∞ Major Features of local conflict resolution

system
Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms are locally organized
institutions working according to the Custom and norms of given
society and works according to the specific culture of particular
community . One of the features of indigenous conflict resolution
mechanism in Ethiopia is each indigenous institution or mechanism
has its own distinct structure of conflict resolution, which dictates
how various forms of conflicts should be resolved.
In general, some of the major features of local conflict resolution
mechanisms are:
1) Forgiveness

2) Reconciliation

3) Addressing the affected relationship

4) Centered on the values of truth and justice

5) Voluntary and consensual proceedings,

6) Litigants’ involvement in selection of local mediators,

7) Locally circumscribed constituency,

8) Public participation,

9) Accepted and flexible norms, rules and values,

10) Group-based responsibility,

11) Negotiation and compromise,

12) Forgiveness and compensation,

13) Restoration and maintenance of peaceful coexistence,

14) Dynamism and responsiveness to change.

CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISMS IN OROMIA REGION

The most famous institution of governance and dispute

settlement of the Oromo people is the Gadaa. This is an
institution in which wise individuals with deep knowledge
of tribal and customary laws and capable of good
leadership are democratically elected to be in office for
eight years. Within the Gadaa system there was a sub-
structure led by the Abba seeraa (Father of law). This sub-
structure, handled any sort of disputes among
individuals, groups, clans, and sub-clans. In areas where
the Gadaa system is still in full operation any sort of
disputes is presented to this organ and are dealt with
accordingly.

A)The Jaarsa Biyyaa institution

The Gadaa system currently is not functional throughout Oromia.
In areas where there is no Gadaa system cases of conflicts are
dealt with and resolved by the institution called Jaarsa
Biyyaa (elders of the community). Each and every balbala (sub-
clan) Ganda (village), and Gosa (clan), have their own and well-
known Jaarsa Biyyaas who are responsible to settle conflicts
voluntarily. Members of the Jaarsa biyyaa do not come to their
positions through election, as it is the case with the functionaries
of the Gadaa. They rather qualify based on their personal
qualities, and through characters such as truthfulness,
generosity, deep knowledge of tribal and customary laws which
the society considers as central to their values.

6The institution of Jaarsa Biyyaa is used by the community to

solve most of the collective or individual disputes in the civil,
criminal and commercial fields. This institution handles both
minor and serious issues. Regarding the procedures for referral
the institution itself considers cases voluntarily without any
formal invitation from the disputants and mediate the
disagreement to restore peace and reconciliation.

Once the jaarsaa biyyaa traditional court is established, the

judges Fix the date; time and place of the gathering and the
parties are informed to appear on the appointment date. The
judges usually sit on Sunday to hear cases. When the judges are
in session, they sit on the rock or on the grass field under a holy
tree shed /adbar/ or in the church compound in a rough circle.
The jaarsa biyyaa court is always open to the public, close
relatives and distant relatives, friends, even third parties or the
passer- by who have an Interest in the matter can attend the
hearing. The attendants sit in front of the judges. The litigants sit
separately in front of the judges. Prior to the hearing, the judges
always begin with prayer and blessing. Praying and blessing
should always be done by the eldest and followed by the next two
elders according to their age and status. After praying and
blessing, the accused call upon a guarantee before starting the
case. The guarantee can be a person or some amount of money.
The amount of money varies from one kebele jaarsa biyyaa court
to another. The guarantee is aimed to make the offender
accepting and be loyal on the decision rendered by the elders.
After calling a guarantee, the accuser/compliant is allowed to
present his /her case. Then the defendant takes the forum to
respond to the case. Both parties present their opinion freely
without any interruption. The judges may approach the parties
separately or jointly depending on the nature and types of the
cases. In a separate meeting, the other party sits at a distance
until he/she is called upon by the judges. Is believed that a
separate meeting will speed up the decision and avoid
unnecessary hostility between the parties. After the hearing,
private discussions are conducted to examine the root causes of
the conflict during which judges use their own personal
experience and knowledge. The judges then request the
defendant if he/she accepts the claim or not. If the defendant
admits the charge, they directly proceed to the decision and
reconciliation process. If not, they proceed to the Next
procedure, which is a phase of gathering of evidences and
witness. On the next sessions, the parties will be allowed to
present their evidence. Evidence can be individual eye witness,
written document, material evidences like knife, stick or gun with
which the accused committed the damage. Kinsmen, relatives and
neighbors are involved and participate by collecting and providing
evidences and acting as witnesses. Until the next meetings the
judges also gather their own evidences from the villagers and

relatives to identify the culprit. On the second secession, the

judges examine all the evidences. The

judges have the right to question the parties and the witness to
investigate the wrongdoer. Therefore, the forum will be open for
discussion and may take repeated meetings until both parties
reach a consensus. After hearing the litigation between the
contending parties, the decision of the jarssa biyya

will be communicated to the parties. If the decision fails at the

jaarsa biyyaa court, they refer the parties to the qaaluu or the
hayyuu court depending up on the preference of the parties.
Some cases may be referred to the local court if they are related
to homicide. If the case is not beyond the capacity of the judges,
it may get ever lasting solution. Due to social, cultural and
spiritual importance of the elders, the majority of the decisions
made would be accepted. However, there are circumstances

where the jaarsa biyyaa court ends up without fruitful results. The
parties wait until the elders decide on the case because elders are
believed to have come from the custom, tradition and belief
system of the community. They are believed to have good
knowledge of the custom of the community. Some

conflict cases may be referred from one traditional institution to

aanother

B) The Qalluu Institution
Qalluus are considered to be the spiritual leaders of
Oromo religion. The Oromo believe that   Waqa (God)
speaks to them thorough  qalluu. As Muslims believe in
messages of the prophet Muhammad or as Christians
believe in Jesus Christ’s word the Oromo believe and
respect the orders and the words
of  Qalluu. The  Qalluu institution though basically
involved in ritual purposes also serves as dispute
resolving institution through the annexed  ayyanaa (spirit)
court. It is particularly concerned with matters involving
religious elements (Meseret, 1995)
9The process of settlement of disputes by the   Qalluu is
normally set in motion by the plaintiff). The   Qalluu dully
investigates the issue and passes a decision according to
the customary rules. Though this institution has become
weaker in most parts of the region, it is still functioning
in some places particularly among the Shewa Oromo.

C) The  Ateetee Institution
Ateetee may be considered a religious practice including songs,
rituals and dances used as a means to express reverences of the
supreme God so that the worshippers would see that peace,
prosperity, health, and social ethics prevail, and that evil deeds
are forgiven, maledictions are heard, and so forth. However, some
have sought to narrow the concept of the   Ateetee institution and
restrict it to women’s worship. For example, Tilahun Gamta
defined it as a ritual worshiped by Oromo women. According to
some informants  Ateetee is generally observed for two major
purposes. First, it is observed to seek solutions for natural
problems. Second to express resentment of social or moral
sufferings in the community. An important typical event that calls
for  Ateetee performance is a violent natural disaster. When a
period of drought, frost, war, epidemic diseases is prolonged the
elders in the community initiate their women to get up for a
group expression and surrender to their God and express their
longing for the welfare of the community. By that they hope the
normal happy way of life will be restored.
11The women go out of their village taking with them   siinqee (a
ritual stick),  ciicoo (utensils filled with milk),  gaadii (a cord with
which they hobble cows during milking) and then gather around
large trees such as  qiltu (Ficus) or by river banks or on the top of
prominent hills. When they leave their village the women also
wear a garment called  bunko, which is worn as a ceremonial
marker.
12The second purpose of observing  Ateetee is to express
restatements of social or moral suffering. This occurs as a result
of an infringement upon the socially recognized rights by men
against women. In Oromo rule there are special restrictions
related to the rights of women, which should be observed
carefully. Through this mechanism women punish men who
offended the rights of any of them and ensure peace and order
between males and females.

Perception of Ethiopians toward Covid-19

In Ethiopia, the first COVID-19 confirmed case was published on March 13,
2020, and the first COVID-19 confirmed death was recorded on 05 April
2020 [7]. As of May 01, 2020, there were 194 confirmed cases and 4
confirmed deaths due to COVD-19 in Ethiopia, with a transmission scenario
classified as “Clusters of cases” [5].
. . . ያላለቀ
Kind of reactions taken to escape the epidemic
In response to the pandemic, Ethiopia has swiftly implemented several
public health measures, including partial lockdown to stop the transmission
and prevent the spread of the virus
Example
school/university closure,
enforcement of social distancing,
virtual working policy in some sectors,
avoidance of crowded places,
restrictions of movements,
banned social gatherings
promotion of frequent hand washing and respiratory hygiene,
closing borders,
mandatory 14 days quarantine for international travelers, and also
declared a state of emergency .
Ethiopian COVID-19 responses also included risk communication and
community engagement (RCCE). RCCE is one of the most critical response
strategies to educating and actively engaging the community and the wider
public in response to COVID-19 to stop the transmission and spread of the
virus [23, 24]. Since the first COVID-19 confirmed case recorded in
Ethiopia on March 13, 2020, the country has deeply engaged in COVID-19
risk communications activities to inform and educate the public to
encourage adherence to protective measures. The public is constantly
exposed to different versions of COVID-19 risk communications and
promotional messages through different communication channels and
sources such as social media platforms, electronic and print media, internet
communication, and different community-based educational activities.
Even though repetitive risk communication campaigns have been
underway, no study has been conducted to examine how the public was
perceiving risks and responding to health threats due to COVID-19. Indeed,
perceptions and attitudinal responses to the pandemic may change over
time due to several factors, such as the magnitude of the problem (eg.
disease prevalence, mortality and morbidity levels), and content and
coverage of risk communication activities. X

Reference
Alula Pankhurst and Getachew Assefa(2008):Grass
roots justice in Ethiopia
Bartels, Lambert(1983):Oromia
Abbas(1982)
Asmarom(1973)
Eskedar Girum: The role of traditional conflict
management institution among the oromo community :
the case of jaarsa biyyaa
WHO/Ethiopia: First case of covid19 confirmed in
Ethiopia