Indigenous Movements in Latin America, 1992-2004: Controversies, Ironies, New Directions

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Indigenous Movements in
Latin America, 1992–2004:
Controversies, Ironies,
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005.34:549-573. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
New Directions
by University of New Orleans on 07/11/14. For personal use only.
Jean E. Jackson1 and Kay B. Warren2

1
Anthropology Program, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge,
Massachusetts 02139; email: jjackson@mit.edu
2
Watson Institute of International Studies, Brown University, Providence,
Rhode Island 02912-1970; email: Kay Warren@brown.edu
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. Key Words

2005. 34:549–73
new social movements, cultural rights, indigenous politics, public
The Annual Review of
Anthropology is online at intellectuals, diversity versus essentialism
anthro.annualreviews.org
Abstract
doi: 10.1146/
annurev.anthro.34.081804.120529 This review examines literature on indigenous movements in Latin
Copyright
c 2005 by America from 1992 to 2004. It addresses ethnic identity and eth-
Annual Reviews. All rights nic activism, in particular the reindianization processes occurring in
reserved indigenous communities throughout the region. We explore the im-
0084-6570/05/1021- pact that states and indigenous mobilizing efforts have had on each
0549$20.00 other, as well as the role of transnational nongovernmental organi-
zations and para-statal organizations, neoliberalism more broadly,
and armed conflict. Shifts in ethnoracial, political, and cultural in-
digenous discourses are examined, special attention being paid to
new deployments of rhetorics concerned with political imaginaries,
customary law, culture, and identity. Self-representational strategies
will be numerous and dynamic, identities themselves multiple, fluid,
and abundantly positional. The challenges these dynamics present
for anthropological field research and ethnographic writing are dis-
cussed, as is the dialogue between scholars, indigenous and not, and
activists, indigenous and not. Conclusions suggest potentially fruitful
research directions for the future.
549
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look more closely at what we refer to as lan-

Contents guages of implementation: altered or entirely
new performative rhetorics and the discursive
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 550
terrains on which they are deployed (political
DISCOURSE SHIFTS—STATE,
imaginaries, customary law, culture, and iden-
NATIONAL,
tity). We are particularly concerned to high-
TRANSNATIONAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . 551
light the serious limitations of several analytic
DISCOURSE SHIFTS—PUEBLOS 553
polarities, previously useful but now impedi-
SHIFTS IN
ments more than anything else.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
In 1995, Van Cott characterized the goals
DISCOURSE AND PRACTICE . 556
of Latin American indigenous movements to
DISCOURSE SHIFTS:
be self-determination and autonomy, with an
LANGUAGES OF POLITICAL
emphasis on cultural distinctiveness; politi-
PRACTICE AND
cal reforms that involve a restructuring of the

IMPLEMENTATION . . . . . . . . . . . 562
state; territorial rights and access to natural re-
Indigenous Political Imaginaries . . 562
sources, including control over economic de-
Customary Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 563

velopment; and reforms of military and police
Indigenous Deployment of Culture 563
powers over indigenous peoples (p. 12). Our
Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 564
primary aim has been to highlight what we,
FUTURE DIRECTIONS . . . . . . . . . . . 565
a decade later, see to be the most important
changes.
Owing to page length constraints imposed
by the Annual Reviews format, this review is
Customary law: INTRODUCTION
gives local not a survey of the literature, nor does it
This review examines a cross-section of the address the history of indigenous organiz-
authorities rights to
judge, detain, settle literature on indigenous movements in Latin ing in Latin America. We cannot comprehen-
disputes, establish America from 1992 through 2004. This tem- sively discuss many significant epistemolog-
sanctions, and punish poral framing spans important historical mo- ical issues, for example, the implications of
on the basis of their ments, from the Columbian quincentenary
distinctive normative the shift to more historicized research per-
and the end of the Cold War through the spectives, nor can we construct models or ty-
systems
stepped-up globalization of the present. We pologies, systematically characterize the na-
(Latin American)
confine our focus to what we see to be some tional movements in each country, or do more
indigenous
peoples: culturally of the most important aspects of indigenous than mention some of the work on various
diverse political organizing, and to several undeservedly ne- crucial topics. Finally, we deeply regret hav-
minorities who trace glected issues. Enlisting the notion of shifts ing to limit our ability to cite the burgeon-
their histories and in activist and scholarly discourses to struc-
cultural ing Latin American literature, indigenous and
ture our argument, we adopt perspectives nonindigenous, on this topic.
identifications before
the conquest and from three subject positions: states and in- The topics of ethnic identity and ethnic
colonization of the ternational actors, indigenous communities activism now interest some of the best and
New World (henceforth “pueblos”1 ), and scholars (a cate- brightest young scholars in anthropology and
gory that includes indigenous and nonindige- political science. Latin Americanist scholar-
nous, national and foreign scholars). We then ship on these subjects alone has become a vir-
tual industry. Surely one reason for this is the
1
This Spanish term means both “town/community” and several spectacularly successful indigenous
“people.” Villalón discusses this term in the Venezuelan mobilizations during the 1990s, such as the
context (2002, pp. 18, 32). Indigenous peoples in Latin indigenous uprisings in Ecuador (Selverston-
America have tended to organize politically around the idea
of belonging to pueblos rather than to minority or racial Scher 2001; Van Cott 2005; Whitten 2004,
groups. pp. 62–64) and Bolivia (Van Cott 2000, Calla
550 Jackson · Warren

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2000). Other well-known cases are still strug- pueblos and assigned territories (Macdonald
gling to have a sustained national impact. 2003). Other Andean communities that
The Zapatista uprising in Chiapas in 1994 had traded their indigenous identity for a
NAFTA: North
to protest the signing of the North Ameri- campesino one underwent processes of reindi- American Free Trade
can Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (Collier genization (de la Cadena 2000, Plant 2002). Agreement
1999, Harvey 1998, Rus et al. 2003, Stephen Brazil recognized 30 new indigenous com- NGOs:
2002) is one example, but it nonetheless man- munities in the northeast, a region previously nongovernmental
aged to achieve an important measure of re- seen to have lost its indigenous population organizations
gional self-administration and self-definition (French 2004, p. 663; see also J. Warren 2001
in a manner previously unthinkable. Mobi- on newly self-identified Brazilian Indians).
lizing continues to make headlines; in 2000, State ideologies of mestizaje—which empha-
indigenous people helped force the Bolivian size cultural and biological mixing rather than
government to cancel plans to allow the Bech- ethno-racial difference, as in Vasconcelos’ “la
tel Corporation sell the country’s water to its raza cósmica” (“the cosmic race,” see Alonso
own citizens (Laurie et al. 2002, pp. 265–69). 2004)—shifted to identities that valorized dif-
In several countries, most spectacularly in Bo- ference, in particular Indianess. Constitu-
livia and Ecuador, the indigenous movement tional reforms recognizing multicultural na-
has worked to create ethno-political parties tions containing plural citizenries occurred
that participate at every electoral level (Albó in Guatemala, Nicaragua, Brazil, Colombia,
2002). Mexico, Paraguay, Ecuador, Argentina, Peru,
and Venezuela.
These changes took place in states that, al-
DISCOURSE SHIFTS—STATE, though hardly withering away, were becom-
NATIONAL, TRANSNATIONAL ing “increasingly porous as the boundaries
Until the 1980s and 1990s, Latin American between the state and society change [in an]
public discourse and state policies discouraged increasingly plural and transnationalised in-
politicized indigenous identification. The international context” (Sieder 2002, p. 201).
digenist policies of the era were directed Various transnational social movements (hu-
at assimilation. Gordillo & Hirsch (2003) man rights, women’s rights, environmental-
talk of the “invisibilization” of Indians in ism) have proliferated. In many ways the in-
Argentina (the same occurred with blacks in digenous rights movement itself was “born
Colombia; see Wade 2002, p. 9). Sam Colop transnational” (Brysk 1995, Tilley 2002).
(1996) speaks of a Guatemalan state “dis- Transnational organizing and coalition build-
course of concealment.” National policy and ing opened up new opportunities for pueb-
class-based organizing encouraged indige- los to influence national legislative agendas,
nous Bolivians and Peruvians to self-identify and many nongovernmental organizations
as campesinos. State nationalism associates (NGOs) that specialize in development or hu-
indigenous communities with the nation’s man rights came to see indigenous peoples as
“glorious indigenous past,” marginalizing clients (Brysk 2000). Many Latin American
them in the present—except for museums, countries signed international human rights
tourism, and folkloric events (Alonso 1994). treaties and covenants: The leverage provided
Mallon (1992) provides an illuminating com- by the 1989 International Labor Organiza-
parison of state projects for a “modern” mes- tion’s Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Con-
tizo hegemony in Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia. vention 169 has been especially far-reaching
The past three decades have seen a re- (Gray 1997, pp. 13–20). With their claims
markable reversal. In Ecuador groups pre- of collective grievances and rights, indige-
viously seen basically as Quichua-speaking nous organizations challenged democratic
campesinos have been classified into a set of liberalism’s focus on the individual rights
www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 551

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and responsibilities of undifferentiated “cit- their identities or demands” (Dı́az Polanco

izens” (Hodgson 2002, p. 1092; Muehlebach 1997, p. 988). But constitutions and peace
2001; Yashar 2005). accords may complicate implementation in
IMF: International
Monetary Fund Under pressure from the International their echoing of the idealized rhetoric of in-
Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank ternational norms in a way that is particularly
Neoliberal reforms:
intended to help to resolve fiscal, legitimacy, and governability vague and ambiguous, sometimes deliberately
resolve the fiscal, crises, many Latin American states agreed to so (Assies et al. 2000, p. 297). In addition,
legitimacy, and adopt neoliberal reforms to promote democ- many of the older power structures remained.
governability crises ratization, economic liberalization, and de- Authors, indigenous and nonindigenous
faced by Latin
centralization. Neoliberalism argues that pri- alike, point out the numerous ways that eth-
American countries
vatization and decentralization will result in nic and racial discrimination continue to be
a less corrupt and less bloated government, so deeply embedded that the relationship
one less dependent on clientalist relations to between citizen and state remains far from
get things done. A concomitant “social adjust- democratic (Jelin 1996, pp. 109–10; Schirmer
ment” (Alvarez et al. 1998, p. 22) should be 1996). Indigenous organizing and resistance
made, with measures taken to foster move- continue to exact a high toll, with thousands
ment toward a more participatory civil soci- of leaders being assassinated. And during the
ety and to take up the slack resulting from de- past three decades, armed conflict, especially
creases in social services. Appeals to diversity, in Guatemala, Peru, and Colombia, has pro-
to a pluralist state in which everyone partic- duced severe political repression, hundreds
ipates, further this “social adjustment” goal, of thousands of indigenous deaths, and over
and so it is not surprising that in some cases a million indigenous refugees and internally
neoliberal models and policies have favored displaced persons.
pueblos’ agendas. Pressure from international As Yashar points out (2005), the adoption
NGOs and bodies like the United Nations has of multicultural citizenship reforms by Latin
resulted in states recognizing rights to differ- American states did not occur solely because
ence, which allows indigenous activists and of outside pressure, and scholars have hypoth-
groups to make claims that enlist discourses esized about possible contributing domestic
about tradition and community that resonate reasons. Some scholars believe multicultural
with neoliberal discourses on community sol- citizenship reforms appealed to ruling elites
idarity and social capital (Sieder 2002, p. 18). as a way for the state to signal its citizens that
Abundant evidence exists showing that it was attending to their interests, despite a
sustained struggle and compromise have been decreasing ability to meet material demands
necessary for the passing and implementing (Van Cott 2000; D.L. Van Cott, forthcom-
of these reforms. Striking changes have in- ing2 ). Authors such as Hale (2002) argue that
deed occurred. A general shift from totalitar- states provide favorable terms to certain in-
ian and authoritarian to democratic govern- digenous groups to reject the more radical de-
ment took place, a Marxist paradigm that saw mands of others. Other scholars argue that the
organizing for cultural and historical recov- negative impact of fiscal austerity measures on
ery to be mistaken and regressive declined, pueblos’ local autonomy and livelihoods pro-
older assimilationist indigenism lost ground, vided the impetus for increased ethnic mobi-
and new debates and new legal forms resulted lization, some of it successful enough to force
in a greater inclusion of indigenous peoples in states to negotiate (Brysk 2000, Yashar 1999).
the national political process. Ethnic groups
increasingly came to be seen as “contempo-
2
rary sociocultural configurations strongly ar- Van Cott DL. Forthcoming. Multiculturalism against ne-
oliberalism in Latin America. In Does Multiculturalism Erode
ticulated within national society” able to “be- the Welfare State? ed. K Banting, W Kymlicka. New York:
come a political force without renouncing Oxford Univ. Press.

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Yashar (1996) argues that those left at the space and encouraged so-called local control
margins of this new wave of democratization and decision making over the development
soon discovered that ethnicity was a power- process, while generating tensions in rural
ful language for social mobilizing and political communities over issues such as unfunded
demands. mandates, local taxes, and land alienations that
A substantial number of authors discuss in- diminish the resources on which their liveli-
stances in which indigenousness and multi- hoods depend (Benson 2004; Hodgson 2002,
culturalism have bolstered neo-liberal ideol- p. 1092). The struggles of Colombia’s U’wa to
ogy by reinforcing decentralized governance resist Occidental Petroleum’s plans for seis-
and market policies (Giordani 2002, p. 86). mic testing and well digging illustrate that
Plant (2002) provides a valuable country-by- collective title to land may not suffice when
country comparison of the relationship be- governments retain subsoil rights ( Jackson
tween cultural identity maintenance, legis- 2002b, pp. 96–98). Critics argue that scruti-
lation around land titling, and the effects nizing the politics of development will reveal
of neoliberal policies aimed at dismantling that state and industry support follows a logic
corporate agrarian structures. of development that rests on a confidence that
The impact of neoliberal reforms on in- most often the communities “will be forced
digenous mobilizing is hotly debated. Clearly by circumstances to put these resources at
the reforms, in their efforts to strengthen the disposal of industry” (Dombrowski 2002,
civil society through policies of decentral- p. 1068).
ization, have provided both new constraints
and opportunities for pueblos seeking recog-
nition and expanded power (Hodgson 2002, DISCOURSE SHIFTS—PUEBLOS
p. 1092). Some authors see neo-liberalism’s The politics being pursued by pueblos—
move to a strategy of what Mexican Presi- demanding and attaining national and inter-
dent Vicente Fox terms “government of busi- national recognition of their identity and the
ness, by business, for business” (Speed 2002, legitimacy of their claims—has shown that
p. 223) to be an unmitigated disaster. Cer- adopting an overall strategy of cultural and
tainly the negative effects of structural adjust- historical recovery and revival is often the best
ment, privatization, and rollbacks of state ser- route for achieving a degree of autonomy and
vices on national economies and local-level self-determination, as well as convincing fun-
employment result in adverse consequences ders and legislators of the reasonableness of
for pueblos. Sturm (SAR 2004, p. 16) ar- other kinds of claims, such as titling a tradi-
gues that neoliberalism offers a thinly veiled tional collective land tenure system. Securing
racism of a new variety. Neoliberal ideol- collective land rights has proved more likely
ogy’s emphasis on culture, class individualism, when pueblos successfully convince govern-
and choice, she argues, denies the persistence ment bureaucrats and the courts of the va-
of economic marginalization and structural lidity of indigenous understandings of native
racism, as well as the meaningfulness of race identity and practices. These campaigns have
at all. Neoliberalism’s professed multicultural pushed for a much more comprehensive no-
neutrality allows unique historical and polit- tion of territory. Rather than simply the land
ical forms of oppression to be glossed over. itself, territory is seen to be a crucial foun-
An illusion of a level playing field is created, dation for self-determination, a “fundamen-
and issues of race, power, and privilege are tal and multidimensional space for the cre-
obscured. ation and recreation of the social, economic,
Overall, neoliberal reforms have been and cultural values and practices of the com-
deeply contradictory for Latin America’s in- munities” (Alvarez et al. 1998, p. 20). Mini-
digenous people. They have opened political mally, pueblo autonomy should include land,

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resources, and normative and administrative mances can be tactically misconstrued by

space [Cojtı́ Cuxil 1994; Sieder 2002, p. 7; see critics of indigenous empowerment. Oppo-
Kearney & Varese (1995, p. 228) on the link nents who take the position that any po-
between territory and ethnic groups as juridi- litical assertiveness threatens race war, and
cal subjects]. that any demand for self-determination is
This kind of “politics of recognition” tantamount to a desire for secession, seem
(Taylor 1994) takes place in complex fields of to assume that, unlike politicians in general,
power and has required that indigenous iden- indigenous polemic must be taken literally
tity itself be turned into a strategy, a political (Falk 2001). Criticism that conjures up im-
opportunity structure—which does not mean ages of “balkanization” (Giordani 2002, p. 81),
that, by so doing, it somehow loses cultural that sees indigenous leaders as dupes of
and historical content. Even goals more ex- “agitators” from other countries, or that
plicitly development oriented, such as obtain- asserts that ethnic revitalization projects
ing access to training and resources to mod- impede the country’s journey toward moder-
ify traditional subsistence modes or raise the nity make for good copy in the morning
quality of education and health status, are ar- newspaper and good strategies for mobiliz-
ticulated in terms that insist on these goals ing nonindigenous voters. In fact, indige-
being accomplished in culturally appropriate nous claims to self-determination and auton-
ways. omy do not include secessionist projects, even
The cultural and historical recovery strat- though some indigenous intellectuals will ar-
egy recognizes that if pueblos are to succeed gue that that right must never be ceded (Cojtı́
with their political agendas they need to per- Cuxil 1997). For the most part indigenous
form their indigenous difference to gain the activist rhetoric and practices have empha-
authority to speak and be listened to. Laurie sized other goals and demands such as ed-
et al. (2002) argue that the political culture ucation, judicial restructuring, and land re-
within which indigenous struggles occur relies forms. Indigenous complaints tend to decry
mostly upon such representations of indige- a rejecting, exclusionary state, a state run by
neousness “rather than on established criteria, elites interested in maintaining power above
self-determination and/or self-identification the needs of the poor. “Nunca más un México
(in spite of what the legislation might sug- sin nosotros!” (“never again a Mexico with-
gest)” (p. 270; also see Briones 2003). Garfield out us!”) expresses the aims of the vast ma-
(2001) describes the process by which the jority of indigenous organizations (Rus et al.
Brazilian Xavante realized that emphasizing 2003). Harvey (1998) argues that the Zapatista
positive stereotypes of Indians as ecologists rebellion represents a new form of rural
and as the first Brazilian nationalists would protest because it sparked broader efforts both
optimally help them with their land claims to change the way pueblos throughout Mex-
(see also Graham 2002). Not all mobiliz- ico were represented in state discourse and
ing that employed such argumentation suc- to bring about democratic elections. Ecua-
ceeded. Ticona (2000) analyzes the failure of dorian indigenous activism prioritizes inclu-
an urban-based Aymara movement, notwith- sion and participation: The Pachacutik party
standing its politically self-conscious indige- and the indigenous movement in general
nous majority base (cited in Van Cott 2003, present themselves “not simply as a new and
p. 227). legitimate political party but also as a van-
Pueblo performances are intended for a va- guard for advancing broad popular participa-
riety of audiences: other indigenous groups tion and democratization” (Macdonald 2003,
as well as national and international actors p. 10). Zamosc (2003) points out that Ecuado-
(Conklin 1997, Graham 2002, Turner 2002). rian natives who protest integration are re-
Especially when polemical, these perfor- jecting the agenda of cultural homogenization

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embedded in it, not integration per se (p. 55). 2005, Velázques Nimatuj 2005). They are also
CONAIE (Confederation of Indigenous Na- apparent in Bolivia, where espousal of Aymara
tionalities of Ecuador) also followed a col- superiority cost activists like Felipe Quispe
CONAIE:
laboration politics, seeking to include other support from lowland pueblos (Langer & Confederation of
sectors of civil society in the dialogues. De Muñoz 2003, p. 205). Ecuadorian activist Indigenous
la Cadena (2001) analyzes Peruvian indige- Nina Pacari urges Shuar to identify as Shuar, Nationalities of
nous politicians’ demands for political space not simply as indigenous citizens (Langer & Ecuador
to participate as literate indigenous activists, Muñoz 2003, p. 204). COCEI: Coalition
an oxymoronic status prior to this struggle (p. Researchers who become deeply involved of Workers,
Peasants, and
257). Warren (1998) points out that Mayas with indigenous organizations are able to
Students of the
who challenged the Guatemalan model of see factionalism developing and analyze its Isthmus
“national culture” (p. 195) did not necessar- causes—a substantial contribution. For ex-
ily reject the notion of a unified Guatemala. ample, Bastos & Camus analyze the com-
An especially telling reply to accusa- plex relation of culturalists and grassroots

tions of indigenous “threats to the state” is leftists, among them popular Mayas in
found in indigenous leaders’ rhetoric in the Guatemala’s Pan-Mayanism (1995, 1996).
many mass demonstrations protesting gov- Campbell (1996) notes that as the Mexican
ernments’ invitations to multinational cap- government granted greater legitimacy to
ital to conduct what are perceived as land COCEI (Coalition of Workers, Peasants, and
or subsoil resource grabs. Their protests Students of the Isthmus) internal tensions
express a form of nationalism and patrio- seemed to be on the rise, which suggests that
tism (Stephen 1997) that is opposed to a without the threat of repression and sense of
corrupt, incompetent, sell-out government. urgency, ethnic and class solidarity may not
Some of the most effective speeches and po- be enough to thwart internal factionalism.
sition papers coming out of the movement Ethnographic research is also needed into
make inclusive, populist arguments in fa- the various ways a pueblo’s (or indigenous
vor of putting the nation (one that is mul- organization’s) agendas are vulnerable to in-
ticultural, multilingual, and pluri-ethnic, of ternational NGO pressure to comply with
course) first and foremost. Such rhetoric sim- their political and economic agendas (Tilley
ply did not appear during the 1980s and early 2002). Clearly, a pueblo’s ability to critique
1990s. The impressive levantamientos (upris- NGOs and dependence on donor funds will
ings) in Ecuador and Bolivia (Brysk 2004, affect its self-representation, both to the out-
pp. 28–31; Macdonald 2002) were the op- side and to themselves [Ramos 1994, Raxche’
posite of secessionist strategies; their plat- 1995; see Varese (1996) on the indigenous ac-
forms critiqued governmental willingness to tivist/conservationist alliance, and see Chapin
sell a country’s patrimony to foreign inter- (2004) on neoliberalism’s impact on it].
ests and protested governmental indifference The terms with which many pueblos rep-
to the consequences of structural adjustment resent themselves are fluid and temporary, any
squeezes on those sectors of impoverished binaries quickly dissolving. Castañeda (2004)
citizens who could least withstand it. Here describes the term Maya as “an embattled
we see indigenous organizing that represents zone of contestation of belonging, identity,
the concerns of a wider constituency facing a and differentiation” (p. 41). Schwittay (2003)
common enemy. describes Kollas as articulating the language
Scholars will need to continue their analy- of national citizenship and the language of in-
ses of the tensions activists encounter between digeneity (p. 146). Pueblo discourse about in-
emphasis on organizing at the national ver- digenous identity is especially fluid and mul-
sus the pueblo level. We see such tensions tiple in land claims. Ramı́rez (2002) describes
most particularly in Guatemala (Montejo the emergence of a new indigenous group in

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
Colombia’s Putumayo who, realizing that “In- as an attempt to “examine the circulation of
dians exist by virtue of the state’s legal system,” cultural meanings, objects, and identities in
acquired legal ethnic group status, despite diffuse time-space” (1998, p. 79). The chal-
pueblos in the region arguing that the claim lenges are considerable, given the discipline’s
was “imaginary” (pp. 142–47). Chaves (2001) emphasis on achieving a deep understanding
describes a tug-of-war between Putumayo of small-scale communities, including local
colonos (settlers) claiming to be indigenous and systems of knowledge.
the director of the National Office of Indian Although Latin American anthropology
Affairs. Colombia’s Chocó province offers an always assumed that activism and schol-
example of “white” and “Indian” families be- arship go together—scholars like Rodolfo
ing included in the definition of a “black com- Stavenhagen, Alcida Ramos, Myriam Jimeno,
munity” that is seeking land title. The right to Stefano Varese, Nellie Arvelo-Jiménez, and
“be black” for the purposes of the land claim Manuela Carneiro da Cunha come to mind—
derives from black-indigenous intermarriage only recently have North American and Eu-
or from histories of cooperation, exchange, ropean scholars problematized and blurred
and sharing (Wade 2002, p. 19). Wade de- the distinction in their actual fieldwork, re-
scribes how the Colombian state “indianizes” jecting earlier orthodoxies that stressed the
these communities. need for activist scholars to keep their parti-
san activities separate from their “scientific”
work. (Of course, anthropologists through-
SHIFTS IN ANTHROPOLOGICAL out the hemisphere have been writing about
DISCOURSE AND PRACTICE their activist concerns for decades.) Innova-
Anthropologists have led the drive to embrace tive research designs assign to the anthro-
more culturalist approaches, paying attention pologist roles such as secretary or transla-
to the fluidity of ethno-racial meanings and tor during meetings; participant in marches,
how they are constructed, negotiated, and re- demonstrations, and blockades; and workshop
constructed. Simply put, the cultural is polit- leader. Sawyer (2004) assumed a strong ad-
ical and the political is cultural (Alvarez et al. vocacy position from the very beginning of
1998). K.B. Warren (2001) characterizes re- her fieldwork on Ecuadorian indigenous mo-
cent scholarship as turning “away from ‘cul- bilizations that were protesting multinational
ture’ as uniformity to the study of social and oil extraction in the Oriente section of the
cultural heterogeneity, the ethnographic con- country. Other examples are England’s (see
cern with multiple identities and their lines of 2003) involvement in the Maya language re-
interaction rather than the privileging of eth- vival movement for some 30 years, and Speed’s
nicity as more foundational than other identi- participation as an observer in a Civilian Peace
fications, and the engagement with competing Camp in Chiapas in May 1995 (2002). Ar-
discourses of identity rather than essentialized ticles and ethnographies emerging from this
renderings of authenticity” (p. 94). The most sort of research are packed with the kind of
interesting recent work employs methodolo- information so often absent in political sci-
gies that continue the anthropological tradi- ence analyses of these very processes. There
tion of long-term, intense, face-to-face re- would have been no way to observe 99% of
search; however, it takes place at multiple what Sawyer reports had she not signed on
sites. Investigators examine a variety of inter- as a supporter. It is difficult to imagine how a
subjectivities involving, for example, indige- researcher could avoid taking a stand on such
nous activists; translocal, nonindigenous ac- important issues (Starn 1991). Ethnographic
tivist “collaborators”; and practitioners from practice that bridges inquiry, activism, and
regional, national, and international institu- participatory approaches to the production of
tions. Marcus sees such “mobile ethnography” cultural knowledge raises complex questions,

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
epistemological and ethical, answers to which movement, even though they saw themselves
are not exactly around the corner (see Field as indigenous, whereas another community
1998; Hale 2004; Jackson 1999; Warren & aligned its families with the regional indige-
Jackson 2002b, pp. 8–11). But at least the nous movement, even though craftswomen
issues are being productively reframed. Ac- had earlier “proudly maintained” the mestiza
tivist researchers do try to be as objective as origin of their ceramic production (p. 432).
possible, producing comprehensive, system- The contrasts between community-based
atic, theoretically engaged work that reflex- versus individual-based indigenous identity
ively speaks to some of the dilemmas with also point out subtle gradations between
which they wrestle. “same” and “other.” Occhipinti (2003) de-
Recent scholarship illustrates why certain scribes how members of a community saw it
dichotomies and concepts, usefully employed becoming Kolla when its claim to that iden-
in earlier analyses, now hinder more than tity succeeded, regardless of whether they felt
help. One overly simple dichotomy constructs a strong sense of Kolla identity (p. 160). Sim-
difference uniquely in terms of an “indige- ilarly, Speed (2002) saw processes she charac-
nous/nonindigenous” or “same/other” divi- terizes as “being and becoming indigenous”
sion. All the ways in which pueblos are resigni- in Chiapas to occur at the community level,
fying indigenousness unfailingly demonstrate during discussions concerned with “declaring
that underneath such binaries are complex, ourselves a ‘pueblo indı́gena’” (p. 212).
nuanced, and, above all, dynamic meaning As with territory, ways in which language
structures. The dichotomy between indige- is seen to signal, confer, and validate indige-
nous and nonindigenous is never unprob- nousness continue to require examination.
lematic, but this fact does not deny that Many authors write on the problematic equa-
such a binary exists. It does mean that we tion of language = ethnic identity. Brown
must constantly resist seeing it as a natu- (1996) describes language “as both the exter-
ral, straightforward, uncomplicated division. nal and internal symbol of a people [and as]
The literature provides many fascinating ex- a crucial element in emerging ethnic presen-
amples of “indigenousness” being resignified tation” (p. 206). It is obvious that language
in novel ways. For example, to what de- often represents a people in all kinds of ways,
gree does being able to speak to power (i.e., its loss seen as a tragedy, but this is not the
be fluent in a colonizer language) disqualify whole story. Garzón et al. (1998) describe
the speaker? Such fluency may mean that a a switch generation of indigenous Spanish
speaker has permanently traversed a cultural speakers in Guatemala that reflected a new
and ideological boundary and hence can no domestic family economic strategy. Early cul-
longer be bilingual and bicultural (Rappaport turalist activists often came from such families
2005). This fraught aspect of the politics-of- and, as a result, had to relearn their commu-
culture issue puts a new spin on the “Can the nity’s indigenous languages as they advocated
subaltern speak?” question. Rappaport illus- for official language recognition. Yet speaking
trates the meagerness of the “same/other” di- Guaranı́ in Paraguay or Mexicano (Nahuatl)
chotomy with a description of complex grada- in Mexico does not mark indigeneity, and
tions of Otherness in her work with a variety dominant societal appropriations of indige-
of indigenous intellectuals in Cauca, Colom- nous lexicon to stigmatize indigeneity also oc-
bia. Field provides an example from western cur: Whitten’s (2003) examples of Quichua
Nicaragua, which, like Northeastern Brazil used by elite Ecuadoreans (p. 69) resemble
and El Salvador (Tilley 2002), was officially the “mock Spanish” described by Hill (1999).
seen to have lost its indigenous populations. Various institutional authorities try to require
One community Field studied (1998) did some form of link between cultural mark-
not become involved with the indigenous ers, such as language, and cultural identities.

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
In the past, some states required a person who neither wholly modern nor traditional indige-
had moved out of a community to speak its nous identities (also see Martı́nez 2004). Starn
language still or be classified as “used to be in- (2003; see also 1999), writing about Peru’s
digenous.” Today, however, such policies may rondas (self-defense organizations that arose
be overruled, so dynamic are these politics, during the period of extreme violence involv-
local and national. In sum, cases exist where ing “Shining Path” guerrillas and the state’s
pueblos do not speak their traditional lan- counter-insurgency forces), judiciously cri-
guage, other cases where nonindigenous pop- tiques Garcı́a Canclini’s (1995) analytic model
ulations do speak a traditional language, and based on this opposition. Laurie et al. (2002)
still other cases where people speaking a lan- argue that indigenous identities in Bolivia
guage feign total ignorance of it (Castañeda are being reconstituted in nondichotomous
2004, p. 41). terms, neither wholly modern nor traditional
The processes by which collective histori- (p. 253); the same is true for many Colombian
cal struggle, a common ancestry of suffering, pueblos (Gow & Rappaport 2002). Cojtı́ Cuxil
confers indigenousness are examined by sev- (2002) and Warren (1998) also provide ex-
eral authors. Sam Colop (1996) and Montejo amples of an emerging urban, cosmopolitan,
& Akab’ (1992, Montejo 1999) speak of a view and professional class of Mayas, as do authors
of indigenous identity as shaped by a history in Fischer & Brown (1996) and Watanabe
of resistance to nation-states. Field (1998) & Fischer (2004). Plant’s (2002) concise dis-
notes that this requires the anthropologist “to cussion of the debate over whether indige-
uncover and describe the specific historical nous identity should be seen as based in a par-
conditions producing elements of identity, ticular economic system, or in a relationship
attending to their dynamically continuous with the land and environment, also points
transformations” (p. 432). Rappaport & out the problems with standards based on
Dover (1996) speak of the “romance of resis- “traditional” behavior (pp. 212–14).
tance” enhancing a multi-pueblo Colombian Authors also attend to official construc-
indigenous organization’s sense of being tions of the “traditional.” Briggs notes that
united through a history of struggle. Gray the opposition between “traditional subjects,”
(1997) sees consciousness of indigenousness who are inexorably embedded in local envi-
to emerge “when a people senses the injus- ronments, and “cosmopolitan subjects” has
tices of colonization” (p. 23; see also Pallares been a central epistemological and politi-
2004). Speed (2002) describes the inhabitants cal component of modern discourses since
of the town of Nicolás Ruı́z saying that the seventeenth century (Bauman & Briggs
they are recovering their lost Tzeltal culture 2003, p. 133, as cited in Briggs 2004, p. 176).
because “[t]he truth is, we are Tzeltales. . .in Would-be demonstrators, en route to protest
the struggle with indigenous people” Venezuela’s handling of a cholera epidemic,
(p. 217). were targeted at military checkpoints set up
The overly simple dichotomy of “tradi- to block “any body that looked indigena” from
tional” and “modern” does not satisfacto- leaving. Although these activists knew they
rily characterize the complex divisions de- were participating in a transnational indige-
scribed in most recent publications. Kearney nous movement, the government had other
(1996) and Warren & Jackson (2002b) ar- plans: to fix them in “traditional” and “local”
gue that Latin America’s native peoples are identity spaces.
increasingly to be seen as transnationalized, Another overly simple conventional po-
urban, proletarian, border-crossing, bilingual larity is that between “authentic” (a thor-
and trilingual, and professional. Kearney & oughly Western concept) and its opposite—
Varese (1995, pp. 215–21) describe the present inauthentic, fake, invented, new, modern,
“postdevelopment era” as characterized by Western, etc. When culture becomes a form

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
of empowerment, mobilizing around that employing the legal and political tools of their
empowerment may seem fraudulent precisely oppressors in their land claim struggles. Maya
because it is politicized. State challenges made leaders work to appropriate elements of West-
Essentialism:
to indigenous individuals and communities ern culture and reappropriate elements of characterizing
may take the form of claims that they are their own history to create a cultural identity representations that
“no longer indigenous” because of their “un- that is viable in the global political economy, freeze and reify an
traditional” behavior. More specific political and marked as uniquely theirs (Fischer 1996). identity in a way that
hides the historical
challenges to urban-based activism have been In sum, cultural continuity can appear as
processes and
used by their opponents in attempts to dele- the mode of cultural change (Wade 1997). politics within which
gitimize leaders. The argument that individ- Ethnogenesis (Mallon 1996, Smith 1990, Hill it develops
uals do (or do not) represent their indigenous 1997) is always an already-ongoing process; it
people begs the processual question of who merely speeds up during times of ruptures,
represents whom in all facets of political life. disjunctures, and transitions.
A revealing variant on the theme of a state’s Researchers’ write-ups of their work with
challenges to a group’s authenticity (and hence indigenous intellectuals illustrate the com-
legitimacy) is the Argentine government’s plex imaginings and reimaginings of what
challenges to sectors of its Guaranı́ citizens. is involved in being “modern,” especially

Although their indigeneity is unproblematic, when some people, indigenous and not, see
they are accused of being so influenced by modernity to be opposed to the “authenti-
Bolivian Guaranı́ that their status as Argen- cally” indigenous leader (Rappaport 2005).
tineans has been compromised (Hirsch 2003, Some indigenous intellectuals who work in
Schwittay 2003). Note that indigenous groups community development projects develop at-
as well as critics of the movement actively em- titudes and perspectives that allow them to
ploy the “authenticity” card in their internal identify both as indigenous and as members
and external politics (Turner 2002, Ramı́rez of mainstream society. Indigenous communi-
2002). ties can and do question the appropriateness
Anthropology, with its current more dy- of some leaders’ choices, seeing them as “diri-
namic notion of culture, sees no absolute stan- gentes de maletı́n y corbata” (briefcase and tie
dard of authenticity. Rather, our focus is on leaders) (Giordani 2002, p. 80), but in general
the authenticators—on the authorities in in- their indigenousness will not be automatically
digenous communities and the experts beyond rejected.
who determine what is deemed authentic at By “essentialism,” anthropologists mean
any one time. Critics with their narrow model the process of freezing and reifying an identity
of indigenous leadership have not accepted in a way that hides the historical processes and
that, in fact, indigenous leaders will range politics within which it develops. Of course
from tribal headmen and ritual elders to urban one has to study whose interests are served in
university-trained leaders. Several authors in- this process. Racist forms of economic pro-
terpret examples of indigenous movements’ duction and state authority use essentializing
appropriation of occidental notions of authen- strategies in public policy and clandestine op-
tic tradition to be moves toward safeguarding erations to justify violence, perpetuate hierar-
tradition and resisting hegemony and not ex- chies of human value and reward, and leave
amples of co-optation and consequent “inau- unquestioned the neglect of certain sectors of
thenticity.” Assies (2000) describes indigenous their populations as something less than hu-
women in Chiapas contesting a tradition that man. The focus on the “other” by these au-
excludes them from participation in political thorities seeks to obscure that here is a “self”
decision-making and in so doing vindicating acting in its own interest.
their role in processes of ethnic reorganiza- Indigenous “self-essentializing” by con-
tion (p. 18). Garfield (2001) saw the Xavante trast is seen by many anthropologists as a

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
political tactic used by indigenous movements favor of indigenous women’s rights during
in Latin America to push for greater au- the negotiations between the Zapatistas and
tonomy and self-government (see Rubin the Mexican government. Sieder (2002)
2004, pp. 124–30). Frequently encountered comments that finding a balance between
assumptions that indigenous women must communal rights and individual rights con-
be traditional culture place-holders for their nected to gender equality, religious freedom,
pueblo exemplify an essentialist strategy. De la and property rights tends to be particularly
Cadena (2000) describes how highland Peru- contentious (pp. 11–12). Nash (2001) doc-
vian women are constructed as “more Indian” uments how Mayan women maneuvered to
because they are less likely to speak Spanish influence changes in their favor during this
or travel to urban centers and more likely to period; she also notes a backlash of gender
wear traditional dress and be assigned duties hostility. She argues that for scholars to render
that are seen as more traditional—all of which illegitimate these self-essentializing maneu-
results in a second-class status of women and vers limits these women’s chances to organize
“the female” in Andean societies. Nelson in their own best interests for goals such
argues that Maya women are expected to as greater accountability of those in power,
play what she terms the mujer maya’s role, democratic inclusion, better work conditions
which functions to ground the Maya move- and higher wages, civil and political rights,
ment “so that urban Maya hackers can soar and cultural autonomy.
into transnational idioms and cyberspace.” Many authors also wrestle with finding
Confronting a long tradition of research effective ways to describe identity processes
that finds women to be bearers of traditional that are flexible and fluid. We have accounts
culture, conservative, monolingual, rural, of indianization occurring here and deindi-
and out of place—alien—when they leave anization there (e.g., Radcliffe 2000). What
their homes, Nelson (1999) denaturalizes indigenous identity means, for both scholar
these images, analyzing all the ways in and pueblo, can become quite unstable when
which they prop up not only the pan-Mayan all actors are repeatedly modifying their dis-
movement’s ideology, but Guatemalan courses in response to the ever-shifting terms
national identity as well. Hendrickson of engagement. De la Cadena (2001, p. 255)
(1996) describes how Guatemalan Mayan notes that the idea of difference is complicated
women’s costume—traje—“remains outside if it is seen to emerge from coparticipation in
the broader Maya Movement due to the the same historical time, a point also made by
difficulties in locating a place for weaving Wilson (1995), who sees it as “an incredibly
and women in the movement” [p. 163; slippery notion” (p. 6). Identity is better seen
see also Dean (2003) on lowland Peru as a paradox rather than a statement, he says,
and Radcliffe (2000) on the Ecuadorian for as soon as such a statement is made, it blurs
situation]. and dissolves.
Scholars also describe ways in which However, even now some authors still find
marginalized sectors, such as women, themselves having to respond to critics who
within indigenous communities in Chiapas insist, for example, that a certain population
are beginning to “refashion and reclaim is “really” campesino rather than indigenous.
‘tradition’—here cultural prescriptions in- Gordillo & Hirsch (2003) argue that all
tended to keep women on the margins of such labels represent a group’s particular
political process—in order to advance their positioning, which is derived from the
own demands for greater participation and social relations from which their meaning
independence” (Sieder 2002, p. 193). as historical subjects emerges. A positioning
Hernández (1997) describes women from of campesino, then, is no more “valid”
the organic producers movement arguing in than a positioning as a member of a “pueblo

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
originario” (p. 180). A number of essays cite of Latin American Anthropology (2001) on the
Li (2000, p. 151) on this issue: “[A] group’s Guatemalan indigenous-ladino dichotomy
self-identification as tribal or indigenous is shows why words like “contradiction” and
not natural or inevitable, but neither is it “paradox” so often appear in literature
simply invented, adopted, or imposed. It is, on such identity labels.
rather, a positioning that draws upon histor- The reality of a multiplicity of identities
ically sedimented practices, landscapes, and disallows any analytic framework that pro-
repertoires of meaning, and emerges through poses any single identity, albeit a composite
particular patterns of engagement and one, because the notion of “multiple iden-
struggle.” tities” still implies separate, distinct identi-
Clearly, identities are not just fluid, nor ties. Anthropology deserves credit for advanc-
just multiple, they are fluidly multiple and al- ing beyond thinking in terms of ethnicity
ways relational, which presents an analytical and race as the foundational dimensions
and conceptual challenge to anthropologists. for study, but the race/ethnicity/class/gender

Speed (2002) notes that “states, indigenous paradigm raises its own set of problems be-
groups, and even social scientists, often find cause it continues to see a unit—individual
such fluidity contrary to their different un- or community—as possessing an identity. Re-
derstandings and goals” (p. 222). Part of the cent field research demonstrates the need to
problem lies with the analytic tasks at hand— challenge this mode of conceptualization, al-
applying a language that specifies, defines, and though not so far as to claim that “iden-
pinpoints to very dynamic situations. Differ- tity” does not exist. Rather, again, identity is
ent actors define and try to impose particu- to be seen as a fluid, dynamic process. The
lar, often competing, meanings. Some Peru- idea of there being multiple ways of being
vian groups self-identify as mestizos but still indigenous is the optimal way to look at in-
see themselves as indigenous (de la Cadena dividuals, pueblos, and organizations. This
2001, p. 263). Although the Guatemalan state perspective allows us to acknowledge a pro-
and wider publics find the “Indian-Ladino” cess of self-definition that takes us beyond
distinction useful for its homogenizing func- the identity being asserted at a particular
tion, Little-Siebold (2001) finds fluid and time and place to where we can ask, “As-
bidirectional uses of identity labels (p. 193; serted by whom?” and “After what kinds of
see also Smith 1990). These usages alter the negotiations?” Literature that examines in-
paired terms’ dominant meaning, although tersections between indigenous identity and
the dichotomy does not disappear entirely. other identity components like religion, race,
Castañeda (2004) provocatively asks, “[A]re and gender clearly demonstrates how cru-
all Maya Maya?” (p. 38), and describes a cial it is always to see identities in the plu-
friend who, although self-identifying as Maya, ral, their formation in processual terms, and
adamantly maintained that “we are not indige- rather than asking questions like “What char-
nous!” (p. 38). Castañeda sees this position to acterizes X identity?” asking “What are the
be a refusal “to be slotted into the ‘savage- ways of being X at this time and in this
slot’ of the rebellious Indio” (p. 38). He argues place?”
that Yucatec Maya have not only another pol- Resonating with the need to think of mul-
itics but another modality of identity. Warren tiple ways of being indigenous is an equiv-
(1998) argues that identities and identity pol- alent need to analyze adequately the differ-
itics are shaped by the tensions between dif- ent kinds of citizenship emerging in new
ferent historical generations of activists and “civil society” discourses and practices. We
their critics—indigenous and nonindigenous have seen that multiculturalist distinctions,
alike—in communities and on the national often inscribed into constitutions, stipulate
scene. A collection of essays in the Journal that indigenous individuals and collectivities

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
are to participate in the political process DISCOURSE SHIFTS:

as both regular citizens of a country and LANGUAGES OF POLITICAL
as special, indigenous citizens. Scholars ar- PRACTICE AND
gue that differential treatment for histori- IMPLEMENTATION
cally discriminated and marginalized groups
is necessary for them to attain equal citizen- Indigenous Political Imaginaries
ship. Rhetoric concerned with democracy and Several authors address how movements de-
civil society, in fact, reveals complex moves velop an imaginary, an attitude, a stance in
around the citizenship trope. Scholarship in- regard to the dominant society. The stances
creasingly attends to processes that produce taken by a given movement can significantly
and contest differentiated citizenship, eth- influence decision making about, for exam-
nic citizenship, and cultural citizenship. This ple, alliance building with nonindigenous sec-
is an interesting play on Ong’s (1999) no- tors such as labor unions or environmentalist
tion of graduated citizenship and illustrates and human rights groups. The stances also
the need to problematize the notion of civil influence choices about whether to operate
society, which in some contexts has been within, as opposed to totally outside, the sys-
overused or underspecified to the point of be- tem. Guatemalan Pan-Mayanists have spoken
ing evacuated of meaning (Rajagopal 2003, of a utopian goal of a separate Mayan na-
pp. 258–61). tion or a radical federalism, both organized
In sum, the recent literature discusses the on the basis of regional Mayan languages,
substantial problems and challenges faced by which would give them administrative control
anyone—scholars, pueblos, the state, inter- over the western highlands (Cojtı́ Cuxil 1994).
national institutions—who attempts to get a Strategically, however, they focused on creat-
fix on defining indigenousness. Anthropolo- ing hundreds of small organizations dedicated
gists and historians, no less than governments to cultural and language revitalization, found-
pursuing racialized nation-building projects, ing alternative Mayan elementary schools and
need categories, but the recent literature pro- training shamans, professional linguists, pub-
vides ample evidence that signifiers are not lishers, and other activist professionals.
always accepted by their intended signifieds— Opposition from the ruling powers not
the actual populations may have other classi- only will shape a movement’s self-image and
ficatory agendas. It is very clear that know- forms of resistance, but also at times will
ing who is doing the pointing is crucial. Yes, paradoxically ensure that a national indige-
“Indians” were created by European colonial- nous consciousness will develop. Both Reed
ism and the New World–born Spanish criollo (2002) and Horst (2003, p. 127) show how
elites who assumed power following inde- the extremely difficult struggle during the
pendence. And certainly the notions of “in- Stroessner regime in Paraguay helped indige-
digenous” adopted in the indigenista policies nous activists from disparate pueblos identify
of many Latin American governments (and themselves as a concerted lobby bloc opposed
many NGOs) prior to the 1980s no longer to an economic and social agenda that ig-
work. But equally obvious is the impossibil- nored their concerns. O’Connor (2003) notes
ity of substituting a new definition for highly that although resistance has a long history in
dialogic identity labels such as these. One les- Ecuador, earlier strategies were primarily re-
son of such an attempt is that ethnic labels actionary, lacking long-term, widespread, or
are often politicized in ways that make them alternative solutions to oppression. Here, too,
indexes for ideological alignments and loy- the development of national and even transna-
alties that stand outside ethnic identity per tional strategies resulted in part from frus-
se. tration following unsuccessful local actions.

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
Political mobilizations that were able to unify teraction between the official juridical bodies
highland and lowland populations in national and pueblos produces transformation in both,
protests, notably in Bolivia and Ecuador, were a more complex model of dispute resolution
strengthened by the sense that they were is needed.
organizing against a common enemy. Specific rulings employing customary law
are sometimes disputed within indigenous
communities themselves, resulting in indi-
Customary Law viduals appealing their sentence by turning
Although indigenous communities have al- to Western courts. Local decisions may be
ways been granted a degree of autonomy challenged as discriminatory, authoritarian,
to run their internal affairs, most countries or intrusive into private space. For example,
are fashioning an interface between positivist is detaining and forcing someone to work a
Western law and indigenous legal systems that crime against individual liberty or the legiti-
give local authorities much more latitude than mate act of ronda authorities (Yrigoyen 2002,
before, in particular to adjudicate criminal p. 174)? As Stavenhagen (2002) points out,
cases. Certain fundamental rights, however, this kind of serious negotiation and renego-
must be observed: no executions, torture, or tiation always reflects changing political and
banishment. Authors addressing these issues economic circumstances (p. 39). “[L]egal plu-
find contradictions in both the legislation and ralism should be seen as a plurality of contin-
its enforcement with respect to indigenous ually evolving and interconnected processes
authorities’ right to judge, detain, establish enmeshed in wider power relations” (Sieder
sanctions, and punish. Stavenhagen (2002, 2002, p. 201). An incompatibility between
p. 33) discusses how Colombia’s Constitu- liberal Western concepts of universal human
tional Court decisions resulted in indigenous rights and culture-specific collective rights is
juridical autonomy prevailing to the greatest often the nub of the problem. Authors will cite
extent in Latin America. Specific rulings by Kymlicka’s (1996) argument that as long as an
the Court show an official apparatus that is individual can leave a community, then cer-
seriously attempting to instantiate the coun- tain restrictions on individual freedoms within
try’s status as a multicultural and pluri-ethnic it are justifiable, for example prohibitions on
nation. Its encounters with customary law, de- selling land. The basic argument allows the
rived from world views and cultural practices curtailment of individual rights when they are
that are at times simply incommensurate with perceived to threaten the cultural integrity
Western culture, make for fascinating read- of the group as a whole. Stavenhagen (2002)
ing (see Sánchez 2000). Local juridical sys- goes further, offering the proposition that the
tems rely on methodologies legitimated by recognition of group rights may be seen as
cosmological forces and sometimes require a condition for the enjoyment of individual
shamanic consultations, assumptions and au- rights, but he concedes that such a novel idea
thorizations that differ fundamentally from is difficult to integrate into Latin America’s le-
Western notions of justice, due process, and gal systems (p. 37). Although collective rights
conflict resolution (see Gray 1997; Jackson are of great concern to indigenous commu-
2002a, p. 119). nities, they often face uphill battles because
Although positivist and customary law are of liberal and neoliberal insistence on the
always opposed in the literature, after a com- individual as the holder of rights.
prehensive examination of institutionalized
plural jurisprudence being implemented in an
actual local setting, Sierra (1995) concluded Indigenous Deployment of Culture
that the dichotomy between law and custom The arrival of multiculturalism played a role
dissolves in actual situations: Given that in- in transforming a stigmatized indigenous

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
identity into one often seen to possess a ical protestants outlines a process of re-
moral capital sorely lacking in Western soci- solving whether Evangelicals who refuse to
ety. Some sectors of society have come to see participate in certain “traditional” commu-
pueblos as representing legitimacy, democ- nity activities have to leave. Each side’s no-
racy, and accountability, serving as a moral re- tion of Huichol “culture”—just what consti-
proach to status quo hegemonic institutions tutes “essential” Huichol identity—revolves
such as the state and the Church. Authors around what members need to actually do
write about how indigenous leaders, noticing to affirm (and reaffirm) their right to be
the potential value of the symbolic and po- considered Huichol. Religious identity and
litical capital attained through the resignifi- practice seem to be particularly contentious,
cation of “indigenous culture,” increase their and research is increasing around these is-
efforts to revive and strengthen their own in- sues (e.g., Canessa 2000, Cleary & Steigenga
stitutions. Garfield (2001) describes how the 2004).
Xavante revived rituals after finding out that As we have seen above, the relationship
the outside world considered them “beautiful” between state hegemony and local identity
(p. 134). claims can be complex and dynamic. Many
A newer concept, at times opposed to authors describe how communities will travel
multiculturality, circulating widely is “in- a considerable distance down the road to
terculturality” (Rappaport 2005). Whitten incorporation—albeit as indigenous “others”
(2004) describes how indigenous organiza- —into the state apparatus, including the state
tions in Ecuador oppose it to “an ethos of playing the role of ultimate juridical au-
hybridity or social or cultural pluralism. . . . thority (Padilla 1996). A community might
Interculturality stresses a movement from have to obtain personerı́a jurı́dica, juridical
one cultural system to another, with the identity, before it can undertake any kind
explicit purpose of understanding other ways of legal action [for Colombian examples,
of thought and action” (p. 440). Whereas the see Gros (2000) and Rappaport (1996)]. An
ideologies of social and cultural pluralism and emerging problem is the tendency on the
hybridity “are national, regional and static”, part of both pueblos and the state to reify
formal consciousness of interculturality “is identity. Although a pueblo’s claim to self-
local, regional, pluri-national, diasporic, determination does not in principle require
global and dynamic” (p. 440). States have it to freeze-dry its traditions, this is a com-
used this nomenclature in school reforms mon response to criticism that a particular set
without, however, promoting new curricular of behaviors is nontraditional and therefore
materials for nonindigenous students. Indige- inauthentic.
nous critics of intercultural education reform Yet it is undeniable that, for many com-
promulgated by the Bolivian neoliberal state munities, being officially recognized as
see interculturality to be “‘neoliberal assim- indigenous affects, sometimes substantially,
ilation’ now dressed in native languages” members’ sense of who they are: “Before, we
(Gustafson 2002, p. 278; also see Lukyx 2000). weren’t registered [with the national bureau
of indigenous affairs], we weren’t anything.
We are just now starting to be aware of
Identity ourselves as an ‘indigenous community’”
Intra-pueblo negotiations about who is a (Occhipinti 2003, pp. 159–60). Some
member in good standing of a given pueblo communities prefer pueblo, “people,” to “in-
can hinge on who decides what consti- digenous” because “pueblo” signals a political
tutes an adequate performance of identity. discourse that configures the movement as a
De la Peña’s discussion of conflict between coalition of cultural groups rather than as a
Huichol traditionalist elders and Evangel- category of oppressed people suffering from

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
discrimination based on their ethnicity or longer perform cultural difference via lan-
race. guage, ritual, or other culture practice (see,
Negotiations over identity seem to be e.g., Tilley 2002).
perennially ambiguous, contingent, and shot Clearly, much progress has been made in
through with ironies. Wilson (1995) sees iden- recognizing the rights of people to retain a
tity to be “irresolvable,” possessing an “inher- culture distinct from that of the dominant so-
ently insecure ontology” (p. 5): “The seem- ciety. Stavenhagen (2002) notes that, although
ingly contradictory processes of othering and we should celebrate gains, the struggle for in-
hybridisation are constitutive of each other, digenous rights has barely begun, and in the
dynamically feeding into one another. Iden- future the going will be rough. Indigenous
tities become interior to each other and im- leaders have not been able to agree on short-
plicitly influence the emergence of new iden- term and medium objectives. Also, poorly
tities” (p. 3). One of the several contradictions considered actions taken by some leaders have
of identity, according to Wilson (1995), is displeased some potential sympathizers, and

“that relationality must be present for iden- all too often truly effective political strategies
tity to exist, but the very basis of meaning in have not been developed (p. 34). In addition,
difference leads to the crossing-over of signi- opponents continue to organize and mount
fiers and the undermining of any pretensions counteroffensives. In countries like Paraguay,
to boundedness” (p. 6; see also Wade 1997, indigenous people have been labeled as ene-
pp. 80–83). mies of the state, and in Guatemala, indige-
nous organizing is still seen by some critics as a
project that promotes racism and class/ethnic
FUTURE DIRECTIONS conflict (Warren 1998).
The past three decades have seen a profound Although the amount of territory inalien-
transformation in Latin American states’ vi- ably and collectively owned by pueblos has
sions of their indigenous populations. Many increased in several countries, huge problems
of the most marginalized pueblos gained the remain. Colombia has ceded vast areas to low-
most basic right: the “right to have rights” land groups, but in the more productive high-
as citizens (Alvarez et al. 1998; Harvey 1998, land areas the situation is often dire, and Van
p. 35). Establishing the right to difference, Cott (2002, p. 52) notes the failure of three
at both the individual and community level, successive governments to establish the In-
strengthened demands for autonomy and self- digenous Territorial Entities mandated by the
determination because it drove a stake into constitution.
previous modernist corporatist state projects. The violent conflicts involving indige-
Indigenous communities no longer made de- nous communities are a continual worry. Not
mands as minorities but as “people” with too long ago, armed indigenous insurgents
inherent rights. “Cultural and historical re- played very visible roles in Peru, Colombia,
covery” projects and “inherent rights” de- Guatemala, and Mexico. Indigenous commu-
mands have been remarkably successful in nities can come to be seen as subversives be-
many countries. However, discourses based cause they are poor, they live in rural areas,
on cultural difference do not lead to success and they mount public demonstrations against
everywhere, and they come at a price. At times a neglectful, exploitative, or terrorist state.
the emphasis on validation by performing dif- Accusations detailing pueblo subversion can
ference has relegated other discourses against serve elites’ self-interest in maintaining “the
racial discrimination and social and economic traditional source of cheap labor and politi-
exclusion to the back of the bus, resulting cal supporters in well-oiled systems of client-
in problems for Afro-Latinos and rural and patron relationships” (Stavenhagen 2002,
urban indigenous communities who can no p. 37) or can ensure that zero resistance will

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
greet mega-development projects exploiting cial movements and different regional histo-
subsoil, forest, or hydroelectric resources. ries in Latin America provides crucial analyses
Clearly, the romantic view of pueblos as of the playing out of geopolitical transforma-
cohesive and consensus-based collectivities tions, such as the consequences of the end of
can be sustained only from a distance. Any the Cold War, in specific situations. Research
indigenous community will be riddled with into the more recent tensions brought on by
conflicts—some ongoing and others resolved waves of neoliberal political and economic
but not forgotten—as well as factions, hierar- pressures also makes valuable contributions,
chies, and decision-making mechanisms that for example, investigations on the effects of
exclude and marginalize some members. It U.S. policies like the war on drugs and the war
will, in short, display values and actions that on terrorism in Latin America. In Colombia,
are anything but fair, democratic, or egali- U.S. military advisers have directed a remil-
tarian, as defined and valorized in the West. itarization of state policing in the war on
(Western institutions and values are no less drugs, and indigenous populations have been
conflict ridden and are certainly more ex- caught in the crossfire of these new configu-
clusionary.) How to represent such conflicts rations of violence, produced by armed insur-
without giving ammunition to enemies who gents, counterinsurgent forces (military and
do not have a given pueblo’s interest upper- paramilitary), and narcotraffickers.
most in mind is often not at all evident to ei- Territory—gaining land rights—continues
ther the pueblos or their nonindigenous allies. to be the prime goal of indigenous organiza-
Other potential threats include a disrup- tions. Successful campaigns for collective title,
tive stratification within the movement and most spectacularly the Awas Tingi decision in
within the communities themselves. “Rights” Nicaragua, provide encouragement elsewhere
granted to pueblos can strengthen the sectors in the region. We need to understand these
already possessing power and weaken the po- processes, as well as the ways Latin Ameri-
sition of subordinates (Stavenhagen 2002). can countries link—or fail to link—territorial
We close by suggesting especially promis- jurisdiction and pueblos. In Mexico, the re-
ing future research directions. The first area vised 1994 proposal to establish regional au-
concerns ways in which Latin American re- tonomy for ethnolinguistic communities does
search articulates with important interna- not link it to actual territory; only the right of
tional issues. Indigenous activism has clearly pueblos to decide their destiny as peoples is
played an active role in shaping community mentioned.
and multicultural national politics in Latin Many important opportunities present
America. Debates concerning whether the themselves for research on violent conflicts
processes of modernity and globalization have that involve pueblos. Indigenous people have
homogenized meanings or peoples have pro- become internal and international refugees,
duced compelling arguments on both sides. facing life in refugee camps and employment
On a global level, debates over whether eth- outside their countries. Many have main-
nic mobilizing has helped or hindered democ- tained close connections with their homelands
ratization have often emphasized divisive and and remitted earnings to their families and
violent ethnonationalisms. Indigenous move- community development projects. In these di-
ments in Latin America, however, suggest asporas, some youths have experienced new
that ethnic mobilization can foster genuine formations of violence, like U.S. urban gangs,
grassroots democratization. and have introduced gangs into rural Latin
Another line of comparative scholarship American towns. Given the sustained periods
challenges the U.S.-centric perspective of of state violence and armed conflict in Latin
international relations research on Latin America, researchers are beginning to inves-
America. Comparative research on new so- tigate indigenous experiences of individual

AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12
and collective healing, the reincorporation digenous communities resist state programs,
of former combatants into their communi- is another fruitful direction, as is work on de-
ties, and the impact of internationally bro- mystifying the state as a monolithic entity.
kered peace processes and truth commis- Such investigations reveal agencies with a di-
sions (or lack of these processes) on postwar versity of tendencies. Also welcome is research
development. into situations in which pueblo resistance to
Neoliberal economic reforms have been state projects is sponsored by capitalist inter-
accompanied by innovative utilization of pri- ests, such as logging projects.
vate international companies that have as- Although we have not discussed race and
sumed important state functions. A similar mestizaje, the current research on this con-
process has involved transnational NGOs in stellation of topics is enormously promising,
subscribing to a variety of political and re- as are approaches that examine the numer-
ligious persuasions. We need to know more ous ways all identities are gendered and often
about the degree of control these organiza- sexualized.

tions exert on community life, regional and A final research frontier is indigenous
national social movements, and state demo- youth activism, especially important given the
cratic governance. Serious problems often oc- growing gaps between rich and poor, and
cur when international NGOs engaged in hu- the growing importance of consumer cul-
manitarianism, postwar reconstruction, and ture, remittance of funds from diasporic com-
development move on to new crises leaving munities, and nontraditional forms of work
indigenous organizations bereft of support for NGOs. At issue is whether indigenous
they have come to depend on. For example, youth will follow existing forms of indige-
when they are compelled to generate their nous activism, find other movements more
own operating expenses, indigenous non- compelling, or distance themselves from ac-
profit organizations may be forced to restruc- tivism altogether. The younger generation is
ture their services to attract new kinds of a heterogeneous category, the members of
customers. which see opportunities and constraints from
Research into the new ways state agencies very different cultural and economic vantage
compete with each other, at times helping in- points.
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Turner T. 2002. Representation, polyphony, and the construction of power in a Kayapó video.
See Warren & Jackson 2002a, pp. 229–50
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Peoples and Democracy in Latin America, ed. DL Van Cott, pp. 1–28. New York: St. Martin’s
Van Cott DL. 2000. The Friendly Liquidation of the Past: The Politics of Diversity in Latin America.
Pittsburgh, PA: Univ. Pittsburgh Press. 340 pp.
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press
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7(2):2–33
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Maya Cultures, Histories, and Identities. Santa Fe: Sch. Am. Res. Press. 353 pp.
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Duke Univ. Press. 363 pp.
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Anthropol. 9(2):439–60
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Langer & Muñoz 2003, pp. 37–64

Contents ARI 12 August 2005 20:29
Annual Review of
Anthropology
Volume 34, 2005
Contents
Frontispiece
Sally Falk Moore p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p xvi

Prefatory Chapter
Comparisons: Possible and Impossible

Sally Falk Moore p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Archaeology
Archaeology, Ecological History, and Conservation

Frances M. Hayashida p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p43
Archaeology of the Body
Rosemary A. Joyce p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 139
Looting and the World’s Archaeological Heritage: The Inadequate
Response
Neil Brodie and Colin Renfrew p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 343
Through Wary Eyes: Indigenous Perspectives on Archaeology
Joe Watkins p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 429
The Archaeology of Black Americans in Recent Times
Mark P. Leone, Cheryl Janifer LaRoche, and Jennifer J. Babiarz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 575
Biological Anthropology
Early Modern Humans

Erik Trinkaus p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 207
Metabolic Adaptation in Indigenous Siberian Populations
William R. Leonard, J. Josh Snodgrass, and Mark V. Sorensen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
The Ecologies of Human Immune Function
Thomas W. McDade p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 495
vii
Linguistics and Communicative Practices
New Directions in Pidgin and Creole Studies

Marlyse Baptista p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p33
Pierre Bourdieu and the Practices of Language
William F. Hanks p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p67
Areal Linguistics and Mainland Southeast Asia
N.J. Enfield p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 181
Communicability, Racial Discourse, and Disease
Charles L. Briggs p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269
Will Indigenous Languages Survive?
Michael Walsh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293

Linguistic, Cultural, and Biological Diversity
Luisa Maffi p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 599
International Anthropology and Regional Studies
Caste and Politics: Identity Over System

Dipankar Gupta p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 409
Indigenous Movements in Australia
Francesca Merlan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 473
Indigenous Movements in Latin America, 1992–2004: Controversies,
Ironies, New Directions
Jean E. Jackson and Kay B. Warren p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 549
Sociocultural Anthropology
The Cultural Politics of Body Size

Helen Gremillion p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p13
Too Much for Too Few: Problems of Indigenous Land Rights in Latin
America
Anthony Stocks p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p85
Intellectuals and Nationalism: Anthropological Engagements
Dominic Boyer and Claudio Lomnitz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 105
The Effect of Market Economies on the Well-Being of Indigenous
Peoples and on Their Use of Renewable Natural Resources
Ricardo Godoy, Victoria Reyes-Garcı́a, Elizabeth Byron, William R. Leonard,
and Vincent Vadez p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 121
viii Contents
An Excess of Description: Ethnography, Race, and Visual Technologies

Deborah Poole p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 159
Race and Ethnicity in Public Health Research: Models to Explain
Health Disparities
William W. Dressler, Kathryn S. Oths, and Clarence C. Gravlee p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 231
Recent Ethnographic Research on North American Indigenous
Peoples
Pauline Turner Strong p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 253
The Anthropology of the Beginnings and Ends of Life
Sharon R. Kaufman and Lynn M. Morgan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 317
Immigrant Racialization and the New Savage Slot: Race, Migration,
and Immigration in the New Europe

Paul A. Silverstein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 363
Autochthony: Local or Global? New Modes in the Struggle over

Citizenship and Belonging in Africa and Europe
Bambi Ceuppens and Peter Geschiere p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 385
Caste and Politics: Identity Over System
Dipankar Gupta p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 409
The Evolution of Human Physical Attractiveness
Steven W. Gangestad and Glenn J. Scheyd p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 523
Mapping Indigenous Lands
Mac Chapin, Zachary Lamb, and Bill Threlkeld p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 619
Human Rights, Biomedical Science, and Infectious Diseases Among
South American Indigenous Groups
A. Magdalena Hurtado, Carol A. Lambourne, Paul James, Kim Hill,
Karen Cheman, and Keely Baca p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 639
Interrogating Racism: Toward an Antiracist Anthropology
Leith Mullings p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 667
Enhancement Technologies and the Body
Linda F. Hogle p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 695
Social and Cultural Policies Toward Indigenous Peoples: Perspectives
from Latin America
Guillermo de la Peña p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 717
Surfacing the Body Interior
Janelle S. Taylor p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 741
Contents ix
Theme 1: Race and Racism
Race and Ethnicity in Public Health Research: Models to Explain

Health Disparities
William W. Dressler, Kathryn S. Oths, and Clarence C. Gravlee p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 231
Communicability, Racial Discourse, and Disease
Charles L. Briggs p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269
Immigrant Racialization and the New Savage Slot: Race, Migration,
and Immigration in the New Europe
Paul A. Silverstein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 363
The Archaeology of Black Americans in Recent Times
Mark P. Leone, Cheryl Janifer LaRoche, and Jennifer J. Babiarz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 575
Interrogating Racism: Toward an Antiracist Anthropology

Leith Mullings p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 667
Theme 2: Indigenous Peoples
The Effect of Market Economies on the Well-Being of Indigenous

Peoples and on Their Use of Renewable Natural Resources
Ricardo Godoy, Victoria Reyes-Garcı́a, Elizabeth Byron, William R. Leonard,
and Vincent Vadez p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 121
Recent Ethnographic Research on North American Indigenous
Peoples
Pauline Turner Strong p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 253
Will Indigenous Languages Survive?
Michael Walsh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293
Autochthony: Local or Global? New Modes in the Struggle over
Citizenship and Belonging in Africa and Europe
Bambi Ceuppens and Peter Geschiere p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 385
Through Wary Eyes: Indigenous Perspectives on Archaeology
Joe Watkins p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 429
Metabolic Adaptation in Indigenous Siberian Populations
William R. Leonard, J. Josh Snodgrass, and Mark V. Sorensen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
Indigenous Movements in Australia
Francesca Merlan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 473
Indigenous Movements in Latin America, 1992–2004: Controversies,
Ironies, New Directions
Jean E. Jackson and Kay B. Warren p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 549
x Contents
Linguistic, Cultural, and Biological Diversity

Luisa Maffi p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 599
Human Rights, Biomedical Science, and Infectious Diseases Among
South American Indigenous Groups
A. Magdalena Hurtado, Carol A. Lambourne, Paul James, Kim Hill,
Karen Cheman, and Keely Baca p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 639
Social and Cultural Policies Toward Indigenous Peoples: Perspectives
from Latin America
Guillermo de la Peña p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 717
Indexes
Subject Index p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 757

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 26–34 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 771
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 26–34 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 774
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology chapters

may be found at http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml
Contents xi

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AR254-AN34-27 ARI 25 August 2005 15:12

Jean E. Jackson1 and Kay B. Warren2

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. Key Words

look more closely at what we refer to as lan-

cal reforms that involve a restructuring of the

Customary Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 563

550 Jackson · Warren

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 551

and responsibilities of undifferentiated “cit- their identities or demands” (Dı́az Polanco

552 Jackson · Warren

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 553

resources, and normative and administrative mances can be tactically misconstrued by

554 Jackson · Warren

An especially telling reply to accusa- plex relation of culturalists and grassroots

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 555

556 Jackson · Warren

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 557

558 Jackson · Warren

challenges to sectors of its Guaranı́ citizens. is involved in being “modern,” especially

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 559

560 Jackson · Warren

and conceptual challenge to anthropologists. for study, but the race/ethnicity/class/gender

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 561

are to participate in the political process DISCOURSE SHIFTS:

562 Jackson · Warren

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 563

564 Jackson · Warren

of identity, according to Wilson (1995), is displeased some potential sympathizers, and

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 565

566 Jackson · Warren

about the degree of control these organiza- sexualized.

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 567

Cleary & Steigenga 2004, pp. 25–42

568 Jackson · Warren

CO: Lynne Rienner

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 569

570 Jackson · Warren

Mayab’(Guatemala). Providence, RI: Maya Sch. Netw.

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 571

572 Jackson · Warren

Velázques Nimbatuj A. 2005. Entre el cuerpo y la sangre de Guatemala. Mesoamérica 47:In

www.annualreviews.org • Latin American Indigenous Movements 573

Volume 34, 2005

Sally Falk Moore p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p xvi

Comparisons: Possible and Impossible

Archaeology, Ecological History, and Conservation

Early Modern Humans

Linguistics and Communicative Practices

New Directions in Pidgin and Creole Studies

Michael Walsh p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293

Luisa Mafﬁ p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 599

International Anthropology and Regional Studies

Caste and Politics: Identity Over System

The Cultural Politics of Body Size

An Excess of Description: Ethnography, Race, and Visual Technologies

and Immigration in the New Europe

Autochthony: Local or Global? New Modes in the Struggle over

Theme 1: Race and Racism

Race and Ethnicity in Public Health Research: Models to Explain

Interrogating Racism: Toward an Antiracist Anthropology

Theme 2: Indigenous Peoples

The Effect of Market Economies on the Well-Being of Indigenous

Linguistic, Cultural, and Biological Diversity