Madariya Sufi Silsila: Distinctive Characteristics and Relations with the Indian Powers

Author(s): ANANDA BHATTACHARYA

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , MAY 21-27, 2011, Vol. 46, No. 21 (MAY 21-27,
2011), pp. 115-121
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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SPECIAL ARTICLE

Madariya Sufi Silsila: Distinctive Characteristic

and Relations with the Indian Powers

ANANDA BHATTACHARYA

The indigenous rulers tolerated the religious activities

|he purposeof
of this research paper is to make an in-
study of the Madariya Sufi silsila (order). This silsila
theMadariya Sufi community-the order that
-L nated in north India during the second half of
originated in north India during the second half ofthe
century. The founder of this Sufi order was Syed Badiudd
14th century - and gave it a free hand in received
performing
the its
title Qutub-ul-Madar (highest rank amo
Sufis). It was
own religious rites. This study ofthe community the title, which identified him as "Shah Mad
throws
light on various aspects of Madariya Sufis,his followers
viz, their are popularly known as Madaris. It had a wid
subcontinental extent and a diversity of followers.1
origins, growth and diversification ofthe order, their
The main purpose of this study is to throw light on
contrasting lifestyles, and their religiousaspects
congregations.
of Madariya Sufis, viz, their origins, growth and
It traces the vicissitudes ofthe evolution ofthe
ficationMadariya
of the order, their contrasting lifestyles, their r
congregation
order as well as its transition from an embattled groupinof
connection with urs (death anniversary o
pirs) and fairs. It also throws light on the activities of di
warriors to a peaceful syncretic sect embedded in the
suborders of the Madaris, particularly, the dewangans, wh
rural population of 19th and 20th centurypopularly
India. known as the Madariya fakirs. It is well know
that these Madariya fakirs, despite of their ascetic back
broke into armed conflicts with the English East India Co
local zamindars and peasantry of Bengal during the seco
of the 18th century.2 After the fakir wars came to an end i
the Madariya order (including the fakir group) continued
a vital role in the development of folk culture in 19th a
century India.3 This study traces the vicissitudes of the e
of the Madariya order as well as its transition from an em
group of warriors to a peaceful syncretic sect embedde
rural population of 19th and 20th century India.

Origin
The Madari order existed long before the rebellion took
1770 ad. It originated in north India and gradually ex
to other parts of Bengal. The earliest available account
Badiuddin alias Shah Madar (the founder of this order)
earliest khalifas (disciples) is Mirat-ul-Madari.4 Syed Ba
was born in Syria. His genealogical lineage reaches P
Muhammad. It was on the occasion of his pilgrimage to
he was said to have heard an oracle from heaven:

Badiuddin, go to Hindustan and dedicate yourself for the welfare

of mankind.
The primary sources of the National Archives of India, New Delhi,
West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata, Uttar Pradesh State Archives,
Such was the legend of his visit to India. His vast knowledge in
Lucknow, Allahabad Regional Archives and Bangladesh religious books, viz, Tarawait, Zubbar (the books of Moses and
National
Archives, Dhaka and the oral interviews taken by theEngil),
authorthe with
Bible and
the his command over the religion helped him
Sajjadanashins of Shah Madar have been used here. to The project was
be proficient in Sufism.
financed by the Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi and
the Indian Council of Social Science Research, New Growth
Delhi. and Diversification of the Order

Ananda Bhattacharya (anandab.bhattacharya@gmail.com) is with

The exact date of the advent of Syed Badiuddin in India is un
the West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata.
known. Since he was accompanied by Mir Ashraf Jahangir Simnani,

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SPECIAL ARTICLE e

Jamaluddin
the famous Indian Sufi saint, who came from Mecca to India dur and other unidentified dargahs situated near the
jungles
ing the reign of Firuz Shah Tughlaq (1351-88), it is certain that he of Purnea. Then they might have moved towards Bengal
totrav
reached India between 1351 and 1388. During his visits, he celebrate the urs and fairs at the dargahs situated in Malda,
elled to various places like Gujarat, Kokla Pahar, Ajmer, Dinajpur,
Kalpi, Murshidabad and Bagura. From these places they
either returned to their places of residence in north India and
Jaunpur, Ghatampur (Uttar Pradesh), and finally, to Makwanpur
Nepal
in Kanpur district, where he died in 838 ah/1436 ad. Even the or went to eastern Bengal. Their common festival was so
Sunya Puran5 of Ramai Pandit contains a reference as sensitive
to the to the Madari fakirs that the people of Bengal, Deccan
and other parts of India attended Makwanpur by shouting
spread of the Madariya doctrines in western parts of Bengal.
"Medini
Enamul Haq6 points out the fact that there are several places in Shah Madar", "Ya Ali, Ya Ali", "Dam Madar, Dam
Bengal named after him, presumably because he visitedMadar".
these They used to remember Hajrat Ali, the fourth Caliph
(khalifa)
places. Just before his death on 17, Jama-dil-Aiwal 838 ah, he of Islam.
entrusted the responsibility of maintaining his order toThe
his customs and rituals observed by the dewangans are dis
nephew Syed Abu Muhammad Arghun. Subsequently, thetinctive.
trus They do not observe the shariati (Islamic scripture) ritu
als;
teeship devolved on his younger nephews Syed Abu Torap Fansurtheir unorthodox outlook identified them with the be-shara
group of fakirs. It is learnt from an oral discussion with the mem
and Syed Abul Hasan Taifur. The Sirate Madari,7 an Urdu source,
bers
gives us a detailed list of the khalifas of Makwanpur sharif, whoof the dewangan suborder living in Makwanpur that though
acted successively as the representatives of Shah Madar. Themodel themselves on their immediate predecessors, in gen
they
descendants of Shah Madar are popularly known as khademans.
eral, they follow the customs and manners of Syed Muhammad
Jamaluddin,
They form one section of the Madari order and are in charge of the founder of the order. The author had the occa
sionim
the dargah at Makwanpur sharif (hence their name, which to meet a group of dewangans at the dargah of Shah Madar
plies the trustees). The next important suborder which roseatinto
Makwanpur (1998) whose lifestyle in many respects resemble
prominence in the Madariya order was the dewangans.that Theof their predecessors. The venerable old Pir Bulbul Shah
name dewangan implied wandering ascetics who had given (1998)
upconsiders the pir and dargah more important than the
everything in a fit of divine madness. The dewangan external
tariqa rituals of Islam. The Madariya fakirs carried some
(order) began with Syed Muhammad Jamaluddin Janeinsignia Man (symbols), which also established their identity as a be
shara
Jannati. The two suborders, viz, ashiqans (seekers of love) and group of fakirs. They displayed the mahi-maratib (stand
talibans (seekers of truth/knowledge), owed their existence to
ard decorated with fish symbol), panjtan (five fingers), iron tongs,
the initiatives of Kazi Motaher Kalleswari and Kazi Mahmud peacock's feather, tiger's skin, kashkol and kettledrum. The
Kanturi. These four major groups (the earliest disciples ofbe-shariati
Shah outlook was highly condemned by the elite group of
Sufis, like Chistis, Naqsbandis and Qadiriyas.
Madar) were collectively known as the Madaris, but they carried
out their duties in their own way.
Syncretism
The khademan's main duty was to look after the dargah, to
From
organise the fairs and festivals held on the occasion of urs and to the beginning, the Madari order was strongly influenced
act as intermediaries between saints and worshippers. Like
bythe
the Hindu yogis. They used to rub ashes on their body, devel
khademans, the talibans and ashiqans also followed a settled
oped a habit of taking bhang (hemp), and wore shackles of iron
chains
way of married life. Foreign travellers recorded the existence of round their waist, and in some respects, dressed like the
Hindu
such settled Madaris since the days of its origin. By contrast, the sanyasis. Noting the strong elements of syncretism
among
dewangans pursued the mendicant way of life as indicated by the fakirs residing in Baliyadighi in Dinajpur, Sarat
their murshids. In fact, thepir-murid (mentor and disciples)Chandra
rela Mitra,8 the noted anthropologist, concluded that
tionship initiated by Shah Madar began to multiply among Hasan
the Muria Burhana, a noted Madari fakir (Burhana-lit,
naked, i e, subsection of the dewangans) retained many Hindu
succeeding generations of his followers. The pir-murid relation
beliefs and practices, which he handed down to his followers
ship crystallised in this particular manner among the dewangans
and successors. In particular, the Madariya fakirs assimiliated
due to their punctilious attendance at all the urs and festivals.
They considered it to be one of their sacred duties. Thus, the practice of Hindu yoga. Sufism in the medieval period im
there
bibed
developed among them a need to travel from one dargah to Hindu ideas; particularly the influence of the nath yogis,
another, since their period of origin. and thus, a combined Hindu-Muslim culture emerged. The
Madari order was a product of this process of acculturation.
The Congregation Recently, Abul Kalam Zakaria9 has produced some archaeologi
The annual life cycle of the Madari fakirs revolved aroundcal proofs of the syncretic practices among the Madaris.
their
attendance at Makwanpur in Kanpur district on 17th Jama-dil
Madaris and State Power
Aiwal (an Arabic month of Hijree calendar). Besides, Makwanpur,
The Madariya group of Sufis had cordial relations with the Mughal
their other centres of congregation were various places of northern
powers, and later on, in the colonial period with the British
and eastern India, including Bengal and Bihar. From Makwanpur,
they moved towards Akbarpur in Gorakhpur district and Indian
other powers including Bengal. After the implementation of
dargahs situated in various parts of the north India. In July,colonial
they rule in Bengal, they came into conflict for a short time
with the local zamindars, East India Company's forces and the
went to Bihar to attend the urs at the dargah of Syed Muhammad
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 SPECIAL ARTICLE

peasantry.10 They maintained good relations with the rulers

rendered by them, the fakirs without providing any services
of Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet. The Madariya Sufis, thoughreceived
not favours from the ruling class for religious purpose alone.
involved in economic and political affairs of the country, received
Indian rulers allowed the fakirs complete freedom to follow their
great favours and patronage from the Mughal emperors, religious
local customs in northern India, the Deccan, Bihar and Bengal.
The ruling class deemed it to be one of their bounden duties to
rajas and zamindars. They received favours from the ruling class
for religious purpose alone. Since the religious activities ofsafeguard
the the interests of the fakirs and to help them observe
fakirs were primarily based on pilgrimages to dargahs, ittheir
was ritualistic performances unhindered. Since the religious
quite essential to provide land for the upkeep of those dargahs
activities of the fakirs were primarily based on pilgrimages to
which had existed from the time of their predecessors and also to
dargahs, it was quite essential to provide land for the upkeep of
conduct the urs and festivals in an organised way. those dargahs which had existed from the time of their predeces
sors and also to conduct the urs festivals in an organised way. So
Land Grants
the princes, nawabs and chiefs began to sanction land-grants as
A close study of the madad-i-maash (rent-free tenure)one
grants dur
of the material privileges to the Madariya community.
ing the Mughal and colonial periods reveals how the Madariya
Such grants were also enjoyed by insurgents like Cherag Ali
Shahreligious
order enjoyed land grants for the maintenance of its and Karim Shah as the successors of their ancestors. Asaf
activities. The author's interviews with the pirzadas (descendants
ud-Daullah, the nawab of Awadh, assigned certain portions of
of Shah Madar) attached to the Makwanpur dargah throw
land to asome
group of fakirs. Maharaja Chait Singh of Benares also
light on their landholding capacity in Nainital, Badayun, Bareilly,
looked after the interest of the fakirs by assigning lakhiraj ten
Etawah and other places of Uttar Pradesh, Parbat Sawar
uresinextensively
Jaipur in and around Chunar.12
Theduring
and in Nepal. According to them, these lands were conferred system of rent-free land grants introduced by the Mughal
the early Mughal period. The Mughal tradition of sanctioning
princes became an established norm which seemed to have been
land was followed in the British period also. They
followedwere
by the local rulers of Bengal and elsewhere. During the
time
allowed to hold Mughal land grants as hereditary rights toofdefray
Shah Jahan, the management of the endowed land of
their daily expenses. The Madariya community also received
Pargana Baish Hasari situated at Pandua in Malda, was vested in
the hands
state patronage from the countries of Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet.of the khadims and the total income derived from it
There were other types of privileges, given as a favour to the to be spent for the maintenance of the wandering
was declared
Madari communities, viz, (1) the revenue of land, (2) pensions
fakirs, who attended the dargah on religious and festive occasions.
and contributions. These, no doubt, strengthened the economic
Later on, the entire Pargana Baishhazari and Bhalasuree were
background of the Madari order. Documents, so far available
conferred on Hasan Muria Burhana, the representative of the
with us, show that the Madariya fakirs were often given the
Madari pri by prince Shuja, the governor of Bengal (1639-60),
order,
vilege of management of revenue collection from the endowed
as waqf mahals. The sanad of Shuja13 provided an opportunity
lands sanctioned for the performance of religious activities.
for themOffi
to amass rent-free tenures without successors in Bengal,
cial documents show that besides the land revenue,Bihar
the and
native
Orissa. In order to understand the nature of sanad, it is
rulers also assigned pension for the subsistence of the Madariya
necessary to see the provisions of the sanad which are mentioned
group of fakirs. The practice of giving donation tointhe
the Madari
box. Shuja additionally sanctioned Bhalasuree, a village in
group of Sufis continued during the British period. Monetary
Malda as lakhiraj endowment for the performance of religious wor
contribution was another form of privilege, which theship
fakirs used
of the fakirs.14 Such generous treatment was also shown by
to get since the pre-colonial period.
Box:
Besides the above material privileges, the Madari order Sanad of Prince Shuja, to Hasan Muria Burhana

received honours, prestige and high titles from the Indian powers.
(1) Whenver you wish to go out for the guidance of the people, or fortravel into
the cities, countries, divisions and all sorts of places, where you may like to go
Ibrahim Sharqi, the ruler of Jaunpur (1402-40) in northern India,
according to your free-will and inclination, you may take all the articles of the
received Syed Badiuddin with respect and honour, while
julus;e the flags, poles, staffs, band, mahiand muratib, etc.
g, banners,
(2) After your departure from the world, the whole articles of the julus as well
latter reached Jaunpur." The original mausoleum of dargah of
as the right of piri-o-muridi (the office of priest and disciple) will descend to
Shah Madar was renovated and enlarged by the Mughal your
monarchs.
successors.
(3) You will also be able for the good of mankind and the faith of Islam to be
This tradition was even continued in the later period.
guided by the learned people.
The fakirs had cordial relations in the pre-British period
(4) Youwith
will be entitled within the countries of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, to
confiscate, as you may like, property to which there is no heir, or pirpal and
the Indian rulers and also with the rulers of neighbouring Nepal,
rent-free tenures.
Bhutan and Tibet which continued in the British period (5)
also, with
When you pass through any tract of the country, the landholders and
tenants will supply you with provisions.
the only exception of Bengal, where the fakirs clashed with the
(6) Hazrat Chetan Lahu Lankar Lanka pati (Lord of Ceylon) received from Hazrat
zamindars, who were backed by the British after theMakdum
establish
Saiyid Shah Jalal Tabizi of Pandua the Pargana Baishazari, waqf
mahals, milk tenures, and other things of government. After that they were
ment of the Company's rule in Bengal.
granted by the sarkar (of the prince) to Janab Shah Sultan Hasan Muria.
As already pointed out, the fakirs, though not involved incess
(7) No ecoor contribution of any kind will be levied.
(8) The sand was written on the 21st day of Rajab 1069 AH (1659 AD) and was
nomic and political affairs of the country, received great favours
sealed by Mir Ala-ud-Daula, the vazir and Madarul-Muham-I-Diwan (on the
and patronage, material from the nawabs, rajas and zamindars.
21st Rajab) and by Shah Shuja-ud-Daula.
It should be noted here that while the sanyasis received favours
Source: Maulavi Abdul Wali, "Note on the Faquirs of Baliya-Dighi in Dinajpur", Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal, No 2, Calcutta, 1903.
and patronage of the Indian ruling class for significant services

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SPECIAL ARTICLE ;

Aurangzeb, who sanctioned 300 bighas of land for the construc

(near Rupila Gur) comprising a large tract of land where he built a
tion of a tomb on the burial ground of Saint Neckmard in mudDina
fort.26 Ranbahadur also conferred two jungles, Aber and Beera,
jpur. Moreover, he granted land to the ancestors of Bolaky Shah for the maintenance of 500 barkandazes and 200 swords
on him
men.27
of Barishal.15 In fact, the assignment of lakhiraj tenures was very Like Karim Shah, the later rebels Subhan Ali Shah, Rahim
common among the Mughal emperors. Since the madad-i-maash
Shah and Anundy Shah received the favour of Ranbahadur. Tirhut
grants were declared as hereditary, these tenures were also
Giri, one of the attendants of Subhan Ali gave evidence that Ranba
enjoyed by their successors. Buchanan-Hamilton recorded the
hadur sanctioned a large tract of land to the above-mentioned fakirs.
existence of some groups of fakirs who were entitled to enjoy
The fakirs also received favours from an unidentified gurkha chief of
land in different parts of Bengal and Bihar.16 Even Maulavi Morung.28
Abdul The collector of Rangpur reported that Musa Shah was
Wali, a government official of the early 20th century came given
across an extensive area by Ganga Ram, the gurkha chief of
a good number of fakirs in Baliyadighi in Dinajpur, who pos
Morung.29 The assignment of such land grants to the fakirs is
sessed lands as the successors of their former leaders.17 corroborated by official evidence of the acting collector of Purnea,
The nawabs and zamindars of Bengal also looked after
whothe
recorded Musa Shah's estate in 1789.30 Similarly, Karim Shah,
Subhan Ali Shah and his followers were given land by the gurkha
interest of the fakirs and it is learnt that Isha Khan, the Bengal
zamindar and a contemporary of Akbar, defended the material
raja for an additional camp site as a security measure in Rangally
interest of this religious order and other groups of fakirs.and Kwaliah in Morung.31
After
Isha Khan's death, his successor sanctioned Pargana Barbazee There were other types of privileges, given as a favour to the
Merauna to Pir Shahen Shah, Gharana to Pir Shahzaman and communities, viz, (1) the revenue of land, (2) pensions,
Madari
and (3) contributions. These, no doubt, strengthened the eco
Herana Serali in Mymensingh to an unknown fakir.18 In Rangpur,
nomic
the native zamindars cared for the interests of the fakirs by sanc background of the Madariya order. Documents, so far
available to us, show that the Madariya fakirs were often given
tioning land. G C Dass has shown that the grants were originally
intended as religious endowments.19 Similarly, Rani Bhawani
the privilege of management of the revenue collection from the
endowed lands sanctioned for the performance of religious
and her ancestors of Rajshahi, conferred Pirottar on various
communities including the fakirs. In Murshidabad and Malda,
activities. According to a local tradition, a stretch of nine km area
between Billor and Makwanpur, was vested in the Makwanpur
the fakirs held a large estate for the settlement of their Astanah.20
dargah and the revenue derived from it was kept aside for per
The trend was continued in some cases in the British period.
sonal
The collector of Islamabad reported in 1782 that the fakirs expenses and religious activities of the Madariya fakirs.32
were
allowed to hold Mughal land-grants as hereditary rights to The fakirs by means of their religious activities were so influen
defray
tial that they enjoyed the revenue right of Jamalpur-Alda and
their daily expenses.21 Further, Amaum Ali Shah, as a successor
Doomry,
of Hasan Muria Burhana of Baliyadighi in Dinajpur, continued to two villages in Bihar to defray their daily expenses. The
hold estate during the period of rebellion. Chaudhuries and Kanoongoes of Gyaspore Pargana in Bihar
reported in 1782 that the fakirs controlled the revenues of that
Privileges of Fakirs region.33 Similarly, 300 bighas of land close to Neckmard dargah
in Dinajpur was brought under cultivation, the net income of
In Bihar, the fakirs as beneficiaries enjoyed the rent-free tenures.
Buchanan-Hamilton witnessed the existence of such privileged
which was declared to be spent in the interest of the fakirs.34
Siraj-ud-Daulla, the nawab of Bengal, provided for the bare
class of people as lakhiraj holders in different parts of Bihar.22
subsistence for the fakirs. For example, Assoor Shah, a fakir, was
The assignment of lakhiraj tenures in Bihar may be corroborated
sanctioned an allowance by virtue of a sanad.35 Siraj-ud-Daulla was
by the official evidence of Mustafa Quli Khan, the rent collector
of Beya in Saran.23 For example, 30 bighas of land in the so
village
interested in the religious performances of the fakirs that most
Tekooramur and Chinadur, conferred on the fakirs as madad-i
of them were granted pension hereditary right.36 Mirjafar (1757-60),
maash long before the beginning of British rule continued the next nawab, in spite of his financial troubles, permitted the
to be
enjoyed by them in the British period. Even the grants fakirs
wereto draw their pension as sanctioned earlier. He even addi
tionally
declared as valid in British period.24 It is quite evident from the issued orders for Shaikh Jewad Ali, Kullender Ali,
Farzundee
above discussion that the nobility looked after the material well Alia and others to receive pension from the nawab's
being of the fakirs by providing land for the building of the treasury.37
tombs The practice of giving monetary help to the fakirs
from the nawab's treasury continued during the British period. It
of the pirs, and for the general assembly of the fakirs in connec
tion with the urs and fairs.25 appears that the sanad regarding Iman Shah's pension was
Even in the neighbouring countries of Nepal, Bhutan and renewed
Tibet, during the regime of Nawab Mirkasim. There is evi
dence
the Madariya fakirs received state patronage. The fakirs who had that the dues of other pension-holders among the fakirs
were
settled in Nepal for a long time had cordial relations with Raja paid even during the later period. Like the Bengal Nawabs,
Ran
bahadur Shah, the gurkha ruler of Nepal. Though nothing is Assad
knownAli Khan, the regional chief of Bihar used to entertain a
regarding their relations in the pre-Company's period, it isgroup
learntof fakirs by providing pension in the British period.38 The
that, in the later period, Raja Ranbahadur entertained insurgent
system of granting pension was also to be found in north India. It
appears
leaders of the fakirs like Karim Shah, Musa Shah, Cherag Ali Shah from the report of an adalat-judge at Gazipur that, in the
later
and Subhan Ali Shah by providing land to them. The collector of Mughal period, a sanad was issued to Lalloo Shah by the
representative of the raja of Benares. Since the fakirs' right of
Purnea reported in 1795 that, Karim Shah was given Mootre Pargana

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 SPECIAL ARTICLE

pension was considered as hereditary, Musund Ali Shah,Inthe

Avadh, the fakirs were patronised by the nawab Asaf-ud
successor of Lalloo Shah, was entitled to collect a pension ofDaulla.
one Consequently, the fakirs could easily move to various
pice during the early British period.39 Karim Shah reportedly
parts of Avadh. They exercised a great influence upon the north
received a pension of half anna and one pice per diem fromIndian
the princes, and had an easy access to their kingdoms and
government of the Avadh.40 Cherag Ali received a daily allowance
principalities; hence, when they were driven out from Bengal by
of one pice from the same authority. Further, there were some the
largeBritish, they took refuge in various places of north India. In
groups of pension-holders in different places of north India.41 this context, Majnu Shah's escape to Kanauj during the early
phase of the fakir rebellion deserves a special mention. Shah
Monetary Contribution Madar was also entertained with great honour by the deputy of
Monetary contribution was another form of privilege which Sultan
the Firuz Shah Tughlaq (1351-87).
fakirs enjoyed in the Mughal period. The practice of levying con
Similarly, the Mughal emperors were generous in their treat
tribution was officially sanctioned during the Mughal period.
mentIt of the Sufi saints belonging to different group. It is said that
was a sanad of prince Shuja, the fakirs were assured that both
Babur, the founder of Mughal empire in India, made friends with a
landlords and tenants would make contributions to them. So the Sufi saint, and after his victory over Rana Sangram Singh of Mewar
fakirs' demand for contribution during their pilgrimage in differat Khanwa (1527 ad), endowed some Sufi saints with gifts. During
ent parts of Bengal was complied with. This is corroborated by aAkbar's reign, the Madariya fakirs enjoyed a high position and
letter of Shah Majnu written to Rani Bhavani of Nattore.42 The
status in the field of religious activities. Madariya cult was then so
contents of the letter clearly reveal the privileged position which
popular that a contemporary poet Hirabi showed reverence to Shah
the fakirs enjoyed in the Mughal period. A district historian43Madar in a poem which was inscribed on a stone at a sarai built in
rightly observes that when the fakirs from other parts of Indiahis honour.51 The original mausoleum or dargah of Shah Madar
came to Bengal on a pilgrimage, they were entertained with halfwas renovated and enlarged by the Mughal monarchs since the
a dinner each as well as other provisions. For instance, on thetime of Akbar down to Alamgir 11. Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb, who
occasion of the fair held at Neckmard dargah in Dinajpur, thewere great patrons of the Madariya fakirs, donated a large cooking
fakirs used to collect tax from the visitors and the articles sold
pot popularly known as degh, for the preparation of Sirni in the urs
in the fair since the Mughal period.44 The system of "voluntary festival and a big kettledrum called Dal-madal for religious per
contribution" had in this way become a common practice among
formance at Makwanpur.52 Aurangzeb helped the construction of a
the zamindars and the rural population of Bengal. But due to themajor portion of the mosques attached to the Makwanpur dargah.
agrarian dislocation caused by the Bengal Famine of 1769-70The same was the case with the Gwalior princes who presented
during the early British rule, such contributions fell into disuse.valuable articles to Madariya fakirs attached to Makwanpur
The fakirs' attempt to the arrears of contribution was the primedargah. Besides, Mahadji Sindhia, the Maratha chief, favoured the
cause of conflict between the zamindars and the peasants on the
Muslim fakirs and gready depended on them in various matters.
one hand, and the fakirs on the other. They practically acted as spiritual guides of the Maratha chief.
Besides the above material privileges, the Madari order receivedSimilarly, Mirza Najaf Khan, the regent of Delhi (1775-78) used to
honours, prestige and high titles from the Indian powers.45 There
visit the dargahs of Sufi saints as a mark of respect.
is no denying the fact that the religious background of the Madar In Bengal, the Madariya order gained the favour of the sultan
iya fakirs and the cult of Shah Madar, the founder of the Madariof Gour in Bengal and during the second half of the 15th century
order, led the Indian princes to extend their patronage to them. the Madariyas were able to spread their influence in eastern Bengal
Ibrahim Sharqi, the ruler of Jaunpur (1402-40) in northern India,as far as Chittagong. It also appears that Nasiruddin Mahmud
received Shah Madar with respect and honour, while the latter
Shah of Gour (1433-59 ad) and the officials attached to his empire
reached Jaunpur on his way to pilgrimage.46 The fakir's influencewere great patrons of the Madariya fakirs.53 In the Mughal period,
on Ibrahim Sharqi was no doubt very great and after his death the
the memory of Neckmard was respected by state Gholaum Saklean
has shown how the Mughal rulers and the nobles paid respects
Jaunpur Sultan built a dargah of Shah Madar under the supervision
of his wazir at Makwanpor in Kanpur district. He also conferred
to the fakirs.54 In the middle of the 17th century they gained
some gifts on Shah Madar during his lifetime as a mark ofmuch favour from prince Muhammad Shuja, the Mughal gover
respect and honour.47 Among the nobles, Sadar Jahan, the wazir nor of Bengal (1639-60) as the latter granted a sanad in 1659
to Hasan Muria Burhana, the representative of the Madariya
of Ibrahim Sharqi, who invited Shah Madar from Kalpi to Jaunpur,
and Ashraff Khan, the brother of the sultan, became devoted ad order. It appears from the sanad that the performance of
herents of Shah Madar.48 Shaikh Siraj Shuktah, the spiritualreligious rites by the fakirs was given an official recognition.55
guide of Kadir Shah and Sayyid Ashraf Jahangir Simnani, whoTheir influence upon Shuja was so great that he rewarded them
had been disciples of Shaikh Alaul Haq of Bengal, later becamewith the highest possible insignia of honour, i e, the Mahi-Maratib.
the spiritual guide of Sultan Ibrahim Sharqi. It is said that SayyidThe sanad was more dignified than the one which had been given
to Shah Nimatullah Qadiri of Firrozepur, a famous Sufi saint of
Ashraf Jahangir Simnani met Shah Madar in Mecca, and thus, they
became friends.49 He made correspondence with Kazi Shihabuddinthe Qadiriya order, who was supposed to be the spiritual guide of
Daulatabadi,50 the most renowned man of learning and wisdomShuja and his family.56 Like the Mughal emperors the nawabs and
in the reign of Sultan Ibrahim Sharqi. It may be mentioned in this
zamindars of Bengal also patronised the fakirs. It is learnt that
context that in the course of his pilgrimage from Kanauj to Kalpi.Murshid Quli Khan, the Bengal nawab, was a genuine devotee

Economic & Political weekly E93S3 may 21, 2011 vol xlvi no 21 119

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SPECIAL ARTICLE =

encouraged
of the Muslim fakirs. Indian patronage in the pre-British period by the Morung chief to carry on their hostile activi
tiesininthe
explains why the fakirs, facing the Company's oppression British territories.

British period, wanted to revive the old Mughal system.57 Like Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet also supported the Madariya fakirs.
Even outside India, the Madariya fakirs received As
state
the pa
British government had no authority over Bhutan, the latter
tronage in the neighbouring countries of Nepal, Bhutan and
used to Ti
give shelter to the fakirs in large numbers within its bor
bet. As mentioned earlier, the fakirs received the favours
ders.
of The
raja Bhutan government refused to comply with the British
Ranbahadur Shah, the gurkha ruler of Nepal. Ranbahadur confor the expulsion of the fakirs from Bhutan. At the same
demand
sidered it as unjust to treat them in a hostile manner.time,
Ranbaha
the Bhutanese used to incite the fakirs to give vent to their
dur's generosity towards fakirs is revealed from the correspond
grievances against the British.61 The influence of the fakirs in Tibet
ence exchanged between the Company's government and
was Nethat one lama sought their advice even in administrative
such
pal. It was reported that the Nepalese vakil, instead affairs.
of expelNaturally, their influence in Tibet increased rapidly.
ling the fakirs as requested by the British, rather encouraged
Tolerance
them to resist the British. He wrote two letters in 1795 to Sub
han Ali Shah advising them to collect arms and troops.58
TheItcordial
was relations which the Madariya fakirs maintained
reported that Subhan Ali Shah and Karim Shah collected an
the indigenous powers enabled them to enjoy complete fre
armed force of 800 barkandazes and 200 swordsmen. Ranba
in observing their rituals. The Mughal government tole
the in
hadur, cared little for the pernicious activities of the fakirs practice of Madariya fakirs going naked in public.62 Fo
travellers
Bengal; rather he tried to safeguard them from the British. To like Francisco Pelsaert and Francois Bernier saw the
quote is own words, Madariyas during their visits to India in the Mughul period. Pel
saert of
...Although he (i e, Karim Shah) is full of faults and deserving writes that in the reign of Akbar, a large number of Madariya
death, yet as in the books containing the laws of our religion, itfakirs
is preassembled at Sikandra, near Agra, on their way to pilgrim
age to
scribed that except in war, it is highly culpable to confine and put at Makwanpur.63 They marched in a procession like an army
death any of the Fakirs whether Hindoos or Mussalman, I did not banners and arms. Bernier mentions that these wandering
with
think it advisable to adopt that measure (i e, of expelling the fakirs).59
fakirs, laden with heavy iron chains, sustain the rigours of long
distance
Similarly, the fakirs enjoyed the confidence and support of the pilgrimage, and moved about freely from one place to
Morung chief. Besides the general patronage extended toanother
them without any restriction during the time of Jahangir and
by the gurkha raja of Morung, fakir leaders like Cherag AliShah Jahan. It was believed that "they will be Rajas in their renas
Shah,
cent State".64 Shuja, issued a sanad in 1659 which assured that
Subhan Ali Shah, Johry Shah and their followers were provided
shelter, particularly when they were expelled by the BritishHasan
fromMuria Burhana as the representative of the Madariya com
munity was free to move anywhere he liked.
the frontier areas of Morung. Moreover, the fakirs were permit
ted by the same ruler to build a mud fort near a dense forest in It is quite evident from the above discussion that the indige
his
nousSub
kingdom. It appears that Cherag Ali Shah, Johry Shah and rulers tolerated the religious activities of this community
and gave them a free hand in performing their religious rites
han Ali Shah encamped near Rangally and Kwaliah in Morung.60
before
Since the fakirs were placed in a well-fortified position, they werethe beginning of British rule in Bengal.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 20 Calendar of Persian Correspondence, Calcutta,

12 J J Pemberton, Geographical and Statistical Reports
of the District ofMaldah, Calcutta, 1854, p 11. 1969, Vol XI, p 4. Henceforth, this source will be
i Ananda Bhattacharya, "Madari Silsila: Origin
13 Golaum
and Evolution", The Calcutta Historical Saklaen, Purva Paikstaner Sufi Sadhakreferred to as CPC; Majnu Shah's letter to Rani
Journal,
(in Bengali), Dacca, 1961, p 65; A F M Abdul Jalil, Bhavani: Controlling Council of Revenue at
Vol 26, No 1, January-June 2006.
2 The author has mentioned this in related articles Purva Banglar Krishok Bidroho (in Bengali), Dacca, Murshidabad (West Bengal State Archives) dated
on the Madara Silsila.
1974, p 88; Bolaky Shah was the leader of the 27 January 1772; W K Firminger (ed.), The Letter
fakir rebellion against the British in Bakharganj. Copy Book of the Resident at Murshidabad Durbar,
3 Ananda Bhattacharya, "Madari Community in the 1769-70, Calcutta, 1919, pp 29-32; Ashok Mitra,
14 J C Sengupta, West Bengal District Gazetteer, West
Perspective of Folk Culture" Annals, Bhandarkar Paschim Banger Puja Parban O Mela (in Bengali),
Dinajpur, Calcutta, 1965, p 49.
Oriental Research Institute, LXXXVII, 2006. Calcutta, 1969, Vol II, p 61; Pralay Sen, Paschim
15 RK Perti, ed., Calendar of Acquired Documents,
4 Mirat-ul-Madari, a Persian manuscript written by Banglar Tirtha (in Bengali), Calcutta, 1385 BS,
1352-1754, Vol II, New Delhi, 1986, preface.
Abdur Rahman Chisti now available in Munshi pp 119-20; Sudhir Kumar Chakraborty, "Fakir
16 R M Martin, The History, Antiquities, Topography Bidroher Pechone Arthanaitik Karan" (in Bengali),
Abdul Karim Collection, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
and Statistics of Eastern India, London, 1838, Malda Samachar, No 28, Malda 1379 BS, R K Gupta,
5 Ramai Pandit, Sunya Puran (ed.), C C Bandyopad
Vol II, pp 636, 644-45. The Economic Life of a Bengal District, Birbhum,
hyay, Calcutta, 1336 BS.
17 Wali, "Notes on the Faqirs of Baliyadighi". The fakirs1770-1857, Burdwan, 1984, p 12; "Sherpurer Itihas",
6 Mohammad Enamul Haq, A History of Sufism in
of Baliyadighi in Dinajpur continued to enjoy land Rangpur Sahitya Parishad Patrika, pt Y 1313-14 BS,
Bengal, Dacca, 1975, p 19.
and jagir up to the 1970s. After the creation of in P 78.
7 Maulana Syed Muhammad Ayub Madari, Sirat-edependent Bangladesh in 1971, they Baliyadighi,
21 Collector, Islamabad to William Cowper, president
Madari (in Urdu), Sri Lanka, 1987, pp 24-25. located in western Dinajpur in India, joined with and member of the board of revenue dated 31 Au
8 Sarat Chandra Mitra, "A Curious Mussalman Sect",the fakirs attached to the dargah of Neckmard in gust 1792: Board of Revenue (BOR) (West Bengal
reprinted from Quarterly Journal of Mythic Society, eastern Dinajpur in Bangladesh. This informationState Archives) 21 November 1792, No 6, A K Bandyo
Vol XXVII, N0S3-4. was collected by the author in 1990 from Kalimuddin padhyay and S R Das, Koch Behar Jelar Purakriti
9 Abul Kalam Muhammad Zakaria, BangladesherAhmad, a local resident of Baliyadighi. (in Bengali), Calcutta, 1974, pp 44,51.
Pratna Sampad (in Bengali), Dacca, 1974, pp 92-94,
18 A K Maulick, Atiya Parganar Itihas (in Bengali),
22 Martin, op cit, Vol III, pp 147-48.
129. Mymensingh, 1323 BS, p 21; Mohammed Jay
23 Mustafa Quli Khan to Council: Controlling Council
io Syed Hasan Askari, "The Mausoleum of a Saint ofenuddin, Karim Shah O Tipu Shah (in Bengali), of Revenue at Patna (CCRP) 4 February 1773,
the Madari order of Sufis at Hilsa, Bihar", Bengal Mymensingh, 1332 BS, p 1. pp 51-52; Camac to Vanisttart dated 28 February
Past and Present, Vol IXVIII, 1949. 19 G C Dass, Report of the Statistics ofRungpurfor the1772, CCRP, 19 March 1772, pp 885-94.
24 Extract of Proceedings, Military Board dated
ii For details see Maulavi Abdul Wali, "Notes on theYear 1872-73, Calcutta, 1874, pp 58-59; Rangpur
Fakirs of Baliyadighi in Dinajpur", Journal of District Records (Bangladesh National Archives, 23 August 1796 and letter from Popham to the sec
Asiatic Society of Bengal, No 2, Calcutta, 1903. Dhaka), Vol 32, p 57. retary, military board dated 30 September 1796:

120 may 21, 2011 vol xlvi no 2i ODES Economic & Political weekly

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 SPECIAL ARTICLE

BOR 8 November 1796, No 6, petition sent by an investigation report was issued for the validity 51 Askari, "The Mausoleum of a Saint of Madari
Shah Khaskar and Shah Serdar: Committee of of pension. It seems that at first the British did not Order of Sufis at Hilsa"; Mobarak Puri, "Hajrat
Revenue (COR), West Bengal State Archives 11 question the fakir's right to pension. Mir Sayed Ahmad Badpa".
February 1782, No 7. Moreover, Shah Keyamuddin38 Enclosure, BO to William Cowper dated 27 Octo 52 Donald Butter, Outlines of the Toropgraphy and
ber 1795, RDG, 6 November 1795, No 29; RDG,
held a large estate in and around Sasaram in Bihar. Statistics of the Southern Districts ofOudh, and of the
See Proceedings of the Acting Judge, Sahabad 25 May 1792, No 25, Register of Letter Received Cantonment Sultanpore - Oudh, Calcutta, 1839, P162.
dated 16 June 1793: J C, 28 June 1793, No 2. 1790, Rangpur district records, Vol XXXII, Muhammad Enamul Huq, A History of Sufism
25 Ibid. PP 385-95 Bengal, Dacca, 1975, p 19.
26 Extract of a letter to the collector of Purnea dated 39 Translated copy of the sanad in: RDG, 16 Decem 54 Subhas Samajdar, Epar Ganga OparAmudaria (in
18 January 1795: (Foreign Department (Poll), ber 1789, No 11; Arzee from the judge of the Adaw Bengali), Calcutta, 1388 BS, p 130. Saklaen op cit,
FDPL, National Archives of India, New Delhi, lat Ghazipore: Correspondence and Proceedings pp 87-88.
13 February 1795, pp 10-14. of the Resident at Benares, Allahabad Regional 55 Askari, "The Mausoleum of a Saint of Madari
27 Deposition of the local people of Mootree Pargana Archives (CPRB), 4 December 1789, pp 39-53 Order of Sufis at Hilsa".
in Nepal: Judicial (Criminal) (JCR), West Bengal 40 Abstract account of Saleanah and Rozenah for the 56 Interview with the pirzadas of Makwanpur in 1990.
State Archives, 23 January 1795, Nos 10-14. month of July 1803 in the Enclosure of the Collec
57 Since dargah of Shah Madar at Makwanpore
28 Evidence of Tirhut Giri taken on 5 April 1798: JCR, tor of Kanpur: BOR (Uttar Pradesh State Archives,
served as an important centre of religious activi
4 May 1798, No 4. Lucknow), 16 September 1803, para 97, No 52.
ties of the Madariya fakirs, the Indian princes
29 Alexander to the collector, Rangpur dated 25 March 4i Ibid, para 102, No 62. used to offer gifts and endowments to it. The gifts
1786, Rangpur District Records, Vol IX, p 45. Letter of Shah Majnu to Rani Bhavani: CCRM, of Madhav Rao Sindhia, the Gwalior prince,
30 S Heatly, collector, Purnea to Sir John Shore 27 January 1772. included a big kettledrum, popularly known as
dated 10 September 1789, BOR 21 September 43 Sengupta, op cit, p 49. Karak-Bijli, a cooking pot, garments decorated
1789, No 2. 44 Collector, Dinajpore to William Cowper, dated with gold and other precious metals and instru
31 Collector, Purnea to the resident and members of 7 September 1793: BOR (Sayer) 15 November ments for lighting the dargah of Shah Madar.
the BoR, dated 28 July 1794, BOR, 8 August 1794, 1793, No 1. 58 Deposition of the inhabitants of Nepal: JCR,
No 38; Enclosure Acting Secretary, revenue board Maulana Kazi Atahar Mobarak Puri, "Hazrat Mir 23 January 1795, No 12.
dated 21 September 1792, Revenue Department, Syed Ahmad Badpa" (in Urdu) Marif, No 145, Raja, Nepal to Lord Cornwallis, dated 21 January
Governor-general in council (RDG), West Bengal January, Azamgarh, 1990. 1795, FDPL, 13 February 1795, Nos 5-7.
State Archives, 25 January 1793, No 13. 46 Syed Hasan Askari, "The Mausoleum of a Saint of 60 Commissioner, Cooch Behar to Sir John Shore
32 Author's interview with the Pirzadas of Makwanpur the Madari Order of Sufis at Hilsa", Bihar, Bengal dated 25 July 1794, JCR, No 6.
in 1990. Past and Present, Vol IXVIII, Calcutta, 1949. 61 E G Glazier, Further Notes on Rungpore, Vol II,
33 Representation from Chaudhuries and Kanoungoes 47 Ibrahim Sarqi presented some valuable articles, Calcutta, 1876, p XIII.
of Pargana Gyaspore: COR, 20 December 1784, viz, ornaments and garment. This information was 62 T D Broughton, Letters from the Maratha Camp,
No 12; Enclosure from the Preparer of Reports dated collected by the present author in 1990 from an Calcutta, 1977 (reprint), pp 221-22. P M Joshi and
18 February 1782, COR, 28 February 1782, No 4. oral statement made by the Pirzadas of the dargah V G Khobrekar (ed.), Ibratnama, Bombay, 1966,
34 Saklaen, op cit, p 65. of Shah Madar at Makwanpur in Kanpur. p 5, M M Haq, "Shah Badi-al-ddin Madar and His
35 Petition of the fakirs dated 25 May 1792, RDG, 48 Abdur Rahaman Chisti, Mirat-ul-Maaari, p 33, Tariqah in Bengal".
25 May 1792, W K Firminger, The Fifth Report, Askari, "The Mausoleum of a Saint of Madari 63 W H Moreland and P Geyl (tr), Jehangir's
London, 1812, Madras (Reprint), 1866, p 31. order of Sufis at Hilsa". India: The Remonstrantie of Francisco, Pelsaert,
36 Petition of the fakirs dated 25 May 1792: RDG, 49 MM Haq, "ShahBadiuddin Madar and HisTariqah Cambridge, 1925, p 70.
25 May 1792, No 25. in Bengal", Journal of the Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 64 A Constable, ed., Francois Bernier Travels in the
37 Report on the investigation on the claims of grantees, Vol XII, No 1, Pakistan, 1967. Mughul Empire, 1656-68, New Delhi, 1968,
RDG, 12 January 1798, No 4. It appears that in 1798 50 Abdur Rahaman Chisti, opcit, pi7. pp 316-18.

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