Professional Documents
Culture Documents
MOROKVASIC Birds of Passage
MOROKVASIC Birds of Passage
The incorporation of migrant women into the labor force in Western indus-
trialized countries has to be seen within the context of post crisis economy,
progressive de industrialization and dislocation of vertically concentrated, un-
ionized factories and an increase of small production units which locate their
labor through informal networks - immigrant ethnic enclaves - where the
"unpaid work of women both as homeworkers and as household workers sub-
sidizes the modern sector" (Pessar, this issue).
Women from the peripheral zones, to whom local production and dissolv-
ing economic sectors did not offer any more opportunities, represent a ready
made labor supply which is, at once, the most vulnerable, the most flexible
and, at least in the beginning, the least demanding work force. They have
been incorporated into sexually segregated labor markets at the lowest stratum
in high technology industries or at the "cheapest" sectors in those industries
which are labor intensive and employ the cheapest labor to remain competi-
tive.
In developing countries, the rapid growth in export manufacturing and in
expert agriculture, based largely on foreign investments, provided poorly paid
and insecure jobs for a new category of wage workers-very young women.
Only U.S. off shore processing in electronics employs one-half million female
workers (Sassen-Koob, this volume). Industrial employment is for them some-
times their first employment (Hancock, 1983), or, they first enter domestic
service (the most "natural" employment opportunity for young women [Sa-
vane, 1980] in the agro-industry in Senegal). Transnational assembly female
1Some of the discussion and my theoretical approach draws on my work on female migration
in Europe and my survey of Yugoslav women in France, Germany and Sweden, carried out
between 1976 and 1979 (forthcoming in German at Stroemfeld/Roter Stern Verlag Frankfurt/
Main). The study was supported by a grant from the Ford Foundation which I am happy to
acknowledge here.
886 IMR Volume xviii No.4
BIRDS OF PASSAGE ARE ALSO WOMEN 887
workers in Southeast Asia are young, high school educated and the industrial
turnover for labor is extremely high due to difficult working conditions (women
suffered from deteriorated eyesight, dizziness, and headaches) and to recruit-
ing practices of the firms (Hancock, 1983: 141-142). In this agro-industry in
Senegal too, conditions of work are extremely strenuous and protective cloth-
ing is often provided to men only.
In Europe, there are about three million women who were born outside
the frontiers of their present country of residence. Their labor participation
rates vary considerably from country to country and from one national group
to the other in the same country. In these countries which had a strict labor
migration policy, their labor participation rates in 1970 were almost double
those of native-born women (as in Austria, Federal Republic of Germany and
Switzerland [Labour Supply andMigration in Europe, 1979:135-136 and p. 273])
and have been decreasing since (jonung, 1983; Mehrlander, 1980). In France
and Belgium female labor participation has been lower but steadily increasing
in the seventies and eighties (Morokvasic, 1981; Lebon, 1979; Moulier and
Silberman, 1982). The official data, however, usually underestimate the labor
participation of migrant women (Lebon, 1979). While data based on surveys
indicate a much higher proportion of women in the labor force (Leonetti and
Levi, 1970; Morokvasic, 1980; Moulier and Silberman, 1982). There is also
evidence that women who were not in the labor force at the time of survey had
a waged employment previously (majority of women in the New York City
survey of Hispanics, quoted in Pessar in this volume; Brandt, 1977), or have
been prevented from taking up a job through restrictive regulations because
they did not have a work permit (Mehrlander, 1980; Brandt, 1977).
The work native women and migrant women do does not always fit in the
reigning idealogy of work and is poorly assessed by the official data and not
always recognized as an economic activity at all. Throughout the world,
women are employed in domestic services and in other types of services
(Arondo, 1975; Levi, 1975, 1977; Lauran, 1976; Arizpe, 1978; ]elin, 1978;
Hamer, 1981; Young, 1982; Castello, 1~84; Ibarra, 1979; Arena, 1983) which
are not always recognized as economic activities. Women involved in petty
trade (Arizpe, 1978; Sudarkasa, 1978), in jobs with high seasonal variations
like agro-industry (Savane, 1980) or garments (Safa, 1981; Shah, 1975; Hoel,
1982), women employed in their own homes assembling garments or electronic
equipment (Allen, 1981), women entering formal wage employment for only
a portion of their life cycle, women involved in prostitution (Pittin, in this
volume; Sudarkasa, 1978) and, of course, female illegal migrants or those
undeclared as workers - they all can be assessed as being outside the labor force.
The fact that in the recent past rapidly growing export-oriented electronic
industries in Asian countries have been employing young women between the
ages of 15 and 24 (roughly) may be informative about high turnover and con-
888 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW
stant rejuvenation of the work force. But, of course it does not say what these
women do after that age. Knowing the high unemployment rate of men, it is
difficult to imagine that these young women, once they get married, simply
disappear from the labor force.
Women always work. They are not in and out of economic activity, but at
various stages of their life cycle they are either paid for their work or not and
their work is either recognized as economic activity or not. Women can do
work, for instance sewing clothes, on a formal basis, in the factory, and be
paid a "woman's wage"; or, defined legally as a dependent of a male head of
household, she can do the same work intermittently, following the seasonal
requirement in the production and be paid for it, but be declared as house-
wife; she can also sew clothes for her own family without pay at all. It is the
same work. First it is considered as economic activity and paid, in the second
case it is paid but does not count as economic activity being "off the books",
and in the third case it is neither paid nor recognized as economic activity.
The fact that women's work is often either an extension of women's domestic
roles - or is seen as such - or that it is accomplished on domestic premises
points to the crucial question of the interrelationship between women's exploi-
tation within the household and their exploitation in the economic system
(Michel, 1978; Delphy, 1970).
Whether migrant women in the Philippines produce barbie dolls for the
Western markets, or whether they produce watches in Singapore; whether
they are domestics in Dakar or Mexico City, whether they sew high quality
garments for high income and middle class women in the sweat shops of Lon-
don, Paris or New York, or jeans in Manila; work in the fisheries in Senegal,
or clean German, Swedish and British hospitals and public toilets, their role
in wage employment is usually not considered as their primary role, neither
by them nor by their employers. Their role, or role-to-be, of housewife-mother
'justifies" their consideration as subsidiary workers and the level of their wages
as complementary wages only. "Women tend to be segregated into particular
occupations which are carefully delimited by an ideology linking their activity
to their gender, with the vast majority, therefore, working in occupations de-
fined as having some structural resemblance to their family role . . ." (Moser
and Young, 1981:57).
In Europe, the labor migration system has been, until the immigration
halt of 1974, sustained by policies which tended to limit immigration to single
workers only, avoiding thereby the costs attached to maintenance of all other
persons related to these workers that were not themselves in waged employ-
ment. Women who joined these migration streams from the beginning were
confronted with the dominant Western ideology where a breadwinner is a man
and a woman a dependent. Female migrants have been assigned to this status
of dependent (Granotier, 1971, 1979), whether this dependency was real or not.
BIRDS OF PASSAGE ARE ALSO WOMEN 889
This ideology of male support has not only shaped their social, legal and eco-
nomic position in the immigration countries, but it has been usually assumed
to apply even more so to their societies of origin, irrespective of the fact that
it was more often than not perfectly inadequate. In Germany, for instance,
where the ideal of a Hausfrau (or, to borrow Moser's and Young's terminology
(1981 :56) the "housewifization" of German women) has been particularly
strong, Turkish women - and by means of abusive generalization all migrant
women - whose labor participation, by the way, has been higher than that of
German women (Repriisentativuntersuchung '73, Labour Supply and Migration in
Europe, 1979; Mehrliinder, 1980), were often labelled as victims of their "tra-
dition", of Islam, or of male-chauvinist attitudes of their husbands who do not
allow them to go out to work.? The poorly paid, unstable work these women
do, appears then as nothing but a "blessing of the modern societies to the
Third World women" (Morokvasic, 1983b) and, as we shall see below, as a
means out of their oppressive traditions. Thereby, the cause of restricted access
to formal employment has been attributed to women's own cultural heritage
and oppression. This has often shaped the narrow job supply for immigrant
women (Saifullah-Khan, 1979; Pramar, 1982) and limited their access to oc-
cupations which neither in terms of content nor in terms of work premises
disturbed the supposedly cultural prescriptions of acceptable work. Their
background is then used as means to exploit them both by native and by
immigrant entrepreneurs. "The work that Asian women are doing (or not
doing) at any point in time can, for example, be used by employers as an
explanation of "ethnic" preference or competence and so to justify excluding
Asian women from other work. When the women then interpret this exclusion
as an immutable feature of the environment, limitations on the seeking of
other work are reinforced" (Saifullah-Khan, 1979:117).
In these types of jobs, women's mobility is even more restricted than in the
formal type of employment, they are less legally protected or not protected at
all and wages are extremely low (it has been reported that a woman may earn
for a day's work the equivalent of the legal hourly wage (Buck, 1980). Besides,
the patriarchal relations of the family are extended to work relations (Anthias,
1983). In the elaborate system of subcontracting, manufacturers in formally
established organized firms contract work out to ethnic entrepreneurs, usually
men, who then employ women of the same or other ethnic origins either as
homeworkers, or on the premises of hastily established, volatile firms. Their
wives may work without pay at all as part of their domestic duty, as I have
2Suzanne Paine was right in pointing out that a high majority of women who entered employ-
ment in Germany were already in non-agricultural waged employment in Turkey, before their
immigration (1974:71).
890 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW
riority status assigned to women in the society and because their wage has
never been considered to be the primary wage in the family" although they
still bear the brunt of the ideology of racism and the insecure political and
legal status, as all migrants do." It is the articulation between the processes of
gender discrimination, racial discrimination of migrant workers and class ex-
ploitation as working class (Parmar, 1982; Philzacklea, 1983; Morokvasic,
1980; Anthias, 1983) that makes their position particularly vulnerable. An
example could perhaps best illustrate this articulation and how it limits possi-
ble options for these women: after the 1974 halt on further labor immigration,
the Western European receiving countries imposed either a complete ban or
waiting periods for entry into the labor market for the spouses who joined
migrants already in these countries. This regulation concerned non-EEC cit-
izens, mostly women. In the absence oflegal employment opportunities, these
women turned to illegal employment mostly in restaurants, domestic service
and garments. For employers, there are obvious advantages in resorting to
this kind of labor: tax violation, flexibility and non-application of labor legis-
lation. These women are therefore the most exploited and the most vulnerable
workers. As immigrants, their status is extremely insecure and they can stay in
the country only under certain conditions: either as wage earners themselves
or dependent on a wage earner. Legally, these women are defined as "depen-
dents" and their stay is linked to the legal status of the migrant husband. This
means that, when the dependency link no more exists (in case of divorce,
separation, for instance) or the husband's legal status changes, women may
no longer be allowed to stay in the country (Miinscher, 1979b; Brouwer and
Priester, 1983). There have been reports about numbers of women who had
to face the impossible dilemma: either accept the sexist oppression and viol-
ence in the household and keep the rights to remain in the country or escape
the oppressive conditions but be deported (Frankfurter Rundschau 3.3.1983,
20.2.1984).
CHANGES
What, then, are the effects of the migration of women on sex roles and family
patterns, on their status as women-migrant-workers and on their awareness
5Not even when it is the only wage, as it happens now in many Third World countries where
women were more rapidly incorporated into industrial production while men remained unem-
ployed (Safa, 1981).
60ne of the most blatant examples of both racism and sexism and impact of absurd generali-
zations about Asian women on the policy measures were virginity tests done on Asian women as
a screening device for their entry as "fiancees" to the United Kingdom. They were carried out
under the assumption that Asian women from Indian subcontinent are always virgins before they
get married and that it is not in their culture to engage in sexual activity before marriage (The
Guardian, Nov. 79; Pramar, 1982:24-5).
892 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW
about their status? These and similar questions have been asked in a number
of studies, in fact in most of those that have dealt with the migration of women
(a focus which has sometimes been underestimated [Whiteford, 1978:23]).
Frequently, the observed impact of the changes is limited to the sphere of
gender relations.
The "now and here" approach that characterizes a number of studies im-
plies also that migration is a move from a more oppressive (Andriopoulos,
1974; Levi, 1975, 1977) to a less oppressive environment, from traditional to
modern, and that the access to waged work contributes to access to a less
oppressed status. So, migration "is a liberating process and results in a modi-
cum of sexual equality, causing the rural cognitive modes about woman's place
to no longer be operative" (Whiteford, 1978),'and it is a "rejection, conscious
or unconscious of traditional female roles" (Schwartz-Seller, 1981:21). Simi-
larly, for Buechler migration can be associated with unintended or latent pos-
itive changes in domestic relations (1976:67) if it involves women in productive
tasks and communal space. The improvement at the level of gender-within
the taken for granted "general improvement resulting from migration" - was
formulated by Patterson (1965:266) and later, in reference to autonomous mi-
gration of women from West Indies to Britain, reformulated in less general
terms by Foner (1978:83). Hoffman-Nowotny (1977) also argued that migrant
women experienced an absolute improvement in status and their position in
the family would be strengthened. Borris (1973) and Kosack (1976) estimated
that access to a certain economic independence through waged work provided
women with more strength to fight for emancipation from their subjugated
traditional roles. In my earlier analyses, I also argued that waged work and
economic independence can be for Yugoslav women a solid ground for ques-
tioning their subordination (1974). Later research led me to more nuanced
conclusions when I took into account the interrelationships between woman's
role in the household and at work. I shall discuss them below. Kosack (1976:374)
and Leonetti and Levi (1979), taking Western women as a reference, argue
that the immigrant women would also experience a conflict between the
professional and family roles "like all other women" and take the stand that
the conflict would be the basis for change.
The interpretation of changes towards more egalitarian relationships as a
result of westernization (Oppong, 1974) and the tradition-modernity-theory
that has sustained much of these findings have been widely criticized (Sudar-
kasa, 1978; Andezian and Streiff, 1981). Sudarkasa, for instance, shows that
the life styles otherwise traditional couples adopt reflect the new demands of
existence in a new social environment of the cities and are not an attempt to
copy a western model (1978:188).
The above described trend towards more egalitarian relationships has not
been confirmed in a number of studies. Block (1976) and .Alund (1978) in her
BIRDS OF PASSAGE ARE ALSO WOMEN 893
define this process are: decline of the extended family patterns, adoption of
the nuclear family, fragmentation of the family structure, access to paid work,
influence of the media, decline of religious practices, increasing adoption of
egalitarian values for girls and boys and adoption of consumption behavior.
AIund (1978) also observed adoption of new consumption patterns among im-
migrant women in Sweden.
It has also been argued that changes observed in immigration countries
are a step in an ongoing process of change and has to be understood in the
light of experience and change in the country/area of origin. (Engelbrektsson,
1977; Morokvasic, 1980). Change i§ therefore a result of interaction between
past and present influences and not something attributable to the new milieu
only, seen systematically as a determinant, and in relation to women as a lieu
of liberation and openness. The analysis of birth control practices for instance
(Morokvasic 1981) provides evidence that for Yugoslav migrant women the
modern and supposedly liberating ways of birth control were not the most
privileged ones: there is even a reluctance to use them because they are seen
as a source of a new type of subjection.
To highlight other related changes which take place in the migration pro-
cess some authors have looked beyond gender and gender relations in the
household. Pessar's analysis in this issue focuses on the interdependence of the
household and workplace for Dominican immigrant women in the USA. Al-
though a new pattern of domestic authority emerges among immigrant cou-
ples with more egalitarian divisions oflabor and control of domestic resources,
women's new experience as wage workers does not challenge their deeply
rooted identities as wives and mothers: it has only helped women redefine
them in a more satisfying manner. On the other hand, their middle class iden-
tity and frame of reference were not conducive to collective struggles for im-
provement of working conditions. Pessar argues that only the forseeable con-
flict and contradictions between the established family ideology of the middle
class and the future lack of opportunities for their children "may transform the
identities of these women as tied to the fate of the larger working class".
In my own work I have analyzed the interrelationship between the discrim-
ination related to gender, class and immigrant status (Morokvasic, 1980 and
forthcoming, 1985). The oppression as a migrant/or a foreigner is the most
sharply felt and tends to "neutralize" the other two, to mask the exploitation
by (for instance) a male compatriot employer, or push women to take their
husband's stand whatever their own position in relation to him. This aware-
ness, however, hardly ever leads to collective action (Yugoslavs do not take
part in actions against restrictive laws which directly concern them). A strong
interrelationship between working class status and gender was observed: paid
work may enable women to assert theireconomic independence vis avis men,
but this creates dependency On work and blocks possible reaction to oppressive
BIRDS OF PASSAGE ARE ALSO WOMEN 895
working conditions. Besides, the role women play in the household is not put
in question because the working experience is often unrewarding and does not
represent a sufficiently attractive alternative to social recognition. Therefore,
performance in household tasks remains the only possible source for such rec-
ognition. Usually women may also accept the status quo in the household rela-
tions because home may be the only place where they still feel some security
in a xenophobic society and/or harassed by sexist entrepreneurs of the same
nationality. Solidarity with the husband is also emphasized by the originally
joint migration project, as Pessar also observed.
There is some evidence in research that migrant women can find strength
and power in the oppressive conditions that characterize their daily lives. The
intensification of gender and racial subordination through wage labor may
produce over time a liberating potential (Wilson, 1978; Philzacklea, 1982).
Pramar (1982) points to the active role of women in fighting their oppression.
''Asian women have a tradition of struggle where they have used and converted
their so called 'weaknesses' into strengths and developed gender and culturally
specific forms of resistances" (1982:264). Mirdal in this issue points to a de-
preciation of Turkish women's position in Denmark because the "roles they
have been socialized to fulfill completely are no longer needed under new
conditions". Unprepared to face new requirements; often in stress, they are
however, a group "with resources and strength, determined to solve their prob-
lems". Pittin, also in the present volume, argues that Hausa women, "while
projecting a self image as victims of fate and circumstances, capitalize on male
ideology in pursuit of their own objectives and priorities which may not be
achievable within the confines of marriage and rural society".
It is probably illusory to make any generalizations based on these findings
in different parts of the world. They can only be interpreted within the specific
socioeconomic and cultural context in which the changes are observed. The
review of material suggests, however, that these changes can be related to the
following set offactors: first, women's role in production and her social status
in the area of origin; second, possibilities of employment in the receiving areas
for women but also for men; and, third, migration patterns and reasons women
engage in them.
Women are known to have played an important role in maintaining the
subsistence agriculture (Meillassoux, 1975; Savane, 1980; Connell, in this is-
sue). Their status could be autonomous and prestigious due to their role, or
in spite of their considerable role in production they may have little power and
their status is not necessarily defined by their performance in production
(Meillassoux, 1975; Hamer, 1981; Abadan-Unat, 1977).
The impact of waged employment on women can be determined by the
possibilities of employment for men (Safa, 1981 :423). When these are lacking,
drastic changes in family structure can occur with increasing numbers of
896 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW
has been argued elsewhere that these reasons cannot be called individual (Mo-
rokvasic, 1983b). Sexist oppression and subordination experienced by women
in different parts of the world are not an individual matter, nor a matter of
specific personal relationships that concern some individuals exceptionally.
Neither is women's escape from it.
The interrelationship between these non-economic factors and the eco-
nomic ones will determine who will be the women who engage in the migra-
tory movements and what will be the meaning of migratory experience for
them, how they will incorporate, adapt new values and behavior, or totally
reject them, seeking refuge but often strength, in the old patterns.
BFor example in Granotier, 1979; Munoz, Oliveira and Stern, 1982; Adepoju, 1982, and even
in Piore's highly suggestive and innovative approach, which otherwise aims to cover a number of
migratory patterns - including those with a significant participation of women, - migrant worker
is essentially a male worker.
900 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW
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