The Meaning of Poverty

Author(s): Peter Townsend

Source: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 13, No. 3 (Sep., 1962), pp. 210-227
Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science
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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY
Peter Townsend

r HE BELIEF that povertyhas been virtuallyeliminatedin

Britainis commonlyheld. It has been reiteratedin parliament
. and the pressand has gainedauthorityfroma streamof books
and paperspublishedby economists,sociolc)gists and othersin the post-
war years.l
In the main the propositionrestson threegeneralizationswhichare
accepted as facts. The first is that full employment,combinedwith
largerreal wagesand the enormousincreasein the numbersof married
womenin paid employment,has broughtprosperityto the massof the
population.The secondis that therehas been a markedredistribution
of incomefromrich to poor and, indeed, a continuingequalizationof
incomeand wealth.And the thirdis that the introductionof a welfare
state has created a net-though some preferto use the metaphora
featherbed-which preventsnearlyall thosewho aresick,disabled,old
or unemployedfromfalling below a civilizedstandardof subsistence.
Eachof thesegeneralizations needsto be examinedcarefully.We might,
for example,askwhethera populationof the presentsize, with 400,000
registeredunemployed,constitutesa society with 'full employment';
or whether to the oicial numbersof the unemployed,we shouldadd
many thousandsof marriedwomen,handicappedpersonsand persons
of pensiollableage who do not registerwith employmentexchanges,
but who would take certainformsof paid work,particularlylight or
shelteredwork,if it was available.Again, we might ask whetherpost-
war Britainjustifiesthe epithetof a 'welfare'statein relationeitherto
contemporary needsand resourcesor to the socialserviceswhichexisted
duringand beforethe war.
Butperhapsthe crucialconceptsembeddedin thesethreegeneraliza-
tionswhichshouldgive us pausearethoseof 'prosperity','equality'and
'subsistence'.I cannot attempt to deal comprehensivelywith these
elusiveconcepts.I shallmerelytry to say somethingaboutthe meaning
of 'subsistence',whichappearsto governmuchcontemporarythought
aboutthe subjectof poverty.My mainthesisis that both 'poverty'and
'subsistence'are relativeconceptsand that they can only be deSnedin
relationto the materialand emotionalresourcesavailableat a particular
time to the memberseitherof a particularsocietyor differentsocieties.
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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY
The state of almostdazed euphoriawhieh seemsto have overtaken
soeial seientistsin the late I940'S has graduallygiven way to a more
lively, if eautious,examinationof the peripheriesof the welfarestate
and even of a few of its nerveeentres.Dr. J. H. Sheldon'srevelations
about the state of ehroniesiek hospitalsin the Birminghamregion,2
Mr. Peter Marris'study of widows in East London,3Mr. Merfyn
Turner'saecountof life in lodging-houses,4 Dr. John Wing'sand Afr.
GeorgeBrown'sdetailed analysesof eonditionsin some mental hos-
pitals,5MissL. A. Shaw'sand Mrs. M. Bowerbank's deseriptionof the
hardshipexperieneedby familieswhosebreadwinners die or areill6and
WIrs.HarrietWilson'sdeseriptionof the eeonomiestressexperieneed
by problemfamilies7comprisejust a few of the revealingstudieswhieh
llave been publishedin reeentyears.As a resultof sueh workand of
publieirlterestin the problemsof some groupsin the population-for
example,homelessfamiliesand gypsies therehas been greaterreadi-
nessin the last few yearsto eoneedethe existeneeat least of 'residual'
poverty.

THE NUNIBERS IN POVERTY, ACCORDING TO THE STANDARD

OF SUBSISTENCE

But what are the dimensionsof poverty? Everythingturns on

the preeisemeaninggiven to the term. CharlesBooth and Seebohm
Rowntreeeaeh developeda rough definitiontowardsthe end of the
nineteentheenturyand the latter'swas broadlyfollowed,with various
modifieations,in a seriesof surveysduringthis eentury.In I94I Lord
Beveridgewas guidedby thesein workingout benefitratesto be paid
underthe new sehemeof soeialseeurityto be introdueedafterthe war.
Eventodaythe amountspaidin nationalinsuraneebenefitsandnational
assistaneeallowaneesderive what logie they have from his approaeh.
Beveridgeleanedheavilyon Rowntree'swork.
In Igso, with G. R. Lavers,Rowntreeundertookhis thirdand final
surveyof the City of York.8Whatevercritieismswe might make of
its methodsit listed the levelsof ineomesaid to be neededby different
typesof householdsto keepelearof poverty.Forexample,an ineomeof
£5 os. 2d. per week,exeludingrent, was said to be neededby a family
eonsistingof man and wife and threeehildren,and £I I3S. 2d. by an
unemployedor retiredwomanliving alone. The ehief eonelusionwas
that I S per eent of the total populationof Yorkwasin povertyin I 950,
comparedwith I8 per cent in the similar,but not identieal,surveyof
I936. Mostof this smallgroupwereretirementpensioners.
Even acceptingthe methodsused, would the eonclusionhave been
as trueof the wholecountryas manypeoplesupposedat the time?The
Ministryof I,abourearriedout a detailedsurveyof the expenditure
(and income) of a randomsampleof nearly I3,000 householdsin the
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 PETER TOWNSEND

United Kingdom during I953 and the early weeks of I954. These
householdscomprisedsome 4I,000 persons.A reportwas publishedin
I9579 but this did not allow morethan intelligentguessesto be made
aboutthe numberand type of householdsfallingbelowcertainlevelsof
expenditure.Lately,with the help of the Ministry,my colleaguesand I
have had an opportunityof studyingthe resultsin moredetailand par-
ticularlythe distributionsof expenditure.We adjustedRowntree'sin-
comestandardsaccordingto the risein pricesbetweenI950 and I953,
and then appliedthem to the budgetdata collectedby the Ministry.l°
We foundthat 5O4 per cent of the households,comprising4tI per cent
of the personsin the sample,werein poverty,accordingto Rowntree's
criteria.Another I0 6 per cent of personswere living at a standard
lowerthan 40 per cent abovethe povertyline. AltogetherI4r7 per cent
of the personsin the samplewerein povertyor near-poverty.Applied
to the whole populationthese figureswould suggestthat there were
2*I millionpersonsin poverty,and another5*4 milliononly marginally
betteroS, giving a total of 7 millions.
The rather lower subsistencestandardof the National Assistance
Boardwasalsoappliedto thesedata.In I 953 the ordinaryamountspay-
able by the Boardwere 35S. for a singlehouseholder,59S. for husband
andwife,andamountsrangingforchildrenandotherdependantsin the
householdfrom I IS. to 3 IS., accordingto their age. Usuallythe actual
rent paid by the householdcould be addedto theseamounts.For each
type of householdin the. Ministryof Laboursampleof I953-4, we
workedout the minimumsum whichit wouldnormallyreceivein ad-
versityfrom the NationalAssistanceBoard.The total expenditureof
each householdwas then comparedwith the nationalassistancerate.
We foundthat 2-I per cent of households,comprisingI2 per cent of
the total personsin the sample,had an averageweekly expenditure
below the basic national assistancerates plus rent and that another
6-6 per cent of personshad less than 40 per cent above these rates.
AltogetherIOe I per cent of householdsand 7 8 per cent of personswere
living at a standardless than 40 per cent above the basic national
assistaneerates.Somedetailsare shownin Table I.
Thesefiguresmay under-represent the proportionsin povertyin the
UnitedKingdomat that time. In its reportthe Ministrypointsout that
personsaged6I or morewereunder-represented in the sampleby about
a quarterlland our serutinyof the data also suggestedthat there was
someunder-representation that
of the siek.It is afterall understandable
poorpersons,partieularlythose who are aged or siek,mayfindit more
diffieultthan otherpersonsto keep detailedexpenditurereeordsfor a
periodof threeweeks.Withthisimportantreservation,the figuresimply
that almost4 millionpersonsin the United Kingdomwerein I953-4
livingbelow,or Jessthan40 pereentabove,the nationalassistaneelevel.
Twenty-nineper eent of thesewereehildrenunderthe age of I6 (about
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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY
TABLE I

Percentageof Householdsand Persons

Living close to NationalAssistanceLevels
(nationalsamplesurveyedby the
Ministryof Labour3I953-4)

Total householdexpenditureas Households Persons

percentageof national asslstance O O
scale rate plus rent /° /°

Under go I-09 o 48
9O_99 I02 o 72
I00-I I9 3-56 z-8s
39
I 20-I 4-43 3 77
I40-I59 5 o2 5. I3
I60 and over 84-88 87 °4

Total I 00 I 00

Number in sample I 2,9 T I 4 I n090

a thirdof whomwerechildrenunder5). As wouldbe expected,a large

proportionof the total, in fact nearlyhalf consistedof elderlypersons
or couples living alone. Anothersubstantialproportionconsistedof
householdsin whichthe head was sickor unemployed.But what may
be surprisingto someis thatovera thirdwerelivingin householdswhere
the headwasworkingfull-time)as shownin Table 2. Mostof thesewere
people living in householdscontainingthree, four or more children.
TABLE 2
Percentageof PersonsLiving in Householdswith
Total Expenditureclose to NationalAssistance
Levels,Accordingto EmploymentStatusof Head

t Percerltageof personslivirlgin {
Employmentstatusof householdswith total experlditure
head of household of less than 40 per eent aboure
nationalassistanceratesplus rerlt

Workingfull-time 34-5
Workingpart-time 3-6
Unemployed 5^3
Sick 72
Retired 49 4

Total I 00
Numberin sample 3,224

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 PETER TOWNSEND
The data showedthat the poorestpersonsin the United Kingdomcon-
sist chieflyof old personsand membersof largefamilies.
The reasonsfor drawinga line at a level of 40 per cent above the
basic nationalassistanceratesare importantand shouldbe explained.
First,in decidingentitlementto assistancethe Boarddisregardscertain
kinds and amountsof income, and of savings.For example,in Ig53,
earningsup to 20s. a weekand superannuation up to IOS. 6d., or a dis-
ability pensionup to 20s. could be whollydisregarded,as also could
war savingsup to £375or othercapitalup to £5°.A substantialpro-
portionof nationalassistancebeneSciariesreceivesomeincomewhich
is disregardedby the Board.There is also a reasonablepresumption
that its officersignore gifts of money and small allowances,as for
examplefrom childrento retirementpensioners,which are nonethe-
lessreflectedin the expenditureof the latter.They alsoprobablyignore
small windfallssuch as occasionalgifts from charitableorganizations
and winningsfromthe footballpool companies.
Second, the Board often adds certain small amountsto its basic
beneSts,at the discretionof its officers,forspecialneeds,to takeaccount
of expenditureon specialdietsin old age and sickness,laundry,fueland
domestichelp. Thus, in I954 some 62I,OOO of the allowancesor over
a third of the total number,were increasedby an averageamountof
5s. 3d. per week. The Boardalso makessinglegrantsfor exceptional
needsand repaysprescriptioncharges.Of course,to calculatean aver-
age figureto allow for all thesegrantsor disregardsand add it to the
basicrate wou]dbc difficultas well as unrealistic.
Thesepointsmay be put in a morepracticalway. Fromthe I953-4
samplewe foundthat the expenditureof personslivinga]onewho were
dependentwhollyor partlyon nationalassistanceaveraged27 percent,
and of marriedcouples,44 per cent, above the basic assistancerate.
If thereforewe airnto findout how manypeoplearelivingbelow,at, or
just abovethe standardof livingactuallyattainedby nationalassistance
recipients,it would appear to be justifiableto take the criterionof
40 per cent abovethe basicrates.It shouldbe remembered,of course,
that the expenditureof a substantialnumber of householdsin the
samplewasseveralhundredpercent largerthanthe nationalassistance
rates and that the expenditureof the averagehouseholdwas around
260 per cent of theserates.
It mustbe emphasizedthatby no meansall of thoselivingaroundtile
nationalassistancelevel in I953-4 were receivingit. A large number
were in householdsprimarilydependenton the earningsof the head.
Another large number were in householdsprimarilydependenton
insurancebenefits.The A4inistry of Labourdatasuggestedthat a group
of householdsdependingon social insurancebeneSts,not wages,and
representingabout goo,ooo personsin the population,were living at
a standardwhich,prima facie, mighthave alloweda very largenumber
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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY

of them to qualifyfor supplementaryallowancesfrom the National

AssistaneeBoard.Moreover,substantialnumbersof personsin house-
holds with an expenditureof more than 40 per cent higherthan the
level were nonethelessreceivingsome assistance.Some of these were
pensionerslivingalone.A largenumberwerepensionersliving,usually
with children,in householdsprimarilydependenton a wage. Some
werepersonsreceivingthe higherratespayableto thosesuSeringfrom
tubereulosisand blindness.
To summarize,it would appearthat in I953-4 there were, in the
United Kingdom, (i) approximatelyI,350,000 retirementpensioner
and their dependants;(ii) approximatelygoo,ooo widows, disabled,
sick,handicappedand otherpersons,includingmembersof theirfami-
lies, primarilydependenton other formsof social security,and (iii)
I,750,000 other personsprimarilydependenton wages,all 4 millionof
whomwerelivingin households WitAla totalexpenditure
lessthan40 percent
abovenationalassistance scaleratesplusrent.
There were also (iv) approximately600,000 retirementpensioners
(and their dependants)and (v) approximately700,000other persons
who were actually receivingor dependenton a national assistance
allowaneeof some kind, althoughthe total expenditureof the house-
holds in which they lived was 40 per cent or more above the basic
assistancerates.This gives a total of approximately5,300,000 persons.
Suchanalysesas I have describedneed to be presentedin detail.We
hope to publishthese shortly,not only for the year I953-4, but also
for I 960.12

THE PROBLEM OF DEFINING SUBSISTENCE AND

ADEQUATE NUTRITION

Butis this approachto the questionof definingthe natureand extent

of povertygood enough?The income standardsappliedabove to the
Ministrybudgetdata aredeterminedby the ratherspecialmeaningthat
has been given to the term 'subsistence'.In I9OI SeebohmRowntree
stated that familiesliving in povertywere those 'whosetotal earnings
are insufficientto obtainthe minimumnecessariesfor the maintenance
of merelyphysicalefficiency'.l3He drew up a list of necessitiesunder
the headingsof food, clothing,fuel and householdsundries,and esti-
mated how much it would cost to buy them. Other studentsof the
subjectafterwardsadopteda similarapproach.
Many people have been uneasilyawareof the problemsof defining
necessitieslike housillg, clothing, or fuel and light. A family might
maintainits physicalefficiencyjust as well in a caravan,a nissenhut
or even a railwaywaitingroom as in a three-bedroomcouncilhouse.
It could go to bed early and spend nothing on electricity.It could
salvage wood from the neighbourhoodrather than buy coal, and
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 PETER TOWNSEND

scroungeclothingfromthe W.V.S. or the SalvationArmy.The bread-

winner might be more physicallyefficientif he walkedto work and
savedtrainfares.We couldgo on interminablydebatingsuchissuesand
it is evidentthat any standardwe mightadoptmustbe an arbitraryor
conventionalone.
But uncertaintyabout such mattershas been excusedbecausethe
deISnition of a family'sfood requirementshas alwaysbeen supposedto
be more scientificallycertain, and food, from the beginningof this
centuryonwards,has remainedthe mostvital componentof the mea-
sureof subsistenceor poverty.
Shrewdly,and originally,Rowntreesaw at the end of the nineteenth
centurythat the workof nutritionistscouldbe usedin social surveysof
populationsto illuminate,moreobjectivelythan in the past, the living
standardsof poor families.Excludingrent, the amount allocatedfor
food in his povertystandardfor a familyof man and wife and three
childrenaccountedfor 72 per cent of the total.l4He leanedheavilyon
the workof an Americannutritionist,Atwater,in fixingon the nutrients
requiredby adultsand children.Broadlyspeaking,whathe did was to
select, from conflictingdata, figuresof the number of caloriesand
amountof proteinthoughtto be requiredby an averageman, translate
these nutritionaleomponentsinto a standarddiet and thenceinto the
cost of purchasingsuch a diet.
Yet the determinationof the incomeneeded to purchaseminimum
nutritionhas alwaysbeen a hazardousexercise.The specialreportin
I950 of the authoritativecommitteeon nutritionset up by the British
MedicalAssociationdemonstratesthis.l5We learnfromthe committee
that 'Nutritionis a young and rapidlygrowingscience.Much of the
ISeldis still unexploredor is only half explored. . .' There are 'many
gaps in the existingknowledgeof the quantitativeaspectsof a man's
needs'.l6A manwhospendsthedayin bedrequiresaboutI, 750calories,
if he is up and about he requiresanother370 and if he walksfor two
milesat 3 m.p.h. a furtherI30. He needsanother30 for each hourof
workif it is sedentary,70 if light effiortis involved,and 200 if heavy,
and 450 if exceptionallyheavy effortis involved.These are the com-
mittee'sestimates,which have been followedfaithfullyin annualfood
surveys.Womentend to have lesserrequirements.The difficultiesof
applyingsuch estimates(even if they were less roughand readythan
they are) to a diversepopulationare pretty obvious.Little workhas
been doneon the effiortactuallyexpendedat the plesenttime in differ-
ent occupations.With the data available,the committeein fact con-
cludedthat the problemof classificationwas 'insoluble'.l7
Whenwe turn to the amountsof fat and proteinsaid to be required
in an adequatediet we find even less scientificprecision.There is no
convincingevidencethat any individualfatty acids are indispensable
for the nutritionof man, althoughnutritionistsgenerallyagree that
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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY
they have psychologicalsigniIScance and thereforeshould provideat
least 25 per cent of the calorificvalue of the diet in orderto maintain
the generalcharacterof the food habitsof the Britishpopulation.Esti-
mates of proteinrequirementsare little more than 'intelligentguess-
work'and no convincingevidenceexistsof the need for animalas dis-
tinct from vegetableprotein.18Doubt also exists about the desirable
intakes of calcium, iron and various kinds of vitamins, particularly
vitamin C.19
It is thereforeimportantto rememberthat ealculationsof nutritional
requirementsare rough estimatessubjectto a wide marginof error.
When putting them to practicaluse and convertingthem into fixed
quantitiesof foodstuis, other hazardsmust be recognized.The nutri-
tional content of certainfoodstuis varies from place to place in the
countryand accordingto season.For example,the VitaminC content
of old potatoesis much less than that of new potatoes.
The ISrststep in the traditionalapproachto the questionof deISning
and measuringpovertyis difficultenough.The next stepsbecomemore
difficultstill. Havingobtainedestimatesof nutritionalrequirementsthe
investigatorseeksto translatetheseinto the cheapestpossiblediet. From
his knowledgeof nutritionalvalues and marketpriceshe might tend
to producea diet givingprominenceto potatoes,cabbage,bread,mar-
garine and cookingfat, cheese, and ISshsuch as herrings.Purelyon
nutritionaland financialgroundshe wouldbe led perhapsto exclude
fromthe diet meat, citrusfruit,tinnedvegetables,frozenfoods,sweets,
chocolates,and fish and chips. But alreadywe can begin to see how
unrealisticthis proceduremightbe. Shouldan allowancefor sweetsbe
madein the diet?The sameenergyvaluecouldbe providedby sugaror
jam and at cheapercost. But can we ignore the fact that nearly all
householdsare accustomedto eating sweets as a regular,if perhaps
marginal,part of their diet? Surelyit is importantto take accountof
eatinghabitswhichhave enduredforgenerationsand whichhave their
physiologicalas well as theirpsychologicalconsequences.And it is also
importantto rememberthat housewivesliving on low incomes are
influencedin makingtheirpurchasesof foodstuisnot only by the tastes
of theirfamiliesand friendsbut also by commercialadvertising.They
areeducatedto takeaccountof the virtuesof particularbrandsandpar-
ticularformsof packaging.We cannot assumethat they are well in-
formed about the nutritionalcontent of certain foods and where to
obtainthemmostcheaply,norcan we assume,if they are, that they are
actuatedonly by the need to maintainthe physiealefficiencyof those
in theirhouseholds.
Tea is an evenbetterexample,forit haslittleor no nutritionalvalue.
Shouldany allowancebe madefor this in the minimumdiet?Drinking
tea is a widespreadcustomin Britain.But to say that it is 'custom-
ary' may also mean that it is 'necessary',and in two senses.It may be
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 PETER TOWNSEND
psychologicallynecessary,in the samesensethat a habit-formingdrug
is necessary.Individualshavegrownup to acceptand expectit. Second,
it servesan importantsocialfunction.When a neighbouror a relative
calls,a housewifewill oftenmakea cup of tea. True,in anothersociety
she mightpreparecoffeeor open a bottleof wine, but this is what she
will generallydo in Britain.The reciprocationof small gifts and ser-
rrices,and sharingthe enjoymentof them,is one of the most impor-
tant ways in which an individualrecognizesand maintainshis social
relationships.
This line of analysissuggeststhat we cannot depend solely on a
narrowinterpretationof 'physicalefficiency'or nutritionalvalue in
choosinga list of necessaryfoodstuff>S.
But thisis not the only difficulty.
Are the foodstuis on the list everywhereavailable?The list also has to
be priced. How far should some allowancebe made for variationin
pricesbetweendifferentdistrictsof a countryor evenof a town?Indeed,
couldsomeitemson the list be obtainednot by buyingthemin markets
or shops,but by growingthem morecheaplyin gardensor allotments?
Rowntreeand otherswho carriedout surveysof povertywereaware
of some of these difficultiesbut tended to skateover them, eschewing
anxiousdiscussionand dependingon crude methodswhich, even for
their time, could have been bettered.Rowntree,for example,referred
in his firstand possiblyhis finestbookto the differentcalorificvalue of
the diet requiredby men and womenand by childrenof diffierentages
and yet made no allowancefor such differencesin the standardwhich
he usedin measuringpoverty.Likeotherstudentsof poverty,he sought
to producea simpleand uniformstandardwhich would be relatively
easyto comparewith householdincome.But this wasdone at the price
of neglectingwidevariationsin nutritionaland otherneeds.Socialand
economictruthscan often be blurredor concealedin inquirieswhich
dependon an over-assiduous applicationof the law of averages.
The advantagesof hindsightcan alwaysmisleadus into beingunduly
severein ourjudgmentsof menof distinctionwllopioneerdifficultpaths.
Rowntree,Booth,Bowley and othersdid much to awaken Britain's
socialconscienceand revealthe deprivationsof the poor. But we have
allowed our respectfor their vision and methodsto dull the critical
sensibilitieswhich we need to investigatemodernsociety.

THE NEED FOR A NEW APPROACH

Althoughother evidencewould be needed to providea conclusive

argument,perhapsenoughhas been said to suggestthat the study of
povertyhas not developedtheoreticallyduringthe courseof this cen-
tury.One mistakehas been to narrowattentionlargelyto the preserva-
tionof physicalefficiency,whateverthat may mean,and by implication
to assumethat the physicalefficiencyof individualscan be divorced
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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY

fromtheirpsychologicalwell-beingand the organizationand structure

of society.Anotherhas been to drawup a list of basicnecessities,trans-
late theminto a certainincome,and call this 'subsistence'.All students
of povertyhave in fact made some concessionsto psychologicaland
socialneedsand conventions,but they have tendedto writeas if their
subsistencestandardsconsistedof a list of absolutenecessitieswhich
could be applied irrespectiveof time and place, ratheras if a fixed
yardstickcould be devisedand measuredagainsta given population,
whetherin I900, I930 or I950, and whetherin York,London,Sicily
or Calcutta.
Povertyis a dynamic,not a static,concept.Man is not a Robinson
Crusoeliving on a desertisland.He is a social animalentangledin a
web of relationships at work and in family and community which
exert complexand changingpressuresto which he must respond,as
muchin his consumptionof goodsand servicesas in any otheraspectof
his behaviour.And thereis no list of the absolutenecessitiesof life to
maintaineven physicalefficiencyor health which appliesat any time
and in any society, without referenceto the structure,organization,
physica]environmentand availableresourcesof that society.
As AlfredMarshallpointedout in I890,
in custommake things necessary
in climate and diffierences
. . . diffierences
in someplaces,which are superfluousin others.... But ... a morecareful
analysishas made it evidentthat thereis for eachrankof industry,at any time
and place,a moreor lessclearlydefinedincomewhichis necessaryformerely
sustainingits members;while there is anotherand largerincome which is
necessaryfor keepingit in full efficiency.... Every estimateof necessaries
must be relativeto place and time.

He eventookthe enlightenedview,forhistime,that 'someconsumption

of alcoholand tobaccoand someindulgencein fashionabledress'was
'conventionally'necessary.20Over a centurypreviously,Adam Smith
had said, 'BynecessariesI understand,not only the commoditieswhich
are indispensablynecessaryfor the supportof life, but whateverthe
customof the countryrendersit indecentfor creditablepeople,even of
the lowestorder,to be without'.2l
In our own day there is everythingto be said for returningun-
ashamedlyto the broadtheoreticaloutlookof these early economists.
The sciencesof economicsand sociologysometimesseem to be im-
prisonedwithinnarrowspecialismswhichdiscountthe fleshand blood,
and the problems,of ordinarylife. Partlyas a consequence,seriousmis-
conceptionsaboutthe natureanddirectionof oursocietyarecommonly
held.

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 PETER TOWNSEND

THE LEVEL OF INCOME IN RELATION TO LEVELS OF NUTRITION

A new approachmight be developedfrom a numberof different

directions.First,despiteall criticisms,moreimaginativeuse could be
made of nutritionalstudies.But insteadof seekingthe minimumcost
of 'adequate'nutritionand findinghow manyfamiliesdo not have an
incomesufficientto meet this cost, we could studyrandomsamplesof
the populationto find whichand how manyfamilies,and at whatlevels
of totalincome,onlyjust achieve,or fall shortof, certainlevelsof nutri-
tion. To establisha minimumincome standardis meaninglessunless
we also showthat thereare somefamilieswith that incomewho do in
factsecurea definedlevelof nutrition.Thisfundamentalcriticismcould
be madeof nearlyall studiesof poverty.
Thereis little to preventthis informationfrombeingobtained.Each
yearthe WIinistry of Agriculturepublishesthe resultsof a nationalfood
survey.Someof the tablespublishedin the reportscomparethe energy
value and nutrientcontentof the dietsof differenttypesof households
with the allowancesrecommendedby the BritishMedicalAssociation,
expressedas an averagepercentage.We see, for example,in the latest
reportfor I959, that the averagehouseholdcontaininga man and
woman and four or more childrenhad a diet with an energyvalue
falling below IOO per cent of the requirement,in all social classes.
Again, the averagediets of householdscontaininga man and woman
and two or threechildrenvary, accordingto social class,from IOO tO
I03 per cent of the requirement.22 But it is strange,in view of the im-
portanceof thesedata, that the Food SurveyCommitteedo not see fit
to publish tables showingthe distributionof householdsaround the
averages.Surelyit is moreimportantto knowhow manyhouseholdsof
a particulartype fail to achievea certainfood standardthan to know
what they achieveon average.And thereis no reasonwhy information
aboutthe total incomeand sourceof incomeof suchhouseholdsshould
not be obtainedand published.
We cannotdefine'adequate'nutritionexceptin relationto the con-
ventionsand resourcesof any particularsocietywhichwe happento be
studying.The problemis ratherlike that of tryingto define'adequate'
individualheight.We knowthat a manmusthavesomeheightbut can-
not say whetherit shouldbe fourfeet or sevenfeet.Butwe canshow how
manymen are lessthanfourfeet tall, from4 feet to 4 feet 6 inches,and
so on, and relatethe figuresto incomeand othercharacteristics. This,
by analogy,seemsto be the only fruitfulprocedure.

FLUCTUATIONS IN LIVING STANDARDS OVER LIFE

Second,the livingstandardsof individualsmightbe studiedin rela-

tion to the standardsthoseindividualshad previouslyexperienced.In
220

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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY

commonspeechwe oftensay that a man is poor or in povertybecause

he has 'fallendownin the world'.Our referencepoint is someprevious
standardof living.A manwho experiencesa drasticfall in incomethen
he retires,becomessickor disabled,or is forcedto takea muchlesswell-
paidjob, is oftendescribedin this way, whetherhe fallsfrom£3,°°°to
£I,ooo a year, or £Io to £5 a week. He cannot go on living in his
accustomedmanner,and has to moveto a smallerhouse,give up a car,
reducehis expenditureon food or forgonew clothesand housefurnish-
ings. It wouldbe illuminatingto studyhow people managein certain
adversitiesand whethersharpfluctuationsin livingstandardsare com-
mon experiences.
This kind of study would amountto a revivalof interestin the 'life
cycle of poverty',referredto in the past by some social scientists,but
neverproperlyexplored.23It wouldoffera meansof findingout what
individualsactually treat as expendablebudget items and what as
necessities.A few pilotstudieshaveshownthat whenhouseholdincome
falls, say, from£Io to £5 a week, the membersof the householdtake
a very differentview from that of moralistsand economistsof what
goods and servicesthey must continueto buy.24

RELATIVE INSUFFICIENCIES OF INCOME AND WEALTH

Third, in an importantsense,povertycould be definedon the basis

of the numberof householdsor familiesof certaintypeshavinga total
incomeof less than, say, half or two-thirdsof the average.As Professor
Galbraithhas said, 'People are poverty-stricken when their income,
even if adequatefor survival,falls markedlybehind that of the com-
mUnity.' 25
The studiesof incomedistributionthat have been carriedout since
the war are inadequatefor this purpose,becausethey rest chieflyon
statisticsproducedby the Boardof Inland Revenue.Many economists
treatthesestatisticswith awe and believethey offerconclusiveevidence
not only of greaterredistributionof incomein post-war,as compared
with pre-war,years, but also of a continuingequalizationof income
and wealth.26In fact they have been of diminishingvalue as a general
guideto relativestandardsof livingin Britain.The Board'sEguresrefer
to a haphazardmixtureof individualsand tax units, and are not re-
workedin terms of householdsor families.They relate to a narrow
definitionof income. Comparisonsover time do not take accountof
sharp changes in the demographicstructureof the population.As
RichardTitmussemphasizesin an importantnew work,the statistics
are increasinglypresentinga 'delusivepicture of the economic and
socialstructureof society'.27
In what waysis the picturedelusive?I can do no more than pick
up a few threadsin answerto this question.Many employeesreceive
2 2I

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 PETER TOWNSEND

beneEtsin kindin additionto theirsalariesor wages,whichare largely

excludedfromofficialstatistics.Mostbig companieshelpsome of their
employeeswith the purchaseof housingand own propertywhichis let
at a nominalrent.Meals,entertainment,carsand travelwhichenhance
the living standardsof some groupsare partlyallowedas businessex-
penses.Employersoftencontributeto privateeducationalestablishments.
The realscaleof suchfringebenefitsin thiscountryis unknown,though
in Americathey are estimatedto be a quarterof payrollcosts.28
Sometimessuch benefitsare acceptedin substitutionfor equivalent
monetaryadditionsto taxableincome. But figuresof taxableincome
are unrepresentative of real incomein other ways. Taxableincomeis
sometimesdeliberatelyreducedto spreadincome into retirement,to
spreadit to other membersof the family or friends-via irrevocable
settlements,discretionary trusts,familyand educationaltrustsand gifts
intervivosin favourof children,and to securebonussharesor othertax
freecapitalgains.The objectis to avoidtaxationand enjoyat leastpart
of the income that would otherwisebe forgone,thoughperhapsat a
differenttime or in a differentway. Theseactivitiesarenowsufficiently
commonand on a largeenoughscaleto makehay of recentstatisticsof
incomedistribution.
The statisticsare misleadingas a guide to variationsin standardsof
livingperhapsmostof all becauseof thevaguedistinctionmadebetween
capital and income.The Royal Commissionon Taxationdid little to
remedythis, althougha few of its membersarguedin a memorandum
of dissentthat 'in fact no conceptof incomecan be reallyequitablethat
stopsshortof the comprehensive definitionwhichembracesall receipts
whichincreasean individual'scommandoverthe useof society'sscarce
resources in other words,his "net accretionof economicpower be-
tween two points of time"'.29 Untaxed realized capital gains and
capitalreceiptsdo not fall within the presentdefinitionof taxablein-
come.30In I95I the Boardof InlandRevenueestimatedannualcapital
appreciationat £Isom. and in I954 at between200m. and £som.
The minorityof the Royal Commissionon Taxationsaid that these
estimateswere much too low and that the real Egurewas between
£600m. and £I,ooom. Since the mid nineteen-fiftiesthere has been
a boomin capitalappreciation.Accordingto TheFconomist, an invest-
ment of £Ioo in a groupof 50 leadingordinarysharesat the end of
I957 was worth£220 by the end of Igsg3l
For variousreasonssome taxpayersand their employershave taken
advantageof opportunitiesto translatetaxableincome into formsof
capital appreciation.A long accountcould be given of the avoidance
of taxationthroughdividendstripping,bond washing,one-mancom-
panies,sharesfor executives,overseasinvesttnent,hobbyfarming,pay-
ment of large lump sums masqueradingas compensationfor loss of
officeand so on.
222

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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY
All this suggestswhy we need to devisemore sensitiveindicatorsof
the living standardsenjoyedby differentsectionsof the population.32
Perhapsmoreuse mightbe madeof the conceptsof 'averagedisposable
incomeper head',33cor'averagehouseholdincome'for differenttypes
of household.A possibledefinitionof povertymight be developedon
the basisof measuringhow manyhouseholdsor familiesof certaintypes
have a total incomeof lessthan, say, 50 per cent or 66 per cent of the
average.To give an illustrationfrom the Ministryof Labourbudget
data for I953-4, I4 per cent of the householdsin the sampleconsisting
of man, wife and threechildrenwerespendinglessthan 66 per cent of
the averagefor householdsof that type.

INEQUITABLE DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSING, MEDICAL,

EDUCATIONAL AND OTEIER RESOURCES

Fourth, more study might be given to the distributionof non-

monetaryresourcesamong individualsand families comprisingthe
population. Some families with relatively large incomes might be
obliged to live in slum housesor send their childrento grosslyover-
crowdedschools.They mightthereforebe 'poor'only in certainlimited
respects.We must rememberthat to some extent the concept of
'poverty'is independentof that of income.The housingstandardsen-
joyed by diffierentclassesand types of householdmight be carefully
described.Accountwouldbe takenof factssuch as that in I95I, there
were 21 millionhomeswithoutpiped water,3 millionw-ithouta w.c.
and 6 millionwithouta bath; and that in I958 about I50,000 people
in EnglandandWales,otherthangypsies,werelivingin caravans,often
becausethey could not get a house.34
Again, the differentialenjoymentof educationalresourcesmight be
examinedmorefully.Accountwouldbe takenof factssuchas that over
a fifth of secondaryclassesin Englandconsistof 36 or more pupils,35
while a large numberof classesin grammarand independentschools
consistof less than half this number;and that the proportionof able
working-class childrenleavingschoolat I5 iS muchlargerthan that of
middle-classchildren.Half the NationalServicerecruitsto the Army
in I956-7 who were rated in the two highestability groupshad left
schoolat I5.36
These kind of studiesare also importantin medicineand welfare.
Staffingratiosnamenitiesand standardsof comfortin the bettertypes
of generalhospitalsn nursingHomesand old people'sHomes mightbe
comparedwith thosein chronicsick and mentalhospitalsand former
workhouseaccommodationretained as residentialHomes by local
authorities.
Manyotherexamplescouldbe given.To achievepointand precision
such internal comparisonswould have to be placed in context and
223

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 PETER TOWNSEND

relatedto the allocationof resourcesas betweendifferentregionsof the

countryand as betweenpublicand privateservices.Thereis consider-
able evidenceof the co-existenceof povertyand plenty and of stark
contrastsbetweenpublic squalorand privateopulence.

INEQUITABLE DISTRIBUTION OF INTERNATIONAL RESOURCES

Finally,the developmentof theoriesof povertyand deprivationcan-

not be basedsolelyon studiesin Britain.It has alwaysbeenevidentthat
what mostpeoplewouldcall povertyin one societywouldbe compara-
tive affluencein another.To give one vivid example,the standardof
living chosenby Rowntreein I899 to definepovertyin Yorkwas cer-
tainlyat leasttwoor threetimeshigherthanthe average standardenjoyed
todayby the populationsof suchcountriesas India,Pakistan,Indonesia
and Bolivia.The United Nationshas done muchto promptcompara-
tive studies of economic and social conditions.Includedamongthe
measuresadoptedare incomeper capita, energyconsumptionper capita,
starchystaplesas percentageof total caloriesconsumed,expectationof
life, infantmortalityrate and numberof inhabitantsper physician.In
one recent study,for example,nationalincomeper capita in one group
of countries(includingthe United States,Australiaand Sweden)was
estimatedto average I,366 U.S. dollarsper annum,while in another
group (includingIndia, Pakistanand Bolivia) it was estimatedto
average72 U.S. dollars.The averagenumberof inhabitantsper physi-
cian was 885 and I3,450 respectively.37
No one pretendsthat the measuresso far usedfor comparativepur-
poses are anythingbut extremelycrude. Availablestatisticsvary in
qualityand are not often basedon similardefinitions.'No satisfactory
and practicableindicatorsof actual nutritionalstatusof people have
yet been developed. . . 38and 'no single comprehensivemeasureof
levels of living [has been] found acceptable'.39Estimatesmade by
Urtited Nations experts of 'subsistence'needs in diffierentunder-
developedcountriesvary widely and no properbasis for comparison
exists.40Whatis clearis that until morereliableindicatorsare devised
for any singlecountry,and I have arguedthat thesemustall be relative
indicators,no reliablebasisexistsfor internationalcomparisons.

RELATIVE DEPllIVATION

The vague conceptof 'subsistence'is an inadequateand misleading

criterionof poverty,partlybecauseit does not have the scientificob-
jectivity sometimesclaimedfor it, but also becauseit is essentiallya
staticconcept.It tends,with the passingof time, to becomedevalued,
likemoney.By goingon usingit we haveconvincedourselvesthatthere
224

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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY 225

is almostno povertyin Britain.In fact thereseemsto be a substantial

amount,and more,by any reasonablecriterion,than we careto admit.
Of course we are more prosperousthan were our grandparents
50 yearsago. That is a claim which can be made by each generation
and one, no doubt, whichour grandchildrenwill be making50 years
hence.But thisis a differentmatterfromeliminatingpoverty.One can
no more proclaimthe abolitionof want than the abolitionof disease.
Povertyis not an absolutestate.It is relativedeprivation.Societyitself
is continuouslychangingand thrustingnewobligationson its members.
They, in turn, developnew needs.They are rich or poor accordingto
their share of the resourcesthat are availableto all. This is true as
muchof nutritionalas monetaryor even educationalresources.
Our generaltheory, then, should be that individualsand families
whose resources,over time, fall seriouslyshort of the resourcescom-
mandedby the averageindividualor familyin the communityin which
they live, whetherthat communityis a local, nationalor international
one, are in poverty.
NOTES
1 See, for example, the refereneeto 9 Ministry of Labour and National
'the virtual elimination of primary Service,Reportof an EnquiryintoHousehold
poverty',by Mr. J. M. Kirk, the ehair- n I953-4, London,H.M.S.O.,
Expenditurei
man of the NationalFood SurveyCom- I957.
mittee, in his preface to the Annual 10The study was carried out in col-
Report of the Committee,DomesticFood laborationwith Dr. Brian Abel-Smith,
Consumptionand Expenditure:I958, Lon- and with the full-timeassistanceof Mrs.
don, H.M.S.O., I960. CarolineWoodroffe. In preparingthis
2 J. H. Sheldon,Report;
to the Birming- paper I have also benefited from help
hamRegionalHospitalBoardon its Geriatric and advicegiven by Mrs. Vivien Sober,
Services,BirminghamRegional Hospital Dr. Royston Lambert and Mr. Tony
Board, I 96 I . Lynes.Becauseof complexitiesin the way
3 P. Marris, Widowsand theirFamilies, the data were arrangedwe found that
London,Routledge& KeganPaul, I958. our resourcesdid not allow us to scrutin-
4 M. Turner, ForgottenMen, London, ise the figuresof expenditureextracted
NationalCouneilof SocialServiee,I 960. frominformationrelatingto everyhouse-
5 See, for example,G. W. Brownand hold in the sample. We confined our-
J. K. Wing, 'A ComparativeClinical selvesto all those in the low and middle
and SocialSurveyof Three MentalHos- income groups, and selected a one-in-
pitals',SociologyandMedicine,Studieswithin four sample of these. This procedure
theframeworkof theBritish National Health introducesa furtherelement of possible
Service, The SociologicalReview, Mono- samplingerrorto the erroralreadyrecog-
graphNo. 5, I962. nizedand discussedby the Ministryin its
6 L. A. Shaw, 'Living on a State- reportof the resultsof the survey.But in
MaintainedIncome --I ', Case Conference, view of the size of the national sample
MarchI958; and M. Bowerbank,'Living studiedin I 953-4 thisis not likelyto have
on a State-Maintained Income II', invalidatedthe broadresults.
CaseConference, April I958. 11Report. . . into HouseholdExpenditure,
7 H. C. Wilson,'ProblemFamiliesand op. cit., p. I 2.
the Conceptof Immaturity',CaseConfer- 12 Althoughat the time of writingwe
ence,OctoberI959. have still to analysein full the informa-
8 B. S. Rowntree and G. R. Lavers, tion obtained from the Ministry of
Povertyandthe WelfareState:A ThirdSocial Labour Family ExpenditureSurvey in
Surveyof 'rorkdealing only with Economic I960, our countsshow that 4 per cent of
Questions,London,Longmans,I95I. the population were living below the

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 226
TOWNSEND
PETER
20 A. of Economics,
Marshall, Principles
basie nationalassistaneeratesplus rent, eighthedition, London, Maemillan,
5pereent less than 20 per eent above I 946pp. 68- 70.
those ratesand a further5 per eent less 21 A. Smith, The Wealth of theNations,
than 40 per eent above,giving a total
of
7i mil- Book 5, Chapter 2, Part I, I776.
I4per eent, equivalentto about Domestic
22 Ministry of Agriculture,
personsin the population.It is, how-
lion and Expenditure:
Consumption
Food I959,
ever, diffieultto eomparein detail the AnnualReport of the National Food
I953-4and I 960 results, beeause
the
Committee, London, H.M.S.O.,
Survey
former are based on total expenditure,
while the latter are based on total in- I96I, p.65.
23 See,for example, H. Tout, The
eome,less tax and national insurance of Livingin Bristol,I938.
Standard
eontributions. The I 953-4 ineome data Eeo-
24 For example, Politieal and
werenot reliable enough for detailed nomiePlanning, SocialSecurity andUnem-
analysis. We used definitionsof income No. 349, I Decem-
in Lancashire,
andexpenditurewhich were broadly ployment
but it is well known that berI952.
eomparable 25J. K. Galbraith, TheAffluent
Society,
budget surveystend to produeeunder- London, Hamish Hamilton, I 958, p.252.
estimates of hollseholdineomeand, to a 26 See, for example, H. F.
Lydall,
lesserextent, over-estimatesas well as 'TheLong-Term Trend in the Size Dis-
under-estimates of eertainkindsof house-
tributionof Ineome', Journalof theRoyal
holdexpenditure.In eomparingthe re- Society,I959, Vol. I22, Part I;
Statistical
sultsfor I 953-4 with those for I 960 F. W. Paish, 'The Real Ineidenee of
differenees in sizeof sampleand methods
must also be remembered. PersonalTaxation', LloydsBankReview,
ofinquiry JanuaryI 957; and D. Seers, TheLevelling
Certain data about the I 960 survey ofIncomes sinceI938, I 95 I .
isalso given in a paperby DorothyCole 27 R. M. Titmuss, Income Distribution
Wedderburn on the evideneeof poverty
in Britain, svhieh is to be pllblished andSocialChange:A Studyin Criticism,
London,Allen & Unwin (in press).
shortlyin The SociologicalReview. This 28 H. H. Macaulay, Fringe
and
Benefits
paper,and anotherby BrianAbel-Smith, their FederalTax Treatment,
I959.
eompletedan interdependentseries of onTaxa-
of theRoyalCommission
29 Report
threegiven at the I 962 eonfereneeof the tion,Cmd. 9474, London: H.M.S.O.,
BritishSoeiologiealAssoeiation. I955, p. 8-
13 B. S. Rowntree,Poverty:A
Studyof whieh
30 'The immllnity from taxation
Town Life, London, Maemillan,p. 86. in Great Britain, unlike the United
14 In the war, when Beveridge
looked
States, such speculative plunder con-
toRowntree and othersfor guidaneein tinues to enjoy, has as mueh justification
deeidingwhat ratesshouldbe paid in the as a elose season for sharks.' R. H.
new systemof soeial seeurity,the mini- Tawney, Equality,fourth edition, Lon-
mumineomethoughtto be suffieientfor don, Allen & Unwin, I952, p.243.
subsisteneefor a family of five ineluded 31 I 6 January I 960.
an amount for food whieh represented 32 In making the rather inadequate
72 per eent of the total (rentexeluded). comments in these paragraphs, I am
15 The standards reeommendedby this
have been 1lsed up to the grateful to Richard Titmuss for allowing
eommittee me to draw on his new study.
presentday by the NationalFoodSurvey 33 As adopted in T. Lynes,
National
Committee,whichreportson annualfood Assistance and SNational Prosperity, Occa-
surveyscarriedout throughoutBritain. sional Papers on Social Administration,
16 Reportof the Committee on Autrition,
No. 5, Welwyn, The Codicote Press,
London,B.M.A., I950, pp. 7 and II.
17 Ibid., p. I3. I 969.
Local
34 Ministry of Housing and
18 Ibid., pp- I3-I4 Caravans as Homes, Cmd.
of Government,
19The National ResearchCouncil 87o, London: H.M.S.O., I959.
the U.S.A. recommendsintakes over 35 See, for example, Ministry of
threetimeslargerthan the BritishMedi- Education, I5-I8, Reportof the Central
cal Association.See Ministry of Agricul-
Advisory Councilfor Education (the
ture Annual Report of the National Crowther Report), Vol. I, London:
Food Survey, DomesticFood Consumption H.M.S.O, I959, p. 434-
andExpenditure: I956, London,H.M.S.O.,
36 Ibid., p. 453
p. vo.

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 THE MEANING OF POVERTY 927

37 Department of Economicand Social comeequivalentto over I37 U.S. dollars

Affairs,Reporton the WorldSocialSitua- per month was requiredby a family of
tion,New York, United Nations, I96I, man and wife and three children,while
ChapterIII. for Ecuador and Libya the estimated
38 InternataonalDefnationand Measure- requirementwas vo U. S. dollars per
mentof Levelsof Living,New York,United month.Wagestendedto be lessthan half
Nations, I 96I, p. 7. these estimates. Department of Eco-
39 Ibid., p. I. nomicand SocialASairs,Assistanceto the
40 For Chile in the early I950'S, for Needytn Less-Developed
Areas,New York
example, it was estimated that an in- United Nations, I956, pp. I9-2Ix

NOTES
Basis for SocialLiving:A critical bibliographyembracing law, soci;ety,
economicsand politics,is producedby the InternationalInstituteof Social
Sciencesat the Universityof FribourgnSwitzerland,andpublishedby Herder
at Freiburg.
This secondvolumeincludesabstractsof articlespublishedin thisJournal
between I959 and I96I . The authorsof articlesabstractedcan obtaincopies
of the work at a 25 per cent discountfromthe Institute.

London Sckoolof Economics The articlesby MessrssSharpe,

andPoliticalScience:
Townsend and Abrams were presented as papers at the I 962 Annual
Conferenceof the British SociologicalAssociation.Furthermaterialfrom
this Conferencewill appearin the DecemberNumberof the Journal.

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