﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻤﻲ ﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻨﻔﺎﺫ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺩﻋﺕ ﻤﺭﺍﺭﺍﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺤل ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻫﺎﺘﹶﻑﹶ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ‬

‫ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 12‬ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ ‪ 2006‬ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﻤﺸﻌل ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ؛ ﻤﺅﻜﺩﺍﹰ ﻝﻬﻤﺎ ﺤﺭﺹ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﺘﻑ ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺒﺩﻻﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻗﻭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﻨﻴل ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻪ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺔ )ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫‪(2006‬؛ ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻘﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻋﺭﺽ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺴﺕ ﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﻝﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻜﻨﻪ ﻓﺸل ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل ﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺨﻼل ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺘﻪ ﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ )ﺸﺭﺍﺏ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬

‫ﻋﻤ‪‬ﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﺎﻋﻑ ﻭﺘﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤ‪‬ﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ؛ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻭﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻗﺒل ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺘﻪ ﺍﻝـ ‪ 103‬ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺤﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﻝﺤل ﺨﻼﻓﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺒﺜﻘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺨﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻝﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ )ﻤﺸﻌل‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

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‫ﺜﻡ ﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻲ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺘﺎل ﻭﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺒﺎﺘﻔﺎﻕ "ﻤﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺭﻤﺔ" ﻭﺩﻋﺎﻫﻤﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻠﻭﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﺤﺭﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻡ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺴﺎﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﻡ "ﻻ ﻴﺩﻋﻤﻭﻥ ﻁﺭﻓﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺁﺨﺭ"‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻬﻡ‬

‫ﻴﺤﺎﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﻗﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺤل ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﻤل ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2007/06/17‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﺼﻠﺕ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل ﻫﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺒﺭﺭﺓ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺎﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ )ﺸﺭﺍﺏ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﻘﺕ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﻝﺨﻴﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺤل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻊ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻝﻪ ﻝﻴﺩﺨل ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺘﺎل ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻼﺡ؛ ﺤﺫﺭ ﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﻤﻥ "ﻓﺘﻨﺔ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﺭﺒﺎﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺴﻔﻪ‬

‫ﻝﻤﻘﺘل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ" ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﻨﺒﻴﻬﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ "ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺍﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻜﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻝﺯﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺤل ﻹﺤﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ " ﺍﻝﻴﻘﻅﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﻭﺠﻪ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭ ﻭﺃﻁﻤﺎﻋﻪ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺃﺩﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﻴﻭﻥ ﺒﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺨﺎﺘﻤﻲ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ "ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻘﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ" ﺜﻡ ﺃﻋﻠﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺒﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ )ﻤﺸﻌل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2008‬‬

‫ﻝﻜﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ ‪ 14‬ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﻝﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﻑ ﺒﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺭﺃﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻋﻼﺀ ﻝﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬
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‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﻁﺎﻓﺵ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺕ ﺃﺼﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﻬﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺘﻭﺭﻁﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬

‫ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻨﻔﺕ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ‪" :،‬ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻨﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﻓﺘﺢ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻨﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل"‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻭﺸﻬﺭ ﻤﺘﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺒﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﺭﻭ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺫل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﺤل ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺎﻓﻴﺎﹰ ﺘﻭﺭﻁ ﺒﻼﺩﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ )ﻤﺸﻌل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻭﺸﻬﺭ ﻤﺘﻜﻲ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻝﻴﻭ ‪ 2007‬ﻋﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺘﺎل ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻗﺎل‪ ..." :‬ﻜﻨﺎ ﺩﻭﻤﺎﹰ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻼﺤﻡ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ" )ﻋﻭﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺓ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﺘﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻭﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪،‬‬

‫ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻤﺸﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺒﺎﻗﺭﻱ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﺠﺭﻯ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻝﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ "ﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل" )ﻤﺸﻌل‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(2008 ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﺀﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺸل ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴل ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ‪2009-2008‬‬

‫ﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2008‬ﻭﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ‪ 2009‬ﺼﺩﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻅﻬﺭ‬

‫ﺠﻠﻴﺎﹰ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﻋﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻨﺼﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﻠﻨﺕ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ "ﺘﺴﻴﻔﻲ ﻝﻴﻔﻨﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ –ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﺎ‪ -‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﺎﺓ ﺃﻫﺎﻝﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻅﻬﺭ ﺠﻠﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻌل ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﺍﹰ )ﺩﺒﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺒﻨﺕ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﺭﻭ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺒﻁﻠﺏ ﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ "ﺴﻭﻑ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﻭﺼﻭل ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻻﻨﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﻭﻓﻭﺭ ﻭﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺴﻨﻌﻤل ﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺄﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻴﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﺔ ‪ 03‬ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ ‪) 2009‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪.(2008/12/28 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺨﻼل ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺴﻘﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻘﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ‪ 30-29‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،2008‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺘﺎﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‬

‫ﻝﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺒـ ﺁﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺘل )ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ( ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺘﺤﻤﻴل ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺘﻪ )ﺤﻁﻴﻁ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(2009 ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺒﻊ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻤﺠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﻡ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ؛ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻴﻠﺯﻡ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺒﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻓﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺴﻔﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻴﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺩﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪.(2009/01/17 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻋﺭﻀﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻀﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺜﺭ ﺭﻓﺽ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒـ "ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺴﺭﺓ" ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬
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‫ﺒﻐﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻘﺩ ﺩﻭﻻﹰ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺌﻼﹰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ )ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪،(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻤﻜﻨﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻘﺩ "ﻗﻤﺔ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ" ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 16‬ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ ‪ ،2009‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﺠﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ‬

‫ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﱢﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ –ﻭﻓﻕ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺒﻌﺽ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ‪ -‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺎﻤﺵ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺴﺘﻌﻘﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ ﻓﻲ ‪ 19‬ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ ‪ ،2009‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺃﻨﻪ‪" :‬ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺏ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺎﻤﺵ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻤﻌﺩﺓ ﺴﻠﻔﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻠﺴﺔ ﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭﻴﺔ" )ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪ ،(2010‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻋﻘﺏ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺴﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﻤﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 250‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل )ﺤﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻘﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺄﺯﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺭﺕ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻭﺼﻑ‬

‫ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﺩﺩ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺎل‪" :‬ﻤﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻴﻜﺘﻤل ﺍﻝﻨﺼﺎﺏ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻨﻘﺹ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺤﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﷲ ﻭﻨﻌﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﻴل"‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ‪" :‬ﺍﻝﻨﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻜﺘﻤل‬

‫ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﻭﻴﺘﻘﻠﺹ" )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪.(2009/01/15 ،‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺍﻭﺤﺕ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻠﻭﻡ ﻝﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﺘﻘﺎﻋﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺨﻁﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻌل ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ‬

‫)ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪.(2011 ،‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺩﺍﻨﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ‬

‫ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﺴﻥ ﻗﺸﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺤﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﻨﻊ‬

‫ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺎﺏ ﺠﺭﺍﺌﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺸﻴﺔ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﻌﺒﻴﺩﻱ‪(2012 ،‬‬

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‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩ ﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ‪" :‬ﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻫﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﻤﻨﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺯل ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻬﺩﺍﺀ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺘﻠﻭﺍ"‬

‫)ﻨﻭﻓل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،(2009 ،‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ "ﺃﻥ ﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ ﻭﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ‬

‫ﻏﺯﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،(2014 ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺤﻪ‬

‫ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﻘﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺩﻋﻡ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺸﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﻫﺠﻭﻤﺎﹰ ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺴﻤﺎﻫﻡ ﺒـ "ﺭﺍﻓﻌﻲ ﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ" ﻭﺭﺃﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻤﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﻫﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻹﻨﻘﺎﺫ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻠﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ )ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﺠﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺘﺼﺎﻻﹰ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻅﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻐﺎﻝﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﺩ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ‬

‫‪ 11‬ﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻜﺩ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‪" :‬ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺒﺫل ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﻭﻗﻑ ﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺼﻬﺎﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﻴﻥ ﻀﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺯ‪‬ل"‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ "ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ" )ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻤﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻨﺩﺩ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﻩ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻭﺼﺭﻴﺢ‬

‫ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﻨﺩﺕ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺸﺭﻴﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻴﺩ ﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﻹﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﻜﺩﺍﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ )ﺍﻝﻌﺒﻴﺩﻱ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2013‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ "ﺘﺤﻤل ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺒﺸﺭ ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‬

‫ﻭﻋﺭﺏ ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﻠﻤﻭﻥ ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ" ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ "ﻗﻁﻊ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ"‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺍﻝﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺒﻜﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ" ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ ﻭﻋﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺤﺯﻨﻪ ﻝﻭﻗﻭﻑ "ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺘﻔﺭﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺭﺫﻤﺔ ﻓﺎﺴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﺎﻴﻨﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺭﻤﻴﻥ" )ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻭﺸﻬﺭ ﻤﺘﻜﻲ "ﺒﻭﻗﻑ ﻓﻭﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﻬﺠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻨﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻻﺴﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺤﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﺝ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻰ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺇﺤﺭﺍﺝ ﻤﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻗﻊ‬

‫ﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺸﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﻝﻠﻤﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫"ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺒﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻭﺍﺠﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ" )ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﺘﻔﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ؛ ﺒل ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻜﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﻤﺘﻤﺎﺴﻜﺔ؛ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺴﻌﺩﻩ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2012‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﺴﻠﺕ ﺒﻌﺜﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻋﺎﺠﻠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺠﻠﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺘل‬

‫ﻀﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ )ﻨﻭﻓل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2009 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺒﺎﻏﺘﻴﺎل ﺃﺤﺩ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ )ﺤﻤﺎﺱ(‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺃﺭﻜﺎﻥ ﺠﻨﺎﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻜﺘﺎﺌﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺠﻌﺒﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻨﻭﻋﻲ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻬﺎﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻔﺕ ﻜﺘﺎﺌﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﻭﻷﻭل ﻤﺭﺓ ﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﺘل‬

‫ﺃﺒﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀ ﺫﺍﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻔﻌل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻌل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻅل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻝﻘﺕ ﺒﻅﻼﻝﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭل ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﻀﻁﻼﻉ ﺒﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ‪:‬‬

‫"ﺃﺤﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺃﻋﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﻀﺤﺎﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﺏ"‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﻭﻗﻭﻓﻬﺎ ﺒﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻀﺎﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺴل ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩل ﻝﻨﻴل ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺭﺍﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻭﻋﺎﺼﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﻑ )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪.(2012/11/15 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﻝﺒﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﺴﺎﻥ ﺩ‪.‬ﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﺒﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ‪-‬ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﺤﺘﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﺩﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﺁﻝﺕ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻴﺴﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﻭﻑ ﺒﻜل ﺼﺩﻕ ﻭﺇﺨﻼﺹ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﺍﺕ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻨﺎ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺨﻁﻴﺭ ﻝﻠﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺤﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺯﺭﺓ ﺘﻠﻭ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﻜﺩﺍﹰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﺍﺨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺘﺠﺎﻫل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﺯﺭ ﺒﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺸﺠﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﻁﺭﺴﺔ ﻭﺇﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﺎﻤل )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪.(2012/11/17 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻴﻭﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻋﺎﺠﻠﺔ ﻝﻤﺼﺭ؛ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻰ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻱ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭﻩ ﻝﻠﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺠﺭﺤﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻠﻨﺎﹰ ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﻤﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 10‬ﻤﻼﻴﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ‬

‫ﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﺠﻠﺔ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺃﺩﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻠﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻤﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‬

‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 17‬ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،2012‬ﺤﺫﺭ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ‬
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‫ﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻜﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﺒﺭﻤﺘﻬﺎ )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ ،(2012/11/18 ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻌﻤل ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﻌﻬﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺒﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﺸﺠﺏ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﻭﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﺩﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻻ‬

‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﻀﻴﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻓﻘﻁ )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪.(2012/11/18 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺒ‪‬ﻪ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﺭﺒﻲ ﻤﺅﺜﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺎﹰ‬

‫ﻴﺤﻘﻥ ﺩﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻨﻊ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺒﻴﻨﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻷﻥ ﻴ‪‬ﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻤﺤﺭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻻﻓﺘﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ‬

‫ﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﺎﹰ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺠﺩ ﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺼﻠﺒﺔ ﻤﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﺤﺼل ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ )ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪.(2012/11/18‬‬

‫ﺃﻜﺩﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺸﺭﻁ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻡ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻻ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻷﻱ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻏﺘﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﻴﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻠﺘﺯﻡ ﺒﺘﻬﺩﺌﺔ ﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺤﺫﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺌﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺸﺭﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻝﻸﻭﻀﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻪ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻐﺯﺓ ﻴﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺸﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﻴﺢ )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪.(2012/11/20 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺩﻋﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﺍﺠﺏ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻷﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺒﻘﺘل ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﻔﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺩﻝﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻏﺎﻓل‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ‪" :‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ" )ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪.(2012/11/20 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﺼﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﺎﹰ ﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻁﻠﺒﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻘﺎﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺘﻘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻁﻬﺩ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺃﻫﺎﻝﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺒﺈﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﺤﺎﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ ﻭﻗﻁﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل )ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪.(2012/11/15 ،‬‬

‫ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻭﺤﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒـ "ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺜﺄﺭﻴﺔ" ﻀﺩ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‬

‫ﻝﻭﻗﻑ "ﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ" ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺠﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﺒﺭﻴﺎﺀ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺜﺎل‬

‫ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ ﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺤﺩﻫﺎ "ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﺜﺄﺭﻴﺔ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻬﻲ ﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ" )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪.(2012/11/18 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺹ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻴﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺭﺴﺎل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻼﺡ ﻝﻠﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻀﺎﻑ‪" :‬ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﻔﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﻨﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺭﺴﻠﻭﺍ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺩﻋﻭﺘﻪ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﻴﺭﺴﻠﻭﻥ ﺃﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ "ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺩ ﻗﻭﻝﻪ )ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪،‬‬

‫‪.(2012/11/18‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺜﺭ ﻤﻭﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﻬﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﻭل ﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻼﺡ؛ ﻜﺸﻑ ﻗﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺠﻌﻔﺭﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻨﻘﻠﺕ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺼﻭﺍﺭﻴﺦ‬

‫ﻓﺠﺭ‪ 5-‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺫﻜﺭ ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺭﻭﺠﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺯﺍﻋﻡ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻁﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺯﺓ‬

‫ﺒﺼﻭﺍﺭﻴﺦ ﻓﺠﺭ‪ 5-‬ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎل‪" :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻁﺎﺀ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬

‫ﻭﻝﻴﺴﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻴﻬﻡ" )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ ،(2012/11/22 ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻨﻔﻲ ﺇﺭﺴﺎل ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﺼﻭﺍﺭﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻨﻔﻲ ﻨﻘل ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬

‫ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺩ‪.‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺯﻫﺎﺭ ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺍﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻴﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺅﻜﺩﺍﹰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻪ ﺃﻱ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ )ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪.(2012/11/23 ،‬‬
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 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺴﻌﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﻠﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﻼﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻗﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺁل ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻠﺴﺔ ﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻋﻘﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻤﺸﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2007‬ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻤﻭﻓﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬

‫ﻭﻫﻤﺎ ﺯﻴﺎﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭﻭ ﻭﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﺴﻼﻡ )ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﺸﻴﺩ( ﺤﻴﺙ ﺴﻌ‪‬ﻭ‪‬ﺍ ﻝﻠﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﻘﺎﺀ ﻴﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﻤﺸﻌل ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ )ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،(2013 ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﻁﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻜﻠﻠﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺸل ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﺼﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻠﺘﺯﻡ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺤﺕ‬

‫ﺼﻴﻐﺔ "ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ" ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻓﺸل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﻁﺔ )ﻤﺸﻌل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﻜﺩ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺒﻼﺩﻩ ﻝﻠﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺠﻬﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻗﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﺘﻐﻠﻴﺏ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺩﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺩﻭل ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺃﻓﻘﺩ ﺩﻭﻻﹰ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺩ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ‪" :‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ ﻝﻁﺭﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﺨﺭ" )ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻜﻠﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻲ‬

‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ‪ 26‬ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪ ،2012‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﻤﺸﻌل ﻝﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬

‫)ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﻴﻨﺔ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻤﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺘﻪ ﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ "ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ "ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﺭ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻤﻀﻴﻔﺎﹰ ﺃﻨﻪ "ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻥ ﻝﻁﻲ ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ" )ﻤﻌﺎ‪.(2012 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻨﻅﺭﺍﹰ ﻝﺘﻌﺜﺭ ﺇﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﺼﻁﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﻘﺎﺕ؛ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺡ ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝـ ‪ 24‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻘﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2013‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺩ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﻐﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻲ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻘﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻭﺒﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪،(2013 ،24‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻼﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻜﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻠﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺨﺎﻤﻨﺌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﺭﺒﺎﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺴﻔﻪ‬

‫ﻝﻤﻘﺘل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤ‪‬ﻨﺒﻬﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺍﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻴﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‬

‫ﻝﺯﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻴﻘﻅﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺠﺭﺍﺭ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﻥ )ﺃﺒﻭ ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺨﻭﻓﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻼﻗﺘﺘﺎل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺭ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻨﻭﺸﻬﺭ ﻤﺘﻜﻲ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻝﻴﻭ ‪ ،2007‬ﻋﻥ ﻗﻠﻕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺘﺎل ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻗﺎل‪" :‬ﻝﻘﺩ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﻭﻤﺎﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬

‫ﻋﺎﺼﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻨﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻭﺩﺓ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻴﺎﺭﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻨﺎ ﺩﻭﻤﺎﹰ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻼﺤﻡ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﻭﻗﻔﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻜل ﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﻭﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻋﻤﺔ ﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻤﻜﺔ ﻭﺩﺨﻭل ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺠﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻤﺴﺒﻘﺔ" )ﻋﻭﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺓ‪،(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﺼﻔﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻨﺠﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺒﺎﻁ ‪ 2007‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻕ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﺒﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﻴﺎﺤﻬﺎ ﻻﻨﺠﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻀﻊ ﺤﺩﺍﹰ ﻝﻸﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺤﺴﻴﻨﻲ )ﻤﺸﻌل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬
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‫ﺃﺩﻯ ﺘﻌﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺍﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺴﻠﺒﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺩﻋﻡ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬

‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﺘﻬﻤﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻝﺘﺠﻤﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﻤﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺠﻠﻴل ﻨﺼﺢ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﻁل ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ )ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2010 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﺤﻤﺱ ﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺯﺍﻤﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺩﺀ ﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺘﻬﺎﻡ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺘﻐﻠﻴﺏ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﺎ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ )ﻁﺎﻓﺵ‪ ،(2012 ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﻬﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﻼﺸﺕ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ ﻝﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﻗﹸﻭﺒﹺل ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻓﺽ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻗﻁﻊ ﺸﻭﻁﺎﹰ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﺒﺭﻋﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺭ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻌﻘل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻨﻘﻠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫)ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭﺍﻥ‪.(2014 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ )ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ(‬

‫ﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺤل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﺩﻝﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻁﻤﻭﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻀﻊ ﺤﺩﺍﹰ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻨﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺘﻴﻥ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻵﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺫﻝﻙ؛ ﻓﻘﻁﺭ‬

‫ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﺍﹰ ﻝﻠﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺤل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﹰ ﻭﺇﺯﺍﻝﺘﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺭﻯ ﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺎﹰ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺭﺼﺩﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻝﻠﺴﻼﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻁﹸﺭﺡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﺤﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻁﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﺈﻏﻼﻗﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺇﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ‪.2009-2008‬‬

‫ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﺘﺭ ﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻘﺏ ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻝﺤﻕ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻘﺏ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﺡ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻝﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻓﺸﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺴﺎﺌل‬

‫ﻋﺩﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺠﻭﺭﺝ ﺒﻭﺵ ﻓﻲ ‪ 20‬ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 2007‬ﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﻠﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 27‬ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،2007‬ﻭﺨﻼل ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‬

‫ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﺒﻭﺵ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺒﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺘﺸﺎﺅﻤﺎﹰ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﻓﺭﺹ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺘﻀﻤﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1967‬ﻭﺭﻓﻀﻪ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺴﻘﻑ ﺯﻤﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻝﻠﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺜﻼﺜﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ )ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﺸﻬﺩ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﺤﻀﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺎﹰ ﻜﺜﻴﻔﺎﹰ ﻤﻊ ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 40‬ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل )ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،(2009 ،‬ﻭﺭﺃﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺭﺍﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻊ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻝﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺠﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ )ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﺍﺘﻔﻕ ﻁﺭﻓﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺩﺀ ﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺕ ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﻋﻤل ﻓﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻜل‬

‫ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ‪) :‬ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻼﺠﺌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﻁﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
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‫ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺀ‪ ‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2008‬ﻭﺴﺘﺠﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺒﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺭﺌﻴﺴ‪‬ﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻝﻭﻓﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻗﺭﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﻴﻔﻲ ﻝﻴﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﻌﺕ ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 12‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 2007‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ )ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺨﻤﺱ ﻨﻘﺎﻁ ‪-‬ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﻹﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‬

‫ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻜﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺘﻌﺠﻴل ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻠﺒﻨﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻻﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺎﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻹﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻔﺎﻭﻀﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(2007/11/29‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺭﻯ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤل ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﻜل ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‬

‫ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺎﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﺎﺼﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬

‫ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻭﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ )ﻤﺸﻌل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺭﺘﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻝﻠﻭﻓﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﺼﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‬

‫)ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ ،(2007/12/06 ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻜﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻭﻓﺩ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺒﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺁل ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﻝﻠﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩل‬

‫ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1967‬؛‬

‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻨﻌﻡ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺸﻌﻭﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺨﺎﺀ )ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ ،(2007/11/29 ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻝﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻓﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ‬
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‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺼﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ‬

‫ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﻭﺯﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﺤﺎﹰ‪" :‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ" )ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻗﻌﺕ ﻓﺸﻠﻪ ﺍﻷﻜﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻝﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﻕ ﻫﺎﺸﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ "ﻫﺩﻑ ﺭﻋﺎﺓ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺭﺒﻁ ﻜل ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ" ﻜﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻨﹸﻘ‪‬ل ﻋﻥ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ﻗﻭﻝﻪ‪" :‬ﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﻀﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻝﻡ‬

‫ﻴ‪‬ﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﺒﺄﻗل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ؛ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﻤﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺠﺩﻴﺔ" )ﻤﺸﻌل‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪.(2008 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ " ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻴﺱ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ "ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ‬

‫ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺨﺭﻴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﺴﻤﻰ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل" )ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﺔ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻲ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﺼﺎﺌل ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﻤﻀﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭﺓﹰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ )ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﺔ‪.(2007 ،‬‬

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‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺇﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺴﻌﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻌ‪‬ﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻘﻌﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻌﺩﺓ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﺤﺘﻀﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺴﻬﻡ ﺨﺎﻝﺩ ﻤﺸﻌل )ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﻴﻨﺔ‪.(2013 ،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻜﻼﹰ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﻼل ﺃﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﺤﻤﻼﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﺍﹰ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺘﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﹶﺤ‪‬ﺩ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﻤﺎ؛ ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻼﺡ ﻭﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺴﺏ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻝﺫﺍ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﺭﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﻓﺘﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﺘﺴﻤﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﺍﹰ ﻷﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺼﻤﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺼﻤﻭﺩﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻜﺩﺍﻋﻡ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬

‫‪ -‬ﺘﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ‪‬‬

‫ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻜﹶﻤ‪‬ﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻗﻭﺓ‬

‫ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺭﻜﺯﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻭﻴﺎﹰ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺘﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺅﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺨﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﺎﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﺘﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻓﺄﺓ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺇﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺎﹰ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﻌل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﻭﻴﺢ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻷﺤﻼﻑ ﺤﻴﻨﺎﹰ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺭﺃﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺘﺤﺎﻝﻔﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺴﺘﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻌﺘﺎﻕ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻜﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺴﻴﺅﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﺏ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻻﺌﻕ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺼﺭﺍﹰ ﻓﺎﻋﻼﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺒﻤﻘﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺒﺤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻨﺸﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻤ‪‬ﺒﺭﺯﺓﹰ ﻤﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺤل ﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﻁﺎﻫﺎ ﻤﺯﻴﺩﺍﹰ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ -‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻷﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺜﺭﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻷﺠﻴﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻤﺔ؛ ﻝﺫﺍ ﻓﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺘﺴﻊ ﻷﺒﻌﺩ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺤﺩﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﻁﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ‬

‫ﺤﺩﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻠﻨﻘﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺎﹰ ﻋﺎﻨﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬

‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﻤﺘﺠﺫﺭ ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻴ‪‬ﺭﺴﺦ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻝﻠﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺒل‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻫﺒﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﻴﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺨﻠل ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻝﻶﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻭﺓ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻘﻴﻀﻬﺎ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﻝﻜﻼ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﺏ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﹰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺎﹰ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺎﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤ‪‬ﺸﺎﻁﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺴﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻁﺊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻝﻜﺎﻤل‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺘﺭﻯ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﹰ ﻝﻤﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ؛ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﻗﻭﻤﻲ ﻭﺇﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔﹰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ‬

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‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺩﺍﻋﻡ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻭﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺭﻯ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺄﺤﺩ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﻘﻘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻔﺯﺍﹰ ﻤﻬﻤﺎﹰ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻋﻡ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺘﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻤﻊ ﻀﻌﻑ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺼﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﺎﺠﺕ ﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﺒﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﺴﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻠل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺼﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺼﻌﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ‪ ،2013-2006‬ﻤﺭ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺒﹺﻌﺩﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺘﻨﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺼﺩﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻝﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ‬
‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺒﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴل ﻫﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺃﺩﻯ ﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻝﺒ‪‬ﻌ‪‬ﺩ‪‬ﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﺎﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺎﻗﺎﹰ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﻭﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺜﺭﻭﺍﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺭﻴﻕ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻝﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻭﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻭﺼﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻲ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻴﻭﺼﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺃﺜﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻡ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﻹﻨﻬﺎﺀ ﺨﻼﻓﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﺎﹰ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ‬
‫ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺒﺩﻴﺩ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺴﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﺨﻼﻓﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺃﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺇﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﺼﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺨﺭﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻀﻐﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺒﺎﺤﺜﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻠﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻﹰ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺏ‬

‫ﺇﺩﺭﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2011) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪ .2009‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺘﻭﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻜﻼﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﻴﺭﻱ؛ ﻭﻏﺭﻴﻔﻴﺵ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺭﺘﻥ‪ .(2008).‬ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ(‪ .‬ﺩﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻴﺯﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺯﻥ‪ .(1999).‬ﻤﺩﺨل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﺒﻎ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﻜﺘﺏ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﻭﻨﻴﻔﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺴﻜﺎل‪ .(2013) .‬ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﺒﻭ ﺠﺎﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .(2007).‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪ .2006‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺘﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ .(2008) .‬ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ .‬ﻤﻥ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻔﻭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺠﻨﺴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﻭﻴﺩ‪ .(1989) .‬ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺴﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﻐﻨﻲ(‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﺽ‪ :‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻙ ﺴﻌﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻺﺤﺼﺎﺀ‪ .(2011) .‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻻﺤﺼﺎﺀ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﺒﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ .(2010).‬ﺃﺼﻭل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﺠﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(1997) .‬ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﻨﺎﻥ‪ .(1996) .‬ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ‪) .‬ﻁ‪ .(2‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﻁﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻏﺯﺓ "ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺼﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺒﻭﺏ‪ /‬ﻤﻌﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻗﺎﻥ"‪ .‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺘﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﺎﻴل‪ .(2010) .‬ﻤﺩﺨل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺌل ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺒﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻗﺎﻥ ‪ .2009-2008‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺭﺅﻯ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺯﻭﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﺠﻭﺏ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﻤﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺭﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﻔﻴﺩ‪ .(2011) .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ ‪ .2008-1913‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﺒﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻤﺎل‪ .(1999) .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺜﻭﺭﺘﻴﻥ ‪ .1979-1906‬ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁل ﺴﻌﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﻝﺩ‪ .(1997) .‬ﺃﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻅﺒﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺴﻠﻁﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺴﻡ‪ .(2013).‬ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﻡ ‪ :‬ﺠﻴﻭﺒﻭﻝﻴﺘﻴﻙ‪ .‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺴﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(1998) .‬ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﻁ‪ .(2‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻠﻴل ﻝﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ .(2012) .‬ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .2011‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﺒﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻠﺩﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .(2006) .‬ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻨﺸﺄﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ )ﻁ‪ .(3‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﺒﺭﺱ‪.‬‬

‫ﺸﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(1978) .‬ﺍﻷﺤﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻜﺘﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪.‬‬

‫ﺼﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﻨﺎﻥ‪ .(1999) .‬ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭ‪.‬ﺍﻻﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻁﻤﺔ‪ .(2012) .‬ﺍﻝﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻁﺎﻓﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭ‪ .(2012) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺎﺩل‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ‪ .(2008) .‬ﻤﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺩ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺁﻓﺎﻗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻨﻲ‪.(2013) .‬ﻋﺭﺽ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻻﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﻬﺩﻱ‪ .(2013) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻴﺩ ﻹﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﺎﺭﻴﺱ‪ :‬ﻤﻴﺸﺎﻝﻭﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﺼﻭﺭ‪ .(2008) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﻭل ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ‪ .2000-1979‬ﺩﺒﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺩﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2002) .‬ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻝﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺴﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻴﺯ‪ .(2000) .‬ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻨﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺴﻰ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ :‬ﻫل ﻤﻥ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺒﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺁﻤﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤل‪ .(2011) .‬ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻭﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﻭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪.‬ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﺒﻭ ﻏﻀﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻨﻲ؛ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻐﻭﺭﻱ‪).‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ( ﺃﻁﻠﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ .‬ﻨﺎﺒﻠﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺭﺍﻨﻜل‪ ،‬ﺠﻭﺯﻴﻑ‪ .(1984) .‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ )ﻁ‪) .(2‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﻘﺼﻴﺒﻲ(‪ .‬ﺠﺩﺓ‪ :‬ﺘﻬﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻬﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻕ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .(2008) .‬ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻭﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻤﺸﻕ‪ .‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺘﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻫﺎﺏ‪ .(1985) .‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ .(2012) .‬ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ‪ :2012‬ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﻋﻭﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﺴﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻨﻔﻴﻥ‪ .(2011) .‬ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﺸﻌل‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .(2008).‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪ .2007‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺘﻭﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻨﺼﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺩﻭﺡ‪ .(1995) .‬ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺩﺒﻭﻝﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻭ‪) .‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ .‬ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻨﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻝﺒﻴﺏ‪ .(2008) .‬ﻤﻘﻭﻻﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺭﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻭﺩ‪ .(2012).‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ "ﻝﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﺎﹰ"‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺘﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺼﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻨﺒﻴل‪ .(2013) .‬ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﺘﻤﻴﻡ‪ :‬ﻗﻁﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻨﻭﻓل‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪ .2008‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺘﻭﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .(1998) .‬ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻬﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻨﻭﺯﺍﺩ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻴﺴﻴﺭ‪ .(2013).‬ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪.2012-1994‬‬
‫ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪ :‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﻜﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻝﻲ‪ .(2011) .‬ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﺎﹰ‪ .‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻗﺴﻨﻁﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪.2008-2001‬‬
‫ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪ :‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﻨﺘﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﺒﻭ ﺴﻌﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2012) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪.‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪ :‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺸﺭﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﺫﺭ‪ .(2014) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪.2012-2003‬‬
‫ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪:‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﻤﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻤﺩﺍﻥ‪ .(2014) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‬
‫‪ .2013-2006‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺁﻤﻨﺔ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﻭﺴﻁﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ .‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺝ ﻝﺨﻀﺭ‪ :‬ﺒﺎﺘﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺤﻁﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﻔﺭ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ ﻝﺘﻌﻀﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻙ ﻨﺎﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﺽ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﻨﺩﻴل‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﺘﻡ‪ .(2011) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ‪-2006‬‬
‫‪ .2009‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﻠﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ‪ :‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ‪ .2008-2001‬ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‪ .‬ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺭ‪ :‬ﻏﺯﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﺎﻝﺜﺎﹰ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﻤﺔ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻨﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .29‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.141-106‬‬
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 ‫ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺠﺏ‪ .(2012) .‬ﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺩﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﻴﺎﺩ‪ .(2008) .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻹﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .11‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.361-343‬‬

‫ﺠﻠﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ‪ .(2011) .‬ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪.22‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪. 293-267‬‬

‫ﺤﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻅﺎﻓﺭ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﻨﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .44‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.156-139‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺤﻤﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻀﺎﺭﻱ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺃﺜﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺘﻜﺭﻴﺕ ﻝﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .3‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.245-215‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺩ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .11-10‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.11-5‬‬

‫ﺭﺠﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺘﻤﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺜﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻴﻤﻥ‪ .‬ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﻫﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺩﺩ‪.178‬‬

‫ﺭﺠﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ .(2011) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .54‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.105-59‬‬

‫ﺴﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺴﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻔﺎﺀ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪:‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .44‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.56-37‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ .(2007) .‬ﻫل ﻴﻤﻠﻙ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﻘﺏ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‬
‫‪ . 31‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ ‪ .2‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.288-257‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ .(2007/12/06) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺤل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩل ﻝﻠﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﻨﻬﻲ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ .(2012/11/15) .‬ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻬﺠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻻ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ . 11149‬ﺹ‪.1‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ .(2012/11/18) .‬ﻗﻤﺔ ﻗﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ‪.‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .11152‬ﺹ‪.1‬‬

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‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ .(2012/11/20) .‬ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻗﺒﻭل ﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .11154‬ﺹ‪.10‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ .(2012/11/22) .‬ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﺩﺌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪.11156‬‬
‫ﺹ‪.1‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ .(2007/11/29) .‬ﺭﻅﺎﻱ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ ‪ ...‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ .(2009/01/17) .‬ﻗﻤﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﺎﺒﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .7524‬ﺹ‪.1‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .(2009/01/15) .‬ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻴﺼﺎﺭﺡ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻴﻜﺘﻤل ﻨﺼﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻨﻘﺹ ‪ ...‬ﺤﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻭﻨﻌﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﻜﻴل‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .7522‬ﺹ‪.1‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .(2012/11/15) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺒﻤﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .8922‬ﺹ‪.1‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .(2012/11/17) .‬ﺍﻝﻌﻁﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻨﺤﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺘﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺨﻁﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .8924‬ﺹ‪.2‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ 10 .(2012/11/18) .‬ﻤﻼﻴﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻝﻌﻼﺝ ﺠﺭﺤﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ ﺒﻤﺼﺭ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .8925‬ﺹ‪.1‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .(2009/10/25) .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪.7805‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .(2008/12/28) .‬ﻗﻤﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻁﺎﺭﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﺔ ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻴﺠﺭﻱ ﻤﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﻝﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺯﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .7504‬ﺹ‪.1‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ .(2007/06/17) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﻓﺘﺢ ﻝﻠﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﻭﺘﻌﻠﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻨﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﺭﺌﺎﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺎﹰ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪.46‬ﺹ‪1‬‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪.(2014/09/25) .‬ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺒﺈﻝﺯﺍﻡ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪.2640‬ﺹ‪27‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻓﺩ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻜﺭﻴﺕ ﻝﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.242-216‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺒﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻴﺎﻥ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺘﺯﻭﻴﺩ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .14‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫‪147 - 133‬‬

‫‪142‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺸﻴﻤﺎﺀ‪ .(2009) .‬ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.150-143‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﺜﻴﺭ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻻﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ‪ .43‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.130-117‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻫﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻴﻤﻥ‪ .(1999) .‬ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .136‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.175-174‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺒﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2012) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴﻠﻲ ‪ .2009-1979‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .28‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.53-16‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺒﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل ‪ .2009-1979‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .32‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.94-61‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﺘﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻨﺒﻴل‪) .‬ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ‪ .(2011 ،‬ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﺈﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ‬
‫‪ . 4‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺩ ‪ .14‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.184-147‬‬

‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﺩ‪) .‬ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ‪ .(2002 ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻭﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪.28‬‬

‫ﻋﺩﻨﺎﻥ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺃﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .24-23‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.51-45‬‬

‫ﻋﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ‪.1‬‬
‫ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ‪ /‬ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ ‪ .2009‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.93-88‬‬

‫ﻋﻭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻴﻨﺎﺱ‪) .‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ‪ .(2007 ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .6‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.37-28‬‬

‫ﻋﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ .(1996) .‬ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺒﻠﻭﻤﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪.18‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.44-42‬‬

‫ﻋﻴﺘﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪.6‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.51-48‬‬

‫ﻓﻜﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﻭﺓ‪ .(2012) .‬ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ‪ .187‬ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ ‪ .2012‬ﺹ ‪.164-162‬‬

‫‪143‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺎﺴﺭ‪ .(2012) .‬ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﺩﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ‪.188‬‬
‫ﺇﺒﺭﻴل ‪ .2012‬ﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﺸﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﺸﺭﻑ‪ .(2004) .‬ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ .46‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.43-42‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻜﻔﺎﺭﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2009) .‬ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،(42) .‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.41-13‬‬

‫ﻜﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺒﺭﺯﻜﺭ‪ .(2011) .‬ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪.26‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.127-113‬‬

‫ﻤﺎﺠﺩ ﺨﻀﻴﺭ‪ .(2011) .‬ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ‪ .49‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.240-196‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺴﺎﺠﺩ‪ .(2010) .‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .12‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.30-21‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻔﺎﺀ‪ .(2008) .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺁﻓﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .7‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.99-90‬‬

‫ﻫﺎﺸﻡ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ .(2012 ،03) .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ .15‬ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.124-107‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺒﻌﺎﹰ‪ :‬ﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‪.(2004) .‬‬

‫ﺨﺎﻤﺴﺎﹰ‪ :‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺒﻭﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺁل ﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺎﺴﻡ‪.(2009) .‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺒﻼ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﺤﻭﺍﺭﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﻨﺼﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪.2009/06/26‬‬

‫ﺁل ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﻫﺎﻴﻜل‪ ،‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﺎﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﺘﺎﺭ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭ‪ .‬ﻗﻁﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻅﻔﻴﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪.2013/07/05‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﻝﺩ‪ .(2014) .‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻕ‪ .‬ﺠﻨﻴﻑ ‪ 2‬ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭﻓﺸﻠﻪ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺴﻘﻭﻁﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻅﻔﻴﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪2014/02/03 .‬‬

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‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻭﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻤﻨﺘﺩﻯ ﺃﺯﻫﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺃﺯﻫﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫‪.2013/03/29‬‬

‫ﺴﺎﺩﺴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﻝﻜﺘﺭﻭﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﺴﺎﻤﺔ‪ .(2010) .‬ﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪2014/2/19‬‬

‫‪http://digital.ahram.org.eg/articles.aspx?Serial=96235&eid=268‬‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪2014/01/11‬‬

‫‪http://www.gcc-sg.org/index895b.html?action=Sec-Show&ID=3‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .(2012) .‬ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪.2013/12/03‬‬

‫‪http://www.aljazeera.net/news/pages/7ccef585-0fde-4c45-aabc-fa4178477ca7‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ‪ :‬ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﺤﺘﺠﺎﺠﺎﺕ ‪ 30‬ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ‬
‫"ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ" ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺭ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪. 2014/2/6‬‬

‫‪http://rcssmideast.org/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%AD%D9%84%D9%8A%D9‬‬
‫‪%84%D8%A7%D8%AA/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D8%A3%D9%8A-‬‬
‫‪%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%A7%D9%85/%D8%B4%D8%B9%D8%A8%D9%8A‬‬
‫‪%D8%A9-%D9%85%D8%AA%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%AC%D8%B9%D8%A9.html‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ .(2011) .‬ﻝﻤﺤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ‪ .‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/02/11‬‬

‫‪http://www.dohainstitute.org/content/4d728b08-d30d-46a2-b3c0-‬‬
‫‪6bc6dce3578d‬‬

‫ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ .(2012) .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪http://www.cop18.qa .2014/02/7‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁ‪ .(1998) .‬ﺃﺭﺸﻴﻑ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﺨﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻴﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/12/28‬‬

‫‪http://www.alwasatnews.com/elections/page/754153.html‬‬
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‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻜﻴﻨﺎﻡ‪ .(2004) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪.2014/05/04‬‬

‫‪http://www.aljazeera.net/specialfiles/pages/de4add73-ad4c-44ed-b455-‬‬
‫‪5ec92a0f43a9‬‬

‫ﺒﻨﻙ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪) .‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ .‬ﻨﻤﻭ ﺇﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺴﺭﻴﻊ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺒﻨﻙ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪.2013/11/23‬‬
‫‪http://www.ibq.com.qa/about/aboutqatar_ar_ae.aspx?AspxAutoDetectCookieSu‬‬
‫‪pport=1‬‬

‫ﺤﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺴﻡ‪ .(2011) .‬ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺒﺩﺍﺌل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﻭﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺩﻭﻝﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪www.aljazeera.net .2014/01/10‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ .(2013) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻴﺩ ﻹﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/2/7‬‬

‫‪http://studies.aljazeera.net/bookrevision/2013/08/20138228629907704.htm‬‬

‫ﻴﺠﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺭﻴﻴﺎ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻀﺔ ﻜﻤﺩﺨل ﻝﻠﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫‪.2014/2/7‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫‪http://www.rcssmideast.org/reviews/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%A‬‬
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‫ﺍﻝﺒﻁﻨﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺎﺩ‪ .(2011) .‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﻨﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/04/22‬‬

‫‪http://minbaralhurriyya.org/index.php/archives/4488‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺯﻭﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﺠﻭﺏ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺎﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/04/19‬‬

‫‪http://studies.aljazeera.net/files/iranandstrengthfactors/2013/04/201344923304‬‬
‫‪07430.html‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﺯﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2008) .‬ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﻡ ﻤﺘﺤﻭل‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/11/30‬‬

‫‪http://www.attarikh-alarabi.ma/Html/Adad44partie12.htm‬‬
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‫ﺴﻠﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(1990) .‬ﺍﻷﻝﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪.2014/2/19‬‬

‫‪http://digital.ahram.org.eg/articles.aspx?Serial=216841&eid=306‬‬

‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ .(2014) .‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﻝﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/02/11‬‬
‫‪http://studies.aljazeera.net/centernews/2014248410408202.htm‬‬

‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .(2013) .‬ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻐﺎﺯ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/02/04‬‬

‫‪https://www.gulfpolicies.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&l‬‬
‫‪ayout=blog&id=187&Itemid=434‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ .(2012) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/04/19‬‬

‫‪http://www.wahdaislamyia.org/issues/136/mhakim.htm‬‬

‫ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺘل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺭﺍﺀ‪) .‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺘل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺭﺍﺀ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/02/05‬‬

‫‪http://www.moqatel.com/openshare/Behoth/Askria6/KowaShamla/sec05.doc_cv‬‬
‫‪t.htm‬‬

‫ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺘل ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺭﺍﺀ‪) .‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ ..‬ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ )ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/02/05‬‬

‫‪http://www.moqatel.com/openshare/Behoth/Siasia21/ThawraIran/sec06.doc_cv‬‬
‫‪t.htm‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺩ‪) .‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺜﻴﺙ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

‫=‪http://www.albainah.net/index.aspx?function=Item&id=1430&lang‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ .‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/01‬‬

‫‪http://www.mofa.gov.qa/ar/foreignpolicy/bilateralrelations/pages/palestine.aspx‬‬

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‫ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪) .‬ﺏ‪.‬ﺕ(‪ .‬ﻝﺠﻨﺔ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺴﺘﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/12/28‬‬

‫‪http://www.qnaol.net/QNAAr/Qatar/Constitution/Pages/ConstitionPrepare.asx‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻴﺩ‪ .(2013) .‬ﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪.2014/04/19‬‬

‫‪http://studies.aljazeera.net/files/iranandstrengthfactors/2013/04/201343112429‬‬
‫‪798680.html‬‬

‫ﺴﻼﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﺘﺯ‪ .(1997/10) .‬ﺍﻝﺠﻴﺵ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪.2014/05/02‬‬

‫‪http://digital.ahram.org.eg/articles.aspx?Serial=218888&eid=2920‬‬

‫ﺴﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2002/3) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺴﺘﻀﻴﻑ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/1/28‬‬

‫‪http://www.aljazeera.net/news/pages/7747c52b-4427-4d7a-bd62-a00c2f67ffb9‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ‪ .(2006/06/13) .‬ﻗﺘﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﺭﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﺇﺤﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/24‬‬

‫‪http://www.raya.com/Home/GetPage/f6451603-4dff-4ca1-9c10-‬‬
‫‪122741d17432/94cfd12c-5381-4e99-a70f-2815969a544a‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .(2006/9/8) .‬ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪2013/11/22‬‬

‫‪http://www.aljazeera.net/specialfiles/pages/7e366535-1058-4dab-bb38-‬‬
‫‪696c8c50f11e‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺼﺩ‪ .(2006/09/11) .‬ﺍﻝﻤﻼﻤﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺼﺩ‪ .‬ﺘﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪http://alrased.net/main/articles.aspx?selected_article_no=5286 .2014/05/30‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﺸﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ .(2007/07/05) .‬ﺍﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪.2014/03/28‬‬

‫=‪http://www.albainah.net/index.aspx?function=Item&id=16760&lang‬‬

‫‪148‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .(2007/08) .‬ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺤﺎﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/05/01‬‬

‫‪http://www.aljazeera.net/news/pages/d4e3a8c2-af01-4a53-a683-fff66a578cc1‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺼﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻁﻤﺔ‪ .(2007/11/25) .‬ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺎﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/11/10‬‬

‫‪http://www.aljazeera.net/home/print/f6451603-4dff-4ca1-9c10-‬‬
‫‪122741d17432/431f6f35-018c-4054-88b6-cf2aa228353d‬‬

‫ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﺔ‪ .(2007/11/28) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻨﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﺎﺒﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻭﺘﻌﻘﺩ ﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭﺍﹰ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻴﺎﹰ‬
‫ﺒﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/11/10‬‬

‫‪http://www.albainah.net/Index.aspx?function=Printable&id=19324&lang‬‬

‫ﻤﻨﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺎﻡ‪ .(2008/7/31) .‬ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻷﻝﻭﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/11/20‬‬

‫‪http://www.alukah.net/culture/0/3077/‬‬

‫ﺭﻤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻁﻠﻌﺕ‪ .(2008/10/27) .‬ﺭﻭﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﺼﻠﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/11/2‬‬

‫‪http://almoslim.net/print/101251‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪ .(2009/01/18) .‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ ‪ ..‬ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/10‬‬

‫‪http://aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/700E03A2-9310-477C-8F3F-‬‬
‫‪79B66C398C85.htm:%D9%81%D9%8A‬‬

‫ﺩﺤﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺯﻱ‪ .(2009/12/30) .‬ﺘﺸﺫﻴﺏ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪.2014/03/29‬‬

‫‪http://www.aljazeera.net/home/print/6c87b8ad-70ec-47d5-b7c4-‬‬
‫‪3aa56fb899e2/82ee5a34-dd8d-447b-9830-5fbcc1121881‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻭﺭ‪ .(2010/03/10) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014 ./07/05‬‬

‫‪149‬‬
 ‫‪http://www.albayan.ae/across-the-uae/1265974773682-2010-03-10-‬‬
‫‪1.227256?ot=ot.PrintPageLayout 1/1‬‬

‫ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ‪ .(2010/4) .‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/12/25‬‬
‫‪http://www.qsa.gov.qa/Ar/index.htm‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻝﺸﻴﺏ‪ .(2011/6) .‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ 59% :‬ﻴﺅﻜﺩﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻝﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/12/28‬‬

‫‪http://www.alarab.qa/mobile/details.php?issueId=1282&artid=138492‬‬

‫ﺃﺒﻭ ﺸﺒﻴﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﻨﺎﻥ‪ .(2011/12/7) .‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺼﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2012/،2/1‬‬

‫‪http://pulpit.alwatanvoice.com/articles/2011/12/07/244785.htm‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ .(2012/2/26) .‬ﺃﻜﺩ ﻋﻤﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ..‬ﻭﻜﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﻁﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﻉ ﻨﻤﻭﺍﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪http://www.argaam.com/article/articledetail/preview/256763.2013/11/23‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺒل‪ ،‬ﺭﻴﻬﺎﻡ‪ .(2012/4/1) .‬ﻤﺭﻜﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ‪ :‬ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻭﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺭﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪http://ahramdigital.org.eg/articles.aspx .2014/11/2‬‬

‫ﻁﺭﺍﺒﻠﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﺒﻴﺏ‪ .(2012/04/11) .‬ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﺴﺩ ﺘﻨﻬﻲ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺴل ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻤﻴﺩل ﺍﻴﺴﺕ ﺃﻭﻥ ﻻﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/07/05‬‬

‫‪http://www.middle-east-online.com/id=129153‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻠﺒﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ‪ .(2012/8/1) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ‪ :‬ﺃﺤﻼﻡ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ‪ .1‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﻴﺩل ﺇﻴﺴﺕ ﺃﻭﻥ ﻻﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪/http://www.middle-east-online.com .2013/11/18‬‬

‫ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻙ‪ .(2012/08/17) .‬ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺠﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﺃﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/04/08‬‬

‫‪http://www.akhbar-alkhaleej.com/12565/article/44701.html‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺒﺭﺘﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻴﻔﻴﺩ‪ .(2012/09/24) .‬ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪/http://rsgleb.org .2013/07/06‬‬

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‫ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ .(2012/11/15) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﻜﺭ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪. 2014/10/29‬‬

‫‪http://paltoday.ps/ar/index.php?ajax=preview& id=151768‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ .(2012/11/18) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻼﺡ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/29‬‬

‫‪http://paltoday.ps/ar/index.php?ajax=preview&id=152455‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ .(2012/11/20) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/29‬‬

‫‪http://paltoday.ps/ar/index.php?ajax=preview&id=152896‬‬

‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .(2012/11/22) .‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺯﺓ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻭﺴﻊ ﺒل‬
‫ﻻﻨﻘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻬﻴﻭﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/30‬‬

‫‪http://arabic.irib.ir/component/k2/item/124172?Itemid=38&tmpl=component&p‬‬
‫‪rint=1‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ .(2012/11/23) .‬ﺍﻝﺯﻫﺎﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﺩﻴﺎﹰ ﺍﻝﺯﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻋﻤﺕ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﺡ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/ 29‬‬

‫‪http://paltoday.ps/ar/index.php?ajax=preview&id=153314‬‬

‫ﺴﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﻭل‪ .(2012/12/31) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ‪ .‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ‬
‫ﻜﺎﺭﻨﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/05/16‬‬

‫‪http://www.carnegie-‬‬
‫‪mec.org/2012/12/31/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%B3%D8%‬‬
‫‪A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AE%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%AC%D9%8A%D8%A9-‬‬
‫‪%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%B7%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9-‬‬
‫‪%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%A7%‬‬
‫‪D8%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%AA%D8%BA%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A9-‬‬
‫‪%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%88%D8%B1-‬‬
‫‪%D8%A7%D8%B3%D8%AA%D8%AB%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A6%D9%8A/fiqa‬‬

‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺎﻡ‪ .(2013/01/01) .‬ﺠﺩﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺭﻜﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/04/05‬‬
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 ‫‪http://www.ahramdigital.org.eg/articles.aspx?Serial=1187054&eid=6741‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪ .(2013/03/26) .24‬ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻴ‪‬ﺭﺤﺏ ﺒﺎﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺴﻤﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﻗﻤﺔ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﻐﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻺﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪ .24‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/11‬‬
‫‪http://arableaguesummit2013.qatarconferences.org/arabic/news/news-details-‬‬
‫‪29.html‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻜﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .(2013/04) .‬ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ..‬ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/05/16‬‬

‫‪http://studies.aljazeera.net/files/iranandstrengthfactors/2013/04/201341110215‬‬
‫‪1266414.html‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﻥ‪ .(2013/04/16) .‬ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/03/01‬‬

‫‪http://studies.aljazeera.net/files/iranandstrengthfactors/2013/04/201343105119‬‬
‫‪173879.html‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺒﺭﺘﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻴﻔﺩ‪ .(2013/06/18) .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﺭﻨﻴﺠﻲ ﻝﻠﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/07/06‬‬

‫‪http://carnegieendowment.org/sada/2013/06/18/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9‬‬
‫‪%8A%D8%A7%D8%B3%D8%A9-‬‬
‫‪%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AE%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%AC%D9%8A%D8%A9-‬‬
‫‪%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%B7%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9/gau5‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺠﺩ‪ .(2013/06/20) .‬ﺁﺒﺎﺭ ﻨﻔﻁ ﺤﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺎﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫‪http://majidalbaldawi.com/fdaat/?p=1187342 .2014/07/05‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .(2013/09/14) .‬ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻝﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺒﺈﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/04/06‬‬

‫‪http://aljazeera.net/news/pages/ffc336f0-b8f1-469e-9c72-3ceb5204f68c‬‬

‫ﺁل ﺇﺴﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻴﺤﻴﻰ‪ .(2013/10/13) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺘﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﻨﻼﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/07/05‬‬

‫‪http://www.alamatonline.net/l3.php?id=75134 1/3‬‬

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‫ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺭ‪ .(2013/10/26) .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/03/02‬‬
‫‪http://m.alrai.com/article/613557.html‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .(2013/11/05) .‬ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻴﻨﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺴﻭﺭﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/11/6‬‬

‫‪www.aljazeera.net/home/print/f6451603-4dff-4ca1-9c10-‬‬
‫‪122741d17432/75d92117-6bb4-4748-98d2-bf62f749b471‬‬

‫ﻨﻌﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭ‪ .(2013/12/1) .‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫‪.2014/01/04‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﺎﹰ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﻤﺎﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫‪http://www.almezmaah.com/ar/news-view-3605.html‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺯﻥ‪ .(2013/12/01) .‬ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻭﺃﻓﻀﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﻤﺎﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/02/29‬‬

‫‪http://www.almezmaah.com/ar/news-print-3607.html‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺀ‪ .(2013/12/31) .‬ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺼﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪/http://www.gsdp.gov.qa .2014/01/11‬‬

‫ﻨﻌﻨﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭ‪ .(2014/01/05) .‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻔﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﻤﺎﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/07/05‬‬

‫‪http://www.almezmaah.com/ar/news-print-3957.html‬‬

‫ﺒﺩﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺘﺎﻤﺭ‪ .(2014 ،01 13) .‬ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺠﻨﻴﻑ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/03/29‬‬

‫‪http://www.aljazeera.net/ebusiness/pages/42bac93c-6536-4d34-b920-‬‬
‫‪34126b3b83ec‬‬

‫ﻤﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2014/03/01) .‬ﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩﻱ ﺍﻹﻴﺭﺍﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻝﻭﻜﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/04/12‬‬

‫‪http://www.alukah.net/culture/0/67194/#ixzz2yhNOZ6g8‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻨﻲ‪ .(2014/03/11) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﺭﺤﺏ ﺒﺘﺸﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻫﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺒﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪http://www.alqabas.com.kw/node/846665 .2014/09/01‬‬

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‫ﺃﺒﻭ ﺴﻤﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2014/03/20) .‬ﺴﻔﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻜﺫﻭﺒﺔ ﻝﻤﺎﺫﺍ؟‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺃﻤﺩ ﻝﻺﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪www.amad.ps/ar .2014/05/22‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺒل‪ ،‬ﺭﻴﻬﺎﻡ‪ .(2013 ،3/26) .‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ‪ :‬ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2013/11/20‬‬
‫‪http://rcssmideast.org/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%AD%D9%84%D9%8A%D9‬‬
‫‪%84%D8%A7%D8%AA/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%82%D8‬‬
‫‪%A7%D8%AA-‬‬
‫‪%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%82%D9%84%D9%8A%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%A9/‬‬
‫‪%D9%85%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%A7%D9%87%D9%85-‬‬
‫‪%D8%A5%D9%84%D9%8‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺸﻴﻥ‪ .(2014/04/01) .‬ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺭﻭﺤﺎﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/05/09‬‬

‫‪http://studies.aljazeera.net/files/iranfuturerole/2014/03/20143318921705287.ht‬‬
‫‪m‬‬

‫ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﻀل‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2014/04/17) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﺘﺴﺘﻘﻭﻱ ﺒﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻫﺭﺍﻡ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪http://www.ahram.org.eg/NewsQ/278054.aspx .2014/09/01‬‬

‫ﻏﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﻤﻲ‪ .(2013 ،04 22) .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺤﻤﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺒﻭﺍﺒﺔ ﻨﻴﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪/http://www.albawabhnews.com .2013/07/01‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ .(2014/06/07) .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺤﺔ ﺴﺒﻘﺕ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩ ﺠﺴﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻤﻊ ﻁﻬﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/07/05‬‬

‫‪http://www.alquds.co.uk/?p=177440‬‬

‫ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2014/06/ 08) .‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﻤﺂﺜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺠﺎل ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ‪ :‬ﺸﻜﺭﺍ ﻗﻁﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻌﺎ ﻝﻸﻨﺒﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/11‬‬

‫‪http://www.maannews.net/arb/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=703089&MARK=%D8%A3%‬‬
‫‪D9%85%D9%8A%D8%B1%20%D9%82%D8%B7%D8%B1%20%D9%8A%D8%AD%D‬‬
‫‪8%AB%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%81%D9%84%D8%B3%D8%B7%D9%8A%D9%86‬‬
‫‪%D9%8A%D9%8A%D9%86‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ .(2014/06/12) .‬ﻗﻁﺭ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﺘﻭﻗﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺭ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪/http://www.dotmsr.com/ar/1002/1/5901 .2014 /07 /05‬‬

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‫ﻤﻌﺎ ﻝﻸﻨﺒﺎﺀ‪ .(2012 ،10 23) .‬ﺃﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﻁﺭ ﻴﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻔﻠﺴﻁﻴﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺴﻼﻡ ﺘﻘﺒل ﺒﻪ ﺇﺴﺭﺍﺌﻴل‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﻜﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻌﺎ ﻝﻸﻨﺒﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪.2014/10/11‬‬

‫‪http://www.maannews.net/arb/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=531614&MARK=%D8%A3%‬‬
‫‪D9%85%D9%8A%D8%B1%20%D9%82%D8%B7%D8%B1%20%D9%8A%D8%AD%D‬‬
‫‪8%AB%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%81%D9%84%D8%B3%D8%B7%D9%8A%D9%86‬‬
‫‪%D9%8A%D9%8A%D9%86‬‬

‫ﺒﻲ ﺒﻲ ﺴﻲ‪ .(2007 ،12 03) .‬ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻴﻌﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﻤﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺃﺤﻤﺩﻱ ﻨﺠﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺒﻲ ﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺴﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ‪. 2014/06/23‬‬

‫‪http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/pagetools/print/news.bbc.co.uk/hi/arabic/mi‬‬
‫‪ddle_east_new s/new sid_7124000/7124717.stm‬‬

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 ‫ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬-2
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