Professional Documents
Culture Documents
today’s Pakistan
Nehru-report:
The British Government was required to initiate new reforms in India every ten years under the
Act of 1919. In 1927, the Simon Commission was dispatched to India for this aim. The majority
of Indian political parties have decided to boycott the Commission, citing a lack of Indian
participation as a reason. The British made the decision to place the ball in the hands of Indian
politicians. "If they have any political capacity and competence," Lord Birkendhead, Secretary of
State for Indian Affairs, challenged the Indians, "they should write a unanimous constitution and
bring it to us, and we will implement it."
In January 1928, Indian political groups embraced the challenge and convened an All Parties
Conference in Delhi. Hundreds of delegates from all major political parties, including the Indian
National Congress, All India Muslim League, National Liberal Federation, Hindu Mahasabha,
Central Sikh League, and others, attended the meeting. The meeting was unable to establish an
agreement on the topic of minorities' rights. In March of that year, the All Parties Conference
held its second round. Although two sub-committees were constituted, the overall result was the
same as the first session.
In May 1928, during the third session of the All Parties Conference in Bombay, a seven-member
committee chaired by Motilal Nehru was formed to examine the main aspects of India's future
constitution. Despite numerous obstacles, the Nehru Committee finished its work, and its
findings, known as the Nehru Report, were presented before the All Parties Conference's fourth
session in August 1928. The Committee argued that anything less than total Swaraj was
pointless, and issued the following demands:
Muslims did not approve of the report, and both Muslim members of the Committee refused to
sign it. Due to ill health, Syed Ali Imam was unable to attend Committee meetings, and Shoaib
Qureshi refused to sign the report. Jinnah, representing the Muslim League, offered the following
four revisions to the Nehru Report at the fourth session of the All Parties Conference in
December, which was held to consider the Nehru Report:
When Jinnah's suggestions were placed to a vote in the All Parties Conference, they were
rejected. The Congress was successful in obtaining a majority vote in favor of the Report.
They demanded that the government draught a constitution by December 31 based on the
recommendations of the Nehru Report, or else the party would launch a popular movement to
achieve Swaraj. It was also determined that the 26th of January will be observed as
Independence Day. Jinnah saw it as a "parting of the ways" and, as the "Ambassador of
Hindu-Muslim Unity," he was now convinced that India's Hindu worldview was focused on
driving the Muslim minority to extinction.
Jinnah delivered his 14 points in response to Nehru's 1928 report, which was utterly hostile to
Muslims in the subcontinent. In 1940, he pushed for the historic Lahore Resolution, which called
for a separate Pakistani nation. Jinnah met with Gandhi in 1944, but no fruitful outcomes
emerged.
When Muhammad Ali Jinnah refused to accept the Nehru Report in an all-party conference in
1928, Muslim politics took a completely new turn. Jinnah rejected the Nehru Report, believing
that the Conference's rejection of his proposal was an insult to the country's whole Muslim
people. One of the positive aspects of the Nehru Report was that it brought together previously
split Muslim communities. On March 28, 1929, members of the Shafi League and the Jinnah
League attended a meeting of the All India Muslim League's council. The Nehru Report was
referred to the Quaid-i-Azam as a Hindu paper, but he believed that simply rejecting it was
insufficient. He made the decision to present an alternative Muslim agenda. Quaid-i-Azam
delivered his famous Fourteen Points during this meeting. So, in his 14 points, Jinnah demanded
that Muslims' rights and interests be safeguarded, as well as a federal form of government,
provincial autonomy, minorities' protection, separate electorates, religious freedom for all, and
one-third seats for all Muslims. He also demanded that Sind be separated from Bombay and that
N.W.F.P. and Baluchistan be given full provincial status. These 14 requests outline the Muslims'
demands for any future negotiations with either the US Congress or the British. These 14 points
inspired Muslims across the subcontinent because they demonstrated that Hindus and Muslims
were two distinct nations.
The Quaid gave the following 14 points to defend the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent:
1. Federal System:
The future constitution should be federal in nature, with the provinces retaining residuary
powers.
2. Provincial Autonomy:
All provinces should be given the same level of autonomy.
3. Representation of Minorities:
All legislative and other elected bodies in the country must be based on the clear
principles of adequate and effective minority representation in every province, without
reducing the majority in any province to a minority or even equality.
4. Number of Muslim Representative:
Muslim representation in the central legislature must be at least one-third.
5. Separate Electorates:
Separate electorates will continue to be used to represent communal groups as they are
now, but any community may renounce its separate electorate at any moment in favor of
a single electorate.
6. Muslim Majority Provinces:
Any territorial re-distribution that may be necessary at any moment will have no effect on
the Muslim majority in Punjab, Bengal, and the NWFP.
7. Religious Liberty:
All communication shall be guaranteed full religious liberty, freedom of belief, worship
and observance, association, and education.
8. Three-Fourth Representation:
If three-fourths of the members of any community in that particular body oppose a law, it
will not be passed in any legislative or other elected body.
9. Separation of Sind:
Bombay Presidency and Sind should be split.
10. Introduction of Reforms in N.W.F.P and Baluchistan:
Reforms in the North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan should be implemented on
the same basis as in other provinces.
11. Government Services:
Muslims, like other Indians, should be granted a fair proportion of government jobs.
12. Protection of Muslim's culture and Language
A sufficient safeguard for the safeguarding of Muslim culture, language, religion, and
civilization should be included in the constitution.
13. One-Third Muslim Ministers
There will be no national or provincial cabinet.
Without a Muslim Minister who makes up at least one-third of the cabinet.
14. Constitution
No change to a state's constitution may be made without the consent of the states that
make up the Indian Federation.
The Hindu leaders rejected the reasonable and moderate requests stated in the fourteen
points, significantly widening the gap between the two communities.
Jinnah was invited to the round table discussion after the publication of the fourteen points,
where he articulated the Muslim viewpoint. Congress marched to the river 'Ravi' at midnight on
December 31st, when Jawahar Laal Nehru raised a flag that said 'long live revolution.'
Importance:
When the Nehru Report is compared to the Fourteen Points of the Quaid-e-Azam, it becomes
clear that the political divide between Muslims and Hindus has increased significantly. Quaid-e-
fourteen Azam's points became ideals for Muslims in India. These points made it plain to Hindus
and the British government that India's Muslims were not to be underestimated. These principles
made it plain to Hindus and the British government that Muslims desired their own identity, free
of Hindu influence. The Fourteen Points not only resurrected the Muslim League, but also
steered them in a new direction. These considerations prepared India's Muslims for a major move
forward in their fight for independence.
The fact that these arguments were given during the Round Table Conference in 1930
demonstrates their importance. As a result, these ideas became Muslim demands, and they
substantially affected Muslim ideology for the following two decades, until Pakistan was
established in 1947.
Implementation:
These points included a variety of essential fundamentals on which the newly established Islamic
Republic of Pakistan was to be founded, and they would serve as a compass for the state's future
development.
They are, first and foremost, a sign of Pakistan's ideological foundation. They demonstrate the
school of thought that the Quaid-E-Azam aspired to apply to the development of Pakistan.
Second, they have witnessed the reality of Pakistan as an Islamic Republic with a diverse
population before, during, and after independence - to ensure that all races, religions, and
cultures were treated equally, the points that needed to be followed, and to provide a foundation
for religious equality and fair treatment of minorities.
Third, they are evidence of a sequence of electoral reforms that were to serve as the Islamic
Republic's legislative foundation after independence. Pakistan was to be a republic, with elected
legislators who would be representative of Pakistani people's decisions. This would be in
contrast to the former British control of India, which was characterized by a lack of truly
representative legislation.
Fourth, they lay out the foundations of Pakistan's territory. Three points are directly related to
Sind, Baluchistan, and the former NWFP. Due to the significant Muslim population in these
areas, this is a clear indication of the geographic location in which Pakistan was to be
headquartered.