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ABSTRACT:
Chinese outward foreign investment (OFDI) has drawn significant attention in recent years
mostly due to the unveiling of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by the Chinese government
in 2013. The BRI presents opportunities for trade, investment and jobs between China and
political associations and sustainable development in large parts of the world. The BRI
countries play a major role in receiving Chinese OFDI. This paper analyzes the trends and
nature of Chinese investment in nations situated along the BRI in Asia from both industrial
and geographical perspectives and the impact such investment has on the economies of
receiving nations.
KEYWORDS:
Belt and Road Initiative, maritime silk route, economic corridor, trade
JEL CLASSIFICATION:
INTRODUCTION:
Known by many names; One Belt One Road, Maritime Silk Route and New Silk Road among
others, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is based on the then Silk Road Economic Belt
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which was proposed in September of 2013 when President Xi Jinping made a speech at
Nazarbayev University, Kazakhstan, The BRI aims to build a land channel from the Pacific
Ocean to the Baltic Sea by improving cross-border infrastructure and flows of international
trade and capital. Another branch of the BRI is the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road which
was later proposed in October 2013 during President Jinping’s visit to Indonesia. This road
not only connects the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) but also tries to link
the countries from the South China Sea to the Mediterranean and South Pacific Ocean. An
illustration of both the land channel and maritime route are shown below (Fig 1).
considered a win-win strategy as it will bring prosperity for both China and relevant
countries. The BRI is financed by the Chinese government and the Asian Infrastructure
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account for 60% of the world’s population and about 30% of global GDP (Huang, 2016). A
key feature of countries along the BRI are that they are endowed with abundant energy and
The member states of BRI in Asia are represented in the following table (Table 1):
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Further sections in this study elaborate on the benefits and improvements Asian economies
along the BRI have received as well as a short analysis on what China stands to gain from the
BRI.
LITERATURE REVIEW:
Chung (2018) analysed the intentions and execution of China’s Maritime Silk Route (MSR)
projects in South Asia and how the BRI strategy impacts China’s interactions with the
economies along the MSR route, that is, India, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bangladesh and
Pakistan. This involved the evaluation of both economic and political calculations for
participation of the regional countries and identifying possible actions for success. The
political reactions determined through this are that China will counter India in the region,
making India a major concern. The economic reactions on the other hand are positive as the
region will witness infrastructure investments and trade. Peyrouse and Raballand (2015)
studied the New Silk Road Initiative with regard to economic ideology and rationality with
respect to trade and transport in Central Asia. The BRI provides better transport facilities and
infrastructure in Central Asia, but it does not target substantial trade barriers. Poor
obstacles for the implementation of BRI. The study suggests that China should include
smaller projects within the BRI infrastructure that do not directly favour Chinese trade and
strategic interests but are beneficial for the local economy. In essence the BRI should be an
initiative not only for economic development but also for human development.
Xue (2016) focused on problems in China’s foreign policy mechanism that showed
significant changes from “keeping a low profile” to “proactively and enterprisingly motivated
for achievements” as it implements the BRI strategy. Such problems exist at three points of
the decision-making process and include collection and analysis of information, summary of
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policy suggestions and final decision-making. This study suggested that China needed
reforms in their conceptual framework, bureaucratic systems and talent selection of the
bureaucracy pertaining to foreign policy. The relationship with neighbouring countries and
those China is interested in trading with should be based on long-term perspective and
political vision. The author believes that the Chinese objective of the BRI is to alter the
balance of power globally that will affect generations to come. Kralovicova and Zatko (2016)
critically assess the consequences of current BRI projects on the Russian economy and
presented perspectives for their further development. According to the authors, BRI has the
potential to become a success story, not only for involved countries but for all countries of
the global economy. The values of Trade Complementarity Index (TC) calculated by authors,
growth of economic indicators and geopolitical situation demonstrate that trade between
China and Russia will continue to increase. There is an obvious dominance of China in
mutual trade between Central Asian countries but the role of Russia in maintaining the power
balance of the whole region is also noteworthy. Gabuev (2016) analysed Russia’s reaction to
BRI and the interaction between the two nations. The Kremlin considers BRI part of its
historic sphere of influence and this Central Asian region will be affected largely by BRI as it
is more dependent on China’s trade and investment. The findings of the study show mixed
results. On one hand, Russia and China have displayed the ability to develop and maintain
intellectual and bureaucratic frameworks that accommodate their mutual interests including
the idea of “linking up” BRI and the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). On the other hand, the
challenges in the path of BRI arise from the top-down decision-making approach, minimal
inclusion of the business community and China’s prerogative to deal with countries on a
Iqbal et al (2018) studied economic cooperation between China and Pakistan considering
Chinese investment. With the creation of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
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many challenges have arisen including a political tussle with India, and other economic and
security challenges. Pakistan and China enjoy a rich and multi-dimensional relationship that
is often categorized not just as infrastructural but also strategic. In the modern perspective,
there is a need to reinterpret strategic issues in the light of new realities as and when required.
Most existing studies on BRI are theoretical in nature. The empirical approach adopted by
Iqbal et al (2019) illustrates through rigorous econometric testing that there is a significant
impact of Chinese imports and exports on the economic growth of Asian countries along
BRI.
Asian economies have abundant natural resources but lack the infrastructure and organisation
to tap into them efficiently. Thus, they require improved infrastructure to dive economic
growth through trade, investment, competitiveness, and connectivity within the region and
with the rest of the world. For instance, the ASEAN Development Bank (ADB) estimates that
the total infrastructure investment needs in ASEAN from 2016 to 2030 will be between US$
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Most projects under BRI in the 26 nations listed previously are infrastructure projects with a
focus on developing roads and extensive railway systems as well as power projects. These
projects have been initiated since 2013 as shown in Table 2. A few BRI related projects are
Trade between Asia and Europe accounts for 28% of world trade (not including trade
between EU countries) so enabling easier trade flows has a large potential impact. The size of
this impact would depend on the sensitivity of trade to changes in relative costs which can be
estimated in gravity models of international trade. Such models describe trade flows in terms
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The impact of the BRI will also depend on where trade costs fall as a result of BRI projects.
These costs may fall between a very small group of countries or be spread much more widely
Most of the BRI projects are developed through Joint Ventures (JV) between an Asian host
country entity and a Chinese entity, with financing from China’s connected financial
organizations. These JV’s carry out their projects under concessions, that is, the permission of
BRI projects not only involve investments or flow of capital as will be shown in a later
section, but also importation of goods from China into the BRI participant economies. These
goods may directly or indirectly be used in BRI projects. Fig 2 represents an instance of
Chinese imports into the ASEAN nations between 2010 and 2017.
BRI projects are fully completed. Rather, there could be an increase in the imports and
exports of intermediate goods both from the Asian economies into China and the world and
from China into these nations. This could help address the trade in goods imbalance between
China’s OFDI has been growing over the years and leads us to ask the question: why propose
the BRI? There are predominantly two views on the purpose of China’s BRI. One is that from
a purely economic cooperation perspective, the Initiative is mainly aimed at promoting the
internationalization of the RMB (Renminbi) and Chinese enterprises enabling them to acquire
global resources to cope with the U.S. economic policies of the Asia Rebalancing strategy.
The BRI also stands to resolve the increasingly excess capacity in China. On the other hand,
the BRI tries to disguise the Chinese attempt to break the hegemony position of the United
States, thereby enhancing its international influence and then to seek global leadership as a
political purpose. The proposal of BRI is only intended to help China out of the “middle
income trap” and at the same time promote economic growth via reciprocity and cooperation
in Asia. Infrastructure is the focus of cooperation but the BRI also includes policy dialogue,
free trade, financial support and personnel exchanges among other benefits.
IMPACT ON INVESTMENT
China’s Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows to the Asian economies have been
increasing since the 2010’s and even more so since the announcement of the BRI. We
observe this trend in Fig 3 and Fig 4 which represent Chinese inflow of FDI into the
Southeast Asian nations and South and Central Asian nations respectively.
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China FDI inflows to Southeast Asia
Cambodia Indonesia Singapore Vietnam
8000
7000
6000
FDI (USD million)
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
0 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
Year
The completion of BRI projects means that the host countries are able to increase their
investments in the logistics sector and improve their infrastructure. This could contribute to
spill-over effects in the economy through other investments such as manufacturing, oil and
gas, mining and agriculture. Hence, the completion of BRI has the propensity to plug the
investment gaps in infrastructure which if left unaddressed, would definitely have a negative
CONCLUSION:
It is clear that the BRI is an opportunity for more trade, investment and job creation in Asian
countries that lie along the belt and road route. Even if the entire benefit of the initiative is
not as large as projected, it will prove to be a game changer in the next few years. From 2013
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when BRI came into force, China has signed agreements with more than 40 countries in the
region and has ensured industrial cooperation with more than 30 countries. This is a fresh
China’s significant investments in BRI projects provide an avenue for Asian economies to
overcome the problem of inadequate infrastructure, a major obstacle in the path of short-term
and long-term economic growth. Many projects in Southeast Asia, South Asia and Central
Asia have been completed and presently provide better facilities for trading and investment.
Chinese exports and imports have increased through such routes and this has revealed a
significant impact on the development of Asian economies. Thus, it would be fit to conclude
that BRI is a development strategy in terms of growth by increasing the trade and investment
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REFERENCES
Chung, C.P. (2018). What are the strategic and economic implications for South Asia of
China’s Maritime Silk Road Initiative? The Pacific Review, 31(3), 315-332. doi:
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Gabuev, A. (2016). Crouching bear, hidden dragon: ‘Belt and road initiative’ and Chinese-
Russian jostling for power in Central Asia. Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies, 5(2),
Iqbal, B.A., Rahman, M.N., & Sami, S. (2019). Impact of Belt and Road Initiative on Asian
10.1177/09749101.1988.7059
Kralovicova, M., & Zatko, M. (2016). Belt and road initiative in Central Asia: Implications
http://web2.msm.nl/RePEc/msm/wpaper/MSM-WP2016-9.pdf
List of Achievements of Belt and Road Initiative 2013–2016. (2016). Retrieved from
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Peyrouse, S., & Raballand, G. (2015). Central Asia: The new Silk Road initiative’s
questionable economic rationality. Eurasian Geography and Economics, 56(4), 405–420. doi:
10.1080/15387216.2015.1114424
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expansion. Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations (Vol 4, No. 1)
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