Professional Documents
Culture Documents
DELIVERY IN JOURNALISM
BY
APRIL, 2021
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CERTIFICATION
This research project has been read and approved as meeting the required standard
for the award of National diploma of the department of Business administration
the Federal Polytechnic Offa , Kwara state.
……………………. …………….
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BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION
……………………. …………………
AKANDE ABIDEMI
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DEDICATION
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
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Abstract
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THE PRILIMINARY PART
TITLE PAGE
THE CERTIFICATION
TABLE OF CONTENT
MAIN BODY
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1.9 DEFINITION OF UNFARMILIAR TERMS ( If any ) 9
2.0 INTRODUCTION 11
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Journalism and corruption has proliferated in the past two decades, but it is largely
unconnected and its conceptual and theoretical framework is far from complete. As
such, upcoming research will be of little value in either understanding corruption
or curbing its consequences. Corruption is a universal global problem with
detrimental effects on economic growth and performance, political stability, and
societal integration. Despite the dominant satisfaction of the correlation between a
large set of variables and corruption, controversial results seem to be quite
common due to differences in definitions, sources, measures, research designs,
models, cultures, types of corruption control, and period of studies. This general
controversy is deeply applicable to the literature of journalism and corruption
where several empirical and theoretical studies yield dramatically contradicting
results. The existing literature lacks consensus on why it exists, its determinants,
consequences, and more importantly, what makes it so differently widespread
among cultures and countries.
The suggested theory, then, will be designed in hierarchical levels in which the
upper level, the macro level, is supposed to influence the lower level and so on. As
Shoemaker and Rees argue, the hierarchy of influences model is useful for research
in two important respects. First, any single perspective does not offer a
comprehensive view, which is possible only when all levels affecting the variables
under study are considered. Massive studies are conducted at a specific level, but
findings are explained at higher levels. Second, merging multiple hierarchal levels
of analysis provide distinct explanations and direct the attention to the interplay
between them. In addition, as most of corruption behaviors occur within the
transaction process between actors at different systems within and sometimes
outside a given country, the multiple hierarchal levels of study is, perhaps, the only
suitable method that detects different causes behind the illegal behaviors. The
suggested theory is in line with what many authors believe about corruption.
Political corruption, for example, is rooted in the social structure. The state of
willingness for political corruption depends less on the psychological or
personality characteristics of the individual public servant, and more on the
socioeconomic environment and institutional context in which the state and the
market are constructed. Furthermore, readiness for corruption is not constant in a
public official, and can actually vary over time within the same person depending
on the context he/she is found.
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influence the choices of an individual. The rational choice theory represents the
foundation for studies adopting the influence of agency. The unit of analysis is the
individual who chooses a specific course of action on a short term as a rational
action to satisfy his/her self-interest. Though this school of thought provides good
reasons to study the motivation behind the corruption behavior of public officials,
it has its own limitations that make it unsuitable to explain the complexities of this
behavior (for more details on the limitations of the rational choice theory, see
Monroe. Therefore, scholars have turned to the structural factors to overcome the
shortcoming of the individual-based theory of corruption. The current corruption
literature that either adopts cross-sectional analytical traditions often applying
statistical measures and models to large numbers of countries or the case studies
that focus the investigation on specific context. The two approaches have their
limits that never allows to appropriate understanding of corruption. Johnston,
instead, suggests a middle level of comparison—one that does not deny the
benefits of these two traditions but links them together. My conviction is that no
one approach holds all advantages, and that every approach has its own limitations
and shortcomings that require a combination of multi-systems/layers interactive
approach. Corruption is extremely entrenched in the basic historical, political, and
cultural structures. This approach is in line with a growing body of historical
institutionalism stressing the importance of moving away from examining
corruption as individualistic behavior to focus on the informal rules and routines
that enforce individuals to act according to these norms. Historical institutionalism,
in general, is an analytical approach that pays attention to the ways by which
institutions shape and structure behaviors. At this point, it would be useful to
identify the phenomenon with which I am concerned.
The objectives of this study was to establish the relevance of journalism and fight
corruption and the survival of journalism In Nigeria
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❖ Jounalist need to act in the Public Interest, detecting or exposing crime or a
serious misdemeanour
❖ Protecting public health and safety.
❖ Preventing the public from being misled by some statement or action of an
individual or organisation.
❖ Since the public is the ultimate source of income for media, acting in their
interest is both an ethical and pragmatic concern for journalists.
❖ Maintaining the Public’s Trust to know the challenges faced by journalist
regarding corruption in the journalism service
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PROBLEMS
Press freedom and democracy are complements rather than substitutes in the fight
against corruption.
The watchdog role of the press hinges on the plurality of ownership patterns,
diversity of views, and its credibility.
The approach we adopt in building this theory is based on the concept of science as
a dynamic process of critical thinking, raising questions, and formulating
hypotheses and not a body of knowledge. It is a matter of identifying the possible
relationships between variables we can empirically observe and test the following
list of hypotheses is just initial step in the ongoing research and conceptual work
that helps understand journalism-corruption determinants in their comprehensive
framework. They are not by any definition a comprehensive view.
H1
H1
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The more independent journalism institutions, the more rule of law and
accountability mechanisms, the more free and the less corruption levels prevail.
H1
H1
H1
DEFINITION OF TERMS
NEWS
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it is beyond my capacity, time and space limit to review all relevant theoretical and
empirical works that fit into each level of analysis. Given the richness and
unlimited scholarship produced on the subject, it would be impossible to cover all
at once. The aim of my attempt is to redesign a new theory that aims at drawing a
universal map for what has been carried out and what is still missing. What is
important is the conceptual framework and methodological underpinnings that
future research can consider.
Despite the fact that multidisciplinary international comparative studies are the
recommended type of research to test the cross-border hypotheses, other types of
research studies and methods, quantitative and qualitative, single cases using
different indexes measuring corruption through one point of time or longitudinal
studies are of added value for understanding corruption.
CHAPTER TWO
INTRODUCTION
It is not common that journalists make news. By the very construction of
journalism, journalists depend on sources other than themselves to legitimate
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events and issues as news. It points to a fundamental problem. For a
profession whose legitimacy to inquire into the workings of other aspects of
social life is constantly questioned, and whose own structural shortcomings
are often cited, relying on a credibility system to claim the moral high
ground is as critical as its own claimed role in society.
Therefore, when journalists, whose role is to illuminate society’s
asymmetrical power relations on behalf of citizens, are caught in the very
acts they are supposed to expose, it is as ironical and regrettable as it is
indefensible. corruption in journalism in a broader context, arguing that
wayward practices such as extortion, bribery and content-influencing gifts
are prevalent not only in nigeria, but generally in African journalism (and
the rest of the developing world). Drawing from the different theorizations
about the malpractices.
I suggest that beyond the usual conclusions about the possible causes such as
poor pay, a generally corrupt society or the incompatibility of the
Eurocentric journalism ethics with African culture, we need to go one more
step into the very heart of journalism, that is, the journalist- source
relationship upon which the occupation of journalism and its ideologies such
as objectivity, impartiality and independence are constructed.
The report highlights world-wide acts of bribing journalists and the
worrying trend of near legitimization of the culture of journalists exchanging
news with material gifts from sources – otherwise known as cash for news.
It surveys a number of countries, from Nigeria, South Africa, Cambodia
CORRUPTION
Corruption as dependent variable here implies that things, behaviors, and policies
are not what they ought to be. They have been deviant from the normal and
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expected paths. In the process of so deviating, the corrupt have unfairly and
intentionally gained in some way that should not have happened or would not
otherwise have occurred at the expense of everyone else, who, significantly, have
thereby been disadvantaged. The existence of corruption requires three elements to
simultaneously coexist: first, the powerful person who has a discretionally power;
second, an economic rent linked to this authority; and third, low probability of
detection by the judicial system. Klitgaard presents an elegant understanding of the
determinants of corruption that views it as the ultimate output of the interaction
between three pillars: monopoly power, discretion, and accountability. Its
existence requires little or no accountability mechanisms, and presence of both
imperfect competitive markets and discretion. The corrupt behaviour may be either
passive or active. That is when the law is not totally or partly imposed or when the
public official intentionally applies it selectively and unfairly to favour some
persons or some organizations over others in the transaction processes. In a corrupt
country, public resources are more likely directed toward protecting the elite of the
corrupt regime the armed forces, the police, the executives, and other cliques of
social control as the regime seeks to perpetuate its control. This is why corruption
is usually defined as the criminal misuse of power. A corrupt individual occupies
higher social, political, and economic status. Given this fact, it is expected that
corruption precludes the socioeconomic development expenditure and widens the
gap between the rich and the poor population.
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Reviewing literature of the conceptual framework of this key term in economy,
sociology, political science, and so forth ignores the reality of corruption in private
sphere.
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institutional rentseeking behaviour . This paper will examine how media
corruption manifests itself on individual and institutional level by examining the
following categories that are most common in studies of media corruption in
emerging democracies: direct payments (e.g. cash for news coverage,
gifts/freebies) and indirect (e.g. hidden advertising/advertorials, smear campaigns).
Direct payments – cash for news coverage, gifts/freebies Direct payments involve
cash paid specifically for content to appear in the media. The phenomenon is also
described in the literature as “envelope journalism” “cash for comment” and
“payola” in the United States “red envelope” in China (Li, 2013, p. 300). On an
individual level “envelope journalism” refers to the way the cash is handed to
journalists in exchange for favourable or unfavourable news coverage, an event
that is particularly widespread in transitional societies and an accepted part of
source-journalist relationships (Voltmer, 2013). It is important to consider the
institutions, or those who offer cash for news,the context that allows the problem
to flourish, and the inadequate media ethics training received by journalists
Overall, cash for news coverage involves journalists purposefully producing biased
or misleading content in exchange for benefits, which can affect the credibility of
media, hamper the flow of information and interfere with the public’s right to
know (Yang, 2012).
Most journalists in the world today experience the modern and seemingly more
benign version of bribery: the freebie (Keeble, 2008). This includes free trips,
meals, small or large gifts, hotels, discounts, tickets, entertainment and junkets.
In the literature often the blame for gift-acceptance is placed on the shoulders of
individual journalist. The practice is explained, and sometimes defended, either by
poverty, poor pay and financial insecurity of journalists or by immorality,
immature understanding of the role of the press in emerging democracies and
cultural tolerance Freebies tend to be frowned upon in many countries in Europe
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and North America but in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, for example, the receipt
of small gifts, trips and meals is perceived by the majority of journalists as
acceptable In Kuwait, receiving and even asking for gratification, has become
common practice in journalism, not because of poverty but as a result of poor
ethics training, hiring part-time unqualified reporters and negligent attitude from
media owners towards ethical guidelines.
Both bribery and instumentalization of the media by private and state interests is
problematic for journalism. Journalists’ perceptions of their roles and the norms
that they follow correspond to the dominant values and belief systems of a
particular society and its political and economic context. As has pointed out,
journalism does not develop in a vacuum. For example, in a culture where taking
cash payments is an acceptable norm, journalists might not be immune to behavior
which contradicts ethical guidelines. Evidence from scores of countries shows that
Codes of Ethics and ideas of good journalistic practice can either be ignored or
misused. It has been noted that the self-regulatory mechanisms of the Bulgarian
press are very weak and fail to address practices such as selling content to the
highest bidder. Therefore, it is important to explore journalists’ perceptions
● Influence
● Sensationalism
When a newspaper or any other mass medium presents news in a way designed to
arouse a quick and excited reaction, it is said to be guilty of sensationalism. This
type of reaction is evoked when a newspaper, for instance, seizes on the most
sordid disgusting aspect to play up in its news story. Some newspapers and soft
sell magazines deliberately encourage this practice and thrive on it in Nigeria.
It is not only reporters who receive money from news sources; sometimes, news
sources receive money from the news media to give out exclusives. However, there
is no doubt that money distorts both the news and the news judgment of reporters
and editors, giving or receiving money does not make a reporter objective in
writing.
● Disguise Journalism
The rule is that a reporter should always introduce himself before he begins an
interview. However, there are special occasions when one can break the rule.
Many editors think that if a story is important to the public, the reporter can obtain
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facts under cover. Nevertheless, it does not end there Obtaining information under
cover is certainly one issue that requires more discussion in today’s journalism.
● Self-Censorship
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journalism” to a “sitting allowance”; from a few dollars for “facilitation” to
a few million to put a news outlet on a retainer, the phenomenon of cash for
news coverage can seem as much as part of the craft as the who-what-when-
where-why lead paragraph” Isn’t it then ironical that journalism, with all its
moral and ideological power has its own vulnerabilities? The CIMA report
again captures this irony: “For all the power journalism may have to topple
government and expose the inner secrets of giant multinationals, it can also
be an exceptionally fragile institution, vulnerable to the petty greed or
strained economic circumstances of a single reporter or edit. At the heart of
the discussion therefore, are the causes of this vulnerability, it is personal
greed or economic hardships. But there has been several causes advanced,
especially from an African perspective.
POLITICAL
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Following the transitional phase where countries enjoy more political
competitiveness, they tend to be less corrupt. The general idea is that partial, young
democracies or countries that experience the transition to consolidated democracy
perform worse than authoritarian regimes and much worse than full or older
democracies. In support of this ideal view, Montinola and Jackman provide
evidence that moderate levels of democracy do not reduce corruption if compared
to autocratic regimes. After the transition period to democracy ends, democratic
practices do curb corruption. Consistent with this evidence, Ensung suggests that
democracy in general decreases corruption with the exception of the early stages of
the political liberalization that witnesses higher levels of corruption. His
explanation assumes that it is the societal indicators of each society that determine
how much democratic reforms can curb corruption [92]. In parallel, with these
studies and results, political parties and its strength were also found to be deterring
mechanisms. But, corruption prevails in the transition toward modernization where
political parties are absent or have no influence on the public involvement in
political decision-making. In general, political parties have been found to be
behind the prevalence and spreading of corruption as they may reduce the risks of
corruption acts [94]. From a political point of view, what influences corruption is
not only democracy-related issues, but the overall social, political, and judicial
institutions of a given country. Corruption is no more than a contest between those
who benefit and those who lose from this illegal and abnormal practices. These
two partners reflect the socioeconomic structure in any society. Political changes,
therefore, do not curb corruption unless they redesign the balance of power in
favor of fighting corruption.
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can only be effective if politicians are accountable to the public Based on cross-
country and panel data, Kalenborn and Lessmann show that conditionality matters,
in the sense that press freedom is an important conditioning variable concerning
the influence of democratic elections on corruption. Results of their study suggest
a collaborative effect of democratic reforms and freedom of the press to provide
unbiased information to the voters. Only in countries with high press freedom,
voters are able to examine the corrupt behavior of politicians. In this respect,
scholars highlight three key democratic institutional factors that deter corruption:
first, an increased number of veto players in the form of multiple legislative
houses, independent executive branches, and constitutional courts; second,
heightened transparency that enables exposure of corrupt behavior and activates
vertical and horizontal accountability; and third, strong and large ruling coalition’s
that disable monopoly. Similarly, data indicate that democracy empowers
electorate to remove leaders from office and thus mitigate the impeding effect
corruption has on economic growth. Therefore, leaders of many democracies
refrain from growth-damaging corruption because they are afraid of punishment at
the upcoming election.
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corruption. Results obtained from the study of democracy and citizens’ perception
of government corruption find a significant relationship between macro
institutional democracy and micro individual perceptions of government
corruption. When conditional effects of rationality including both instrumental
calculations and intrinsic values on corruption perceptions were considered, the
opposite effect exists. Democracy reduces the perception of government as corrupt.
JOURNALISTIC LEVEL
At this first level of the hierarchal theory, the revision will confine to conditions
and functions of journalism that have distinct implications for corruption
determinants, consequences, and policy reforms. In theory, conditions are different
from functions, they are the elements and characteristics that enable or disable
journalism as a social institution in the fight against corruption. Freedom,
independence, and diversity are the main conditions of journalism that empower it
to perform the functions of (1) watchdog, (2) accountability, and (3) agenda-setter.
These conditions and functions relate to the existence of corruption, its diffusion
and control.
CONDITIONS
A commonly held belief is that a free and independent press serves as deterrent to
corruption due to its ability to detect corrupt behaviors and officials. A number of
recent papers that consider the relationship between press freedom and corruption
lend support to this conviction. Ahrend finds that lower levels of press freedom are
correlated with higher levels of corruption, a result that is supported by
Chowdhury, Stapenhurst, and Bojanic who explained the positive effect of press
freedom in the presence of democracy. The overwhelming majority of empirical
studies support the theoretical view that restrictions to press freedom lead to higher
corruption and that political and economic restrictions are strongly and robustly
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related to corruption. This view is totally supported in OPEC members where
journalism was not serving as a check against corruption due to the restrictions
imposed on its ownership and performance.
In fact, existing literature as a whole emphasizes the significant impact of the free
press as a highly effective mechanism of external control on corruption because it
works not only against extortive but also against collusive corruption [43].
Extortive corruption as explained by Brunetti and Weder [43] happens when the
government official has the discretionary power to refuse or delay a service in
order to extract a rent from the private agent in the form of a bribe. The collusive
corruption occurred when the official and the client have mutual interests and the
two partners benefit from the transaction. Generally, press freedom is highly
correlated with low levels of corruption, but its effectiveness is only related to
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collusive corruption [43]. Free press is a prerequisite for investigative journalism,
which in turn is a fundamental mechanism contributing to both vertical and
horizontal accountability. Journalism as institution would be of little value in
curbing corruption unless it is free, independent, and plural. Leaders of
international economic bodies such as the World Bank have paid attention to the
importance of press freedom as the core of the equitable development [50]. This
positive attitude has coincided with publication of several articles that demonstrate
a strong correlation between a free press and low corruption levels across countries
for example, provides a strong empirical evidence indicating that causation runs
mainly from lower levels of press freedom to higher levels of corruption.
FUNCTIONS
It has long been recognized that journalism plays a key role in curbing corruption.
This is because of its fundamental role in enabling citizens to monitor the actions
of the government officials. This, in turn, rationalizes the voting behavior of the
citizens to the extent that they can punish the corrupt and unresponsive
governments. Literature offers two models linking journalism to corruption. The
first has been developed by Stromberg [55] focusing on the impact of journalism
on policy issues including corruption. The main concept of the model implies that
when voters are deprived from free flow of journalism information, they are not
likely informed citizens, and the government is more likely to allocate resources
that do not serve the interest of people. It also sets policies that are associated with
higher rents and corruption.
The second model in which voters who have been informed by a free press can
vote corrupt officials out of office, but where, at the same time, corrupt politicians
can capture and silence the press. The latter deprives citizens of any possibility to
form an enlightened voting, and hence increases the likelihood for corrupt
government officials to continue in office. The model is in line with a long
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tradition of many political thinkers including Rousseau, Smith, Hobbes, Locke,
Madison, Jefferson, and Mill who have argued that press freedom is a prerequisite
for citizens to make rational and knowledgeable decisions about public affairs [8].
Regardless of these two models, there are two ways through which journalism
fights corruption: tangible and intangible. The first role is apparent when public
office-holders are accused, or forced to resign after their crimes are exposed to
public space. Investigative journalism that defends social and ethical norms, and
intensifies competition, works as an indirect check against corruption [38]. Unlike
legislative, executive, and judicial bodies, journalism, as a fourth estate, has no
specific means to sanction mismanagement of public officials [56]. Corruption
flourishes in the presence of cooperation among horizontal institutions of the state.
The independent press can replace cooperation by disputes when it highlights
corruption behaviors and thus create unfavorable atmosphere that eradicates
corruption. Through the watchdog function of journalism, three patterns of policy
effects are generated: The first occurs when the government bodies discuss the
problems raised by the press and take the procedures to present solutions. The
second takes place if sanctions are applied against persons or institutions as a result
of corruption or wrongdoing. The third happens when the parliament made
changes in laws and legislations as a response to the investigate reports.
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CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK JOURNALISM
Denis Mcquail (2000) refers to Journalism as the product and work of professional
news people, As a product it means informational report of recent or current event
of interest to the public. As a work process it has mixed connotation, reflecting
uncertainties about the status of the profession.
Journalism developed around 1700 in the English speaking countries, where the
first newspaper and periodicals were published. Journalism can be defined as the
practice of investigating and reporting of events, issues and trends to a broad
audience. Journalists report areas such as government, sport, culture, business,
entertainment, education and so on.
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CHAPTER THREE
3.0. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This chapter of research contains the description of the research techniques,
sample, population and methodology adopted in the course of the study. This study
made use of descriptive and statistical method; data collection is based on primary
and secondary data. The primary source of data collection includes personal
interview, administering of questionnaire and participant observation.
3.1. RESEARCH DESIGN
The descriptive survey research design was used for the study. Descriptive
survey is a process of collecting data in order to answer question concerning the
current status of the subject in the study.
3.2. POPULATION OF THE STUDY
The population of the study is the employees of media news paper journalist
, which constitute 120 and sample size of 92 employees was drawn from the
population
3.2.1 METHOD OF DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
Preparation and presentation of data is simply the process and arrangement of data
in such a way that one can easily make meaning from at the end of the day. The method
use in presenting data for this research work is tabulation and literary presentation.
However, after the presentation of data, analysis of data follows. This analysis is
the summary, description and interpretation of the result of the subject under study. The
analysis of data of this research work will take the form of descriptive analysis and
descriptive statistics will be majorly used.The statistical tool that was used in the analysis
of this data collected is simple percentage which is calculated as:
Simple percentage = n X 100%
N
Where n = number of response
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For the purpose of this research random sampling method was adopted.
Reasons being that researcher will randomly distribute the questionnaire to every
member of the population.
Yamane formula below was used to generate the sample size from the population
N
1+N (e)2
N= Population
1= constant
e= error
120
1+120(0.05)2 = 92.3
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In the study, the researcher analyzed, interpreted and presented the data
collected in meaning full and simple for the understanding of the readers.
The data collected were analyzed with tables and percentage so as to make the data
more understandable and reasonable to readers while chi- square was used to test
the hypothesis however after the chi square computation the decision rules will be
to accept H1 and reject H0 if the calculated value is greater than the tabulated
value, the reverse will however be the case. That is; reject H1 and accept H0, if the
tabulated value is greater than calculated value.
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The language of the questionnaire is not ambiguous in order to give respondents
the true picture of what researcher wanted. The following assumptions were made by the
researcher as regard to the use of questionnaire.
● That each respondent would voluntarily complete the questionnaire objectives.
● That the respondent will answer the questions as precisely as possible and by
breaking the column they take to be right.
● That what they say is their opinion based on observation and experience.
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION.
4.0 INTRODUCTION
This chapter analyzed the data from various respondents based on the subject of
the research. Questionnaire and the information were collected and were gathered for
sampling. Simple percentage were used to analyze the data and questions in the
questionnaire.
Simple percentage is the most commonly used tools by researchers to describe
the state of the art after presenting the data on the table. The tool will be used in the
values of data collected as a percentage of the total.
4.1 EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS
The analysis of content to interviews confirms much of the ideas debated and explored
in the theoretical framework. For journalists, justice is characterized as slow, and
marked by the delay; while the media – designating spaces where they work – are
driven by the need to respond to requests instantaneously, particularly when it comes
to news involving politicians. The entire group of interviewed journalists agree with this
time division, between the media system and the judicial system, as well as with the
current trend towards online information production and the difficulty in obtaining
appropriate waiting times for further research before publishing uncertain contents.
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4.1.1 PARTICIPATION AND RESPONSE RATE
The view of the respondents were analyzed and presented as shown which
system and standard statistical formulation are used. The total number of questionnaire
printed and distributed was twenty-Five (25), twenty (20) were returned filled by the
respondent and Five (5) was not retrieved.
MALE 8 40
FEMALE 12 60
TOTAL 20 100
BELOW 25 YEARS 5 25
25 – 35 YEARS 8 40
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36 – 45 YEARS 4 20
TOTAL 20 100
MARRIED 7 35
SINGLE 10 50
DIVORCED 2 10
WIDOWED 1 5
TOTAL 20 100
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TABLE 4.2.4: EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION
VARIABLE NUMBER OF PERCENTAGE (%)
RESPONDENTS
NCE - -
OND 4 20
HND/BSC 10 50
PHD 6 20
TOTAL 20 100
6 – 10 YEARS 4 20
11 – 15 YEARS 3 15
16 – 20 YEARS 5 25
ABOVE 20 YEARS 8 40
TOTAL 20 200
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The table 4.2.5 above shows that 4 respondent representing 20% were between
the years of 6-10 years of service, 3 respondent representing 15% were between the
years of 11-15 years of service, 5 respondents representing 25% were between the
years of 16-20 years of service and 8 respondents were between the years of 20 years
and above length of service.
Strongly Agreed 5 25
Agreed 8 40
Undecided 3 15
Disagreed 1 5
Strongly Disagreed 3 15
TOTAL 20 100
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VARIABLE NUMBER OF PERCENTAGE (%)
RESPONDENTS
Strongly Agreed 8 40
Agreed 6 30
Undecided - -
Disagreed 3 15
Strongly Disagreed 3 15
TOTAL 20 100
Strongly Agreed 5 25
Agreed 3 15
Undecided 8 40
Disagreed 3 15
Strongly Disagreed 1 5
TOTAL 20 100
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SOURCE: FIELD SURVEY, (2018)
The table 4.3.3 above shows that 5 respondents representing 25% were strongly
agreed, 3 respondents representing 15% were agreed, 8 respondents representing 40%
were undecided, 3 respondents representing 15% were disagreed and 1 respondent
representing 5% were strongly disagreed.
This shows that customer relation management has either been effective nor
effective in corruption of journalism service in the journalism industry.
Strongly Agreed 9 45
Agreed 5 25
Undecided 3 15
Disagreed 1 5
Strongly Disagreed 2 10
TOTAL 20 100
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VARIABLE NUMBER OF PERCENTAGE (%)
RESPONDENTS
Strongly Agreed 8 40
Agreed 5 25
Undecided 1 5
Disagreed 3 15
Strongly Disagreed 3 15
TOTAL 20 100
Strongly Agreed 5 25
Agreed 7 35
Undecided 3 15
Disagreed 2 10
Strongly Disagreed 3 15
TOTAL 20 100
40
SOURCE: FIELD SURVEY, (2018)
This table 4.3.6 above shows that 5 respondents representing 25% were strongly
agreed, 7 respondents representing 35% were agreed, 3 respondents representing 15%
were undecided, 2 respondents representing 10% were disagreed and 3 respondents
representing 15% were strongly disagreed. This shows that’s marketers and journalism
intermediaries assists to improve and ensure sales and survival of journalism business.
Strongly Agreed 1 5
Agreed 2 10
Undecided 5 25
Disagreed 12 70
Strongly Disagreed - -
TOTAL 20 100
TABLE 4.3.8: LEADWAY MEDIA COMPANY LIMITED HAS BEEN PERFORMING LESS
THAN BEFORE THROUGH CORRUPTION OF JOURNALISM.
VARIABLE NUMBER OF RESPONDENTS PERCENTAGE (%)
Strongly Agreed 10 50
41
Agreed 7 35
Undecided 2 10
Disagreed 1 5
Strongly Disagreed - -
TOTAL 20 100
Strongly Agreed 10 50
Agreed 5 25
Undecided 2 10
Disagreed 1 5
Strongly Disagreed 2 10
TOTAL 20 100
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were undecided, 1 respondent representing 5% were disagreed and 2 respondents
representing 10% were strongly disagreed. This shows that there has been measures
put in place in order to avoid the negative effect of corruption.
Strongly Agreed 10 50
Agreed 6 30
Undecided 4 20
Disagreed - -
Strongly Disagreed - -
TOTAL 20 100
Strongly agreed 12 60
Agreed 7 35
Undecided 1 5
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Disagreed - -
Strongly disagreed - -
TOTAL 20 100
and promotion.
Strongly agreed 14 70
Agreed 4 20
Undecided 2 10
Disagreed - -
Strongly disagreed - -
TOTAL 20 100
44
representing 10% were undecided. This shows that there has being significant change in
the organization, putting effective corruption of journalism services into consideration.
TABLE 4.3.13: WILL YOU APPROVE THAT CORRUPTION IN JOURNALISM IS FROM THE
JOURNALIST.
VARIABLE NUMBER OF RESPONDENTS PERCENTAGE (%)
Strongly agreed 13 65
Agreed 6 30
Undecided - -
Disagreed 1 5
Strongly disagreed - -
TOTAL 20 100
Strongly agreed 9 45
Agreed 5 25
Undecided 1 5
Disagreed 3 15
45
Strongly disagreed 2 10
TOTAL 20 100
Strongly agreed 2 10
Agreed 3 15
Undecided 6 30
Disagreed 8 40
Strongly disagreed 1 5
TOTAL 20 100
46
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATION
5.0 INTRODUCTION
This chapter presents the summary, conclusion and recommendation of the
study based on the objectives of the study.
The notion of a corrupt media outlet, owner, editor or reporter exists relative to the
established notion of what uncorrupt media and journalists are believed to be namely
truth-seekers, whose job it is scrutinise, expose abuses of power and hold those in
power to account. This is certainly an ideal role that many journalists from Eastern
Europe and Nigeria were encouraged to adopt as soon as communism collapsed.
However, the views of journalists presented in this paper indicate that harsh economic
reality, financial dependency and careless attitude towards ethical guidelines prevent
the Nigerian media from acting as an independent check on corruption. As scholars have
noted, media organisations in fragile democracies without self-sustaining financial
mechanisms are a soft target for regimes that can manipulate them for selfish agendas
(Carrington and Nelson, 2002). The practice of using state advertising as a bargaining
chip for favourable coverage has deprived national and local media of their critical
47
voice. Both literature and findings clearly demonstrate that corruption in Nigeria is
widespread and this is seriously affecting the way media and journalists work. The
corrupt environment can be traced back to the top of the political, corporate and media
pyramid. The findings corroborate previous research on post-communist countries
where “intricate web of connection and interaction between elites and news media
makes the elites’ control or influence over news coverage for political or economic
purposes relatively difficult to resist on the part of journalism practitioners” (Yang, 2012,
p. 206). The analysis of Nigerian journalists’ views points to a muzzled post-communist
media that is very vulnerable financially and a soft target by political and corporate
forces determined to control the public agenda. The majority of journalists and outlets
are forced to focus mostly on economic survival and are coerced to sell content in
exchange for much needed income.
Corrupt practices appear to penetrate all levels of the journalist hierarchy from junior
reporters to editors-in chief and owners – posing further threats to already-low ethical
and professional journalistic integrity and ethics. While media corruption, including the
offering of payments and exchange of favours, is perceived by the interviewees as a very
negative practices, individual corrupt acts are noted as hard to prove with tangible
evidence. However, the allegations from most interviewees that they know of
journalists who have taken money is troubling, partly because cases of alleged envelope
journalism are never investigated by the authorities and rarely probed by journalists
themselves. Existing ethical codes do nothing to discourage or prevent corruption in the
media or to promote ethical behavior. Formost participants, it is clear that when the
media become complicit in corruption, there is little possibility for them to act as a
check to those in power and scrutinize their actions. The main factors that seem to
explain media corruption in Nigeria can be summarized as follows: the prevalence of
society-wide systemic corruption; a political and journalistic culture that is tolerant of
corruption; close inter-elite relationships that involve media owners, editors and
journalists; media’s strong dependence on state advertising and private sponsorship;
lack of solidarity and agreements between media with regard to ethical codes and
48
norms; and the low pay of journalists in Nigeria. The findings corroborate the claim that
media corruption is caused by complex political, economic and cultural factors that go
far beyond journalistic morals and integrity (Yang, 2012).
While this research is limited because it’s based on the views of a small cohort of
Nigerian journalists, interviews with Nigerian media experts validated those
perceptions.
Unless systemic corruption and the environment in which media operate is targeted
with adequate anti-corruption measures, there will be little opportunity for the press to
act as watchdog and expose corruption. A huge variety of activity is perceived as media
corruption and the ways of dealing with it are correspondingly diverse: there is no
“magic bullet” solution to problems that were discussed in this paper. Efforts to combat
corruption in society have lost momentum, but Nigeria still needs urgent institutional
anti-corruption measures that put media and journalists at the heart of this battle.
Further cross-national research is also needed to investigate the complex relationship
between politics, business and media in all post-communist societies in order to aid
their democratization.
5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS
49
The study recommends that management in journalism companies should need
to employ skillful, knowledgeable and qualified work forces who could effectively
market journalism services the journalism industry need to adopt effective corruption
strategies, select efficiency channel of advertisement and improve on delivery of quality
of journalism services as well as advertise aggressively to attract more customers.
The study recommends the management of journalism industry’s need to make
effective choice of communication channel, enhance reliability in the delivery of
journalism, reduce fraudulent claims, manage premium and develop journalism brand
to enhance corruption of journalism services.
The journalism company’s premises should be located in an attractive building,
attracting landscaping and good interior furnishing of staff offices, accessibility of the
journalism policies to enhance the corruption of services.
The journalist should engage seasoned and high-powered technology In their
operations and services to facilitate fast and efficient services delivering in any part of
the country so as to collaborate among themselves so that the public interest who
invest in journalism.
The journalist should consider the nature of information awareness and
availability of corruption strategy to ensure that selected corruption strategies achieve
its effectiveness and deduce corruption of journalism services.
50
REFERENCE
Anderson, J., and Gray, C., 2007. Policies and Corruption Outcomes.
Antonov, S., 2013. The Age of the Oligarchs: How a group of political and economic
magnates have taken control of Nigeria. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.
http://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/sites/default/files/The%20Age%20of%20Oligarc
hs.pdf
Blagov, K., Spassov, O., Spahr, C. and Arndt, M., 2014. Influence on the Media:
21 July 2017
http://www.aej-Nigeria.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/KAS_BOOK.pdf
Moving Stories: International Review of How Media Cover Migration) Edited by Aidan
White, A. (Ed.), (pp. 19-24). Ethical Journalism Network: London. Last accessed 21
July 2017
http://ethicaljournalismnetwork.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/moving-stories-
ejn.pdf
Broun, S., 2007. The Effects of the Political Environment On Public Relations in
doi: 10.1080/10627260701331747
Brunetti, A. and Weider, B., 2003. A Free Press is Bad News For Corruption. Journal of
51
APPENDIX
Department of BUSINESS
ADMINISTRATION,
Kwara State.
Dear Respondent,
You are required to please respond to each of the items on this questionnaire as
applied to you. Be assured that your responses will be held with utmost confidentiality
and will only be used for academic research purpose. I hereby solicit for your co-
operation in giving your response.
Yours Faithfully,
IS/HND/F16/1307
52
QUESTIONNAIRE
PERSONAL DATA
1. Gender
a) Male [ ] (b) Female [ ]
2. Age
a) Below 25 years [ ] (b) 25 – 35 years [ ]
3. Marital Status
a) Married [ ] (b) Single [ ]
4. Educational Qualification
a) NCE [ ] (b) OND [ ]
SECTION B
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
53
a) Strongly Agreed [ ] (b) Agreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
12. There is no challenges faced in the journalism industry through effective managing
a) Strongly Agreed [ ] (b) Agreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
13. A journalist has been performing greatly than before through effective protection and
free of fair from the rich and people of influence..
54
a) Strongly Agreed [ ] (b) Agreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
15. Corruption is an act that affect the society if not curb could spread like a diseases
a) Strongly Agreed [ ] (b) Agreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
19. There is significant change in journalism, putting effective policies into consideration
a) Strongly Agreed [ ] (b) Agreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
20. Will you approve that journalists can work effectively without being monitored by
government bodies.
a) Strongly Agreed [ ] (b) Agreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
55
21. The gorvement adds to the downward advancement in journalism with its policy
a) Strongly Agreed [ ] (b) Agreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
e) Strongly Disagreed [ ]
56