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S. Ya. Rubinshtein
To cite this article: S. Ya. Rubinshtein (1987) Expert Evaluation and Restoration of Work
Capacity Following Brain Injuries in Combat, Soviet Psychology, 26:1, 51-59
Download by: [New York University] Date: 19 April 2016, At: 20:32
S . YA. RUBINSHTEIN
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52 S. YA. RUBINSHTEIN
after the healing process was completed was very favorable. The symp-
toms of their disorders were, to use Professor Shmar ’yan’s expression,
not “irritative,” but “defect related.”
In our case material we found almost no instances of euphoria and
silliness, described by many authors as a common symptom of frontal
lesions. We were able to observe only a certain placidity, owing to the
unconflicted and carefree manner of our patients, who were at the
borderline of a normal, light-hearted, “good” character. In no case did
we observe aspontaneity in the form of general inertness, listlessness,
immobility, etc., also described often in the clinical picture of frontal
lesions. One would rather say that the patients lacked initiative, had no
motivation that was “important for themselves,” and that their ac-
tions, which outwardly seemed totally appropriate, lacked meaning for
them. For example, one patient signed up for a bookkeeping course two
days before his departure, about which he was well informed, only
because his ward-mate had decided to sign up for this course. B. V.
Zeigarnik describes the disinhibitedness, the “sexual behavior,’’ of
patients with frontal lesions as being the obverse side of the coin of this
same aspontaneity.
In their structure, the deeds and actions of our patients corresponded
fully to this description, but they were less direct in terms of their form
and the degree of their manifestation. Most often, the hospital regime
was the “field” for them, and gradually became almost the only driv-
ing force of the monotonous behavior of these patients. In the same
way, any interoceptive perceptions (hunger, sexual drive, fatigue,
etc.), even when not exaggerated, became excessively imperative, un-
analyzed incentives for action. The suggestibility of these patients was
excessive: it was so easy to control these patients that their behavior in
the normally organized hospital environment was almost correct.
The picture of the patients’ defects was simple, and uncomplicated
by intercalations of the primary and secondary symptoms so usual in a
56 S. YA. RUBINSHTEIN
psychiatric hospital. One of the most important reasons for this sim-
plicity was the fact that we observed them in the hospital at an early
stage after their injury.
It should not be thought that complex forms of conscious human
behavior depend directly on the functioning of the frontal cortex. The
latter probably provides the necessary conditions for complex mental
activity. Inappropriate behavior and a psychopathological picture are,
despite their complexity and diversity, evidently not (like other local
defects) the result of frontal lesions, but the result of the life of the
person whose brain injury is so located. This is natural, because people
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who have just been wounded and have not yet been anywhere except in
the hospital have, to a considerable extent, preserved their previous
norms and stereotypes of behavior. The hospital plays the role of a bell
jar for them, preserving their personality from disintegration and de-
cay under the influence of a life to which they are no longer adjusted.
Thus, we saw only the initial stages of suffering that is usually seen in
its full flower, since we were able to observe the development of the
psychopathologicalpicture by following the catamneses of our patients
from the time they were discharged from the hospital. It proved possi-
ble, by shifting the orientation of our investigationssomewhat, to make
use of the system of job training and practical job placement to conduct
a quasi-empirical analysis of the essential components of frontal le-
sions, using criteria of direct relevance to the patients’ ongoing life
situations.
The movements of our patients as they carried out the operations
their work required were correctly constructed in terms of their trajec-
tory and their relation to objects, but there was a tendency for each act
to be extreme in its intensity and perfection, i.e., for there to be a
stereotyped outcome of the initial impulse. These movements showed
no evidence of subordination to the logic of a technological process.
For example, although the movement involved in sawing, which is
objective in form, might be completely accessible to a patient, the task
of sawing something “at an angle,” i.e., of carrying out a number of
movements identical in strength and form, might cause difficulty. It
was difficult for such patients to correlate their intellectual notion of
the form of the surface with the force of the pressure to be applied: they
always sawed at maximum strength and velocity. The carpenter Ts.,
with a frontal lobe lesion, who had previously been a- skilled carpenter,
asked for a heavy instrument for his work since, when he worked with a
light one, he “could not feel” his arms and could not accurately
RESTORATION OF WORK CAPACITY FOLLOWING BRAIN INJURIES 57
about where and how to attach the supports. Let us suppose that he
decides to put them in one particular place. If he relates to this act of
conceptualization as to a task he has coped with and consequently can
do properly or erroneously, he then must check his own acts in his
mind, attempting to imagine how the shelf will hang. In such a case it is
also possible to correct a mistake if one occurs. “The possibility of
being aware of a mistake is a privilege of thought as a conscious
process,” S . Ya. Rubinshtein has stated. Thus, the defect in our pa-
tients was lack of a well-defined relation to their thought as a tool for
predicting or envisioning an action, as an object of their own critical
assessment and use. These patients were unable to make a critical,
thoughtful assessment of events from the standpoint of their own inter-
ests, needs, and future destiny.
B. V. Zeigarnik links the aspontaneity of patients with frontal lobe
lesions to a disturbance in their needs. This disturbance or irregularity
may be understood in different ways. It seems to me that what takes
place is not that the strength of needs is diminished, but that there is a
defect in the way they are reflected. There are many ways in which
needs may be reflected, differing in the degree to which the subject is
cognitively aware of them; but how these needs are reflected, how and
to what extent a person is cognitively aware of his needs, and the way
they are objectified in things in the world around him determine the
person’s particular position, his relation to the situation. In our patients
this relation to the situation was profoundly inappropriate.
At the most conspicuous level, this inappropriateness was evident in
the patient’s attitude toward his disorder. The concept of “anosogno-
sia” permits a different interpretation of the indifference we observed
in our patients toward their illness. Not only was there absolutely no
‘‘internal picture” of the illness but even the patients’ self-perception
in all spheres of physical and mental activity was insufficient. All these
58 S. YA. RUBINSHTEIN