Shainodin Magondacan

BS Mining Engineering - II

A Book Review on Rudy Rodil’s The Minorization of the Indigenous

Communities of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago

About the Book

The Minorizaition of the Indigenous Communities of Mindanao and the Sulu

archipelago written by Rudy Rodil is a book that contains a total of 120 pages.It Montiel, Rodil,

and Guzman described the islands surrounding Mindanao in the Southern Philippines and

analyzed the ethnic conflicts surrounds between two of the three primary groups that make up

most of the population in Mindanao; the indigenous Muslim minority (Moro) the Christian

migrant majority. Peace of movements at the individual, group, and government levels are

discussed, along with suggestions for interventions at each level. The historical review reveals

the presence of autonomous tribal communities with animistic beliefs, are followed by the arrival

of Muslim missionaries introducing that had monotheism. Spanish colonization is being credited

with the addition of Christian religion and the beginnings of profoundly rooted hatred created

through many years of war. Additional tensions are postulated to result from the inclusion of

Moro sultanates in the American takeover, which was not previously part of the Philippine state

but was under Spain. The American colonial rule is also credited with contributing to the internal

conflicts by labeling groups, changing land ownership laws, and homestead movements that

displaced indigenous people. Further, under the American governance, the authors had described

a process of marginalization through the mandatory English education and the increasing

Filipino presence in the bureaucracy stage for violent conflict between Moro and the Filipino in

Mindanao.
Summary of the book

A peace zone is a community that was previously affected by armed conflict but is

now designated by its residents as an area where illegal and violent acts are not allowed and

where competition is resolved in a peaceful manner (LaRousse, 2001; Rodil 2000). Lived near

each other in peace before, specific cultural differences, such as the use of alcoholic beverages

and the raising of hogs among Christians, have made it necessary for Muslims and Christians to

have their respective spaces for the peaceful practice of their religions (Rodil, 2000). Although

the Dansalan Research Center-Prelature of Marawi in Lanao del Sur has ceased operating as an

institution offering summer courses on Islam and Mindanao, the Silsilah Dialogue Movement

specializes in interfaith education and dialogue, has created its momentum from its base in

Zamboanga City (Rodil, 2000). Center-Prelature of Marawi in Lanao del Sur has ceased

operating as an institution offering summer courses on Islam and Mindanao. The Silsilah

Dialogue Movement specializing in interfaith education and dialogue, has created its momentum

from its base in Zamboanga City (Rodil, 2000).

It is estimated that between 100,000 to 120,000 people were killed during the war - half

MNLF, thirty percent military, and simple fraction civilians (Rodil, 2000; Rodil, 2003).

University also includes a Peace Education Center, which holds peace training for participants

from regime units, non-government organizations, church lay leaders, and youth leaders, using

courses and modules on peace and development that the middle has been developed (LaRousse,

2001; Rodil 2000). While both Christians and Muslims have lived near one another harmonized

before, specific cultural differences, like the utilization of alcoholic beverages and therefore the
raising of hogs among Christians, have made it necessary for Muslims and Christians to possess

their respective spaces for the peaceful practice of their religions (Rodil, 2000).The Moro had

been Struggle in Southern Philippines 18 120,000 people were killed during the war - half

MNLF, thirty percent military, and one-fifth civilians (Rodil, 2000; Rodil, 2003). Kalinaw

Mindanaw is an intensive movement composed of NGOs, POs, schools, parishes, communities,

and individuals involved in peace-building, peace education, and dovishness in conflict-affected

areas within the region (Evangelista, 2003; Rodil 2000)). This university also incorporates a

Peace Education Center, that which holds peace training for participants from government units,

and non-government organizations, church lay leaders, and youth leaders, using courses and

modules on peace and development that the middle has developed (LaRousse, 2001; Rodil

2000).

This study was conducted to determine the level of acceptance among the Bangsamoro

mujahidin on the proposed Bangsamoro federal state. Convenient and quota sampling were used

among the 120 respondents identified for this study. It is found that most of the participants

accepted the proposed federalism of the current government, though having some conditions.

The regression analysis result showed that age was negatively correlated with their level of

acceptance in the proposed federal state. In contrast, educational attainment in both secular and

Islamic schools was positively associated with their response to the same provision statement.

This study concluded that Bangsamoro mujahidin are now welcoming alternative solutions to the

Mindanao conflict within Philippine territorial integrity.

Generalization

The book focuses on civil society peace workers in Mindanao. These insist that the

signing and implementing of a political peace agreement is not sufficient to speak of peace. Nor

is freedom from fear, although some respondents concede that ordinary people might consider

this to be all the peace they want. However, professional peace workers work on three other

visions of peace:Peace-as-justice, similar to non-violent activism in Lebanon, but with more

stress on the desired outcome: self-governance and a larger share of Mindanao's natural

resources for the Moros. Peace of mind is a primarily indigenous vision that stresses good

relationships over (political or economic) gains. Like their Lebanese colleagues, Mindanaoan

peace workers fear that in the end, all three groups should live together in civil peace. Moros

tend to favor peace as justice, indigenous Lumad peace of mind, and descendants of Philippino

settlers civil peace.

Two categories of an ethnic minority – Moro and Lumad – are indigenous to the

Philippine island of Mindanao, with Muslim Moros outnumbering largely animist Lumads. Both

have been profoundly displaced by the post-World War II influx of Christian Filipino settlers

from other islands, leading to armed conflict over land and political control with the national

government. Due to their political and demographic inferiority to Moros, Lumads have regularly

resorted to accommodating and assimilating Moro priorities, including throwing their support

behind the latters' decades-long struggle for territorial autonomy. Thanks to comprehensive

public support among the Lumad and other Mindanao sectors, the latest peace talks between the

government and Moro leaders have led to the signing of a significant peace deal involving the
creation of a new autonomous Bangsamoro homeland. Despite this, the legitimate needs of

Lumad stakeholders have been ignored, and in some cases deliberately undermined, by Moros

and the national government. This article analyses the post-conflict status of the Lumad. As

second-order minorities in the future Bangsamoro homeland, they have been doubly

marginalized in daily life and in the peace process. It concludes that denying Lumad concerns

now will render Bangsamoro more vulnerable to legal and constitutional challenges, as well as

jeopardize the unique 'tri-people' ethos that has made this the most firmly grounded peace

process to date.

This review article summarized the roots and standing of the conflict within the

Mindanao, an oversized island with a current population of that's about 18 million was the

second oldest internal conflict within the world- briefly examines that social costs, estimates the

direct economic costs, lists the indirect costs and also the dynamic advantages from the cessation

of the conflicts, and suggests specific critical criteria for lasting resolution of the competition.

The overriding conclusion that's such a resolution carries the potential for an enormous economic

and social advantage not that just for the conflict-affected areas but also for Mindanao. Indeed, a

sustainable settlement of this persistent conflict could carry a big benefit for the country's

development -mainly through the following improvement of the international image of the

Philippines as a predictable and peaceable place to try to to business. Traditionally, the study of

the book or the review of peace and conflict has employed macro explanations like the social

system and state conditions. this text has been extends the discourse on peace and war by

considering psychological needs during a heated and social conflict. The book focuses on

societal attribution and a operation involving shared beliefs about the causes of societal events. it

had been expected that the causal attributions of the Mindanao war would are differ between
Christians and therefore the Muslims. They ranked the three most vital causes of the conflict in

Mindanao. Results indicated that the disadvantaged Muslim group perceived power inequality

between groups, while members within the dominant social position are weren't sensitized to

systemic issues. The Findings also indicated intergroup disagreements about the causes of the

war. The marginalized of Muslims believed that structural problems, namely, displaced and

landless Bangsa Moro (Muslim Nation) and loss of rights to self-determination, were essential

origins of the conflict. Implications for attribution theory and also the practice of peacemaking in

asymmetric disputes are discussed.

Reference:

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eIHcs91zsgeQkTPp_JWOnbUkWBLTqdVa/view