BIRTH, FAMILY, AND FAMILY’S ANCESTRY

Jose Rizal was born in Calamba, Laguna on June 19, 1861. In Rizal’s time, Calamba
was a prosperous town devoted to the production of sugar. The soil was fertile, and
its climate was favorable. Its scenic beauty gave the young Rizal the right impetus for
his poetic and artistic creativity. It was in this atmosphere that Rizal learned the early
values of love, affection, and loyalty, which blossomed forth into his mature years and
won for him the esteem and admiration of his people.
It was a difficult delivery that endangered his mother’s life. Jose Protacio Rizal
Mercado Alonso y Realonda was the 7th child of Don Francisco Engracio Rizal
Mercado y Alejandro and Doña Teodora Morales Alonso y Realonda of the 11 children,
the younger of two boys. Don Fransciso and his wife were a prolific pair: they had
Saturnina in 1850, Paciano in 1851, Narcisa in 1852, Olimpia in 1855, Lucia in 1857,
Maria in 1859, Jose in 1861, Concepcion in 1862, Josefa in 1865, Trinidad in 1868, and
Soledad in 1870. His family fondly called him Pepe. The young Jose was christened
in the nearby church on June 22, 1861 when he was only 3 days old. Reverend Father
Rufino Collantes baptized him while Reverend Father Pedro Casanas stood as his
godfather.
From Jose’s own account of his boyhood, he was brought up in circumstances that
even in the Philippines of our present generation would be considered privileged. On
both his matrilineal and patrilineal sides, his forebears had been people of substance
and influence above the average of their times. Doña Teodora’s family was perhaps the
more distinguished. In those days when professionals were scarce, the Alonso clan
could be proud of a number of lawyers, priests, engineers, and government officials.
The Alonsos and the Mercados were much closer to their field hands than the
absentee landlords of a later day. They were illustrados, that is to say, they could
read and write and figure, they had newspapers and went to court and sometimes
traveled abroad; they were of the principalia, that is to say, that they could vote for
the town mayor, they collected taxes, they had the preference, after the Spaniards, in
town church and town hall, in civic and religious processions, and they could wear a
European jacket or wield fork and spoon on special occasion. (Craig, 43 -46).
Rizal’s father, Don Francisco Mercado was born in Biñan, Laguna. He studied
Latin and philosophy at the College of San Jose in Manila. Doña Teodora Alonso,
Rizal’s mother, was born in Meisik, Sta. Cruz, Manila. She came from a distinguished
and talented family. Rizal inherited his mother’s literary talent. Both parents greatly
influenced Rizal and left their imprint on his character. From his father, he inherited
a profound sense of dignity and self respect, seriousness, and self possession; and from
his mother the temperament of the poet and the dreamer and bravery for sacrifice
(Craig, 43 – 46).

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 CHILDHOOD YEARS
Jose had a few recollections of his childhood, which suggests that it was a happy
memory. In the evenings, he would be taken for walks along the river or listen to
his aya’s (nanny or personal servant) fairy stories as they sat in the moonlight on the
azotea after saying the rosary. When he was old enough, his father engaged a private
tutor for him, a former classmate called Leon Monroy who lodged with the family and
gave the boy lessons in reading, writing, and the rudiments of Latin. Sometimes, it was
also his mother sharing stories to the young Jose (Craig, 1913).
The impression of his first reading lesson on the story of the moth was prophetic
of a martyr’s fate for the child envied the insect, which died for the sake of the light.
Early in life he had already seen the injustices and abuses daily in Calamba that
attracted his attention. No small part of his childhood training came from listening to
the Spaniards, officials, and friars who generally were guests in the Rizal home when
they visited Calamba. Moreover, the parish priest, father Leoncio Lopez, also made
the boy the companion of his walks, and the confidant of his views on the injustices of
the Filipino clergy. Young Jose also spent much of his time in the church. Oftentimes,
he also enjoyed playing alone and watching different birds singing, like the culiawan,
maya, maria capra, martini, and the pipit. Jose also owned a pony and used it during
his visit to some beautiful sceneries in his hometown. Another happy memory was his
nocturnal walk with his big black dog Usman. He used to play with the doves of his
neighbors, too. He was also good in magic tricks performing magic-lantern exhibitions,
disappearing a coin, false-cutting a thin rope, and untying a handkerchief. Jose’s early
childhood, he considered to be his happiest moment his trip with his father in Antipolo
to fulfill his mother’s vow to do a pilgrimage to the Virgin of Antipolo (Craig, 1913).
His three uncles, brothers of his mother, concerned themselves with the
intellectual, artistic, and physical training of this promising nephew. The youngest,
Jose, a teacher, looked after the regular lessons. Uncle Manuel developed the physique
of the youngster while Uncle Gregorio taught him the value of rapidity in work, to
think for himself, and to observe carefully and picture what he saw.
At the age of four, he lost his little sister Concha. Her death caused so much sorrow
to him and his family as his sister was very close to him. He also had the soul of an
artist, yearning for an expression. Before he was five years old, he began to draw with
pencil and to model in clay and wax. At the age of eight, Jose wrote a poem titled “To
my fellow children” (Sa Aking mga Kababata). This poem revealed Jose’s dedication to
his mother tongue, he resonated that those who truly love their native language would
surely endeavor for freedom.

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 His father looked carefully after the beginnings of his education. There was a daily
drill in all his elementary studies. When he was 9, he was sent to the boy’s school in
Biñan under the supervision of Master Justiniano Cruz, where his uncle Jose Alberto
lived, and where he acquired knowledge in the traditional manner and under a liberal
application of a rod. Aside from being a strict disciplinarian, Master Justiniano was a
conscientious instructor. He wanted the young Jose to go on further studies in Manila,
and this was manifested in the Christmas vacation of 1871.

IN SEARCH OF FORMAL EDUCATION

Ateneo years
Soon Rizal’s passion for knowledge superseded his home studies. On June 10,
1872, Rizal took the entrance examination at San Juan de Letran College. He passed
all qualifying tests in Christian doctrine, reading, and arithmetic. However, certain
difficulties remained; for one thing, the term had already begun and for another,
the father minister was dubious about the boy’s health. But with the intervention of
the nephew of the ill-fated Father Burgos, Manuel Xerez Burgos, the young Jose was
admitted into Ateneo where he studied from 1872 to 1877 (Craig, pp. 10-11).

Picture 1: Ateneo Municipal

It is where Jose Rizal finished his Bachelor of Arts. Currently, this institution is the Ateneo de Manila
University.

Source: Craig, p. 11

The first year in Manila was important into Rizal’s education. The Jesuit
curriculum for the six-year course leading to the degree of Bachelor of Arts was
considerably tougher than the present equivalent for high school and college. Besides
Christian doctrine, it included Spanish, Latin, Greek, and French, World Geography,
and History, the history of Spain and the Philippines, mathematics, and the sciences
(arithmetic, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, mineralogy, chemistry, physics, botany,
and zoology), and the classic disciplines of poetry, rhetoric, and philosophy. In all of

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 these subjects, Jose was consistently graded “excellent.” The influence of the Jesuits
on Rizal could not be underestimated. Jose had been subjected thereafter to one of
the world’s most thorough and gripping systems of indoctrination, the Jesuit ratio
studiorum, under tight and constant discipline. The spirit, which it infused was the
spirit of classical humanities, the arts of human culture; the method in brief is a
combined memory and understanding. But above all, Jesuit education pursued one
aim: “Ad majorem Dei gloriam,” it was “all for the greater glory of God.” The ultimate
purpose of the Jesuit teacher was to make steadfast lifelong Catholics (Craig, pp. 10-11).
One educational device at the Ateneo was calculated to stimulate to the utmost
competitive instincts. Each class was divided into two teams or “empires” named in
imitation of the classic wars as the “Roman” for boarders and the “Carthaginian”
for day – scholars or out boarders. Each empire had its ranks and dignities. The best
scholar in each team was the emperor and the next best was the tribune, the decurion,
the centurion, and the standard bearer. The two empires competed with each other
as team while the individuals within each team also strove to rise in rank by means of
challenges. Not only in academics did Rizal excel but also in writing literature. Most
of them are exercises not only in poetry but also in religion and Filipino patriotism. To
improve his knowledge and fluency in Spanish, Jose took private lessons during recess
time at the Santa Isabel College (Craig, pp. 11-13).
When the school year ended, Jose spent his summer vacation in Calamba. But
he did not enjoy his vacation because his mother was still in prison. When summer
ended, Jose returned to Manila to continue his studies. At the end of the school year,
he did not only receive excellent grades but also a gold medal for academic excellence.
He returned to Calamba that summer jubilantly. Like before, the reunion with his
sisters, brother, and parents were very happy telling them about his academic successes.
As usual, he visited his mother in prison. He comforted her by telling her about his
scholastic exploits and some funny stories about his professors and classmates. As
expected, his mother was very happy to hear his favorite son’s outstanding performance
in school.
After this visit, Jose once again returned to the city for his studies. This time an
adolescent, he had shown an interest in reading romantic novels. Among his favorites
was the “The Count of Monte Cristo” by Alexander Dumas. He was so impressed by
the fate of the main character and hero of the story who made a spectacular escape
from the dungeon, found a buried treasure, and later revenged against his enemies.
Aside from his novel, Jose had read several books, both fiction and nonfiction, which
greatly helped him in his studies and enabled him to win more prizes. A history book
that caught his attention most was Travels in the Philippines by Dr. Feodor Jagor, a
German scientist who stayed in the country from 1859 to 1860. Jose was impressed by
this book because: (a) it contained Jagor’s careful observation and analysis about the
imperfections of the Spanish colonization in the Philippines, and (b) of his prophecy
that Spain would yield the Philippines to American colonizers in the near future.

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 In June 1874, Jose went back to Manila to continue his quest for knowledge. Shortly
after classes had started that semester, his mother arrived, telling him that she was
already released from prison, just as he had prophesized during his last visit to her in
the prison cell in Santa Cruz, Laguna.
Rizal’s senior year in Ateneo was a memorable one. On June 16, 1875, he became
an interno under Father Francisco de Paula Sanchez who was a very good professor and
scholar. Father Sanchez was so impressed and deeply admired Jose’s performance. He
inspired young Rizal to study more and write poetry. On his part, he loved, admired,
and respected Father Sanchez so much that he considered him the best professor in
school who always gave attention and special consideration for the “advancement of
his pupils.” As a result, Jose topped all his subjects and brought home five gold medals
at the end of the school year. He presented the medals to his parents with pride. He
was extremely happy because he thought that this time he was able to repay his father’s
sacrifices.
Jose’s last year of studies in Ateneo from 1876-1877 became more fruitful. He
excelled in all subjects and gained recognition as the most brilliant Atenean of his time
and the “Pride of the Jesuits.” In March 1877, he received the degree of Bachelor of Arts
with the highest honors. Shortly after graduation from college, the sixteen-year-old Jose
Rizal experienced his first romance. Accompanied by one of his friends, he visited his
maternal grandmother in Manila. When he reached his grandmother’s house, he met
some other guests, one of whom was a very attractive girl named Segunda Katigbak.
Segunda was a college student at La Concordia College where his sister Olimpia was
also studying. Segunda was a close friend of his sister, so he was able to know her
more intimately during his weekly visits to his sister. It was a love-at-first sight for the
two and apparently, they had shown their love for each other. Unfortunately, Segunda
was already engaged to marry her townmate, Manuel Luz. He returned to Calamba
nursing a frustrated heart (Craig, 1913).

UST years
His second, third, and fourth years in UST were in Medicine and Philosophy and
Letters and were combined with outside studies in painting, sculpture, and interest in
two societies established by the Jesuits, the Academy of the Spanish Literature of which
he was president, and the Academy of Physical Sciences, in which he held the position
of Secretary.
Although, he was then a Thomasian, he remained loyal to Ateno where he had
happy and beautiful memories. His Jesuit professors loved him and inspired him to
acquire greater knowledge, contrary to the treatment he and his Filipino classmates
received in the University of Sto. Tomas. His grades in the medical course were only
“fair and good” compared with the excellent grades he got in all his subjects in Ateneo.

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 These gave Jose Rizal a heavy heart for he knew he fared better than his peninsular
classmates. He hated the Dominican professors who were cruel and biased against his
Filipino classmates who just kept quiet in spite of being humiliated.
It was during his freshman year as medical student when he experienced his
first taste of Spanish brutality. While walking on the street one dark night during
his summer vacation in Calamba, he failed to recognize a lieutenant of the Guardia
Civil whom he passed by and likewise failed to greet him because of the darkness.
With anger, the Spanish officer turned on Rizal, and whipped him with his sword that
slashed his back. When he had recovered, he reported it to the Spanish-Governor-
General, but he was ignored simply because Jose Rizal, the complainant, was an Indio.
Notwithstanding his hectic academic and extracurricular schedules in both
schools, UST and Ateneo, Rizal still found time for love. He was admired by many
young ladies and could still go with friends of his age. Young ladies from the university,
as well as in Calamba, had fallen in love with him. In 1879, at the start of his junior
year in UST, he lived in a boarding house in Intramuros where he met a frail, pretty
young lady named Leonor Rivera, who was the daughter of his landlord uncle Antonio
Rivera. She was born in Camiling, Tarlac and a student of La Concordia College where
his youngest sister was studying then. Between Jose and Leonor sprang a beautiful
romance, which they kept from their parents and friends. To keep their intimate
relationship secret, Leonor used Taimis as her pen name (Craig, 1913).
At 18, in a competition held by the Liceo Artistico Literario with the poem A La
Juventud Filipina (To the Filipino Youth), he won the special prize for “Indians and
mestizos”. The next year the same lyceum in a contest in honor of Cervantes allowed
Spaniards, mestizos, and Indians all to enter the same competition. The first prize
for prose was awarded to Rizal’s Consejo de los Dioses (Council of the Gods) and the
jury gave it another special prize as the best critical appreciation of the author of Don
Quixote (Craig, 1913). Everybody had expected this prize to be won by Friar Evaristo
Arias, one of the most brilliant literary men the University of Sto. Tomas had, and there
was astonishment and disappointment among his many friends who were present to
applaud his triumph when the award of the jury and the opening of the envelopes
revealed the success of an unknown medical student.

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 Picture 2: The Winning Prize for “A La Juventud Filipina”
A La Juventud Filipina is a poem written in Spanish by Jose Rizal, first presented in 1879 in Manila,
while he was studying in University of Santo Tomas. A La Juventud Filipina is an inspiring poem that
states that the Filipino youth are capable of great heights. It urges the Filipino youth to reach their
potential by harnessing their skills and talents for the betterment of our countrymen. The winning
prize is composed of a feather – shaped silver pen, decorated with gold and a diploma.
Source: Craig, p. 14

These two prize-winning works proved that an Indio could write as well as a
Spaniard, or even better. A La Juventud Filipina was an open avowal of nationalism
that evoked the ideas of freedom and independence for one nation and one people.
El Consejo de los Dioses presented a discussion among the Olympian gods and
goddesses as to who the greatest poet was – Homer, Virgil, or Cervantes. In the years
that followed, Jose joined several contests, and one of which was a contest sponsored
by Artistic Literary Lyceum to commemorate the fourth centennial of the death of
Cervantes. The competition was opened to both Filipinos and Spaniards. Even if the

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 judges in that contest were all Spaniards, Jose’s entry titled “The Council of Gods” won
the first prize for its literary superiority over the others. Aside from the two award-
winning poems mentioned earlier, Jose Rizal had produced several literary works, like
poems, zarzuela, etc. The “Junta al Pasig” (Beside the Pasig), which he also wrote,
was a zarzuela. It was staged by the Ateneans in 1880 on the occasion of the annual
Feast of the Immaculate Concepcion. He also wrote a sonnet entitled “A Filipina” for
the album of the Society of Sculptors, a poem urging all Filipino artists to glorify the
Philippines (Craig, p. 14-15).
Shortly after finishing fourth year in UST, Rizal decided to continue his studies
in Spain. In spite of his enormous successes in the literary field, he was no longer
happy in his stay in the Dominican-owned school. He felt “he could no longer endure
the rampant bigotry,” discrimination, and hostility prevailing in the university. He
informed his brother Paciano, his two sisters Saturnina and Lucia, together with
his uncle Antonio Rivera, and some of his closed friends about his plan, which they
welcomed. They agreed to keep the decision secret from his parents. They agreed
that Paciano would send a monthly allowance of P35.00 and his Uncle Antonio would
solicit from friends for the other expenses.
Aside from his strong desire to finish his medical course because of his mother’s
illness, there were three other reasons Rizal decided to continue his studies abroad:
(a) the biased and hostile treatment of the Dominican professors against him; (b) his
disgust at the antiquated method of instruction in the university during that time; and
(3) the racial discrimination that the Dominican professors had against the Filipinos.

Education in Europe
On May 5, 1882 he embarked for Singapore on the mail steamer “Salvadora.” From
Singapore, he journeyed by French mail-boat through the Suez Canal to Marseilles,
and to Barcelona. From Barcelona, Rizal quickly went to Madrid and continued his
double course in Philosophy and Letters and in Medicine. Besides, he still found time
for more lessons in drawing and painting, and studied foreign languages under special
teachers. The burden of so many studies was less than its appalling appearance, or less
for Rizal. With him, as with any other good minds reared in a bilingual atmosphere,
languages were an easy acquisition. In his childhood he had spoken Tagalog and
Spanish; at school he had added Latin and Greek. He now assailed French, English,
and Italian, all at the same time, and without any apparent difficulty. A little later, he
mastered Catalan, Arabic, German, Sanskrit, and Hebrew.

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 In 1884, he received the degree of Licentiate in Medicine and the following year, on
his twenty – fourth birthday, the degree in Philosophy and Letters. After he finished
his two degrees in the University of Madrid, the plan of his career had now worked
out to his satisfaction: he was to visit the foremost countries of Europe, study their
institutions, learn the secrets of their progress, and carry home to his countrymen
information that might spur them from the bondage of subjugation. Meantime, he
had to perfect himself in his profession so that he might become more useful and take
up his work among the others. From Madrid, therefore, he went to Paris, where he
became clinical assistant to Dr. Louis de Weckert, one of the most famous oculists
in France and the author of a three-volume standard work. His mother’s growing
blindness made him covet the skill, which might enable him to restore her sight (Craig,
1913).
He worked with several of the best ophthalmologists and renowned personalities in
Europe, in the likes of Virchow, Jagor, Blumentritt, and De Weckert. From Heidelberg,
he went to Leipzig and its university, studying psychology and became interested in
the comparison of race characteristics as influenced by environment, history, and
language; thence to Berlin, where he took cheap lodgings and settled himself to complete
his novel while still pursuing his studies; and he also took studies in anthropology
and entomology. His association with Rudolf Virchow, head of the Anthropological
Society and one of the greatest scientists in the world, enlarged and enlightened his
views concerning democracy. To be free, he thought, a people must know how to
use freedom. Virchow had intensely democratic ideals; he was a statesman, as well as
a scientist, and the interest of the young student in the history of the country and in
everything else that concerned it, which was directed toward helping his country, made
Rizal at once a prime favorite. Under Virchow’s sponsorship, he became a member of
the Berlin Anthropological Society.
The fall of 1885 found Rizal in Paris, studying art, visiting the various museums,
and associating with the Lunas, the Taveras, and the other Filipino residents of the
French capital. It was in Paris where he took the first direct steps to his own ruin.
While still in Madrid, he had come upon the idea of addressing his countrymen
through the medium of a novel. He had been reading and studying Mrs. Stowe’s Uncle
Tom’s Cabin book. The thought occurred to him that a similarity wrought by pictures
of the servitude of the Filipinos might awaken them to a knowledge of freedom that
was slowly crushing them. In Paris, he took his pen and started seriously upon the
composition of a story of Philippine life (Craig, 1913).
This was the beginning of Noli me Tangere. He wrote in Paris the opening chapters
of Noli Me Tangere and carried them to Heidelberg. Rizal lived on the third floor of
a corner lodging house not very far from the university; in his room he spent much of
his time putting the finishing touches to what he had previously written of his novel,
and there he wrote the latter half of Noli Me Tangere.

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 Noli Me Tangere was printed and bound and launched on February 21, 1887. He
sought help from Maximo Viola after a thorough canvassing for the printing of the
novel, they found Berliner Burchcdrukrei Action Gesselchaft printing house where
they were charged the lowest rate of 300 for 2,000 copies. It was also Maximo Viola
who invited him to take a pedestrian trip. So work went ahead, and when the delayed
remittance from his family arrived, Rizal repaid his obligation to Viola. Then the
two sailed forth on their trip (Bagolong, et al, 2014). They ramped together through
remote Germany and saw something of Switzerland and of Austria. Rizal, as he
went, studied peasant life, and diligently he compared it with the conditions of the
Philippine farmers. At the end of the tour, he went to Dresden. There he found that by
reputation he was already known to Dr. A.B. Meyer and some other scientists, most of
whom speedily became his friends. For some weeks the museum of Dresden detained
him: the splendid collection of picture and the unusual collection of specimens in the
zoological and ethnological museums. At the Museum of Art in Dresden, Rizal saw a
painting of “Prometheus Bound,” which recalled to him a representation of the same
idea in a French gallery. Then he went to Leitmeritz, old Bohemia, where he began that
close and intimate friendship with Dr. Ferdinand Blumentritt. For months they had
been in constant correspondence; they even had progressed in letters. Thence, he also
went to Vienna, where he became intimate with Nordenfels, the Austrian novelist, and
met some other men prominent in literature and art (Bagolong, et al., 2014).
He went to Italy and in a few weeks was pondering over the antiquities of Rome.
Reviewing there his observations and researches in so many lands, he concluded
that the time had come for him to return to the Philippines. The irregularity of his
passport by which he had escaped from Manila he had since corrected; legally, he was
as free as anyone else to travel to the Islands. Furthermore, Leonora Rivera’s silence
also motivated him to go home. He was also distressed by the reports he had of his
mother’s failing eyesight so he became eager to return to her and help her. From Rome
he sped to Marseilles, took a steamer on July 3, 1887 for Saigon, and transshipped for
Manila. On August 5, after five years of wanderings and many triumphs, he saw once
more the Philippines.

THE HOMECOMING
The city had not altered much during Rizal’s absence. His first operation in the
Philippines relieved the blindness of his mother, by the removal of a double cataract,
and thus the object of his special study in Paris was accomplished. This and some
other similar successes gave the young oculist a fame that brought patients from all
parts of Luzon; and though his charges were moderate, during his seven months’ stay
on the Islands, he accumulated over 5,000, besides a number of diamonds that he had
bought as a secure way of carrying funds. Shortly after his arrival, Governor-General

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 Terrero summoned Rizal by telegraph to Malacañang from Calamba. The interview
proved to be due to the interest in the author of Noli Me Tangere and a curiosity to read
the novel. The recommendation of the censor was disregarded, and General Emilio
Terrero, fearful that Rizal might be molested by some persons, gave him a body guard
in the person of Jose Taviel de Andrade, a young Spanish lieutenant. Andrade and
Rizal soon became fast friends, as they had artistic and some other tastes in common
(Craig, 1913).
By the beginning of 1888 their demand had reached a point where he must
compromise with it, and he advised Rizal to leave the country at once. The word
was equivocal and was meant so to be; the real significance of advice in this instance
was an unofficial order of deportation. Rizal obeyed but not until he had given to
the world a new evidence of the versatility of his genius to which there is scarcely any
companion in human records. He was reluctant to leave the Philippines because his
private life, apart from his career of service, had been darkened by the catastrophe of
his love-affair; he had come home to find Leonor Rivea married. Two other impulses
concurred to urge him away: the success of Noli Me Tangere (despite so many and
powerful measures taken to suppress the book) and manifest effect upon the Filipino
mind that strongly reminded him of that sequel he had vaguely intended when he
completed the last chapters of his novel. He could not hope to accomplish any such
work at home; he could not hope, even if he should write it there, to find a publisher for
it on the Islands or to smuggle out the manuscript. He planned to go back to Europe
by way of the United States (Craig, 1913).
He sailed from Manila on February 28, 1888, going first to Hong Kong. There
and in the neighboring city of Macao, he visited and talked with many refugees and
exiles of 1872, annus hystericus in Philippine history. Moreover, Rizal was favorably
impressed by the methods of education in the British colony and with the spirit of
patriotism developed there. He also looked into the subject of the large investments in
Hong Kong property by the corporation landlords of the Philippines. He was equally
interested in the Chinese theater, comparing the plays with the somewhat similar
productions that existed in the Philippines (Craig, 1913).
With little delay, the journey was continued to Japan, where he was surprised by
an invitation to make his home at the Spanish consulate. There he was hospitably
entertained, and a like courtesy was shown him in the Spanish minister’s home in
Tokyo. The latter even offered him a position, as a sort of interpreter; however, he
declined it. Rizal made considerable investigation into the condition of the various
Japanese classes and acquired such facility in the use of the language.

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 From Yokohama, Japan he sailed to San Francisco, United States of America. A
Japanese newspaper man, who knew no other language than his own, was a companion
on the entire journey to London, and Rizal acted as his interpreter. When he landed
in San Francisco, April 28, 1888, it happened to be a time when a terror of epidemics
was afoot. The health authorities of San Francisco were then busily quarantining
everything that came into the port. Finally, the first class passengers were allowed to
land, and he went right away to the Palace Hotel (Craig, 1913).
With little delay, the overland journey began; the scenery through the picturesque
Rocky Mountains especially impressed him, and finally Chicago was reached. Niagara
Falls was the next impression recorded in the diary, which has been preserved and
is now in the Newberry Library of Chicago. From Albany, the train ran along the
banks of Hudson, and he was reminded of the Pasig in his homeland, with its much
greater commerce and its constant activity. In New York, Rizal embarked on the City
of Rome, then the finest steamer in the world, and after a pleasant voyage, in which his
spare moments were occupied in rereading Gulliver’s Travel in English. Rizal reached
England and said good bye to the friends he had met during their brief ocean trip
together (Craig, 1913).
For a short time, he lived with Dr. Antonio Maria Regidor, an exile of 1872 who had
come to secure what Spanish legal business he could in the British metropolis. Doctor
Regidor was formerly an official in the Philippines, and later proved his innocence of
any complicity in the troubles of 1872. He also met Dr. Reinhold Rost, a director of the
Library of the India Office and the best authority of Malayan customs and languages,
who was introduced to him through a letter by Dr. Ferdinand Blumentritt (Craig, 1913).
He devoted his time annotating the book of Dr. Morga. He rectified some
important points so that the Filipino people would know and understand the history
of their country. The annotation was later published in Paris in 1890; however, it was
only placed the Philippine lists of prohibited books. Rizal then departed for Paris.
There, Juan Luna, with whom Rizal had formed a close friendship while both were in
Madrid, from 1882 to 1885, had now made his home and Rizal seemed to have rejoiced
to renew his association with this talented countryman (Craig, 1913).
From the Philippines came the news of his sister Lucia’s husband’s death. The corpse
was refused interment in consecrated ground upon the pretext that the dead man, who
had been exceptionally liberal to the church and was of unimpeachable character, had
been negligent in his religious duties. Another individual with a notorious record of
longer absence from confession died about the same time, but his funeral took place
without any demur from the church. Rizal wrote a scorching article for La Solidaridad
under the caption “An Outrage,” and took the matter up with then Spanish Colonial
Minister, Becerra, a professed liberal (Craig, 1913).

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 While Rizal was in Belguim, he continued writing El Filibusterismo which he
started while he was in Calamba in 1887. He finally completed the book on March 29,
1891 in Biarritz, France. It was published in September of that year in Ghent, partially
funded by his friend Valentin Ventura.
Meanwhile, his family in the Philippines had more trouble over their land.
General Wyler sent troops to Calamba and the litigants were told to carry away their
things and sugar mills and bring them back again should the lawsuits favor them. As
this meant the destruction of their properties, naturally no one removed anything, so
under protection of his soldiers by Wyler’s authority, all the houses was torn down.
The loss of properties of the Rizal family amounted to about 150,000. Twenty-five
Calambans, including Rizal’s father’s family, were banished to a distant part of the
Archipelago (Craig, 1913).
Rizal went to Hong Kong and from there asked permission from his parents and
the new governor-general, Despujol, to return to the Islands. Meantime, he practiced
medicine in Hong Kong. He wrote, too, some articles on the Calamba controversy
for the Hong Kong Telegraph and made a short visit to British North Borneo. There
he obtained a promise of land for a Filipino colony through the influence of his
recommendations from Europe, especially of his London friend, Dr. Roth, editor of
the Truebner’s Monthly to which Rizal had contributed while in England (Craig, 1913).
Despujol was proving the best governor-general the Philippines had in many
years, and Rizal wrote to him again, expressing appreciation of his work and notifying
him of his intention of returning to take his relatives to North Borneo. The governor-
general’s reply, through the Spanish consul of Hong Kong, was that anyone who
observed the laws might live in the Philippines but with the scarcity of labor, there was
little patriotism in taking any of its people to foreign lands. Rizal had no intention of
renouncing his Philippine allegiance for he always regretted the naturalization of his
countrymen abroad, considering it a loss to the country, which needed numbers to
play the influential part he hoped it would play in awakening Asia. All his arguments
were for British justice and “Equality before the Law,” for he considered that political
power was only a means of securing and assuring fair treatment for all, and in itself of
no interest (Craig, 1913).
Upon Rizal’s arrival in Manila, he was accompanied by his sister Lucia. In
Basa home, she had gathered five copies of a recent “proclamation,” “Pobres Frailes”
(Poor Friars). Rizal and his sister landed without difficulty, and he at once went to
the Oriente Hotel. In Manila, he was the guest of honor at a banquet given by the
masters and wardens of the Filipino lodges, and he had frequent consultations with
the leading members. The last act of Rizal while at liberty was the establishment of the
La Liga Filipina, a league or association seeking to unite all Filipinos of good character
for concerted action toward the economic advancement of the country, for a higher

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 standard of manhood and to assure opportunities for education and development to
talented Filipino youth. Resistance to oppression by lawful means was also urged, for
he believed that no one could fairly complain of bad government until he had exhausted
and found unavailing all the legal resources provided for his protection (Craig, 1913).

DAPITAN DEPORTATION
As soon as Rizal was lodged in his prison in a room in Fort Santiago, the governor-
general began the composition of the documents. The Decree of Deportation was
immediately published on July 7, 1892 at Gaceta de Manila. The Decree of Deportation
came as a result of his possession of the leaflets he brought with him upon his arrival
from Hong Kong. It was also believed that the decision of the governor-general’s
decision was prompted by the advice of the Jesuits to exile him in Dapitan because
they knew he would be safe there since the superior of the Jesuit mission was known
by them. A letter was given to him to introduce him to Father Antonio Obach where
he could temporarily live (Bagolong, et al., 2014).

Picture 3: Jose Rizal’s Cell at Fort Santiago

Fort Santiago in Intramuros used to be a Spanish military fortress that imprisoned many Filipinos and
Americans during the Spanish Colonial Period and World War II. The famous prisoner was Jose Rizal.
The room was the actual detention cell where he was held captive and wrote his final letters to his
family and closest friend, Ferdinand Blumentritt, before he was shot to death on December 30, 1896
at Bagumbayan.
Source: Russell and Rodriguez, p. 256

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 It was around 10’oclock on the evening on July 14, 1892 when Jose Rizal was
scheduled to leave Fort Santiago. He boarded the ferryboat “Cebu” bound to Dapitan
around 1:00 early morning. At the ferryboat, he was given special treatment as if he
were a high- ranking official. The captain of the ship gave him a prime cabin marked
as “jefes,” which means commanding officers. But he was guarded by a sentry and a
corporal every time he ate his meals. On July 17, 1892, the ferryboat arrived in Dapitan
where he was met by Ricado Carnicero, who offered him to live either in his house or
at the Jesuit Mission house (Bagolong, et al., 2014).
He thought of borrowing 1,000 from his family to since he wanted to develop
some stretch of land in Dapitan. Then in September he had a stroke of good luck.
Carnicero, another local Spaniard, and he learned that ticket no. 9736 in which they
had equal one-third shares, had won a second prize in the lottery worth 20,000. His
share came to about 6,200. The happy news was brought to Dapitan by the mailboat
Butuan. Rizal in Dapitan was given considerable liberty. He had his medical practice,
and he put up a small hospital, bought a farm and planted on an ambitious scale, and
carried on a school for 14 boys. The dam built by Rizal and his pupils, pioneers in
industrial education in the Philippines, supplied Dapitan with water and the raised
map of Mindanao in the town plaza, as well as the exile’s house. He invested the money
he won in the lottery. Besides, he made natural history collections which he exchanged
with European friends. Furthermore, he had some occasions during this time to show
something of his genius for learning languages. In addition to acquaintance with
Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Sanskrit, and Arabic, he could use Spanish, French, German,
and English almost equally well, and read easily in Dutch, Swedish, Portuguese, and
Italian (Russell & Rodriguez, 1923).
Father Francisco Sanchez, Rizal’s instructor in rhetoric in Ateneo, made a long
visit to Dapitan and brought with him some surveyor’s instruments that his former
pupil was delighted to use with him. Together, they ran the levels for a water system
for the town, which later, with the aid of the lay Jesuit, was carried to completion.
Meanwhile, his mother and unmarried sisters had left Hong Kong in April of that year
1893 and Doña Teodora and Trinidad joined him in Dapitan toward the end of August
while his father returned to Calamba.
A few months after he had taken up his residence in Dapitan, there came a patient
from Hong Kong named Taufer, an American engineer, blind, and drawn to Dapitan
by the fame of the great oculist. He had with him his adopted daughter Josefina, who
promptly fell in love with Rizal. Her real name was Josephine Bracken; her parentage
was Irish. Her real father had been a noncommissioned officer in the British army
and stationed in Hong Kong. When he died, he left a large family in extreme poverty.
Taufer, who was a kindly man of some means, adopted the youngest child as a matter
of charity and then grew to love her as if she had been his own daughter. Rizal fell in
love with Josephine and afterward decided to marry her, but their marriage was not
permitted because of the refusal from the bishop of Cebu (Russell & Rodriguez, 1923).

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 RIZAL AND KATIPUNAN
About the time Rizal was founding his Liga Filipina, Bonifacio was formulating
another much more portentous union. The two were launched about the same time;
one in the open, the other in the dark and with utmost secrecy. Bonifacio called his
society the Kataastaasang Kagalanggalang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan, which
meant Supreme Most Respected Association of the Sons of People. For brevity’s sake
the long unwieldy name soon came to be shortened into K.K.K. or the katipunan.
Bonifacio shaped it like a Masonic lodge, with a ritual, passwords, grips, and the
swearing of fealty and silence. Its avowed object was the over- throwing by force of
the Spanish power and the establishing of the Philippine nation, free and independent
(Russell and Rodriguez, 1923).
The name of Rizal was used as an honorary president of this society but wholly
without his authority or even knowledge. The deportation of Rizal gave the Katipunan
a great impetus; Bonifacio sent an emissary in the name of Pio Valenzuela to Dapitan, to
lay before him the plans for the revolution and to ask his help (Craig, 1913). Valenzuela
was welcomed by Rizal; however, Bonifacio’s plan was rejected by Rizal. He questioned
on the readiness of the Filipino people. When Bonifacio received Valenzuela’s report
of Rizal’s decision, he swore and determined to press on with his own plans and forget
about the exile.

RIZAL’S LAST TRIP ABROAD

Dr. Blumentritt wrote to him that there was a great suffering among the Spanish
soldiers, so Rizal offered his services to Governor-General Blanco to go to Cuba as a
volunteer surgeon, a service of humanity, which he considered a doctor’s duty in the
warfare for his sympathy with the Cubans. With the acceptance of the offer on July 30,
1896 by the governor- general, he was transferred to Manila the following day after a
sedate four-year exile and while on board a cruiser, “Espana” in the harbor awaiting
the sailing of the mail steamer for Spain, the Katipunan revolt broke out. Nevertheless,
he was placed in the next boat with letters of recommendation praising his exemplary
conduct as a prisoner and especially mentioning something that deserved the more
credit, that he was in no way concerned with the recent uprising (Craig, 1913).
On September 3, 1896, Rizal left for Barcelona on board the “Isla de Panay.” On
the last day of the same month as the ship was nearing Malta Island, the captain of the
ship notified him that he was placed under arrest and was to be confined to his cabin.
He had heard rumors on board the ship that he was being blamed for the outbreak of
the Philippine Revolution in the Philippines. The ship docked at Barcelona harbor
on the early afternoon of October 6, 1896 and after a few hours of stay in Cell No. 11

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 at Montjuich Castle, he was brought to the SS Colon bound for Manila, which was
carrying soldiers to fight the Filipino revolutionists (Craig, 1913). On November 3,
1896, the SS Colon reached Manila, and Rizal was brought directly to Fort Santiago
under heavy guard.

TRIAL AND EXECUTION

On the early morning of December 29, 1896, Rizal was formally notified of the
court’s verdict: DEATH. He was to be shot at sunrise of the next day. The news of the
verdict spread like wildfire. Tension gripped Manila as the Spaniards feared that the
rebels would enter the city and liberate Rizal (Craig, 1913).
The verdict had been reached after an unprecedented one-day trial held the day
after Christmas by a military court composed of six officers and presided over by
Colonel Jose Tagores Arjona. The auxiliary Advocate General himself, Enrique de
Alcocer, was prosecutor. Rizal was condemned for founding illegal associations and
promoting and inducing rebellion, the first being the necessary means to the second.
Rizal was defended by Lieutenant Luis Taviel de Andrade, brother of his bodyguard in
Calamba in 1887 – 1888.

PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATION
Proofs of Rizal’s guilt had been gathered by Captain Francisco de Olive and the
preliminary investigation was conducted by a special judge, Colonel Rafael Dominguez.
On November 20, the preliminary investigation began. Rizal was made to classify
persons as “friendly,” “not suspicious,” “hostile” from the list of names. Then he was
subjected to a continuous day-to-day inquisitorial interrogation without benefit of
counsel. He was not even allowed to confront those who testified against him. In two
short days, Rizal was forced to make a rapid identification from a “line-up” of some 27
characters whose faces he did not see and whose voices he could not hear but whose
words would be utilized to convict him (Bagolong et al., 2014).
He was questioned on several items, among them his participation in various
political activities, his associations with certain people, and his knowledge of
certain circumstances. The investigators had to trump up evidence from Rizal’s
correspondence, written six to eight years prior to the organization of La Liga Filipina
which the Spaniards alleged to be the cause of the revolution, from his poems “To
Talisay” and “Kundiman,” and from the speeches of Katipuneros that ended with :
“Long Live the Philippines! Long Live Liberty! Love Live Dr. Jose Rizal”! (Bagolong et
al, 2014).

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 They questioned him on his membership in the Masonic lodges, on Dr. Valenzuela’s
visit to Dapitan, on his appointment as honorary president of the katipunan, on the use
of his picture to adorn the secret session room of the Katipuneros, and on the testimonies
of apprehended katipuneros. The prefabricated evidences they dug up yielded nothing
but flimsy deductions, which could not definitely prove that Rizal favored and plotted
a rebellion. Desperate for more proofs of Rizal’s guilt, Captain Olive had Paciano
tortured to unconsciousness. Paciano adamantly denied his brother’s guilt and silently
endured one torture after another. He matched his younger brother’s courage in facing
death and in defying Spanish tyranny. When the authorities were through with the
almost-dead Paciano, he had to be carried home on a stretcher. He was paralyzed and
speechless for several days (Bagolong et al., 2014).

The trial
Inconclusive as the evidences were, Judge Rafael Dominguez recommended
a speedy trial, which the governor and Judge Advocate General Nicolas dela Pena
approved. The latter suggested a trial by a military court and ordered the investigating
officer to begin the corresponding confiscation proceedings to the amount of at least
a million pesos.
The charge was that Jose Rizal Mercado was the principal organizer and the soul
of the insurrection in the Philippines, a founder of societies, newspapers, and books
devoted to favoring and making public rebellious and seditious ideas among the
people, and the chief of filibusterism in the country. Witnesses were examined to give
testimony against him only to have evidence of his entire ignorance of the plan made
plain and to escape this embarrassment. No mention was made of the unsuccessful
attempt to torture Paciano Mercado in admitting that he and his brother knew of the
insurrection. The use of symbolic names among his Masonic acquaintances made it
possible for him to say in many cases that he did not know any one of such names
(Craig, 1913).
For the defense, Taviel de Andrade appealed to the fairness of the judges who should
not be carried away by the strong current of prejudice caused by the insurrection. He
argued that the incidents presented by the prosecutor occurred several years before
the rebellion broke out, and that had Rizal been accused before August 19 of that
year, no court would convicted him on the same evidences. Referring to Rizal’s work,
Taviel de Andrade argued that the prosecutors impression on Rizal’s writings was a
misconception, and that Rizal only asked for the recognition of and respect for the
rights of the people. A person, he argued, could not be condemned for voicing the
sentiments of his people. Neither could he be condemned for organizing the Liga
because its aim was to unite the people for the promotion of commerce, industry,
agriculture, and the arts. He further said that the Liga was short-lived because Rizal
was deported to Dapitan before it could be fully organized. Taviel de Andrade bolstered

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 the defense by citing the technicality of the law: that Rizal’s guilt had not been proven
by the confession of the accused, by reliable witnesses, by expert testimony, by official
documents, by visual proof, or even by definitive and conclusive indications. Taviel
de Andrade proceeded to explain that the witnesses presented by the prosecution were
biased against Rizal for they were actually coaccused on the same case, having been
apprehended when the katipunan was discovered. They naturally had to save their
necks by presenting Rizal as the only instigator and promoter of the revolution (Craig,
1913).
Referring to the Liga, Taviel de Andrade argued that the statutes of the organization,
which Rizal wrote, did not show any evidence of illegality. He also called the court’s
attention to the fact that Rizal had not written anything or discussed with anyone any
subject connected with politics since 1892. Valenzuela’s visit to Dapitan should have
been presented as an argument in Rizal’s favor, for Rizal actually told Valenzuela that
he disapproved of the uprising. Taviel de Andrade concluded that Rizal’s guilt had
not been proven legally; therefore, the accused should be acquitted and all his rights
should be restored in the name of justice.
This brilliant argument was ineffective in a hostile courtroom. Rizal was given
a chance to speak in his defense. Impeccably dressed he took the floor and read his
“Additions to My Defense.”. It was a refutation of the connections and activities
imputed to him (Craig, 1913).
He called the court’s attention to the fact that the Liga died shortly after it was
organized because of his exile to Dapitan, and it was revived without his knowledge.
To prove that the Liga did not serve the revolutionists’ purposes, Rizal showed that
they disregarded it and organized the katipunan. In other words, if the Liga aimed at a
revolution, the revolutionists would not have abolished the said society in favor of the
Katipunan (Craig, 1913).
Explaining the passages of bitter criticisms in his letters, Rizal asked the court
to consider that their were written when his family had been stripped of their two
residential houses and their warehouses, as well as their lands and the other properties,
and when his brother and all his brothers-in-law were deported. Concerning the
rebellion, Rizal reiterated his counsel’s arguments that he had nothing whatsoever to
do with political affairs from July 6, 1892 to June of the present year. If he knew of
and favored rebellion, he could have escaped easily from Dapitan because he owned a
number of vessels, and his guards allowed him week- long trips. Instead, he had started
a small hospital, purchased land, and sent for his family. Since his activities at Dapitan
were questioned, Rizal explained that he was resigned to his exile because it gave him
time to write but not to incite rebellion as the prosecution alleged. To the testimony of
one of the witnesses that Rizal sent letters to the revolutionists via his family, he called
the attention of the judges to the fact that not a single letter had been presented in court

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 as evidence. To further convince the court of his innocence about the rebellion, he
argued that if he had known about the date and time of the outbreak of the revolution
he would have taken the necessary precautions to avoid possible arrest. He could have
jumped from the ship at any of the ports of call. He called attention to the absurdity
of the accusations that he was the leader of the rebels by asking: “What kind of a chief
is he whose followers say ‘yes’ and he say ‘no’? (Craig, 1913).
The death of Rizal was certain, and he knew it. But he had to make his last stand in
the name of justice. After the court had heard his defense, he was brought back to his
cell to await the verdict. That was shortly after high noon of the same day. That same
afternoon the findings and decision of the court were forwarded to Judge Advocate
General Nicolas de la Pena who referred it to Governor-General Camilio de Polavieja
for confirmation the same evening. The next day being a Sunday, the Governor’s
approval of the verdict and the consequent release of the order for Rizal’s execution
were deferred for Monday (Craig, 1913).

HIS LAST FEW DAYS

After the death sentence was read to Rizal on December 29, he refused to sign the
notification, reiterating his innocence and strongly objecting to that part that referred
to him as Chinese mestizo. His arguments were futile. He had to sign the document as
required by law. He had only 24 hours to live. With the guard’s permission, he sent a
note to his family: “I should like to see some of you before I die, though it may be very
painful. Let the bravest come, I have some important things to say.”
It was a busy day for him. Visitors came: members of his family, newspapermen,
his defense counsel, priests, mostly Jesuits who were working for his retraction from
Masonry. Later in the afternoon his mother came, accompanied by Maria, Trinidad,
Narcisa, his niece Angelica, and little Mauricio, his favorite nephew. First to enter his
cell was his mother. In tears, mother and son rushed to each other’s arms but were
separated by the guards. He knelt and kissed her hand. At that moment there were no
words. With grief and tenderness their tearful eyes met, and he asked his mother to
seek the authorities’ permission for the family to bury his body. After a few minutes,
Doña Teodora left. She had to follow up a personal plea to the Governor-General for
clemency for her son (Russell & Rodriguez, 1923).
One by one the others came. He looked around his cell for something to give
each one: to Angelica he gave a handkerchief, to Narcisa he gave his wicker chair, to
Mauricio a belt and a watch with chain. To Trinidad, who understood English, he gave
a little alcohol burner saying aloud that he did not have anything better to give her. He
had this burner in his cell to heat his cold meals. And as he handed the burner to her,
he whispered in English: “There is something in it.” He had nothing more left to give

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 to Maria, but he confided to her that he would marry Josephine (Russell & Rodriguez,
1923). When all the members of the family had left, Josephine came for a very brief
visit. Not much could be said between them. He loved her, but fate had separated them.
On the first hour of December 30 1896, Father Balaguer said he confessed again.
At Rizal’s request, Father Balaguer said mass, and he received Holy Communion.
After the mass, Father Jose Villaclara, one of his favorite Ateneo teachers who had been
with him a good part of the previous day, suggested the reading of the acts of faith,
hope, and charity. He then turned to Thomas a Kempis’ Imitation of Christ (Russell
& Rodriguez, 1923).
A retraction was required by the Archbishop before he could receive the consolations
of his religion and several forms were proposed. Practically every victim of political
persecution had left a retraction couched in such language that its spontaneousness
was always questioned. The one dictated for Rizal was no exception, and the Jesuits
knew he would never sign it, so they substituted a form of their own, giving what is
essential for reconciliation with the Church and worded in a way that would not recall
the differences Rizal had with some of his ministers (Russell and Rodriguez, 1923).

Picture 4: Photograph of the original of “My Last Farewell”

It is a poem written by Jose Rizal on the eve of his execution. Rizal did not ascribe a title to his poem.
Mariano Ponce, his friend and fellow reformist, titled it Mi Ultimo Pensamiento (My Last Thought) in
the copies he distributed as part of an attempt to.
Source: Russell and Rodriguez, 1923

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 Execution
Dressed in black from head to foot, Rizal walked out his cell, his arms loosely
bound, elbow to elbow. He was flanked by Taviel de Andrade and Father Villaclara
and Estanislao March. A bugler and a drummer led the detachment of Filipino soldiers
that escorted him to the Luneta de Bagumbayan. The firing squad was composed of
Filipinos who were members of the regular army.

Picture 5: Rizal’s execution (Courtesy of Mr. Dumas)

Rizal Park or formerly “Luneta” or “Bagumbayan” is the place where Jose Rizal was executed by firing
squad by an eight-man squad of Filipino riflemen from the 70th Infantry Regiment the Magallanes
of the Spanish Colonial Army on December 30, 1896. Those who witnessed Rizal’s public Execution
included Lt. Luis Taviel de Andrade, his legal defender during his trial, and two Jesuit priests, Fr. Jose
Villaclara S.J. and Fr. Estanislao March S.J.

Source: Craig, p. 46

His last glimpse of the Ateneo gladdened him somewhat: “I spent seven years
there,” he remarked to his escort.
At the execution square, he was blessed and given the crucifix to kiss. The army
doctor, Dr. Felipe Ruiz Castillo, felt his pulse and found it normal and steady. Just
before the order to fire was given, Rizal requested that he be shot in the front for he
was not a traitor. But the explicit orders were otherwise. His second request, that his
head be spared was granted.
The orders rang out, and a volley of shots was fired. As the bullets pierced him,
Rizal tried to turn right about and fell. He had proudly offered his life as a supreme
sacrifice for his country so that the wisdom of his example would serve as an inspiration
to his fellowmen.
The martyr’s body was put in an unmarked grave in Paco Cemetery but a way to
have a small marble stone, bearing his initials in reversed order, was to drop the stone
in with his uncoffined remains.

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 Within less than two years, on the first day of American occupation, the body was
raised for a more decent interment, and the marble slab rests under a cross bearing only
the date “December 30, 1896.” The ashes have since been put in an urn of Philippine
woods carved by the skillful hands of Dr. Rizal’s instructor in carving, and finally
deposited in what will be by far the finest of Manila’s monuments.

Picture 6: Former Grave of Jose Rizal

Narcisa, her sister, after a long search, discovered where her brother’s body was secretly buried at
the old unused Paco Cemetery. She asked the guards to place a marble plaque designed by Doroteo
Ongjungco containing Rizal’s initial in reverse – RPJ. Four days after the Mock Battle of Manila Bay,
August 17, 1898, when the Americans took over the city, the remains of Rizal were exhumed. They
were brought to Narcisa’s house, washed, and cleansed, and were placed in an ivory urn designed
by Romualdo Teodoro de Jesus. The urn stayed there until 1912.
Source: Craig, p. 47

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