Sustainable Communities - 3675

M.
Sc SUSTAINABLE ENVIRONMENT
Course: Sustainable Communities (3675) Semester: Autumn, 2020
ASSIGNMENT - 2
STUDENT NAME: ADEEL HAIDER RAZI
ROLL NO. CA565459
Q.1 With reference to Pakistan and Sustainability, explain the following:

a. Mix use development in cities.
b. Urban Continuum.
c. Urban open spaces utilization for public.
a. Mixed used development

Pakistan’s current population is about one-third urban. However, that figure will rise to nearly
50% by 2025. Much of Pakistan’s urbanisation is driven by migration. In past decades, Indian
Muslims and Afghans fled to Pakistani cities to escape war back home. Today, rural Pakistanis
are entering cities to escape war, insecurity, and natural disasters, and also to seek new
livelihoods and better basic services.
The large natural increase in Pakistan’s total population also explains the country’s rising urban
population. Urbanisation strengthens the electoral prospects of urban-based political parties,
but also empowers hard-line urban-based actors, and heightens the risk of political violence in
cities. High-growth industries in cities offer hope for Pakistan’s floundering economy, but
rising urban populations pose great challenges for job markets and service providers.
While advanced telecommunications in cities provide great benefits to Pakistani society, new
urban forms of land inequality pose threats. Europe can help ease Pakistan’s urban transition
by funding literacy and vocational training programmes in cities, by supporting the Pakistani
private sector’s efforts to help provide urban basic services, and by establishing sister city
partnerships.
Ultimately, Pakistan must take ownership of its urbanisation challenge. Policymakers will need
to strike difficult balances between urban industrial growth imperatives and residents’ basic
needs, while taking care not to neglect the agricultural sector, which has dominated Pakistan’s
economy for years.
The following are some mixed developed cultures which can be observed in urban areas of
Pakistan like Rawalpindi & Islamabad.
➢ Cycling:
I generally prefer to go out for cycling, where I found many of the new friends. This proved to
be a good source of killing time and step towards development.
SUSTAINABLE COMMUNITIES 1
M.Sc SUSTAINABLE ENVIRONMENT
➢ Scout Training:
During scout training, interaction had been made with many of the other students’ fellow who
were not known to me.
➢ Volunteer Program:
During Volunteer training program, had numerous interactions with the other students of the
different schools
➢ Work of Welfare:
Welfare work was convened during the childhood with other fellows.
➢ Madrassa:
In madrassa for recitation of holy Quran.
➢ Festivals:
During different festivals (Eid etc) used to interact with different communities’ boys & girls.
➢ Meeting with other children’s parents:

My Parents walking with young Children and meeting other parents on the way or at the school
gates can be creating local networks of mutual support.
b. Urban Continuum
Urban growth copes with problems in sustainable development. In developing countries,
particularly, sustainable development of urban growth copes with severe challenges with
respect to sluggish economic and social growth, population boom, environmental deterioration,
unemployment, slums and so on. Time series of remote sensing data provide critical support
on sustainability assessment. However, the urban spatial extend cannot be accurately extracted
from land cover data.
Urban growth is an important trend due to the needs of immigrants who move from other parts
of the country. Until 2018, more than 55% of the world population lived in cities. This
proportion is expected to reach 68% by 2050 (United Nations 2018). Rapid urban growth
normally exceeds the capacity for local governments to deliver services and infrastructure,
which increases urban poverty and slums, especially in developing countries (Duque et
al. 2015). Urban growth further leads to serious problems in cities, including urban flooding,
pollution, epidemic diseases, social inequality, and political instability (Netzband et al. 2007).
we selected Islamabad City, the capital of Pakistan, for assessing urban growth sustainability.
We improve the image analysis approach with an innovative object-based backdating change
detection (OBBCD) method to extract impervious surface. Further, we introduce two spatial
criteria to distinguish the urban area from impervious surface. We explore the socio-economic
sustainability of Islamabad through the analysis of the development and evolution of slums.
We use normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) as a measure of forest ecosystem health
to evaluate environmental sustainability.
Islamabad City was built when the Pakistan government moved the capital from Karachi in the
1960s. Since then, the population has multiplied. In 1961, there were only 118 thousand people
in Islamabad. The population raised to 237.5 thousand in 1972, 520.2 thousand in 1992, 1.22
million in 2009 and more than 2 million in 2017. People from all over the country flocked to
the capital, hoping to take advantage of its development to improve their employment, living
conditions and education.
The administrative region of Islamabad is divided into five zones (Fig. 1). The master plan was
limited in both Zone-I and -II (Butt et al. 2012) and divided the plan construction area into
sectors with a size of about 2 km × 2 km. They are given names from north to south from A to
I and is further numbered from east to west in numerical order from G1 to G18. Some sectors
are developed well, while others are under-developed. Zone-III is characterized by mountain
forests and piedmonts. Most area in Zone-III refers to the Margalla Hills national park and is
endowed with ecological protection. Zone-IV and the north Zone-V are mainly characterized
by agricultural landscape, while the south Zone-V close to Rawalpindi City is characterized by
private houses, social and industrial facilities.
Zone one and two in Islamabad were built strictly according to the master plan. The main roads
in urban area interweave vertically and horizontally, dividing the whole urban area into dozens
of districts of roughly equal size. They are functionally divided into administrative, public
utilities, central business, residential, colleges and universities, industrial, foreign embassies,
green districts and so on. Buildings in the administrative district include the presidential palace,
the parliament building, the offices of government ministries, and foreign embassies and
consulates. Commerce, transportation, communication and municipal construction are all well
developed. The residential area is crisscrossed by streets that divide it into 76 square blocks,
each with elementary schools, middle schools, recreational centers, shops, restaurants,
mosques and other living facilities. Colleges and universities include Quaid-e-Azam
University, Allama Iqbal Open University and Jinnah University. Industry is limited to small
and medium-sized light industries such as food, furniture, construction and printing, which are
closely related to the daily life of the residents. The agricultural areas, located outside the
planned urban areas, mainly develop poultry and vegetable production.
Local reports showed that the environmental protection program has been carried out in the
Margalla Hills national park. Under the guidance of the Capital Development Authority
(CDA), which was founded in 1960 by the Pakistan government, hundreds of thousands of
trees has been planted on Margalla Hills national park in the last 2 decades
(https://www.cda.gov.pk). Another non-governmental organization, Margalla Hills Society has
planted more than twenty thousand trees in the national park, including pine, Bauhinia
variegata, and bottle brush (Callistemon).
c. Urban open spaces utilization for public.

Public spaces such as streets, open spaces, parks, and public buildings are a big part of cities
that are often overlooked. Inadequate, poorly designed, or privatized public spaces often
generate exclusion and marginalization and degrades the livability of the urban environment.
That is why the importance of public spaces are now embedded within the Sustainable
Development Goals.
In dense built-up cities like Karachi, Pakistan, public spaces are even more important. These
are areas of respite and recreation from the stress of city life. They are also social and cultural
spaces where livelihoods and businesses are conducted, especially for the urban poor. Public
open spaces in Karachi have suffered from rapid urban growth:
• The total share of green space detectable in satellite imagery has fallen from 4.6% in
2001 to 3.7% in 2013.
• Large tracts of vacant land in prime areas in the city center are closed off to the public
and neglected.
• Twelve square kilometers of prime waterfront area, often a valuable public asset in
other cities, is still mostly undeveloped more than 10 years after the roads were built.
• Many sidewalks in the main commercial areas and busy corridors are broken down,
converted to unregulated parking areas, or used for dumping trash—to the detriment of
pedestrian safety and public health.
• In a focus group, women also remarked on the lack of safe playgrounds or other
recreational facilities for children.
Recently the World Bank Group approved a loan for the Karachi Neighbourhood Improvement
Project (KNIP) to finance improvements in public spaces in the city’s selected neighbourhoods
and to strengthen the city government’s capacity to provide certain administrative

services such as business registration and construction permits. The investments in safety,
walkability and access to public transit nodes are also timely, given the city’s plans to introduce
a system of Bus Rapid Transit within the city and in two of the three neighbourhoods.
Beyond the investments in the physical space and urban design, a key design feature of KNIP
is its emphasis on active and sustained engagement with the residents of Karachi. The project
aims to use a participatory planning process to identify, prioritize, and design highly impactful
enhancements to public areas such as sidewalks, open spaces and green spaces, and public
buildings. While the exact nature of investments will be determined through community
consultations, they may include safety features for pedestrians and other non-motorized
transportation, accessibility and mobility improvements close to commercial areas and planned
transit stations, new or upgraded neighbourhood parks and playgrounds, infrastructure to foster
safe and vibrant street activity (kiosks for vendors, tables and seating, temporary street closures
for festivals, etc.), measures to address traffic congestion and parking, and improved municipal
services in public areas (street lighting, garbage collection, drainage, etc.).
KNIP is intended to be an entry point to showcase the value of participatory planning and
inclusive urban design, as the first step in a longer-term strategy for city transformation and
rejuvenation. Building confidence and inclusiveness in city management is critical to ensure
the success of deeper institutional reforms and larger infrastructure investment programs down
the road. KNIP is expected to help lay the foundation for a multi-year partnership between the
World Bank Group and the local and provincial governments focused on inclusivity,
liveability, and prosperity. To this end, KNIP will also support the creation of a Karachi
Transformation Steering Committee (KTSC), comprised of elected officials, government
representatives, business leaders, community stakeholders and NGOs representing various
public interests. KTSC’s mandate is to develop a shared vision for Karachi’s transformation
and a roadmap to achieve that vision in an inclusive way.
Q.2 Communities all across the globe are in a constant state of transformation. They
face socio-economic and environmental pressures and evolve through these into more
adaptable communities. Discuss the given statement with reference to two major cities of
Pakistan.
1. Transformation
Transformation, according to the (Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary 2005) means a
complete change, from something into something different. It is a change of a form or structure
for instance a country‟s transformation from a dictatorship to a democracy
In short, a transformed community is;

• A neighborhood, city or nation whose values and institutions have been overrun by the
grace and presence of God
• A place where divine fire has not merely been summoned, it has fallen
• A society in which natural evolutionary change has been disrupted by invasive
supernatural power
• A culture that has been impacted comprehensively and undeniably by the Kingdom of
God
• A location where kingdom values are celebrated publicly and passed on to future
generations
The Traditional Struggle Fighting Disinvestment with Reinvestment
The typical situation for a poor urban or rural community was disinvestment — taxes, bank
deposits, business profits, and sales flowed out of the community, but did not flow back in the
form of jobs, investments, infrastructure, or even basic public services. Communities
responded by fostering reinvestment. Strategies have included things like demanding
accountability from the institutions that draw on local support, trying to attract business to the
community, and developing alternative enterprises and services to recycle dollars within the
community. In places where disinvestment has happened, communities have pushed for
reinvestment in that place.
Changing Urban and Rural Challenges:

But the challenges facing communities are changing. In inner cities, for example, there is new
investment. New homes are being built and apartments rehabbed as financial institutions have
rediscovered the profitability of neighborhood lending. Commercial businesses are looking at
inner-city areas as significant untapped markets. Michael Porter’s article, The Competitive
Advantage of the Inner City, 1 has influenced institutional thinking on this issue, as have the
impressive sales figures of many existing inner-city stores and services.
Industrial development, too, has seen some renewal, with creative cleanup strategies and
increased understanding of brownfield development opportunities.
At the same time, things are changing in rural communities. Rural population is increasing for
the first time since World War II. People are rediscovering the value and benefit of rural life
and small town quality.
Even the Disney corporation recognized this, with the development of a high-profile planned
community modeled after traditional Main Street design and function. Manufacturing, tourism,
recreation, and retirement are now as much a part of rural life as farming, fishing, mining, or
ranching.
It’s not that disinvestment has gone away. Far from it. Nor has poverty and disadvantage been
replaced by economic opportunity. To the contrary, in some ways the changes in urban and
rural dynamics have made matters worse for many poor Americans. For example, in rural areas,
we know that agribusiness consolidation has put more business in the hands of fewer owners,
upsetting small community economics and leadership even in times of economic prosperity. In
urban neighborhoods, we know that what is called “urban renewal” may be more truthfully
described as “urban removal” when plans and priorities are set by outside institutions.
But where place-based disinvestment was once the single dominant community challenge, we
now face many different kinds of challenges. Sometimes the struggle is with gentrification,
and the fight is to ensure that the people who have lived with community poverty aren’t pushed
out and away by the very investment that is supposed to benefit them.
Sometimes the struggle is not with the disinvestment of a place, but with the economic
restructuring of an entire industry, and the fight is to stay ahead of global economic change.
Other times the struggle is with community-specific challenges — a local population changing
faster than local institutions, critical land or major buildings abandoned by outside institutions,
or the political marginalization of local people by the powers-that-be. One community might
have to manage two or three or more of these dynamics all at once. Our challenges are more
complex than ever.
Building on Assets for Community Transformation:

In this context of change and complexity, community organizers, community developers, and
community builders have grown more capable and more creative. Community organizers build
constituency in creative ways, linking church and institutional bases with workplace organizing
and even block organizing. Organizing strategies range from confrontation to negotiation, and
everything in between.
Community developers have developed more expertise in commercial and industrial
development; often exceeding what any single business can do in learning and planning for
economic futures. They also employ a range of strategic roles, from developing projects
independently or partnering with private developers to catalyzing and mediating development
by others.
By focusing on the capacities of community stakeholders to participate in and control

community change, in everything from quality-of-life to the creation of personal wealth, the
community-building movement has helped restore the heart and soul to community activism.
Community-building strategies range from storytelling and peer support to leadership
development and spiritual growth.
Many community activists and community-based organizations end up using a mix of
community organizing, developing, and building strategies, blurring the lines in order to
maximize the synergies.
It is believed that “asset thinking” is central to much of the new community activism. Whether
organizing, developing, or building community, the work is most effective when we realize
and appreciate community strengths and assets, and when the work widens the circle of
community to create new opportunities from within.
Building on assets gives community organizers insight into community power and stakeholder
interests. Building on assets gives community developers negotiating leverage and
accountability for outcomes that are appropriate and just.
Building on assets give community builders a framework for mapping relationships and finding
new opportunities.
Community transformation goes along with a transformation of the mind. The transformation
in thinking occurs when we see the strategic opportunities hidden in the context of community
threats. The vision may be found as a result of mapping the five types of assets found in every
community;
• Individual talents and skills

• Local associations
• Local institutions
• Land and property
• Economic strengths
Connecting these assets is the core activity that allows a community to organize, develop, and
build itself from within. In changing times and in complex situations, asset thinking provides
a key to community transformation.
A Different Approach:
Meaningful Stories for Everyday Practitioners As they feel their way and develop new
approaches, community activists need all the help they can get. Volunteer community leaders,
the staff of community organizations, and everyday participants and involved supporters who
do community work need both inspiration and practical guidance. They need to reaffirm their
faith that their efforts can make a difference. And they need the “real deal” on what might
work, and what might not, so they can be effective.
There is a good deal of wonderful writing out there on community work. Still, a lot of it isn’t
really intended for community practitioners. It’s meant for everybody else: for funders,
professionals, policymakers, and uninvolved readers who could contribute to the cause. Some
of this writing takes the “miracle approach,” highlighting improbable successes to
communicate both the challenge of community work and its significance. At other times, it
takes a “technical approach,” breaking community work down into pieces — the parts of the
deal, the steps in the process, or the history of the project. All of this writing is important for
developing the broad support that communities need.
But practitioners need something more, because they know there is more to the story. They
know about the miraculous side of things, but we also know that behind every miracle, there’s
a lot of blood, sweat, and tears. They appreciate the technical side, but sense that the pieces
don’t tell the story of the whole. And because the work is of, by, and for ordinary community
folks, practitioner don’t see community work as a technical profession, as something only
experts can do. It’s hard, yes, but it’s work that ordinary people do everyday
Facing the Threats and Seeing Opportunities

The threats to community are always on the minds of community activists. “Sure, we’ve heard
about the miracles, but what about this major threat that’s facing my community right now?”
practitioners might say. Or, “The pieces of the process are fine, but the reality is that there are
things going on in my community that threaten to blow the whole process apart.” The threats
are real and present. The threats aren’t the exception to the rule. The threats are the rule itself.
It’s how communities deal with the threats that counts.
Turning threats into opportunities is not about exploitation. Everybody knows about the players
who exploit community threats for their own advantage. Predatory lenders take advantage of
disinvestment to make extraordinary profits off of credit-starved residents. Speculators
stockpile abandoned property without maintaining or developing it, in order to sell at a huge
profit when a community gentrifies. That’s not what community work is about. Turning threats
into opportunities is about transformation.
It’s about the way that communities break out of a vicious cycle of disadvantage and despair,
and break into a snowballing movement of hope and action. It’s about the way that
communities flip the dynamic of power, to take control of change, instead of being controlled
by change. Transformation starts with vision, with the ability to see opportunity in the face of
threats. Threats and crises illuminate our community values — they show us what things we
care the most about. In that light, assets previously taken for granted can often be realized, and
strengths can be viewed in new ways.
2. Transforming Karachi into a Livable and Competitive Megacity

Karachi is the largest city in Pakistan, with a population of 16 million.1 It accounts for one-
third of Sindh’s population and one-fifth of the country’s urban population. However, a highly
complex political economy, highly centralized but fragmented governance, land contestation
among many government entities, and weak institutional capacity have made it difficult to
manage the city’s development.
Karachi has also been beset with a worsening security situation for the past few decades,
although recent improvements in the security environment have led to a reduction in violent
crime. Social exclusion of marginalized parts of the population is a challenge that requires
immediate attention. These factors have resulted in the rapid decline of the city’s quality of life
and economic competitiveness from its thriving status after the country’s independence.
Three Pathways for a City Diagnostics: The first part of this report provides a diagnosis of
Karachi’s issues, structured around three pathways focused on key aspects of city management
➢ City growth and prosperity, in which the report analyzes the city’s economy,
competitiveness and business environment, and poverty trends
➢ City livability, in which the report assesses the city’s urban planning; city management,
governance and institutional capacity, and municipal service delivery, focusing on three
sectors—(i) public transport, (ii) water and sanitation, and (iii) municipal solid waste.
➢ City sustainability and inclusiveness, in which the report examines the city’s long-term
risks and resilience, looking at (i) fiscal management, (ii) environmental sustainability and
the city’s ability to deal with disasters and climate change, and (iii) social inclusion.
Karachi’s Low Liveability and Level of Basic Services: Karachi is ranked among the bottom
10 cities in the Global Livability Index. The city is very dense, with more than 20,000 persons
per square kilometer. Urban planning, management, and service delivery have not kept pace
with population growth, and the city seems to be headed toward a spatially unsustainable,
inefficient, and unlivable form. Public open spaces and cultural heritage sites are under threat
from commercial development. Urban green space is shrinking, and is now only 4 percent of
the city’s built-up area. All these are accompanied by insufficient basic services.
Public Transport – No cohesive transportation policy exists for Karachi, even as a thousand
new vehicles are added to the roads each day. Traffic congestion and road safety are serious
concerns. There is no official public transit system per se. An estimate says that 45 citizens
compete for every bus seat, compared to 12 in Mumbai. Limited access to transit options affects
women in particular. Karachi’s transport problems cannot be resolved by simply investing in
more infrastructure and facilities; the solution lies in a comprehensive strategy and efficient
institutions.
Water, Sanitation, and Solid Waste – Karachi is experiencing a water and sanitation crisis
that stems largely from poor governance. Financing for this sector is typically ad hoc and aimed
at addressing immediate needs rather than long-term goals. Only 55 percent of water
requirements are met daily. Rationing is widespread, and leakages and large-scale theft are
common. Nonrevenue water can be as high as 60 percent, compared to 30 percent in Ho Chi
Minh City and 17 percent in Manila. Many households rely on private vendors, who sell water
from tankers at high prices. Less than 60 percent of the population has access to public
sewerage, and almost all raw sewage is discharged untreated into the sea, along with hazardous
and industrial effluent. Less than half of estimated solid waste is collected and transported to
open dump sites, resulting in a major public health hazard.
The Way Forward: What will it take to Transform Karachi into a Liveable and
Competitive MegaCity – In addition to large-scale public and private financing, Karachi needs
difficult reforms to improve its urban governance, institutional capacity, and coordination so
that it can become a more economically productive and livable city. The second part of this
report supplements four sector-specific issues and recommendations by providing the way
forward based on four key pillars that will be important for the city’s transformation:
➢ Building inclusive, coordinated, and accountable service-delivery institutions. Create
strong coordination mechanisms among various public land-owning and service-delivery
agencies. Improve the ability of these agencies to plan, finance, and manage development
programs. Empower local governments to take the lead in city management.
➢ Greening Karachi for sustainability and resilience. Invest in environmentally
sustainable infrastructure gaps and safeguard funds for its maintenance. Create
mechanisms to protect vulnerable groups from the negative impacts of economic growth
and climate change. Build a resilient and sustainable environment with an emphasis on
livability and regeneration.
➢ Leveraging Karachi’s economic, social, and environmental assets. Involve the private
sector in infrastructure provision by creating an enabling environment via policy reforms.
Create incentives for more efficient performance by servicedelivery agencies. Improve the
ease of doing business and encourage publicprivate partnerships. Reduce delays and
discretionary power for key business transactions under city and provincial authorities.
Improve cost recovery and revenue collection for basic services while safeguarding
vulnerable groups such as the poor. Leverage the city’s land assets (such as state-owned
land in prime locations) to finance critical infrastructure.
➢ Creating a smart Karachi through policies and the use of smart tools and
technologies. Innovate with smart policies to better manage city services, improve
economic competitiveness, and facilitate engagement with citizens. Interventions should
also focus on improving the ease of doing business to help enable economic growth and
job creation.
The report underlines the structural nature of the city’s problems and recommends a
comprehensive, programmatic, and phased approach to strategically tackle these challenges.
The four pillars of city transformation are accompanied by a set of actionable short- and long-
term recommendations to transform Karachi. These recommendations can be categorized into
three tracks:
Track 1: Create a shared vision for a livable, inclusive, and sustainable Karachi with a joint
commitment across federal, provincial, and local governments that involves all key
stakeholders, such as civil society, the private sector, and vulnerable groups, including women,
the poor, and youth.
Track 2: Improve institutional governance and performance of city entities with strong
coordination mechanisms among public land-owning and service-delivery agencies.
Interventions should focus on reforms for accountability, strengthening contractual agreements
between province-controlled municipal service agencies and local governments, and
strengthening coordination among agencies across different levels of government.
Track 3: Leverage public and private financing to meet Karachi’s infrastructure needs.
Spending on infrastructure by the public sector in Karachi is well below required levels, despite
large recent increases. The solution is to leverage significant and diverse sources of financing—
both public and private.
In the long term, policy makers must leverage more advanced sources of financing by creating
an enabling environment via policy reforms and innovations, such as the following:
➢ Explicit performance-based grants for local governments
➢ Instruments for land-value capture, which will enable sharing in the benefits of increases
in private land and property values due to infrastructure improvements, especially around
planned mass transit stations.
➢ Subnational or municipal bonds, enhanced credit, and/or loan options through
guarantees—such as those issued by sovereign entities or multilateral organizations—that
will enable governments to obtain private and/or institutional financing.
➢ Innovative public-private partnerships, special-purpose vehicles, and infrastructure funds
to invest in Karachi’s needs.
3. The Transforming Lahore

The project is a series of mapping initiatives designed to show the way Lahore is transforming
alongside the capital that is flowing in the city through the global investments like CPEC. The
following maps show the argument made on the transformation spread because of these
infrastructural projects.
Atlas of the urban movements in Lahore
➢ LAHORE’S URBAN EXPANSION Lahore has been expanding its urban boundaries
exponentially as shown in the map. The Urban boundary of Lahore in 2013 was 37,142
hectares, increasing at an average annual rate of 3.6% since 2000 and 3% since 1991,
moving from a south eastern spread towards a circular outward growth today.
➢ POPULATION INDEX OF LAHORE The population of Lahore is concetrated in the
central strips of the Old city as shown in the map. The Population of Lahore today is 11.13
million with an increasing growth rate.
➢ THE DEVELOPMENT CONCENTRATIONS AND MOVEMENTS The trend of the
concentrations of capital, health care facilities, infrastructure including roads and metro
lines all coincides around the central localities of the city center. The map defines these
development patterns through the time.
➢ THE ANALYSIS OF THE SHADOWS OF DEVELOPMENT The map concludes the
dichotomies in the development and capital movement in the city of Lahore. The analysis
of the health facilities concentrations and the population densities suggests the areas of
urban problematics in Lahore. The metro lines add to these areas of conflicting realities
that shape the premise of the site of selection, Anarkali.
REPORTED INCIDENTS The map is created by the incidents of destruction reported by the
development projects in Lahore.The map is created as an ongoing collection of reports from
the citizens of Lahore. The collective data formulates this map and updates every hour.
The last mapping is linked to google entry document to allow people to report evictions,
destructions, policing etc. This conclusive discussion is based on the premise laid out in the
discourse of Lahore. Anarkali is concluded to be the one of the most critical position due to the
shadowing of the development in Lahore. The process of the project is taken in a similar way
of investigation and narrative traced through the data collection in lahore.
Link(s) to full project:
• Link 1 - thenewschool.carto.com/u/faroz206/builder/6a930be7-7255-4edc-a00c-
6dc504e7ae86/embed
• Link 2 - thenewschool.carto.com/u/faroz206/builder/7cbf7e48-394d-4031-9d2b-
62165c06adac/embed
• Link 3 - thenewschool.carto.com/u/faroz206/builder/5c0edcd6-d6f6-47e0-a7f0-
6e522c805039/embed
• Link 4 - thenewschool.carto.com/u/faroz206/builder/b6a7f949-cfed-43c1-b823-
ee9d60ab7869/embed
• Link 5 - thenewschool.carto.com/u/faroz206/builder/13fc2bf2-c1e8-4d43-9d53-
72852666a0c3/embed
• Link 6 - faroz206.github.io/the-transforming-lahore-z/
Q.3 Explain the following concepts with focusing on the sustainability approach for
community development:
a) Community representation & governance.
b) Democratic revival.
c) Capacity building & training.
d) Community Leadership.
a. Community Representation and Governance

Nonprofits contribute to a healthy democracy by providing citizens with collective
representation. While building representational capacity seems particularly important for
nonprofit organizations whose primary goal is to engage in representational activities like
political advocacy and lobbying, it is also relevant to other charitable organizations such as
hospitals, universities, museums, churches, and human- service organizations. These groups
have a moral responsibility to provide services that reflect the true needs of those they serve.
They also have enormous potential to improve their constituents’ lives by influencing public
policy and empowering them to represent themselves effectively. For nonprofits to fulfill their
service, advocacy, and empowerment roles, it is not only appropriate but also necessary for
organizations to establish structures and systems that ensure that they voice their constituents’
views and concerns.
By examining the makeup and purview of boards, we may be able to trace how well
constituents’ views are represented within an organization and subsequently how well its
mechanisms work to retain equality and control of decision making by constituents and the
larger community.
Social theorist Robert Bellah defines community as “a group of people who are socially
interdependent who participate together in discussion and decision making, and who share
certain practices that both define the community and are nurtured by it.”1 This definition of
community is reflected in the multiple-constituency nature of nonprofit organizations, which
includes clients, funders or donors, staff members, volunteers, partner agencies, and
neighborhood residents.
Among these groups, clients, volunteers, staff members, and neighborhood residents deserve
special attention because they not only constitute the “moral ownership” for whom a nonprofit
organization exists but also are often relatively powerless stakeholders whose concerns may be
ignored. Therefore, we define community representation in nonprofit governance as the extent
to which clients, volunteers, staff members, and neighborhood residents are included on
nonprofit boards.
There are at least two dimensions of governance structure that must be taken into account when
developing representative mechanisms:
1) board composition, which indicates the breadth and depth of community representation
2) the strength of the board relative to the chief executive.
First, board composition defines who is entitled or required to participate in the
governing process. By rights, governance should embody and represent community
interests, and the composition of boards should “reflect community population
characteristics.” Community representation on a board is believed to enhance its ability
to reflect community interests in organizational policies, strategies, and operations.
Empirical research, however, shows that there is wide variability in the extent to which
nonprofit boards are broadly representative of the community. Board membership in
many nonprofits tends to be limited to upper-income, professional employers and
managers, while the community has little or no representation.
Second, the board-executive relationship defines patterns of dominance among the
leadership core; the power of the board relative to the chief executive indicates its ability
to maintain control over an organization’s direction. A board that lacks power, even if it
is descriptively representative of its constituency, may have limited substantive influence
beyond its symbolic value. Prescriptive research posits that boards should be the highest
authority and at the center of leadership in organizations, as well as providing direction
in key areas such as financial management, policy making, and performance monitoring.
Empirical research, by contrast, indicates that the role of many nonprofit boards is
reduced to a mere rubber-stamp function, leading to director apathy and insignificant
participation in contracting with government.
b. Democratic revival
As ordered by the country’s Supreme Court, elections to Pakistan’s National Assembly are
scheduled to be held Oct. 10. When the court endorsed Gen. Pervez Musharraf’s October 1999
military takeover of the government, it called upon him to hold elections within two years. The
Supreme Court also had allowed Musharraf to make changes in the constitution without
altering the basic structure of the government.
Early this year, Musharraf used a “referendum” to get himself elected to a five-year term as
Pakistan’s president. He subsequently reduced the National Assembly’s term from five years
to four, doubled the number of seats allocated to women, mandated an undergraduate degree
as minimum qualification to run for the assembly, subjected political parties to further electoral
discipline, including restrictions on electioneering, and empowered the president to appoint or
dismiss a prime minister at will. He also established a National Security Council of civilians
and military leaders to oversee the functioning of the government.
There have been varying degrees of opposition to Musharraf’s proposed amendments. The
country’s major political parties have objected to adopting the amendments through
presidential decrees prior to the election of the National Assembly. This, it is argued, precludes
the elected representatives from expressing their views on the amendments.
To put the present political developments in perspective, one needs to look at the history of
Pakistan as it has evolved over the past 50-odd years. This is not the first time Pakistan has
experienced a revival of “democracy” under military rule.
Interestingly, Islamabad’s military regimes have always received American support, as
circumstances compelled Washington to back army control in Pakistan. The recurring cycle of
such change, moreover, appears to visit Pakistan at the end of each decade.
India’s stance of neutrality—espoused by Nehru in the early 1950s—and its close ties with
China and the U.S.S.R. resulted in an alliance between the U.S. and Pakistan. In the mid-1950s
Gen. Mohammed Ayub Khan introduced his brand of democracy. While he advocated “Basic
Democracy” at the local level, real authority in Pakistan was vested in the president. This
experiment lasted for just 10 years, during which time the country experienced a degree of
economic and military growth—largely thanks to doles from the U.S. Membership in the
SEATO and CENTO military alliances brought U.S. military hardware to Pakistan, and
bilateral agreements brought in economic aid. Pakistan’s internal political structure suffered
seriously, however, and Ayub Khan was thrown out of office in the late 1960s.
Gen. Yahya Khan, who took over from Ayub, called for general elections. The political tension
that ensued between leaders of East and West Pakistan, however, resulted in the
dismemberment of the country when East Pakistan severed ties with Islamabad. Bangladesh
was created in December 1971, with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman its first prime minister. Zulfiqar
Ali Bhutto became the prime minister of what remained of Pakistan and, in 1973, promulgated
a fairly democratic constitution.
In July 1977 Gen. Zia ul-Haq usurped power via a military coup, imprisoning Z.A. Bhutto.
Bhutto later was charged with murder and subsequently hanged. Zia ul-Haq pushed for the
establishment of an Islamic state in Pakistan, and instituted radical constitutional changes
whereby the prime minister could remain in office only at the pleasure of the president. The
president also reserved the right to dissolve the national and state assemblies. A legacy of Zia’s
heavy promotion of Islam in a moderate society is the extensive religious lobby that thrives in
Pakistan today.
The religious right has an inordinate influence in the hinterland where millions live, and its
influence was apparent during Afghanistan’s Taliban regime.
When the Soviet Union attacked and occupied Afghanistan in 1979, more than five million
Afghan refugees took shelter across the border in Pakistan. In order to stave off the Russian
presence across the border and help sustain the refugees, the U.S. provided Islamabad with
logistical, military and humanitarian aid—once again coming to the rescue of a military
government in Pakistan. While such aid did bring about the eventual collapse of the Soviet
Union and gave an economic boost to Pakistan, the country paid a heavy price in terms of drug
trafficking and the breakdown of law and order. It was under these circumstances that Zia
scheduled elections for November 1988. That Aug. 17, Zia was killed in a plane crash, and
National Assembly Speaker Ghulam Ishaque Khan took over as interim president.
Elections were held in November as scheduled, with Benazir Bhutto elected prime minister.
The following decade saw Pakistan’s government change hands between Benazir and Mian
Nawaz Sharif until Musharraf ousted Sharif in October 1999. Sharif was jailed and later exiled
to Saudi Arabia, and Benazir Bhutto, in order to avoid prosecution, left Pakistan in a self-
imposed exile. She now lives in Dubai and London. Both leaders have been charged with
misusing the government treasury and have been debarred from running for public office for
the next 10 years. Bhutto was found guilty in absentia, and more cases are pending against her.
The story of Pakistan in the 1990s is one of the revival of democracy, as well as of
mismanagement. Corruption peaked and there was little or no accountability. Pakistanis who
had placed high hopes in the two leaders soon lost confidence in them.
Over the last four decades of the 20th century there was no institution-building in Pakistan.
The governing structures built by Ayub and Zia to perpetuate their rule were demolished the
day their regimes ended. Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif’s political antics served only to ruin
the prospects for democracy in the country.
It is against this backdrop, then, that the Oct. 10 elections are being held. Once again a crisis
in Afghanistan has come to the rescue of a military regime in Islamabad, which is being
sustained by U.S. assistance. The lessons of history, apparently, have gone unheeded.
c. Capacity Building & Training.
Capacity building (or capacity development) is the process by which individuals and
organizations obtain, improve, and retain the skills, knowledge, tools, equipment, and other
resources needed to do their jobs competently. It allows individuals and organizations to
perform at a greater capacity (larger scale, larger audience, larger impact, etc). "Capacity
building" and "Capacity development" are often used interchangeably. This term indexes a
series of initiatives from the 1950s in which the active participation of local communities’
members in social and economic development was encouraged via national and subnational
plans. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 17 advocates for enhanced
international support for capacity building in developing countries to support support national
plans to implement the 2030 Agenda.
Community capacity building is a conceptual approach toward social and behavioural change
and leads to infrastructure development. It focuses on understanding the obstacles that inhibit
people, governments, international organizations, and Non – Governmental
Organizations (NGOs) from realizing the goals that will allow them to achieve sustainable
results.
The term community capacity building emerged, in the context of international development,
during the 1990s. Today, "community capacity building" is included in the programs of most
international organizations that work in development. This includes organizations such as

the World Bank, the United Nations, and non-governmental organizations like Oxfam
International. The pervasive use of the term has resulted in controversy over its true meaning.
Community capacity building often refers to strengthening the skills of people and
communities, in small businesses and local grassroots movements, in order to achieve their
goals and overcome particular issues that may cause exclusion. Organizational capacity
building is used by NGOs and governments to guide their internal development and activities.
The United Nations Development Group Capacity Development Guidelines presents a
framework of capacity development comprising three interconnected levels of capacity :
Individual, Institutional and Enabling Policy.
Many organizations may interpret community capacity building differently than others. Some
methods of capacity building include fundraising, training centres, exposure visits, office and
documentation support, on-job training, learning centres, and consultations. Developing
nations are adopting strategies in the form of capacity building, to avoid becoming perpetually
dependent on international aid.
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) was one of the forerunners in
developing an understanding of community capacity building and development. Since the early
1970s, the UNDP offered guidance to its staff and governments on what was considered
"institution-building".
In 1991, the term evolved to be "community capacity building". The UNDP defines community
capacity building as a long-term continual process of development that involves all
stakeholders. This includes ministries, local authorities, non-governmental organizations,
professionals, community members, academics and more. Community capacity building uses
a country's human, scientific, technological, organizational, institutional, and resource
potentiality. The goal of community capacity building is to tackle problems related to policy
and methods of development while considering the potential limits and needs of the people
concerned. The UNDP outlines that community capacity building takes place at an individual,
an institutional, societal level and non-training level.
• Individual level – This requires the development of conditions that allow individual
participants to build and enhance knowledge and skills. It also calls for the establishment
of conditions that will allow individuals to engage in the "process of learning and adapting
to change."
• Institutional level – This should involve aiding institutions in developing countries. It
should not involve creating new institutions, rather modernizing existing institutions and
supporting them in forming sound policies, organizational structures, and effective
methods of management and revenue control.
• Societal level – This should support the establishment of a more "interactive public
administration that learns equally from its actions and from the feedback it receives from
the population at large." Community capacity building must be used to develop public
administrators that are responsive and accountable.
• Non-Training Level - This should provide an enabling of an environment for the trained
staff to perform at their optimum level.
Patrick Wakely (1997) from the University College London held similar views to the UNDP
about systems nature of capacity. He believed that thinking about capacity building as simple
training or human resource development was too limiting and that there needed to be a shift
from that mindset.[10] He also believed that increasing the capacity of the individual was not
enough to contribute to the advancement of sustainable development alone, and needed to be

paired with a supportive institutional and organizational environment. The three aspects of
capacity building that Wakely believed to be essential to creating better cities are human
resource development, organizational development, and institutional development. Human
resource development is defined as "the process of equipping people with the understanding
and skills, and access to the information and knowledge to perform effectively". It is where
Wakely believes too much emphasis and efforts are focused here. Organizational development
involves the processes of how things get done within an organization and require examining
how and why an organization does something and what could be improved. Institutional
development is the "legal and regulatory changes" that must be made in order for organizations
to enhance their capacities.
Community capacity building is defined as the "process of developing and strengthening the
skills, instincts, abilities, processes and resources that organizations and communities need to
survive, adapt, and thrive in the fast-changing world."
Community capacity building is the element that gives fluidity, flexibility and functionality of
a program/organization to adapt to the changing needs of the population that is served.
Infrastructure development has been considered "economic capacity building" because it
increases the capacity of any developed or developing society to improve trade, employment,
economic development and quality of life.
Capacity building, as a practice, tends to treat the range of skills and competencies needed as
linked to the immediate task. Martha Nussbaum's Capabilities approach provides more depth
to this theory. Alternatively, Paul James proposes the Circles of Social Life approach.
Capacity building as path to sustainable development
With increasing concerns about environmental issues such as climate change, there has been a
focus on achieving sustainable development, or development that maximizes social, economic,
and environmental benefit in the long run while protecting the earth. During debates about how
to achieve sustainable development. It has become commonplace to include discussions about
local community empowerment as well as "related concepts of participation, ownership,
agency, and bottom-up planning." In order to empower local communities to be self-sustaining,
capacity building has become a crucial part of achieving sustainable development.[19] Many
NGOs and developmental organizations end up inducing chronic aid dependency within
communities by doing developmental projects for the communities rather than in partnership
with them.
Reports like the CVA and ideas like those of Freire's from earlier decades emphasized that "no
one could develop anyone else" and development had to be participatory. These arguments
questioned the effectiveness of "service delivery programs" for achieving sustainable
development, thus leading the way for a new emphasis on capacity building.
In September 2000, a commitment was sealed at the Millennium Declaration in New York by
190 countries with the aim of achieving the Millennium Development Goals by 2015. This
commitment, which helped the nations, particularly the developing countries to effectively and
speedily respond to the current global economic recession, climate change and other crises, has
sparked renewed interest and engagement in capacity building.
However recent studies on evolution of capacity development for large government programs,
funded by international donors, shows a weak linkage of capacity development for a medium
to long term change.
d. Community Leadership.
Community has been defined as “a process of interrelated actions through which residents
express their common interest in the local society” (Wilkinson, 1991, p. 2); from this
perspective, the structure of what constitutes a community has been considered somewhat of a
paradox relative to organizations (Pigg, 1999). Specifically, organizations and communities, as
defined, are both constructed through psychological bonds (e.g. Katz & Kahn, 1977); however,
community typically entails a physical space, or bond, as well (Pigg, 1999).
One of the challenges for leaders within communities has been that some do not have any sort
of formal authority associated with positional power (O’Brien & Hassinger, 1992). Rather,
“they must rely on networks and influence, with relationships developed through extensive
interactions with community residents usually representing many different points of view or
interests” (Pigg, 1999, p. 196).
Accordingly, community leadership has similar characteristics with opinion leadership
proposed by Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and Gaudet (1948). Whereby leaders influence their
networks and contacts, although they may not have any formal leadership role. However, a
differentiator between opinion and community leaders has been that the challenges for
community leaders have been confounded by what constitutes a community, which “cuts across
social fields that comprise it, integrating them by creating and maintaining the linkages among
the special interest organizations and associations” (Pigg, 1999, p. 198).
Nevertheless, despite the challenges that have been associated with defining the domain, the
underlying function of community leaders has been consistent with more organizationally
based models of leadership; specifically, that leadership has been required to mobilize the
resources necessary to achieve a common goal or set of goals (Pigg, 1999). However, the means
and methods that have been associated with effective community leadership remain a
significant limitation within the existing literature (O’Brien & Hassinger, 1992).
Initiation and spread of interest. Unlike organizational leadership that has tended to rely on
positional power, and subsequently attributed leadership to those positions (e.g. Robbins &
Judge, 2014), leadership from a community perspective has tended to be more emergent
(Wilkinson, 1991). Specifically, leadership opportunities have generally been initiated when
an issue has been identified; leaders have tended to emerge through the initiation and spread of
interest around an issue (Pigg, 1999; Wilkinson, 1991).
Effective community leaders have been characterized as change agents (Schein, 1995);
individuals with the ability to mobilize others (Javidan & Dstmalchian, 1993), create conditions
(McGrath, 1964), and take the initiative (Winter, 1978). A recurrent theme within the literature
has been that such leaders have clarity about their purpose (Larson & LaFasto, 1989).
Additionally, community leaders tend to share other characteristic similarities. Specifically,
effective leaders tend to have a sense of service (e.g. Craig & Gustafson, 1998; Van Wart,
2003) and accountability (Van Dierendonck & Nuijten, 2011). Leaders have also been found
to be highly participative (House & Mitchell, 1974), and have been shown to take on a symbolic
role for the group (e.g. Birnbaum, 1988). Furthermore, an implicit attribution of leadership
(Lord & Maher, 1991) has been found to be more readily made to individuals that behave
ethically (Liden, Wayne, Zhao, & Henderson, 2008) and morally (Sendjaya, Sarros, & Santora,
2008) with an evident set of values (e.g. George, 2003).
Within a community structure the issue, and creation of awareness, have been found to be
paramount (Pigg, 1999). Leaders must have a purpose (Pigg, 1999). For example, community
leaders have been found to innovate and challenge existing processes (e.g. Kouzes & Posner,
2002). Through the process of identifying a purpose, effective leaders have been found to make
decisions (e.g. Luthans & Lockwood, 1984) and define their goals (e.g. Bass, 1981; House,
1977; Podsakoff, MacKenzie, Moorman, & Fetter, 1990).
After a leader has established their purpose and goal, a subsequent step associated with
spreading interest has been communication. An ability to disseminate information within a
community has been identified as a critical set of activities (e.g. Israel, Schulz, Parker, &
Becker, 1998; Metcalfe, 1984). Effective leaders have been shown to employ numerous, and
appropriate, communication strategies (e.g. Jacobs, 1983). For example, leaders have been
shown to use their ability to network and interface with other members of the community as a
means to create awareness (Senge, 1995). An intended outcome associated with the
communication process has been to motivate others within the community (e.g. Kouzes &
Posner, 2002). An informed, interested, and motivated community has been found to be critical
in a leader’s ability to fulfill their purpose (Pigg, 1999).
Organization of sponsorship. When a satisfactory level of awareness has been established,
community leaders have been shown to move their efforts into an involvement and
participation phase, or establishing an organization of sponsorship (Pigg, 1999; Wilkinson,
1991). According to the literature, one of the most critical first steps has been to appropriately
plan and organize (e.g. Page, 1985; Yukl, 1998). In so doing, leaders have been found to
provide order (Wilson et al., 1990), clarity and structure (Bass & Farrow, 1977).
Subsequent to sufficient planning, leaders have been found to build a coalition of community
members or organizations (e.g. Hahn, Greene, & Waterman, 1994). A leader’s ability to
establish relationship has been found to be paramount (Pigg, 1999). Leaders have been found
to utilize their reputation (Bell, Hill, & Wright, 1961) and resources (Terry, 1993) to stimulate
further involvement and participation.
Throughout the organizing process, leaders have been shown to actively facilitate cooperation
and teamwork (Yukl & Nemeroff, 1979). Frequently, a leader’s ability to encourage
cohesiveness (Bonjean & Olson, 1964) has been derived though their awareness (e.g.
Greenleaf, 1970) and ability to exchange information amongst constituent members (Luthans
& Lockwood, 1984).
According to the literature, effective leaders also tend to be sensitive to conditions and respond
accordingly. For example, leaders have been found to have an ability to align the purpose of
the group to the environment (e.g. Van Wart, 2003) and provide direction accordingly (Senge,
1995). Additionally, leaders have tended to have a tolerance for uncertainty (Stogdill, Goode,
& Day, 1965) while maintaining their ability to be aware of time considerations (Wilson,
O’Hare, & Shipper, 1990).
Goal setting and strategy formulation. Based on a successful effort to increase involvement
and participation, community leaders have been shown to move into a decision making phase,
specifically, setting goals and formulating a strategy (Pigg, 1999; Wilkinson, 1991). Although
a community leader may have emerged to address an issue, their purpose has been shown to
become shared, and sometimes modified, based on their interaction with other members of the
community (Pigg, 1999).
According to the literature, goal setting (Van Fleet & Yukl, 1986) and pressure (Wilson et al.,
1990) have been associated with higher levels performance. Furthermore, appropriate goals
have been shown to influence a leader’s ability to solve the problems of the community (e.g.
Mumford, Zaccaro, Harding, Jacobs, & Fleishman, 2000). To be an effective problem solver
(Yukl, Wall, & Lepsinger, 1990) leaders have been found to be adaptable (e.g. Heifetz, 1994)
and resilient (Luthans & Avolio, 2003). Unlike other forms of leadership where a leader can
mandate the pursuit of a particular outcome, community leadership has been found torequire
more goal flexibility on the part of the leader (Pigg, 1999).
One of the intended outcomes associated with a resonant goal, has been the development of a
shared vision (e.g. Conger & Kanungo, 1998; Dennis & Bocarnea, 2005). An ability to harness
their conceptual skills (Liden et al., 2008) and provide meaningful insights (Greenleaf, 1970)
has also been associated with developing a vision.
As part of the decision-making phase, leaders have been shown to define a strategy. In
particular, the ability to propose procedures (Metcalfe, 1984) and establish standards (Larson&
LaFasto, 1989) intended to result in the shared vision has been associated with effective
leadership. Throughout the process, leaders have been found to use their own experience (e.g.
Mumford et al., 2000) and knowledge (e.g. Barbuto & Wheeler, 2006) to propose the
appropriate strategy; however, high performing leaders have also been found to encourage
others to participate in the decision-making process (Yukl & Nemeroff, 1979).
As on ongoing process of involvement and consensus building, effective leaders have been
shown to validate proposals amongst members. Specifically, leaders have been shown to
establish collaborative environments (Israel et al., 1998) that encourage participation
(Metcalfe, 1984). The orientation towards more collective processes has also been identified
within the literature (e.g. Hofstede, 1980; House, Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman, & Gupta, 2004).
A leader’s willingness to collectively process and monitor the environment for potential
changes (Van Fleet & Yukl, 1986) has been associated with loyalty of the leader to their
members (Velasquez, 1992), and ultimately more acceptance and focus on accomplishing goals
through a mutually agreeable strategy (Pigg, 1999).
Recruitment. After a goal has been set and a strategy has been agreed, community leaders
have been found to move into a resource mobilization, or recruitment, phase (Pigg, 1999,
Wilkinson, 1991). Effective leaders have been shown to initiate recruitment through interaction
and inspiring others. For example, leaders attend to the needs of others (e.g. Bass & Avolio,
1990) through empathy (Greenleaf, 1970) and consideration (e.g. Stogdill et al., 1965).
Furthermore, leaders have been found to help members connect to the goal and strategy (Kirk
& Shutte, 2004) by inspiring a shared vision (e.g. Kouzes & Posner, 2002) and establishing a
common mission (Terry, 1993). Through intentional interaction (Bennett, 1971) effective
leaders have been shown to build upon the strengths of the membership (Gupta &
Govindarajan, 1984; Metcalfe, 1984).
In an effort to most effectively mobilize resources, leaders have been found to support and
enable their members. Specifically, leaders have been shown to provide coaching (e.g. Hersey
& Blanchard, 1969), training (e.g. Luthans & Lockwood, 1984), mentoring (Yukl, 1998), and
developmental opportunities (Laub, 1999; Van Wart, 2003). Additionally, high performing
leaders have also been shown to provide ongoing support for their members as necessary (e.g.
Yukl et al., 1990).
A prominent theme within the literature has been that leaders also empower their members.
Through delegating (e.g. Hersey & Blanchard, 1969) and sharing leadership (Laub, 1999),
leaders have been shown to empower others (e.g. Liden et al., 2008). When leaders stand back
(Van Dierendonck & Nuijten, 2011) and enable others to act (Kouzes & Posner, 2002) they
have created co-learning environments (Israel et al., 1998) where the collective has been
empowered (Kirk & Shutte, 2004). Furthermore, when leaders have understood the needs of
others (e.g. Mumford et al., 2000) and attended to their morale (Helme, 1974) they have been
better able to recognize the community as a unit of identity (Israel et al., 1998).
An ability to coordinate resources has also been associated with effective leadership (Kraut,
Pedigo, McKenna, Dunnette, 1989). Unlike organizational settings where personnel might be
managed more directly (e.g. Prien, 1963), effective community leaders have been shown to
have a higher tolerance for member freedom (Stogdill et al., 1965). Acting as a representative
of the group (e.g. Yukl & Nemeroff, 1979) rather than a positional leader has been associated
with effective community leadership when recruiting and mobilizing resources (Pigg, 1999).
Implementation of strategy and plans. Once resources have been mobilized, community
leaders have been found to move into a final phase where resources are applied, specifically
through the implementation of the strategy and plans (Pigg, 1999; Wilkinson, 1991). According
to the literature, leaders have been found to gain a final consensus prior to implementation of
plans. Specifically, leaders have acted as coordinators (e.g. Page, 1985) based on their ability
to act as stewards for the membership (e.g. Greenleaf, 1970; Van Dierendonck & Nuijten,
2011). Additionally, leaders have been shown to facilitate consensus building within the
membership by developing a level of trust within the group (Dennis & Bocarnea, 2005),
combined with their ability to build a sense of community (e.g. Laub, 1999) and being sensitive
to the politics associated with the membership (Beckhard, 1995).
After consensus has been adequately achieved, leaders have been found to move into an
implementation stage. In particular, leaders have combined informing (e.g. Yukl, 1998) and
communication (Jacobs, 1983) to facilitate the implementation of strategies and plans (Farr,
1982). Additionally, leaders have been found to be appropriately directive (House & Mitchell,
1974) throughout the process to provide a stabilizing force (Jacobs, 1983).
Although the process of pursuing a goal within a community leadership paradigm has been
found to be unique based on the reliance on membership and shared decision making (O’Brien
& Hassinger, 1992), effective leaders have been shown to be consistently focused on
monitoring the goal and taking the steps necessary to ensure success (Wilkinson, 1991). For
example, leaders have been shown to be committed to the ongoing success of the membership
(Whitehead, 2009). Commitment has been demonstrated through a leader’s defense of the
group’s integrity (Selznick, 1957) as well as their willingness to engage in feedback (Wilson
et al., 1990), perform critical analysis of outcomes (Van Fleet & Yukl, 1986), and manage
conflicts within the membership (Craig & Gustafson, 1998). Additionally, effective leaders
have been shown to be sensitive to external environmental influences (Mumford et al., 2000)
to ensure the ongoing implementation success of the membership’s strategy and plans (Pigg,
1999).
➢ Community Leadership Conceptual Model
Based on the review of existing literature, a theory-based conceptual model of community
leadership has been provided (Figure 1). The model synthesizes the previous leadership factors
identified within the literature. Furthermore, the model is structured in accordance with
recommendations associated with previous attempts to develop leadership frameworks or
models (e.g. Bass, 2008). Specifically, the model expands upon the five primary activities to
task accomplishment as proposed by Pigg (1999): initiation and spread of interest, organization
of sponsorship, goal setting and strategy formulation, recruitment, and implementation of
strategy and plans. The items proposed under each activity heading are based on consistent
themes identified within the literature when considered from a community leadership
perspective (Bass, 2008).
Q.4 Can the concept of Eco-Neighborhood be applicable to the context of Pakistan?

Give suggestion and recommendations.
What is the Eco-Neighborhood?
“Like a healthy organism with healthy organs made up of healthy cells, sustainability needs to
operate at all levels: the individual, the household, the neighborhood, the village, and the city.
A flourishing, sustainable “eco-city,” by definition, would include many flourishing, connected
ecovillages and neighborhoods.”
1- The “smart villages” of northern Pakistan – CASE STUDY
Life is tough in the remote villages of the Hindu Kush Himalayas of northern Pakistan, far from
the reach of power grids and at the mercy of floods and extreme weather. But by harnessing
the glacier fed rivers that tumble down the steep mountains, communities are transforming their
lives and future prospects.
“Before the energy from hydropower plants when clothes needed washing we had to go to the
river all day. Now it just takes two hours”, says Gulasim, a women from Bumboret in Chitral,
one of the most picturesque Kalasha valleys of northern Pakistan.
Nawab Ali, from Chaketal village in the nearby Swat valley, says electricity has improved the
life of children, who now have enough time to play and to help in the fields during the day
because they can do school homework with electric lights at night.
Local communities contribute to the construction of micro hydropower projects in northern

Pakistan
Pakistan has four decades of experience building micro hydropower plants with the
cooperation of local communities to bring electricity to these isolated regions. Since 2014,
Pakistan’s Rural Support Programmes Network has worked with the “Smart Village Initiative”
started by a team based at Cambridge and Oxford universities in the United Kingdom, to further
expand energy.
About 70 million people in Pakistan have no access to electricity – the majority of them in rural
areas. There are about 3 million households where grid connectivity is not feasible, according
to Alternative Energy Development Board of Pakistan.
Small hydropower projects and micro grids that generate their own electricity can plug this
gap. Yet Pakistan is only producing 128 out of a potential of 3,100 MW of electricity from
small hydropower projects.
“Smart villages”
The “Smart Village Initiative” covers six regions in Africa, South and Southeast Asia, and
Central and South America and aims to provide energy access for remote off-grid villages,
where local solutions are both more realistic and cheaper than national grid extension. It brings
together scientists and engineers, entrepreneurs, villagers and civil society organizations,
policy makers and regulators through country level workshops.
Just like a “smart city”, a “smart village” means providing access to affordable, reliable and
clean energy for households and businesses. This energy access particularly benefits women
who suffer from the drudgery of collecting fuel wood and the health consequences of
breathing in cooking smoke from traditional biofuels, such as animal waste.
2- Beyond the Storm, Eco-Friendly Dream Homes (Badin Pakistan) – CASE STUDY
"I don’t think I will ever miss the old home; it never protected us from floods and storms!" said
Dadi Ibrahim, a widow. Her only association, she said, with her dilapidated hut is the "fond
memories" of living there with her late husband.
The 65-year-old resident of Village Haji Jaffar Jamari, in Thatta district in Sindh province, is
now the proud owner of a brand new two-room energy-efficient house, which will soon be
awarded to her as one of the beneficiaries of a government housing project.
Ibrahim’s thatched house has been her home for as long as she can remember. Hers was one of
25 poorest households in her village chosen as beneficiaries for the People’s Housing
Programme, dubbed ‘Benazir Model’, named after the late Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. It
was launched on May 1, 2009 to provide energy-efficient, low-cost and disaster-proof housing
for the poor in Sindh province.
Like Ibrahim, Kazbano Fateh, also from Thatta, feels only a sense of relief now that she and
her family will soon be abandoning their old house.
"There is nothing to reminisce or miss (about it)," said the 45-year-old mother of five. Certainly
not the constant plastering of mud on the walls to close the fissures and cracks; getting soaked
when rains pour or drying out the entire house after a storm. "We lived in much hardship," she
said. Now her children finally have a place they can truly call home, she enthused.
Ibrahim, Fateh and all other poor beneficiaries of the project were identified based on two main
criteria — they belonged to the poorest of the poor and were most prone to disaster.
Based on the 2004 ‘State of the Environment and Development’ report of the non-government
International Union for Conservation of Nature, over two-thirds of the households in rural
Sindh are extremely "vulnerable" to natural disasters despite the province having the highest
per capita income in Pakistan. Ibrahim remembers Thatta as a once prosperous district in the
Indus Delta, located 98 kilometres from the southern port city of Karachi. But being prone to
storms and cyclones and at constant risk of the worst form of sea intrusion, it has been plunged
deeper into poverty.
Gone are the days when the historic Thatta — famous for its necropolis — enjoyed the bounties
of farming, which many of the residents have been forced to abandon, having either migrated
to urban centres, where they live in abject poverty, or turned to hard labour by working as daily
wage earners.
According to the Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum, an NGO working for the rights of small-scale
indigenous fisher communities in this country of about 180 million population, some 2.2
million acres of fertile land of the delta, of which Thatta is a part, have been submerged in sea
water in the last two decades.
The housing programme that will see the construction of 500 units for the poor is being jointly
undertaken by the provincial government and the United Nations Development Programme
(UNDP), which was the first to use the innovative technology inherent to the project when it
embarked on a similar undertaking, albeit on a much smaller scale, in Badin and Thatta between
2003 and 2004.
The project boasts the use of indigenous and eco-friendly technology and materials that can
withstand the ravages of nature, the frequency and intensity of which is widely believed to be
the results of climate change, the bane of modern society. The choice of both technology and
building materials is also intended to provide sustainable energy solutions.
"The material used for the houses is indigenous and locally available, and the technology is
also developed locally," said Jawed Shah, chief technical advisor to the project. He added that
this is the first time that ‘compressed earth blocks’ (CEB) are being used to build houses in
Pakistan.
In January 2009 the government signed a Memorandum of Agreement with the U.N. agency,
which is supporting the project under the Small Grants Programme (SGP).
The SGP was set up in 1992 — as part of the Global Environment Facility, a funding scheme
involving the UNDP, the U.N. Environment Programme and the World Bank — to support
activities intended to conserve and restore the environment while enhancing the people’s well-
being.
The UNDP has committed to provide 200,000 U.S. dollars for the construction of the houses
while the government has already pumped in 50 percent of the total project cost of 2.3 million
U.S. dollars.
The project’s other cost-effective innovations, said Shah, include arched foundation to address
the seepage, dampness and salinity — made worse by rising sea levels. "The pyramidal roof is
thermally efficient, leakage-proof, lightweight and economical, compared to conventional
roofing. The wire-reinforced hollow block masonry is not only a simple construction technique
but provides safety against earthquake, high wind and lateral pressure," he added.
These and other innovative features have given 37-year-old Mir Muhammad the confidence
that "this home of mine won’t collapse the way our old hutment did in every storm." He added,
"we were at the mercy of the rains and the winds." Pointing to the new conical roof, he said the
interior is much cooler than their huts when it would be "stifling in the summer."
For Sat Bai, 43, moving to her new abode "will be like living in a mansion with a kitchen,
verandah, bedrooms and even a latrine!" Used to defecating and bathing in the open, Bai said
she found the idea of having a personal latrine the height of luxury.
She is equally excited about the fact that "when you go inside the house, the green light coming
from the conical roof makes me feel at peace. In the evening even the moonlight comes shining
through the room."
Like Bai and all other beneficiaries of the People’s Housing Programme, Ibrahim is eagerly
awaiting the formal turnover of the key to her new house by the end of the month, when 100
of the 500 houses covered by the project shall have been completed. Already, it has inspired
her to dream of a brighter future for her family, which certainly goes beyond having only a
truly livable dwelling.
"Our life has already changed," Ibrahim said ecstatically.
*This story is part of a series of features on sustainable development by IPS – Inter Press
Service and IFEJ – International Federation of Environmental Journalists, for the Alliance of
Communicators for Sustainable Development (www.complusalliance.org).
Conclusion:
From the above two case studies, people of Pakistan should think about Eco
neighborhood by considering the following points;
Natural Capital
➢ Land – open space protection; erosion prevention
➢ Air – boiler pollution emission retrofits; truck idling reductions
➢ Water – wetlands restoration; onsite storm/flood water treatment
➢ Climate – electric vehicle-sharing; heat island reduction
Built Capital
➢ Businesses – incubator start-up facility; mentoring program
➢ Transportation- pedestrian/bicycle facility investments; transit service expansion
➢ Energy – onsite renewable power generation; building efficiency retrofits
➢ Wastes - central composting stations; hazardous waste collection
Social Capital
➢ Governance – exemplary inclusion/participation in civic organizations
➢ Social services – tool-sharing program; emergency preparedness training
➢ Cultural institutions – social/commemorative events; historic/cultural exhibitions
➢ Equity – first-time homebuyer assistance; nutrition information access
Human Capital
➢ Health – low-allergen landscaping; seniors active living program
➢ Education – adult literacy program; youth internships
➢ Employment – job training program; local hiring preferences
➢ Recreation – youth athletic league; park improvements
Earth Advantage hopes to hear from neighborhood and homeowner associations, public
housing tenant associations, business improvement districts, transportation management
organizations, community development corporations, and owners or managers of resorts,
shopping centers, office and industrial parks, institutional campuses, and military installation
housing areas.
Q.5 Review the concept of Open and Closed Neighborhoods. Explain in the local
context of Pakistan with examples.
Concept of Open & Closed Neighborhoods

The master plans created by the British new town designers worked from the premise that
neighborhoods are stable and furred. This assumption sits uncomfortably with contemporary
life-styles and economic restructuring. It also, arguably, contradicts what can be observed in
the evolution of older towns. Its persistence may be part of the reason why neighborhood
planning has lost credibility, Where new neighborhoods are bounded and discrete this may
assist the sense of an identifiable community, but too often the range of shops developed in the
initial flush of incoming families subsequently falls off, leaving empty units and declining
turnovers as those families grow up and spread their wings. This pattern is particularly visible
in suburban council estates suffering from ebb of fortune and estate ‘labeling’. The isolation of
the estate contributes to a downward spiral as residents experience exclusion.
The fured, delimited, neighborhood also is ill-adapted to the variation between facilities. Table
showed typical catchment populations for a range of local facilities, derived front traditional
standards and empirical observation of service levels on new suburban estates. There are no
clear thresholds to equate with a specific neighborhood size (Figure 8.2). Indeed it is likely that
forcing catchment conformity on the range of services will increase operating costs for some,
and threaten their local viability.
The Variability of Local Catchment Populations for Different Facilities
Furthermore neighborhoods and local services are not static. The spatial patterns give a
misleading impression of being forever unchanging. On the contrary, populations evolve with
household size and status; operational needs of businesses react to wider economic and social
change; social preference and behavior alters.
Taking each of these factors in turn: the population capacity of an area alters as one and wo
person households occupy dwellings previously lived in by families. Rising incomes allow
people to buy more space. Unless more units are constructed to compensate, the population
falls and local businesses find their market shrinking. The economic unit size and the service
requirements of enterprises also changes: for example, educational policy has led to bigger
schools; doctors are often grouped in threes and fours rather than ones and twos; the breweries
demand bigger pubs and close small pubs; local butchers and bakers have lost out to the
supermarkets. Consumers have also become more discriminating: in some spheres (such as in
relation to dental treatment or church-going) they are less than likely to choose local even when
local is available. In this situation of flux it is unrealistic to expect preconceived residential
catchments to remain valid indefinitely. The physical form of neighborhoods needs to be able
to respond to social and economic change, not prejudice it or be prejudiced by it.
Run corn provides an example of an inflexible design. The neighborhoods protectively cocoon
their local facilities, hiding them away from view, resisting sharing. It would be interesting to
investigate the quality and quantity of local facilities vis-a-vis, say, Harlow, which has a more
open and varied approach
The design for Milton Keynes, and the TODs of Peter Calthorpe, demonstrate a particular
strategy for avoiding inward-looking, close neighborhoods that strategy is simply one of
visibility, inviting people from other locations to make use of local facilitates and thus reinforce
their viability. In the case of Milton Keynes local centers are located at the edges of the
neighborhood block as defined by the grid roads. Shops and pubs are visible from the main
road (and the bus stop) and vehicle access is encouraged. In the Milton Keynes context this
encourages car-based trips and contributes to emissions; and the local centers still have rather
from a local hinterland, and varying success. The TODs, also, align their commercial zone in
highly visible sites alongside the highway and adjacent to transit stops. The urban TODs are
expressly designed to cater for commercial services in excess of those justified locally,
satisfying a more general market demand for decentralized employment and services. Much of
that demand relates, however, to car-based clients, unless an effective public transport
orientated land use strategy (such as the ABCD strategy) is enforced.
The general lesson from the closed versus open neighborhood question, as from the review of
social identity, is that planners cannot ‘buck the market, but they can help shape it. The ‘market’
in these cases is ‘the community’ - people individually and in social and economic groupings.
The closed neighborhoods have a limited life before they become out of joint with social and
economic needs. The open forms are more robust, though involve (on the examples above)
environmental costs, and may still have restrictions on catchment flexibility.
Run corn and Harlow Neighborhood Structures Contrasted

The market in the sense of the housing developers needs effective public guidance if it is to
deliver distinctive home-zones within the neighborhood in a way that achieves social inclusion
for all sectors of the housing market, and avoids the physical and identify fracturing of the
neighborhood observed in conventional estates.
THEU RBANC ONTINUUM
The traditional pattern of neighborhoods in older settlements is not normally one of discreet
enclaves out of interconnected districts - more an urban continuum than a series of cells
(Bremen et al, 1993). The urban continuum has the major but unsung advantage of allowing
the very flexibility of catchment size over time and space that the neat, stylized neighborhoods
of planning convention inhibit.
The structure of service provision, reflecting market conditions before universal car ownership,
has lessons for us now, trying to recover the pedestriadtram- based city. The trams and buses
provided the connections between localities and the natural foci for pedestrian movement. The
shops and services grew up along the tramways, often creating a pattern of radial high streets
out from the heart of the city Densities were highest close to the high street and graded down
away from them, reflecting both the sequence of urban development and the relative market
values. Identifiable, named neighborhoods are bounded by the high street or centered on it
(depending partly on the degree to which the road is heavily trafficked and impedes free
pedestrian movement).
These ‘fuzzy’ neighborhoods often merge into each other with no clear edge but high
permeability. This is particularly so in the 18th and 19th century environments. Lynch (1981)
advocates neighborhoods bounded by main streets, which he called ‘uniting seams’, on the
basis that people walk to the services provided and mingle with people from nearby areas, but
rarely carry on beyond the main street unless for some specific purpose, so their familiar
territory is all to one side. The neighborhoods in the Peterborough townships follow this
pattern.
So local high streets typically provide the social meeting places between residential
neighborhoods, the place for exchange of goods an services but also where the locality meets
the town and connects with the city. Instead of neighborhoods being conceived as inward-
looking villages - a kind of nostalgic image of rural community falsely transferred to the town
– the neighborhood becomes a more fluid medium for local and city-wide contact,
facilitating diverse forms place and interest communities
Transit Oriented Developments PODS
EXPLANATION WITH LOCAL EXAMPLES:

KARACHI NEIGHBORHOOD IMPROVEMENT PROJECT: (BY WORLDBANK)
(Source: http://projects.worldbank.org/P161980/?lang=en&tab=overview)
The development objective of Karachi Neighborhood Improvement Project for Pakistan is to
enhance public spaces in targeted neighborhoods of Karachi, and improve the city’s capacity
to provide selected administrative services.
This project comprises three components.
1) The first component, Public Space and Mobility Improvements in Selected Neighborhoods,
aims to enhance the usability, safety, and attractiveness of public spaces; improve mobility and
pedestrian access to key destinations; and improve traffic safety in public spaces in three
targeted neighborhoods of Saddar downtown area, Malir, and Korangi.
This component is divided into three sub-components as follows:
(i) Saddar Downtown Area Revitalization;
(ii) Malir Area Road and Public Spaces Enhancement; and
(iii) Korangi Neighborhood Mobility Improvements.
2) The second component, Support to Improved Administrative Services and City Capacity
Development, aims to improve selected administrative services to ease doing business in
Karachi, lay the foundations for better city management, and support the sustainability of
Component 1 investments.
This component is divided into two sub-components as follows:
(i) Automation of construction permits and business registration in Karachi; and
(ii) Laying the foundation for better city management.
3) The third component, Support to Implementation and Technical Assistance, will finance
technical assistance and advisory services to the project implementation unit (PIU) and the
Karachi Transformation Steering Committee (KTSC), including project management and
coordination costs associated with project implementation; consultancy services for feasibility,
conceptual, and detailed designs, safeguards instruments for subprojects, and the preparation
of follow‐on operations; and consultancy services for the preparation of a study on parking
management in Saddar downtown
Project Details:
DEFENCE HOUSING AUTHORITY, (DHA), KARACHI

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Course: Sustainable Communities (3675) Semester: Autumn, 2020

Q.1 With reference to Pakistan and Sustainability, explain the following:

a. Mixed used development

➢ Meeting with other children’s parents:

c. Urban open spaces utilization for public.

and to strengthen the city government’s capacity to provide certain administrative

In short, a transformed community is;

Changing Urban and Rural Challenges:

Building on Assets for Community Transformation:

By focusing on the capacities of community stakeholders to participate in and control

• Individual talents and skills

Facing the Threats and Seeing Opportunities

2. Transforming Karachi into a Livable and Competitive Megacity

3. The Transforming Lahore

Atlas of the urban movements in Lahore

a. Community Representation and Governance

international organizations that work in development. This includes organizations such as

enough to contribute to the advancement of sustainable development alone, and needed to be

Q.4 Can the concept of Eco-Neighborhood be applicable to the context of Pakistan?

What is the Eco-Neighborhood?

1- The “smart villages” of northern Pakistan – CASE STUDY

Local communities contribute to the construction of micro hydropower projects in northern

Concept of Open & Closed Neighborhoods

The Variability of Local Catchment Populations for Different Facilities

Run corn and Harlow Neighborhood Structures Contrasted

Transit Oriented Developments PODS

EXPLANATION WITH LOCAL EXAMPLES:

DEFENCE HOUSING AUTHORITY, (DHA), KARACHI

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