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Tailieuxanh 02 Ngu Am Hoc Hk2 2291
Tailieuxanh 02 Ngu Am Hoc Hk2 2291
LESSON 1: INTRODUCTION
In addition to their normal names, many of the parts of the Ngoài cái tên bình thường của họ, nhiều người trong số các bộ
organs of speech have fancy names derived from Latin and phận của cơ quan ngôn luận có những cái tên ưa thích bắt nguồn
Greek. The adjectives we use to describe sounds made with each từ tiếng Latin và tiếng Hy Lạp. Các tính từ chúng tôi sử dụng để
part are usually based on the Latin/Greek name. mô tả âm thanh được thực hiện từng phần thường được dựa trên
tên Latin / Hy Lạp.
In phonetics, the terms velum, pharynx, larynx, and dorsum are Trong ngữ âm, các từ ngữ chỉ màng khẩu cái, hầu họng, thanh
used as often or more often than the simpler names. quản, và mặt lưng được sử dụng thường xuyên hoặc thường
xuyên hơn so với những cái tên đơn giản hơn.
Alveolar ridge sườn núi phế nang
a short distance behind the upper teeth is a change in the angle of một khoảng cách ngắn phía sau răng hàm trên là một sự thay đổi
the roof of the mouth. (In some people it's quite abrupt, in others trong các góc của vòm miệng. (Ở một số người nó khá đột ngột,
very slight.) This is the alveolar ridge. Sounds which involve the ở những người khác rất nhẹ). Đây là những sườn núi phế nang.
area between the upper teeth and this ridge are called alveolars. Âm thanh đó liên quan đến khu vực giữa răng hàm trên và sườn
núi này được gọi là alveolars.
(Hard) palate (Hard) vòm miệng
the hard portion of the roof of the mouth. The term "palate" by phần cứng của vòm miệng. Thuật ngữ "khẩu vị" của chính nó
itself usually refers to the hard palate. thường đề cập đến các vòm miệng cứng.
Soft palate/velum Soft palate / chỉ màng khẩu cái
the soft portion of the roof of the mouth, lying behind the hard phần mềm của vòm miệng, nằm phía sau vòm miệng cứng. Lưỡi
palate. The tongue hits the velum in the sounds /k/, /g/, and /ŋ/. chạm chỉ màng khẩu cái trong các âm thanh / k /, / g / và / n /.
The velum can also move: if it lowers, it creates an opening that Các chỉ màng khẩu cái cũng có thể di chuyển: nếu nó làm giảm,
allows air to flow out through the nose; if it stays raised, the nó tạo ra một khe hở cho phép không khí thoát ra ngoài qua lỗ
opening is blocked, and no air can flow through the nose. mũi; nếu nó vẫn lớn lên, việc mở cửa bị khóa, và không khí có
thể lưu thông qua mũi.
Uvula Lưỡi gà
the small, dangly thing at the back of the soft palate. The uvula bài, điều dangly nhỏ ở mặt sau của vòm miệng. Các lưỡi gà rung
vibrates during the r sound in many French dialects. trong âm r trong nhiều phương ngữ tiếng Pháp.
Lungs Phổi
the biological function of the lungs is to absorb oxygen from air các chức năng sinh học của phổi là để hấp thụ oxy từ không khí
breathed in and to excrete carbon dioxide into the air breathed hít vào và bài tiết carbon dioxide vào không khí thở ra. Từ quan
out. From the speech point of view, their major function is to điểm nói trên, chức năng chính của họ là cung cấp cho lực lượng
provide the driving force that compresses the air we use for lái xe mà nén không khí chúng ta sử dụng để tạo ra âm nói.
generating speech sounds. They are similar to large sponges, and Chúng tương tự như bọt biển lớn, và kích thước và hình dạng của
their size and shape are determined by the rib cage that surrounds chúng được quyết định bởi khung xương sườn bao quanh họ, để
them, so that when the ribs are pressed down the lungs are khi các xương sườn được ép xuống phổi được nén và khi các
compressed and when the ribs are lifted the lungs expand and fill xương sườn được nâng lên phổi mở rộng và đầy không khí. Mặc
with air. Although they hold a considerable amount of air dù họ nắm giữ một số lượng đáng kể của không khí (thường là
(normally several litres, though this differs greatly between vài lít, mặc dù điều này khác nhau rất nhiều giữa các cá nhân),
individuals) we use only a small proportion of their capacity chúng tôi chỉ sử dụng một tỷ lệ nhỏ trong khả năng của họ khi
when speaking - we would find it very tiring if we had to fill and nói - chúng ta sẽ thấy nó rất mệt mỏi nếu chúng tôi phải điền vào
empty the lungs as we spoke, and in fact it is impossible for us to và làm sạch phổi như chúng tôi đã nói chuyện , và trong thực tế
empty our lungs completely. nó là không thể cho chúng tôi để có sản phẩm nào của chúng tôi
hoàn toàn phổi.
Glossary:
Producing a consonant involves making the vocal tract narrower at some location than it usually is. We call this narrowing a
constriction. Which consonant you're pronouncing depends on where in the vocal tract the constriction is and how narrow it is. It also
depends on a few other things, such as whether the vocal folds are vibrating and whether air is flowing through the nose.
place of articulation
manner of articulation
voicing
Place of articulation = alveolar. (The narrowing of the vocal tract involves the tongue tip and the alveolar ridge.)
Manner of articulation = oral stop. (The narrowing is complete -- the tongue is completely blocking off airflow through the
mouth. There is also no airflow through the nose.)
Places of articulation
The place of articulation (or POA) of a consonant specifies where in the vocal tract the narrowing occurs.
From front to back, the POAs that English uses are:
Bilabial
In a bilabial consonant, the lower and upper lips approach or touch
each other. English p, b, and m are bilabial stops.
The diagram to the right shows the state of the vocal tract during a
typical p or b. (An m would look the same, but with the velum lowered to
let out through the nasal passages.)
Labiodental
The diagram to the right shows the state of the vocal tract during a
typical f or v.
Dental
The tongue tip can approach the back of the upper teeth, but not
press against them so hard that the airflow is completely blocked.
The blade of the tongue can touch the bottom of the upper teeth, with the tongue tip protruding
between the teeth -- still leaving enough space for a turbulent air-stream to escape. This kind
of θ and ð is often called interdental.
Alveolar
In an alveolar consonant, the tongue tip (or less often the tongue blade)
approaches or touches the alveolar ridge, the ridge immediately behind the
upper teeth. The English stops t, d, and n are formed by completely
blocking the airflow at this place of articulation. The fricatives s and zare
also at this place of articulation, as is the lateral approximant l.
The diagram to the right shows the state of the vocal tract during
plosive t or d.
Postalveolar
The diagram to the right shows the state of the vocal tract during the
first half (the stop half) of an affricate t∫ordʒ.
Retroflex
Both the sounds we've called "postalveolar" and the sounds we've called
"retroflex" involve the region behind the alveolar ridge. In fact, at least for
English, you can think of retroflexes as being a sub-type of postalveolars,
specifically, the type of postalveolars that you make by curling your tongue
tip backward.
Palatal
In a palatal consonant, the body of the tongue approaches or touches the hard palate. English j is a
palatal approximant -- the tongue body approaches the hard palate, but
closely enough to create turbulence in the air-stream.
Velar
In a velar consonant, the body of the tongue approaches or touches the
soft palate, or velum. English k,g, and ŋ are stops made at this POA.
The diagram to the right shows a typical k or g -- though where exactly on the velum the tongue body
hits will vary a lot depending on the surrounding vowels.
As we have seen, one of the two constrictions that form a w is a bilabial approximant. The other is a
velar approximant: the tongue body approaches the soft palate.
Glottal
The glottis is the opening between the vocal folds. In an /h/, this opening is narrow enough to create
some turbulence in the air-stream flowing past the vocal folds. For this reason, /h/ is often classified as a
glottal fricative.
Manners of articulation
The manner of articulation dimension is essentially everything else: how narrow the constriction is, whether air is
flowing through the nose, and whether the tongue is dropped down on one side.
Stops
Stops are consonants formed by completely stopping the flow of air somewhere in the vocal apparatus, and then
releasing the air. Since the sudden release of the pent-up air creates a small explosive sound, stops are also called
plosives. Stops may be voiced (vocal cords vibrating during the articulation of the stop) or voiceless (vocal cords not
vibrating during the articulation of the stop). Here is a list of the stops in English t, d, k,g, p and b.
Fricatives
In the stop t, the tongue tip touches the alveolar ridge and cuts off the airflow. In s, the tongue tip approaches the
alveolar ridge but doesn't quite touch it. There is still enough of an opening for airflow to continue, but the opening is
narrow enough that it causes the escaping air to become turbulent (hence the hissing sound of the s). In a fricative
consonant, the articulators involved in the constriction approach get close enough to each other to create a turbulent air-
stream. The fricatives of English are f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ∫ and ʒ.
Approximants
In an approximant, the articulators involved in the constriction are further apart still than they are for a fricative. The
articulators are still closer to each other than when the vocal tract is in its neutral position, but they are not even close
enough to cause the air passing between them to become turbulent. The approximants of English are w, j, ɹ, andl.
Affricates
An affricate is a single sound composed of a stop portion and a fricative portion. In English t∫, the airflow is first
interrupted by a stop which is very similar to t (though made a bit further back). But instead of finishing the articulation
quickly and moving directly into the next sound, the tongue pulls away from the stop slowly, so that there is a period of
time immediately after the stop where the constriction is narrow enough to cause a turbulent airstream.
In t∫, the period of turbulent air-stream following the stop portion is the same as the fricative ∫. English dʒ is an
affricate like t∫, but voiced.
Laterals
Pay attention to what you are doing with your tongue when you say the first consonant of /li:f/ leaf. Your tongue tip is
touching your alveolar ridge (or perhaps your upper teeth), but this doesn't make /l/ a stop. Air is still flowing during
an /l/ because the side of your tongue has dropped down and left an opening. (Some people drop down the right side of
their tongue during an /l/; others drop down the left; a few drop down both sides.) Sounds which involve airflow around
the side of the tongue are called laterals. Sounds which are not lateral are called central.
/l/ is the only lateral in English. The other sounds of English, like most of the sounds of the world's languages, are
central.
More specifically, /l/ is a lateral approximant. The opening left at the side of the tongue is wide enough that the air
flowing through does not become turbulent.
Voicing
The voicing parameter specifies whether the vocal folds are vibrating. The vocal folds may be held against each other
at just the right tension so that the air flowing past them from the lungs will cause them to vibrate against each other. We
call this process voicing. Sounds which are made with vocal fold vibration are said to be voiced. Sounds made without
vocal fold vibration are said to be voiceless.
There are several pairs of sounds in English which differ only in voicing -- that is, the two sounds have identical
places and manners of articulation, but one has vocal fold vibration and the other doesn't. The θ of thigh and the ð of thy
are one such pair. The others are:
Voiceless p t k f θ s ∫ t∫
Voiced b d g v ð z ʒ dʒ
The other sounds of English do not come in voiced/voiceless pairs. h is voiceless, and has no voiced counterpart. The
other English consonants are all voiced: ɹ, l, w, j, m, n,and ŋ.
Place of Manner of
Voicing Spelling
Articulation Articulation
It is spelt p: plane or pp: opposite and only exceptionally gh in hiccough.
/p/ voiceless bilabial stop / plosive The letter p is silent when followed by another obstruent or a nasal in word-initial
position:psalm, pterodactyl, pneumatic.
This phoneme has a limited distribution: it always precedes the voiceless velar
/ŋ/ voiced velar nasal plosive or occurs in syllable-final position in front of an elided /g/: tank, ankle, sing,
long.
/ð/ voiced dental fricative The sound is always spelt th, like its voiceless counterpart: within, then, they..
/s/ voiceless alveolar fricative It is spelt s, ss or c in front of e, i or y: sour, say, hiss, assign, ceiling, cellar,
cigarette, precise, cypress, bicycle.
Sometimes the spelling can be sce, sci orscy: science, scent, scene, scythe; s is silent
in words like corps, island, viscount.
The sound is spelt z. It is often spelt s when the sound does not occur in initial
positon:nose, easy, desire, and, exceptionally, tz intzar.
Similarly, when it marks the plural of nouns ending in a voiced sound (e.g. boys,
/z/ voiced alveolar fricative
balls, ribs) or when it is the voiced allomorph of the 3rd person singular present
indicative of verbs ending in a voiced sound (e.g. plays, calls, adds) the spelling is s.
Exceptionally, the sound can be spelt doubless in words like dissolve, possess.
The sound may be spelt y (as in year) while in words spelt with u, ue, ui, ew,
/j/ voiced palatal approximant
eu and eauread as the long vowel /u:/ the palatal sound is often inserted.
Glossary:
In the last lesson, you were introduced to the classification of consonant sounds. The classification of
consonants were shown to be based on three aspects of articulation: place of articulation, manner of
articulation, and voicing. In this lesson, you will be introduced to vowel sounds and diphthongs.
English vowels
Vowels are the class of sound which makes the least obstruction to the flow of air. They are almost always
found at the centre of a syllable, and it is rare to find any sound other than a vowel which is able to stand alone
as a whole syllable.
Classification of vowels
The classification of vowels is based on five major aspects: tongue height, tongue backness, lip
rounding, vowel length and the tenseness of the articulators.
Tongue Height
Vowels are classified in terms of how much space there is between the tongue and the roof of
the mouth, which is determined by the height of the tongue.
There are three primary height distinctions among vowels: high, low, and mid.
In English, examples of high vowels are /w/, /i:/, //, /u:/. These are vowels with a relatively
narrow space between the tongue and the roof of the mouth. Examples of low vowels
are /æ/, /Y:/, /Z/, /]:/. These are vowels with a relatively wide space between the tongue and the
roof of the mouth. Examples of mid vowels are /e/, /∂/, /f:/, //. These are vowels whose tongue
positions are roughly between the high and low vowels.
These classifications are quite relative, as different languages have different canonical tongue
heights for different classifications.
As you can see from the above diagrams, the tongue height of the high vowel /w/ is much
higher than that for the low vowel /æ/, while the tongue height for the mid vowel /e/ lies
somewhere in between the two.
Tongue Backness
The second aspect of vowel classification that you will be introduced to is that of tongue
backness. Vowels are classified in terms of how far the raised body of the tongue is from the back
of the mouth, which is called the backness of the tongue.
There are three primary height distinctions among vowels: front, back, and central.
In English, examples of front vowels are /w/, /i:/, /e/, /æ/. These vowels are articulated
relatively forward in the mouth. Examples of back vowels are //, /u:/, /Y:/, /Z/, /]:/. These vowels
are articulated relatively far back in the mouth.. Examples of central vowels are /∂/, /f:/, //. These
are vowels whose tongue positions are roughly between the front and back vowels.
These classifications, like the tongue heights, are quite relative, as different languages have
different canonical tongue backnesses for different classifications.
As illustration of tongue backness, observe the following diagrams for the vowels /w/, /u:/.
/i:/ /u:/
As you can see from the diagrams, the articulation of the front vowel /i:/ is much farther
forward than that for the back vowel /u:/.
Lip Rounding
Another aspect of vowel classification is the presence or absence of lip rounding. Some vowels,
such as the vowels /u:/ and /]:/, are formed with a high degree of lip rounding. Such vowels are
called rounded vowels. Some vowels, such as /i:/ and /e/, are formed without such rounding, and
are called unrounded vowels.
Vowel Length
Vowel length is the length of time it takes to pronounce the vowel. We can measure this length
in centiseconds - hundredths of a second.
Short English vowels: /w/, //, /æ/, /Z/, /e/, /∂/, //
Long English vowels: /i:/, /u:/, /Y:/, /]:/, /f:/
Some languages, like English, vary the lengths of their vowels according to certain rules. Below
you can see the typical or average length of some of the vowels in English.
As we will see, there is not a clear-cut long/short distinction. Typically, each vowel has its own
length, with for instance /æ/ holding a half-way position between lax and tense vowels. Also,
lengths of different vowels overlap in different contexts: looking at /i:/ and /w/ we found the
following situation. The lengths are given in centiseconds.
Tense vs. Lax
Another aspect of vowel classification is commonly characterized in terms of the tenseness or
laxness of the articulators. Some vowels, such as the vowels /i:/ and /e/, are formed with a high
degree of tenseness. Such vowels are called tense vowels. Some vowels, such as /∂/ and //, are
formed without a high degree of tenseness, and are called lax vowels.
lax vowels (/w/, //, /æ/, /Z/, /e/, /∂/, //) are short.
tense (/i:/, /u:/, /Y:/, /]:/, /f:/) vowels (including
diphthongs: /ew/, /aw/, /]w/, /∂/,/a/, /w∂/, /∂/, /ε ∂/) are variable in length, and often
longer than lax vowels.
There are four front vowel phonemes in English: /w/, /i:/, /e/, /æ/
There are three central vowel phonemes in English: /ž/, /∂/, /f :/
Diphthongs are described as sequences of two vowels pronounced together, the two vocalic
elements being members of the same syllable. The most important feature of a diphthong is that it
contains a glide from one vowel quality to another one. According to the position of the more
prominent element in the diphthong we can divide diphthongs into falling diphthongs – if the
prominent element comes first – and rising diphthongs – if the less prominent element comes first.
All English diphthongs belong to the first category. Diphthongs can then be opening if the degree of
aperture increases with the glide or closing if the less prominent vowel is closer than the first. We
can also differentiate between wide diphthongs – those in which the glide implies a more radical
movement of the speech organs and narrow diphthongs – if the two vocalic elements occupy
neighbouring positions on the vowel chart. There are also centring diphthongs – if the glide is from
a marginal vowel in the vowel chart – either back or front - to a central vowel. To make it simple,
we can say that there are three diphthongs ending in /w/ (/ew/, /aw/, /]w/), two ending in /∂/
(/w∂/, /∂/, /ε∂/) and three ending in // (/∂/, /a/).
The easiest way to remember them is in terms of three groups divided as in this diagram:
/aw/ a falling, wide, closing initial, medial and final: isle, i: ice, dime, loci
diphthong bite, cry y: dyke, fly
ie: die, lie, pie
ye: dye, fye
ei: height, either, neither
uy: in buy, guy
Note also the pronunciation of ay(e) /aı/, eye /aı/ and
aisle /aıl/.
/]w/
a falling, wide, closing initial, medial and oi: oil, toil
diphthong final: ointment, boil, toy oy: oyster, Boyle, coy
a falling, narrow, closing a: ace, lace
/ew/ initial, medial and
diphthong ai: aid, maid
final: eight, plate, play ay: aye, clay
ei: eight, reign
ey: they, grey,
ea: break, steak
et or é: ballet, bouquet, chalet, café, fiancé, attaché,
resumé
Exceptionally, there are spellings like gaol, bass, gauge,
halfpenny .
/∂/ a falling, narrow, closing initial, medial and final: old, o: old, sold, no
diphthong gold, flow oa: oak, roast
oe: toe
ow: own, known, row
ou: poultry, dough
eau: beau, bureau
au: gauche
oo: brooch
ew: sew
oh: oh
/a/ a falling, wide, closing ou: oust, doubt, plough
initial, medial and
diphthong ow: owl, howl, how
final: ouch, loud, bough
eo: MacLeod
LESSON 5:
PHONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
Glossary:
Phone/Phoneme/Allophone
A great deal of evidence indicates that humans perceive speech sounds in a way that
is vastly simplified from how they actually sound. Specifically, an unbroken stream of
phonetic speech is perceived as a sequence of abstract psychological units called
phonemes. The science of phonology, or the study of how speech sounds are perceived
by and organized in the brain, usually assumes that phonemes exist.
Some sounds that are phonetically different nevertheless sound the same to English
speakers, e.g. [t] and [th], [l] and [|], [p] and [ph]. Similar groups of sounds can be found
for any human language. Such a group of phones that sound alike to a speaker of a
language represent a phoneme: a purely psychological entity that a speaker considers to
be a single sound, even though it may have various phonetic shapes, or allophones.
Definitions
a. phone: a physical language sound, measurable by acoustic instruments.
b. phoneme: a language sound as it is perceived by a speaker.
c. allophone: a phone in complementary distribution with other allophones that are
related to the same phoneme.
Allophones have three important characteristics:
(i) they are perceived as the same sound,
(ii) they are in complementary distribution, and
(iii) they are usually phonetically similar.
We distinguish phones from phonemes in our notation by writing them in square
brackets and slash brackets, respectively: e.g. [t] and [t h] are allophones of the English
phoneme /t/, [l] and [|] are allophones of English /l/, and [p] and [p h] are allophones of
English /p/. We must therefore distinguish at least two ways of transcribing speech.
A phonemic (or broad) transcription shows the sequence of phonemes that a
native speaker perceives in the speech stream, while a phonetic (or narrow)
transcription shows (in greater or lesser detail) the actual phones that occur in the
speech stream.
Phonemic Phonetic
a. table /tewbl/ [thewb|]
b. batter /bæt∂/ [bæ∂]
c. stop /st]p/ [st]p]
Phoneme vs. Phones vs. Allophones
Distribution
Complementary distribution
Complementary distribution is commonly applied to phonology, where similar phones
in complementary distribution are usually allophones of the same phoneme. For instance,
in English, [p] and [ph] are allophones of the phoneme /p/ because they occur in
complementary distribution. [ph] always occurs when it is the syllable onset and followed
by a stressed vowel (as in the word pin). [p] occurs in all other situations (as in the
wordspin).
Complementary distribution is an indication that the sounds in question
areallophones of the same phoneme.
There are cases where elements are in complementary distribution, but are not
considered allophones. For example in English [h] and [[ŋ] (engma, written as "ng" in
English) are in complementary distribution, since [h] only occurs at the beginning of a
syllable and [ŋ] only at the end. But because they have so little in common they are still
considered separate phonemes.
Contrastive distribution
Contrastive distribution means that the sounds are distributed in the data in a way that
distinguishes one word from another. For example the sounds /p/ and /k/ are in
contrastive distribution in English in such words as skill and spill.
Contrastive distribution is an indication that the two sounds in question are different
phonemes.
Free Variation
The substitutability of one sound for another in a given environment, with no change
in the word’s meaning. For example, the word economics may be pronounced with /w/
or /e/ in the first syllable; tomato is pronounced differently in British and American
English; or either has two pronunciations which are fairly randomly distributed.
Minimal pair
In establishing the set of phonemes of a language, it is usual to demonstrate the
independent, contrastive nature of a phoneme by citing pairs of words which differ in one
sound only and have different meanings. Thus in English 'fairy' /'fε∂w/ and 'fairly' /fε∂lw/
make a minimal pair and prove that /‹/ and /l/ are separate, contrasting phonemes.
Sometimes an exact minimal pair contrasting two phonemes does not exist in a
language. Linguists then look for near minimal pairs.
In a near minimal pair only the sounds surrounding the phonemes are identical.
Could you come up with a minimal pair for /∫, ¥/? A near minimal pair for these phonemes
is mission, vision: /'mw∫∂n/ /'vi¥∂n'/
Distinctive Features
In any language it seems that the sounds used will only differ from each other in a
small number of ways. If for example a language had 40 phonemes, then in theory each
of those 40 could be utterly different from the other 39. However, in practice there will
usually be just a small set of important differences: some of the sounds will be vowels
and some consonants; some of the consonants will be plosives and affricates, and the rest
will be continuants; some of the continuants will be nasal and some not, and so on. These
differences are identified by phonologists, and are known as distinctive features. There is
disagreement about how to define the features (e.g. whether they should be labelled
according to articulatory characteristics or acoustic ones), and about how many features
are needed in order to be able to classify the sounds of all the languages in the world.
Laryngeal features
These features represent laryngeal states.
[± voice]
Sounds which are [+voice] are those which are produced with vibration of the vocal
folds.
[± spread glottis]
Sounds which are [+spread glottis] are those produced with a glottal configuration
that produces audible glottal friction. For example, the aspirated stops in English are
[+spread glottis]
[± constricted glottis]
Sounds which are [+constricted glottis] are those which are produced with the vocal
folds drawn together and tense.
Place features
These features represent place of articulation.
[± labial]
Any sound articulated with one or both lips is [+ labial. Examples [p] [b] [f] [v] [w].
[± round]
Sounds that are [+ round] are made by protruding the lips. Examples [w]
[± coronal]
Any sound articulated with the tongue tip or blade raised is [+ coronal]. Examples [t] [d]
[θ] [ð] [s] [z] [t∫] [d¥] [∫] [¥] [n] [l] []
[± anterior]
Any sound articulated in front of the alveopalatal region is considered to be [+
anterior].Examples [p] [b] [t] [d] [s] [z] [θ] [ð]
[± strident]
The 'noisy' fricatives and affricates only. Examples [s] [z] [∫] [¥] [t∫] [d¥]
Dorsal features
These features represent the placement of the body of the tongue.
[± high]
Sounds produced with the tongue body raised are considered [+ high] (both vowels and
consonants). Examples: [i:] [u:] [k] [g]
[± low]
Vowels made with the tongue body distinctly lowered from a central position in the oral
cavity are [+ low]. Examples: [æ] [Y:]
[± back]
Any sound articulated behind the palatal region in the oral cavity. Examples: [u:] []:] [k]
[g]
[± tense]
Expresses the tense - lax distinctions among vowels.
[± reduced]
Only the schwa ([∂]) is [+ reduced]
Manner features
These features represent manner of articulation.
[±continuant]
Sounds which are [+ continuant] are those which are produced without a central blockage
in the vocal tract. For example, fricatives have a central constriction, but there is no
complete blockage of the air, and they are therefore, [+ continuant].
[±nasal]
Sounds which are [+nasal] are produced with nasal airflow.
[±lateral]
Sounds which are [+lateral] are produced with airflow passing through one or both sides
of the tongue, which is in contact with the central part of the oral cavity.
LESSON 6:
SYLLABLE STRUCTURE
A syllable is a unit of sound composed of a central peak of sonority (usually a vowel), and
the consonants that cluster around this central peak. Words can be cut up into units called
syllables. Humans seem to need syllables as a way of segmenting the stream of speech
and giving it a rhythm of strong and weak beats, as we hear in music. Syllables don't
serve any meaning-signalling function in language; they exist only to make speech easier
for the brain to process. A word contains at least one syllable.
Most speakers of English have no trouble dividing a word up into its component syllables.
Sometimes how a particular word is divided might vary from one individual to another,
but a division is always easy and always possible. Here are some words divided into their
component syllables (a period is used to mark the end of a syllable):
- tomato = to.ma.to
- window = win.dow
- supercalifragilisticexpialidocious =su.per.ca.li.fra.gi.lis.ti.cex.pi.a.li.do.cious (some
people might put some of the periods in different places in this word).
Syllables have internal structure: they can be divided into parts. The parts
are onset andrhyme; within the rhyme we find the nucleus and coda. Not all syllables
have all parts; the smallest possible syllable contains a nucleus only. A syllable may or
may not have an onset and a coda.
Onset: the beginning sounds of the syllable; the ones preceding the nucleus. These are
always consonants in English. The nucleus is a vowel in most cases, although the
consonants [ r ], [ l ], [ m ], [ n ], and the velar nasal (the 'ng' sound) can also be the
nucleus of a syllable. In the following words, the onset is in bold; the rest underlined.
read
flop
strap
If a word contains more than one syllable, each syllable will have the usual syllable parts:
win.dow
to.ma.to
pre.pos.te.rous
fun.da.men.tal
Rhyme (or rime): the rest of the syllable, after the onset (the underlined portions of the
words above). The rhyme can also be divided up:
The nucleus, as the term suggests, is the core or essential part of a syllable. A nucleus must be present
in order for a syllable to be present. Syllable nuclei are most often highly 'sonorant' or resonant
sounds, that can be relatively loud and carry a clear pitch level. In English and most other languages,
most syllable nuclei are vowels. In English, in certain cases, the liquids [ l r ] and nasals [ m n ] and the
velar nasal usually spelled 'ng' can also be syllable nuclei.
The syllable structure analysis of the words 'read', 'flop', 'strap' and 'window' are as
follows (IPA symbols are used to show the sounds in the word/syllable):
Onset = [ r ]
- Nucleus = [ i ]
- Coda = [ d ]
Onset = [ f l ]
Rhyme = [ a p ]
- Nucleus = [ a ]
- Coda = [ p ]
window = 2 syllables
Onset = [ w ]
Rhyme = [ I n ]
- Nucleus = [ I ]
- Coda = [ n ]
Second syllable: [ d o ]
Onset = [ d ]
Rhyme = [ o ]
- Nucleus = [ o ]
- (This syllable has no coda)
'Flop', for example, would look like this (the word appears in IPA symbols, not English
spelling). 'σ' = 'syllable'; 'O' = 'onset'; 'R' = 'rhyme'; 'N' = 'nucleus'; 'C' = 'coda'. The
syllable node at the top of the tree branches into Onset and Rhyme; the Onset node
branches because it contains two consonants, [ f ] and [ l ]. The Rhyme node branches
because this syllable has both a nucleus and a coda.
The English liquids [ ‹ l ] and the nasals [ m n ] can be the nuclei of syllables under
certain conditions. [ l ] can be a nucleus as easily as a vowel. For example, the words
'table', 'little', both have [ l ] as the nucleus; in other words, there is no vowel in the
pronunciation of these syllables.
When one of these sounds is a syllable nucleus, this is shown in transcription by putting a very short
vertical line under the IPA symbol:
[ r l m n ]
' ' ' '
In terms of consonants and vowels, the following words represent the following structures:
VC CV CCV CCCV
up my pry screw
an hoe grow spray
in so free stray
VCC VCCC CVCCC CVCCCC
old Olds test thirsts
and ants tenths texts
ink amps lunged worlds
CVC CCVC CVCC CCVCC
bed bred bald brand
set dread sand trains
cap stone hunt swings
CCCVC CCCVCC CCVCCC CCCVCCC
strut struts slurps scrimps
squat squats prints sprints
sprain sprained flirts squelched
Phonotactic constraints
All languages except sign languages use sequences of phones to make words. No
languages allow sounds to combine freely. That is, there are always constraints on what
phones any particular phone can precede and follow. These constraints are
calledphonotactic constraints. The sum total of all the phonotactic constraints of a
language is called its phonotactics.
o In any syllable-internal sequence of a nasal and a stop, the nasal and the stop must have the same
place of articulation:
Actual Impossible
please *ptease
proud *psoud
pure *pshure
twin *tdin
trust *tpust
queen *ksean
clean *cshean
cream *cteam
o In any 3-consonant cluster in an onset, the first consonant must be [s]: splash, strong,
spew .
o In any 3-consonant cluster in an onset, the second consonant must be a voiceless stop
[p,t,k]: splash, strong, spew , extreme.
LESSON 7:
ADJUSTMENTS IN CONNECTED SPEECH
Glossary:
The main function of most of the adjustments is to promote the regularity of English rhythm - that is,
to squeeze syllables between stressed elements and facilitate their articulation so that regular timing
can be maintained. In the section that follows, we discuss the processes of linking, assimilation,
dissimilation, deletion, and epenthesis as they occur in connected speech.
Linking
You may have noticed that English speakers don't separate all their words like in some languages,
but instead they connect them together. This is called linking, or liaison, and it is important for
listening comprehension. It is especially crucial when pronouncing the final sounds on words, for
example making the plural or the past tense -ed. Following are the common cases of linking in
English.
Push up Stop it
Come in Take off
Be a sport.
Play a game.
Tie it up.
Employ a professional
Rule 2
When a word ending in // , /a/, or /ә/ is followed by another word beginning with a vowel, the two
words are connected by a /w/ glide:
through it all
Identical consonants
Keep practicing! less serious
hot tea common names
Assimilation
Assimilation is a regular and frequent sound change process by which a phoneme changes to match
an adjacent phoneme in a word. A common example of assimilation is vowels being 'nasalized' before
nasal consonants as it is difficult to change the shape of the mouth sufficiently quickly.
There are three types of assimilation in English: (1) progressive, (2) regressive (or anticipatory), and
(3) coalescent.
Progressive assimilation
In progressive assimilation the conditioning sound precedes and affects the following sound. Examples of
progressive assimilation in English are the regular plural /s/ vs. /z/ alternation, in which the final sound of the stem
conditions the voiced or voiceless form of the suffix. This type of assimilation also occurs in the regular past
tense /t/ vs. /d/ alternation:
This process occurs most frequently in English when final alveolar consonants such as /s, z/ and /t,
d/ or final alveolar consonant sequences such as /ts, dz/ are followed by initial palatal /j/. They then
become palatalized fricatives and affricates, respectively:
Within words, the /j/ sound (which is generally in an unstressed syllable) may be the initial sound of
a suffix or the subsequent bound part of the word (e.g., -ure, -ion, ious); across words, the /j/ sound
comes from a second word beginning in /j/, typically you or your. This type of assimilation is often
referred to as palatalization.
As with linking, the amount of assimilation that occurs in native - speaker speech will depend on a
number of variables, such as the formality of the situation, the rate of speech, and the style of the
speaker.
Flapping
Flapping is a type of assimilatory process in which an alveolar stop is pronounced as a voiced flap
between vowels, the first of which is generally stressed. This process is characteristic of American
English in words such as butter, writer, fatter, udder, wader, waiter, and even phrases such as (I)
caught her. The sound heard intervocally in these forms is the voiced flap [] and not the voiced stop
[d]. Flapping is considered a type of assimilation since it results in voicing and sonority being
maintained throughout a sequence of segments.
Dissimilation
The process of dissimilation occurs when adjacent sounds become more different from each other
(rather than more similar, as is the case with assimilation). It is rare in English and not an active
process. Some texts cite the pronunciation of the final cluster offifths as [fts] as an example of
dissimilation (i.e., of [fθs] to [fts]), which reflects a tendency in some English dialects to break up a
sequence of three fricatives by replacing the second with a stop. In English, the process of
dissimilation can be ignored for pedagogical purposes.
Deletion
An even more radical form of adjustment in connected speech is deletion (also known as elision,
ellipsis, or omission): the process whereby sounds disappear or are not clearly articulated in certain
contexts. In some cases, the spelling system of English is sensitive to this phenomenon, representing
deletion in the contracted form of auxiliary verbs plus not (e.g. isn’t). In other cases, however,
deletion occurs without any acknowledgment in the spelling system. Even many native speakers may
be unaware of where deletion occurs. The process is pervasive.
The following are some of the most typical environments for deletion:
Loss of /t/ when /nt/ is between two vowels or before a syllabic [l]:
Loss of /t/ or /d/ when they occur second in a sequence or cluster of three consonants:
Deletion of word - final /t/ or /d/ in clusters of two at a word boundary when the following word
begins with a consonant: 1
However, when the following word begins with a vowel, there is no deletion. Instead, resyllabification
occurs.
Resyllabification
Eas/t end
Blin/d eye
Wil/d ass
Loss of an unstressed medial vowel (also referred to as syncope), where the unstressed vowel /ә/
or /i/ optionally drops out in some multisyllabic words following the strongly stressed syllable: 2
In rapid or informal native speaker speech, deletion occasionally occurs in two-syllable words such as
the following, which are reduced tone syllable:
correct, parade, police, suppose, garage
Related to this type of deletion is loss of an unstressed initial vowel or syllable in highly informal
speech, a process known as aphesis:
‘cause, ‘bout, ‘round
Loss of the first non-initial /r/ in a word that has another /r/ in a following syllable :
February, governor, surprise, temperature
Loss of final /v/ in of (i.e., reduction to schwa) before words with initial consonants:
lost of money, waste of time, hearts of palm
Loss of initial /h/ and /ð/ in pronominal forms in connected speech:
ask her, help him, tell them
Epenthesis
Epenthesis is the insertion of a vowel or consonant segment within an existing string of segments.
Although less frequent than deletion in English, epenthesis is by no means uncommon. The most
important type of epenthesis in English occurs in certain morphophonological sequences such as the
regular plural and past tense endings. Here an epenthetic schwa /ə/ is added to break up clusters of
sibilants or alveolar stops. Progressive assimilation alone will not make the morphological endings
sufficiently salient. Thus for the plural endings, for which we can posit an underlying {z} morpheme, we
have :
Assimilation Epenthesis
plate + {z}= /plewts/ place + {z}= /pleisəz/
bag + {z} = /bægz/ buzz + {z} = /bzәz/
And for regular past tense, for which we can posit an underlying {d}morpheme, we have:
Assimilation Epenthesis
look + {d}= /lkt/ plant + {d}= plæntəd
grin +{d} = /grind/ hand +{d}= hændəd
Finally, there are also cases of consonant epenthesis in English. Often words like princeand tense,
which ending [ns], are pronounced with an inserted [t] so that they sound just like prints and tents.
In such cases, the insertion of the voiceless stop [t] makes it easier for speakers to produce the
voiced nasal plus voiceless fricative sequence. We see the same process at work when some
speakers add a [p] between the /m/ and /f/ in comfort.3
All five types of adjustment in connected speech that we have just discussed (i.e., linking,
assimilation, dissimilation, deletion, and epenthesis) reflect English speakers' attempts to connect
words and syllables smoothly in the normal stream of speech. Sometimes underlying sounds are lost
or modified -as in the cases of deletion and assimilation. Sometimes other sounds are added, as in
epenthesis or some forms of linking. Typically, the motivations for all these modifications seem to
be:
o ease of articulation for the speaker
o preservation of the preferred English syllable structure
o preservation of grammatical information
Metathesis
Metathesis is a process that reorders a sequence of segments. Metathesis often results in a sequence
of phones that is easier to articulate. It is common to hear metathesis in the speech of children, who
often cannot pronounce all the consonant sequences that adults can. For example, English-speaking
children pronounce spaghetti as pesghetti. In this form, the initial sequence /spә/, which is often
difficult for children to pronounce, is metathesized to /pәs/.
The pronunciations of prescribe and prescription as perscribe and perscription are often-cited
examples of metathesis in adult speech. In these cases, metathesis may facilitate the pronunciation
of the two consonant-r sequences in each word.
___________________________________________________________
1. There are two exceptions to this rule. First, when the second word begins with /w, h, j, r/, no
deletion occurs: East hill, blind youth, wild ride. Second, some consonant clusters with final /t/ or /d/
never simplify: /nt, lt, rt, rd/: plantfood, felt pen, shortstop, bird feeder.
2. If the last syllable is stressed, syncope does not occur. Compare the verb separate /sepə'rewt/ with
the adjective separate /'seprwt /
3. In some cases an epenthetic consonant is now represented in the spelling of a word or name.
Examples are the p in empty or Thompson (a variant of Thomson)
LESSON 8:
WEAK FORMS
Glossary:
English is a stress-timed language, which means that stressed syllables are equal in timing. In order
to fit our words into this pattern, we tend to compress other syllables or words occurring between
stresses, in order to keep up with the more or less regular rhythm. Therefore, compressing or
"weakening" some sounds is necessary to keep the rhythm of English.
A weak form is the pronunciation of a word or syllable in an unstressed manner. Of course, the
difference between the strong form (stressed) and the weak form (unstressed) of a word is not
apparent in writing, but in speech these two variations in pronunciation can be drastically different. If
spoken in isolation, the weak form of a word would probably be unintelligible. The difference between
the two forms can affect meaning. Here is an example to show how strong and weak forms of a single
word (that) can change the entire meaning of a sentence:
o John thinks that man is evil. /ðәt/
This version of the sentence, with the weak (unstressed) form of that, means "John thinks all humans
are evil."
o John thinks that man is evil. /ðæt/
This version of the sentence, with the strong (stressed) form of that, means "John thinks a specific
(male) individual is evil."
As indicated by this example, if a speaker unknowingly uses the strong form instead of the weak
form, misunderstandings can occur.
In the rest of this section, the most common weak-form words will be introduced.
1 ‘THE’
Weak forms: (before consonants)
‘Shut the door’
(before vowels)
‘Wait for the end’
2 ‘A’, ‘AN’
3 ‘AND’
4 ‘BUT’
5 ‘THAT’
(This word only has a weak form when used in a relative clause; when used with a demonstrative sense it is always
pronounced in its strong form.)
Weak form: ‘The price is the thing that annoys me’
6 ‘THAN’
Weak form: ‘Better than ever’
(Another sense of ‘his’, as in ‘it was his’, or ‘his was late’, always has the strong form.)
8 ‘HER’
(When used with possessive sense, preceding a noun; as an object pronoun, this can also occur at the end of a
sentence.)
9 ‘YOUR’
‘SHE’
‘Why did she read it?’
‘Who is she?’
‘HE’ (the weak form is usually pronounced without except at the beginning of a sentence)
‘Which did he choose?’
‘He was late, wasn’t he?’
‘WE’
‘How can we get there?’
‘We need that, don’t we?’
‘YOU’
‘What do you think?’
‘You like it, do you?’
11 ‘HIM’
Weak form: ‘Leave him alone’
‘I’ve seen him’
12 ‘HER’
13 ‘THEM’
The next group of words (some prepositions and other grammatical words) occur in their strong
forms when they are final in a sentence; examples of this are given. (19 is a partial exception.)
15 ‘AT’
16 ‘FOR’
Weak form: (before consonants)
‘Tea for two’
(before vowels)
‘Thanks for asking’
In final position: ‘What’s that for?’
17 ‘FROM’
18 ‘OF’
19 ‘TO’
In final position: tu: (It is not usual to use the strong form tu:, and the pre-consonantal weak
form /tә/ is never used.)
‘I don’t want to’
20 ‘AS’
21 ‘SOME’
This word is used in two different ways. In one sense (typically, when it occurs before a countable
noun, meaning “an unknown individual”) it has the strong form:
‘I think some animal broke it’
It is also used before uncountable nouns (meaning “an unspecified amount of”) and before other
nouns in the plural (meaning “an unspecified number of”); in such uses it has the weak form
‘Have some more tea’
In final position:
‘I’ve got some’
22 ‘THERE’
When this word has demonstrative function, it always occurs in its strong form (before vowels), e.g.
‘There it is’
‘Put it there’
Weak forms: (before consonants)
‘There should be a rule’
(before vowels)
‘There is’
In final position the pronunciation may be or
‘There isn’t any, is there?’
The remaining weak-form words are all auxiliary verbs, which are always used in conjunction with (or
at least implying) another (“full”) verb. It is important to remember that in their negative form (i.e.
combined with ‘not’) they never have the weak pronunciation, and some (e.g. ‘don’t’, ‘can’t’) have
different vowels from their non-negative strong forms.
23 ‘CAN’, ‘COULD’
Weak forms:
‘They can wait’
‘He could do it’
In final position:
‘I think we can’
‘Most of them could’
25 ‘SHALL’, ‘SHOULD’
Weak forms:
‘We shall need to hurry’
‘I should forget it’
In final position:
‘I think we shall’
‘So you should’
26 ‘MUST’
This word is sometimes used with the sense of forming a conclusion or deduction, e.g. ‘she left at 8
o’clock, so she must have arrived by now’; when ‘must’ is used in this way, it is rather less likely to
occur in its weak form than when it is being used in its more familiar sense of “obligation”.
Weak forms: (before consonants)
‘You must try harder’
(before vowels)
‘He must eat more’
In final position:
‘She certainly must’
27 ‘DO’, ‘DOES’
Weak forms:
‘DO’ (before consonants)
‘Why do they like it?’
(before vowels)
‘Why do all the cars stop?’
‘DOES’
‘When does it arrive?’
In final position:
‘We don’t smoke, but some people do’
‘I think John does’
Glossary:
Word stress
In every word in English, there is one main emphasized syllable. The vowel sound in this syllable
sounds higher in pitch, longer, and louder, and this is called stress. This helps create the rhythm
of the language, and knowing how to recognize the stressed syllable will help you with
comprehension. Placing the stress where it should be when you're speaking helps native speakers
understand you better as well.
English word stress is not always on the same syllable, like in some languages. Many times,
though, it is one of the last three syllables in the word. Here are some examples of stress in
different syllables of the word:
Could you hear a difference in tone, length, and loudness between the stressed and unstressed
syllables?
Sometimes you can predict the stress placement because of the type of word or the ending you put on it. Here
are some general rules:
Sentence stress is what gives English its rhythm or "beat". We should remember that word stress
is accent on one syllable within a word. Sentence stress is accent on certain words within
a sentence.
In English sentences, not all words are given equal emphasis. Key words (usually the words that
contain new or important information) are stressed and pronounced more slowly and clearly than
other words. Take, for example, the question "Are you going to go to Boston?" If the focus of the
question is on where the listener will go, the sentence will sound something like "Ya gonna go ta
Boston"; the word "Boston" would be pronounced clearly and with more emphasis. If, in contrast,
the emphasis is on who is going, the sentence would sound like "Are you gonna go ta Boston?"
While students don't necessarily need to learn to reduce the unimportant words in sentence, they
should learn to stress key ones. (Students should also be made aware of English word reductions
for listening comprehension.)
The following tables can help you decide which words are content words and which words
are structure words:
Exceptions
The above rules are for for what is called "neutral" or normal stress. But sometimes we can stress a
word that would normally be only a structure word, for example to correct information. Look at the
following dialogue:
Note also that when "be" is used as a main verb, it is usually unstressed (even though in this case
it is a content word).
________________________________________________________________
4
Source: http://www.englishclub.com/pronunciation/sentence-stress.htm
LESSON 10: INTONATION
Definition
1. Pitch
To understand intonation, it is first necessary to define pitch, the relative highness or lowness of the
voice. It is important to note that the phonetic notion of pitch is relative, referring to the
differentiated pitch levels of a given speaker - not to the lower versus higher pitches of men’s and
women’s voices or the differing pitch variations of different speakers.
In fact, pitch in its phonetic meaning corresponds quite closely to the definition of pitch in music. For
example, ascending do, re, and mi represent progressively higher tones, or musical pitch. We
distinguish four levels of phonetic pitch in English:
4 = extra high
3 = high
2 = middle
1 = low
Normal conversation moves between middle and high pitch, with low pitch typically signaling the end
of an utterance. The extra high level is generally used to express a strong emotion such as surprise,
great enthusiasm, or disbelief, and is the pitch level often used in contrastive or emphatic stress.
English makes use of pitch variation over the length of an entire utterance rather than within one
word.
If pitch represents the individual tones of speech, then intonation can be thought of as the entire
melodic line. Intonation involves the rising and falling of the voice to various pitch levels during the
articulation of an utterance. It performs several unique functions. First, intonation reflects the
grammatical function of an utterance. For example:
If the utterance is pronounced with a rising - falling intonation, then it signals speaker certainty,
which often corresponds to a declarative statement. However, pronounced with rising intonation, the
same sequence of phonemes signals uncertainty and corresponds to a special type of yes/no
question with statement word order but rising intonation.
Intonation also performs the function of conveying an attitude or emotion. For example, the simple
utterance “Great” can be used to express three different shades of meaning:
Clearly, the attitude of the speaker will vary in these three instances, with intonation conveying a
great deal of the difference. Thus in statement 1, the overall effect of the slightly falling intonation is
that the speaker's comment is neutral or perfunctory, whereas in statement 2, the broader
movement from high to low signifies that the speaker is genuinely enthusiastic. In contrast, the
flatter intonation of the last statement signifies lack of enthusiasm or sarcasm on the part of the
speaker.
The movement of pitch within an intonation unit is referred to as the intonation contourof that
unit. Such contours span the range of extra high pitch to low pitch. These levels are highly
dependent on discourse meaning and prominence, with rises in intonation co-occurring with the
highlighted or more important words that receive prominence within the sentence. Thus pitch and
prominence can be said to have a symbiotic relationship with each other in English, and the
interrelationship of these phenomena determines the intonation contour of a given utterance. The
next three sections summarize the most common intonation contours in English.
One of the most common patterns is the rising-falling contour. In this pattern, the intonation
typically begins at a neutral middle level (2) and then rises to a high level (3) on the main stressed
element of the utterance. The intonation then falls to either the low level (1) - a terminal fall,
signaling certainty and generally corresponding to the end of the utterance - or to the middle level
(2) - a non-terminal fall, signaling a weaker degree of certainty and usually corresponding to an
unfinished statement, an incomplete thought, or a mood of suspense. If the prominent syllable is the
last syllable in the thought group, the fall is a glide:
(glide)
If, on the other hand, the stressed syllable is part of a multisyllabic word with other unstressed
syllables after it, then the fall occurs on the unstressed element immediately following the main
stressed syllable and is called a step:
Rising-falling intonation patterns of the 2-3-1 "certainly” type (i.e., the utterance begins at level 2,
rises to level 3, and then falls to level 1) typically signal the following types of utterances: declarative
statements, wh- questions (questions with the interrogative pronouns where, when, what, who, why,
how much), and commands or directives
Two further types of utterances can use rising-falling intonation contours. However, in these cases
the pitch levels also vary from the 2- 3-1 pattern. The first of these utterances uses a 2- 3- 2 non-
terminal fall with a slight rise at the end, indicating that the utterance is an unfinished statement in
which the speaker has left something unsaid it implied:
In some unfinished statements, the speaker uses the 2- 3- 2 pattern with a slight rise at the end to
create suspense:
The other utterance using a rising-falling intonation occurs after a 2-3-1 contour and employs a 3- 1
contour. This contour occurs in tag question eliciting agreement, in which the speaker is requesting
confirmation from the interlocutor. Functioning almost kike a statement, the typically signal
certainty:
There are two different rise contours: one that moves from middle to high level (2-3 or 2-4),
depending on the amount of emotion being expressed, and another that rises from low to midlevel
(1-2). The middle - to - high rise (2-3 or 2-4) signals uncertainty. The following utterance types tend
to follow this pattern: yes/no questions using question word order, open choice alternative questions,
yes/no questions using statement word order, unfinished statements creating suspense, echo
question, repetition questions, and tag questions signaling uncertainty.
In the first of these, yes/ no questions, the speaker asks a question, phrased in question word order,
to which the expected answer is yes or no.
In the next pattern, open-choice alternative questions, the listener has a free choice of a alternatives
being offered. It is unclear whether other options are available, but the listener is given the chance
to reject all of the alternatives.
The next category involves utterances that look like statements in terms of their syntax but function
as questions. Such statements are unlike normal yes/no questions in that speaker already has some
evidence to confirm the statement. Both 2-3 and 2-4 rise patterns are possible - the latter if surprise
or disbelief is being expressed:
Occasionally, as a conversational strategy, a speaker will repeat a question before answering it. In
these types of questions, commonly known as echo questions, there is a 2-3 rise pattern. For
example, in answer to Speaker A question “What are you doing this weekend?” Speaker B might
begin with the following echo question:
Repetition questions ask for repetition usually because the speaker could not hear what was said or
the speakers could not believe what was said. These types of questions can follow statements,
yes/no questions, or wh-questions.
In the case of a 2 -3 pitch contour, the question means "Could you repeat what you said? I didn’t
hear you.” Suppose that Speaker A asks, “What are you doing this weekend?” to which Speaker B
replies, "I'm going skiing” If Speaker A has not understood, a repetition question is asked:
With a more exaggerated pitch rise, on the other hand, the question means “I can’t believe what I
just hear. Tell me a gain.” Assuming for example, that Speaker B’s answer to question “What are you
doing this weekend?” is “I’m doing skydiving ,” Speaker A might signal disbelief through a rise to
level 4:
Unlike the category of tag questions eliciting agreement, tag questions signaling uncertainty are
more like true yes/no questions. The speaker may have some prior assumption but allows for the
possibility of either a ”yes” or “no” response:
As noted previously, there are two basic options for sentence - final intonation in English - rising-
falling and rising patterns. However, internal to a given sentence, there may also be a series of rises
or falls that occur as a result of the syntax.
In the first combination, elements occur in a series, with each item in the series receiving rising
intonation (usually 2-3) until the final item, which receives rising - falling intonation (2-3- 1).
The identical pattern is found in closed-choice alternative questions. Again, each alternative receives
rising intonation until the final one - signaling that no other options are available and the speaker is
expected to select from the closed set of choices presented.
This pattern of closed-choice alternative questions contrasts both in intonation contour and meaning
with the open choice alternative questions described earlier. Compare:
(Closed choice: Which credit card are you going to pay with: Master Card or Visa)
In appositive constructions, defined as a phrase or clause that follows and modifies a noun giving
added information, the 1- 2 -1 contour signals that the clarifying appositive information is uttered as
an aside.
A related construction is the parenthetical expression. Similar to appositives, these expressions are
often uttered as asides, signaled through the intonation contour used by the speaker. Parentheticals
include utterances such as direct address (John, Dr. Martin), polite expressions (please, thank you),
adverbials (unfortunately, one in a while), expressions of opinion (I’m afraid, you know), and
epithets or expletives (that jerk, damn). These parenthetical elements, when they appear sentence
initially, can be signaled either through a rising falling pattern:
A second pattern used with middle-sentence and sentence-final parenthetical moves from low to
middle level (1-2), with the rise in intonation coinciding with the main stressed syllable of the
parenthetical:
In compound or complex sentences, each clause has its own intonation pattern, which more or less
corresponds to the rules given previously. In other words, each clause may terminate in rising
intonation or rising-falling intonation, depending on its particular syntax. However, in the case of
falling intonation patterns with non-final clauses, the fall usually terminates at level 2.
As we mentioned previously, certain basic principles governing English prominence exist: however,
the speaker’s intentions may override typical patterns in order to assign special prominence to a
different element in the utterance. This is also true for intonation. In fact, as we have seen,
intonation contours are directly connected to the prominent syllable. Therefore it is logical that if the
prominent element shifts according to discourse context, then the intonation pattern will also change.
______________________________________________
5
http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9042640/intonation
1. Which of the following is the possible pronunciation of the words: 'mend it' in rapid speech?
A. mend it
B. me - ndit
C. men - dit
D. m-endit
2. Which of the following is the possible pronunciation of the words: 'look out' in rapid speech?
A. loo - kout
B. loo-k-out
C. look-out
D. A and B are correct
3. Which of the following is the possible pronunciation of the words: 'my orange' in rapid speech?
A. my + j + orange
B. my + w + orange
C. my orange
D. none is correct
4. Which of the following is the possible pronunciation of the words: 'Employ a new team' in rapid speech?
A. Employ a new team
B. Employ-j-a new team
C. Employ-w-a new team
D. Employ-r-a new team
5. Which of the following is the possible pronunciation of the words: 'A toy and a game' in rapid speech?
A. A toy-and-a game
B. A toy-j-and a game
C. A toy-j-an-da game
D. A toy an-da game
6. Which of the following is the possible pronunciation of the words: 'How interesting!' in rapid speech?
A. How-j-interesting
B. How interesting
C. How-u-interesting
D. How-w-interesting
7. Which of the following is the possible pronunciation of the words: 'A cow and a buffalo' in rapid speech?
A. A cow-and-buffallo
B. A cow-w-an-da buffallo
C. A cow-w-and a buffallo
D. A cow an-da buffallo
8. When a stop is followed by another stop or affricate, the first stop is
A. not released or aspirated
B. released
C. aspirated
D. not release
9. If the consonants (whether stop or not) are identical, the consonant is somewhat__________, the two consonants are not
articulated separately
A. lengthened
B. shortened
C. varied
D. deleted
10. In which of the following examples, the sound [t] at the end of the first word is NOT RELEASED or ASPIRATED?
A. Back yard
B. Back chair
C. Back door
D. Both B and C are correct
11. The suffix 's' in the word 'dogs' is pronounced as [z] ([dogz]). This is an example of...
A. progressive assimilation
B. regressive assimilation
C. coalescent assimilation
D. deletion
12. Which of the following statement is CORRECT?
A. In progressive assimilation the conditioning sound precedes and affects the following sound.
B. In progressive assimilation the conditioning sound follows and affects the preceding sound.
C. In regressive assimilation the conditioning sound precedes and affects the following sound.
D. In coalescent assimilation the conditioning sound precedes and affects the following sound.
13. In rapid speech, the word “grandpa” is pronounced as ....
A. [`grænpa]
B. [`grændpa]
C. [`gramdpa]
D. [`græmpa]
14. Coalescent assimilation is also referred to as a type of ....
A. reciprocal assimilation
B. supporting assimilation
C. contrasting assimilation
D. complementary assimilation
15. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?
A. Metathesis is a process that reorders a sequence of segments.
B. Metathesis is a process that deletes a sequence of segments.
C. Metathesis is a process that reverses a sequence of segments.
D. Metathesis is a process that redoes a sequence of segments.
16. In a stress-timed language, stressed syllables are .....................................
A. equal in timing
B. varied in timing
C. sometimes more prominent than unstressed syllables
D. sometimes less prominent than unstressed syllables
17. In order to keep the rhythm of English, some sounds in a sentence have to be ...........
A. lengthened
B. compressed
C. changed
D. replaced
18. A weak form is the pronunciation of a word or syllable in ...................
A. a stressed manner
B. an unstressed manner
C. a distorted manner
D. an open manner
19. In writing the difference between the strong form and the weak form of a word is ...........
A. well defined
B. not unclear
C. apparent
D. not apparent
20. In the question ‘What’s he looking at?’, the word 'at' has ...........................
A. the weak form
B. the strong from
C. both strong and weak forms
D. None is correct
21. In which of the following sentences does the word 'there' has the weak form?
A. There it is.
B. Put it there.
C. There should be a suggestion.
D. You shouldn't go there.
22. The word 'as' in the phrase ‘As much as possible’
A. has the weak form
B. has the strong form
C. has both strong and weak forms
D. None is correct.
23. In English, stress helps create ................
A. the speed of the language
B. the pronunciation of the language
C. the pitch of the language
D. the rhythm of the language
24. Knowing how to recognize the stressed syllable ........................
A. will help you with reading
B. will help you with comprehension
C. will make you better understood
D. will improve your vocabulary
25. Which of the following statements is NOT CORRECT
A. In every word in English, there is one main emphasized syllable.
B. The vowel sound in a syllable sounds higher in pitch, longer, and louder.
C. The vowel sound in a stressed syllable sounds higher in pitch, longer, and louder.
D. You can be better understood if you place the stress where it should be when you're speaking.
26. In the word 'pronunciation', the primary stress is on the ......................
A. first syllable
B. second syllable
C. third syllable
D. fourth syllable
27. Which of the following words has the second syllable stressed?
A. technician
B. graduation
C. geometric
D. understand
28. Which of the following statements is NOT CORRECT?
A. Sentence stress is what gives English its rhythm or "beat".
B. Word stress is accent on one syllable within a word.
C. Sentence stress is accent on certain words within a sentence.
D. Like word stress, sentence stress can help us to understand written English.
29. Which of the following is not a rule of sentence stress?
A. Content words are stressed.
B. The last word of a question is always stressed.
C. Structure words are unstressed.
D. The time between stressed words is always the same.
30. Which of the following categories does not belong to content words?
A. Conjunctions
B. Nouns
C. Adjectives
D. Adverbs
31. Which of the following statements is not correct?
A. Intonation is the melodic pattern of an utterance.
B. Intonation is primarily a matter of variation in the pitch level of the voice.
C. Intonation is primarily a matter of variation in the pitch level of the sound.
D. Intonation conveys differences of expressive meaning.
32. The relative highness or lowness of the voice is known as ........
A. stress
B. rhythm
C. melody
D. pitch
33. Intonation involves ...............
A. the rising and falling of the voice to various pitch levels during the articulation of an utterance.
B. the rising and falling of the melody to various pitch levels during the articulation of an utterance.
C. the variation of stress and rhythm.
D. the variation of accent and pronunciation.
34. The movement of pitch within an intonation unit is referred to as ...............
A. the intonation contour of that sentence.
B. the intonation contour of that unit.
C. the intonation of that sentence.
D. the intonation of that unit.
35. If the intonation falls to the low level (1) [a terminal fall], it signals ...............
A. uncertainty
B. certainty
C. an incomplete thought
D. a question
36. If the intonation falls to the middle level (2) [a non-terminal fall], it signals ........
A. a weaker degree of certainty
B. certainty
C. a complete thought
D. a finished statement
37. Rising-falling intonation patterns of the 2-3-1 "certainly” type do not signal which of the following?
A. Declarative statements
B. Wh- questions
C. Commands or directives
D. Incomplete thoughts
38. The intonation contour: The middle - to - high rise (2-3 or 2-4) pattern signals ................
A. directives
B. complete thoughts
C. certainty
D. uncertainty
39. According to the following intonation pattern, what is an appropriate response to the question "We really ought to visit him,
shouldn’t we?"
A. No, we shouldn't.
B. Yes, we should.
C. I don't care.
D. Yes, we ought.
40. Normally, the 2-4 rise intonation pattern is used to express...............
A. surprise
B. disbelief
C. sadness
D. A and B are correct.
LESSON 11-12-13-14 : MORPHOLOGY
There are two basic types of words in human language - simple and complex. Simple words are those
that cannot be broken down into smaller meaningful units while complex words can be analyzed into
constituent parts. The words houses, for example, is made up of the form house and the plural
marker -s, neither of which can be divided into smaller morphemes. While many English words consist
of only one morpheme, others can contain two, three, or more (see Table 1.1).
Morphology deals with the internal structure of complex words. The words of any language can be
divided into broad types of categories, closed and open, of which the latter are most relevant to
morphology. The closed categories are the function words: pronouns like you, and she; conjunctions
like and, if and because; determiners like a andthe; and a few others. Newly coined and borrowed
words cannot be added to these categories of words that are open are the major lexical categories:
noun (N), verb (B), adjective (A), and adverb (Adv). It is to these categories that new words may be
added. Because the major problem of morphology is how people make up and understand words that
they have never encountered before, morphology is concerned largely with major lexical categories.
Each word that is a member of a major lexical category is called a lexical item. A lexical item can best be thought of
as an entry in a dictionary or lexicaon. The entry for each lexical item will include, in addition to its pronunciation
(phonology); information about its meaning (sematics), to what lexical category it belongs, and in what syntactic
environments it may occur (subcategorization).
A major problem for morphological analysis is how to identify the morphemes that make up words.
Given our definition of the morpheme as the animal meaning-bearing unit of language, this will involve
matching strings of sounds with co-occurring features of meaning. As an example of this procedure,
consider the small set of data from Turkish in Table 2.2.
Turkish English
/mumiar/ ‘candies’
/toplar/ ‘gun’
/adamiar/ ‘men’
/kitaplar/ ‘books’
In Table 2.2, there is only one feature of meaning, plurality, that is present in all four cases. There
is also one string of sounds, /lar/, that is found in all four words. This suggests that /lar/ is the
morpheme marking plurality in Turkish while /mum/ means ‘candle’, /top/ means ‘gun’, and so on.
We would therefore predict that a single candle would be designated by the morpheme /mum/,
without /lar/. This is correct.
This is an unusually simple case, and many complications can arise. One such complication involves
the fact that morphemes do not always have an invariant form. The morpheme used to express
indefiniteness in English, for instance, has two forms - a anfan.
an orange a building
an accent a car
an eel a girl
The form a is used before words beginning with a consonant and the form an before words
beginning with a vowel. The variant forms of a morpheme are called its allomorphs.
As another example of allomorphic variation, consider the manner in which you pronounce the plural
morpheme -s in the following words.
cats
dogs
judges
Whereas the plural is pronounced as [s] in the first case, it is realized as [z] in the second, and
as /∂z/ in the third. Here again, selection of the proper allomorph is dependent on phonetic facts.
The analysis of morphological structure is based on a number of fundamental contrasts. The first
involves the distinction betwee a free morpheme, which can constitute a word by itself, and a bound
morpheme, which must be attached to another element. The morpheme house, for example, is free
since it can be used as a word on its own; plural -s on the other hand, is bound.
The morphemes that are free or bound in English do not necessarily have the same status in other
languages. For example, in Hare (an Athapaskan language spoken in Canada’s Northwest
Territories), words that indicate body parts are always bound to a morpheme designating a
possessor. Table 3.1 shows the morpheme fi (“head”), be (“belly”), and dzé (“heart”), each of which
must be attached to a morpyheme naming the possessor. (A high tone is marked by the diacritic).
Hare
sefi ‘my head’ (never *fi)
nebé ‘your belly’ (never *be)
???edzé ‘his heart’ (never * dzé)
Just as there are some free forms in English that are bound in other language, so there are some
bound forms in English that are free in other languages. Past tense, for example, is expected by a
bound morpheme (usually -ed) in English, but by the free morpheme le in Mandarin. (To simplify,
tone is not marked in these examples).
As you can see from these examples, le is apparently not attached to the verb since it is separated
from it by the direct object in b).
What sort of structure do complex words have? Let’s look in some detail at the
worddenationalization. This word contains five morphemes: de na tion al ize ation. Nation is a free
morpheme, since it can stand alone as a word, while the rest are bound morphemes. But simply
listing the parts of the word and whether they are free or bound does not tell us there is to know
about the structure of this word. The parts have to be put together in a particular way, with a
particular arrangement and order. For example, none of these possible orders of the same five
morphemes constitutes an English word:
* ationizalnationde
* alizdeationnation
* nationdeizational
In fact, of the 120 possible arrangements of these five morphemes, only one,denationalization,
could be an English word. The order is so strict because each of the bound morphemes is an affix, a
morpheme which not only must be bound, but must be bound in a particular position. Furthermore,
each affix attaches only to a particular lexical category (either N or V or A), called its base, and
results in a word of another particular lexical category. The negative affix de-, for example, attaches
to verbs and forms other verbs:
ionize - deionzie
segregate - desegregate
Similarly, the affix -al forms adjectives from nouns, -ize forms verbs from adjectives or noun, and -
ation forms nouns from verbs.
Given these restrictions, the structure of the word denationalization can best be seen as the result
of beginning with the simple form nation, which we may call the root of the word, and adding affixes
successively, one at a time, as follows:
nation
national
nationalize
denationalize
denationalization
The structure of the entire word may be represented by means of either a set of labeled brackets or
a tree diagram. The two types of notation are for the most part interchangeable. Both are shown in
Figure 4.1. the diagram reveals how the word begins at its root, which cannot be broken down any
further by morphological analysis, and is built up one affix at a time. the abbreviation Af stands
for affix.
Some other representations of structures of English words are given in Figure 4.2. such
representations indicate the details of morphological structure. Where these details are irrelevant to
the point being considered, it is traditional to use a much simpler system of representation that
indicates only the location of the morpheme boundaries: il-legal,hospital-ize, and so on.
Stems
A stem is the actual form to which an affix is added. In many cases, the stem will also be a root. In
books, for example, the element to which the affix -s is added in the root. In other cases, however,
an affix can be added to a unit larger than a root. This happens in words such as hospitalized, in
which the past tense affix -ed is added to the stem hospitalize - a unit consisting of the root
morpheme hospital and the suffix -ize (see Figure 4.3). In this case, hospital is not only the root for
the entire word but also the stem for -ize. The unit hospitalize, on the other hand, is simply the
stem for -ed.
Types of Affixes
It is possible to distinguish among several types of affixes in terms of their position relative to their
stem. An affix that is attached to the front of its stem is called a prefix while an affix that is attached
to the end of its stem is termed a suffix. Both types of affix occur in English, as Table 4.1 shows.
A far less common type of affix, known as an infix, occurs within another morpheme. The data in
table 4.2, from the Philippine language Tag, contain two infixes, -um and -in. Often word-internal
vowel or consonant replacement is confused with infixing. A change such as the one found in
English foot - feet is not an example of infixing since there is no morpheme *ft. As you see in Table
4.2, the form to which the Tagalog infix is added actually exists as a separate morpheme.
In English, although infixing is not part of the normal morphological system, it does occur commonly
with expletives, providing a kind of extra emphasis, as in the following examples:
guaran-damn-tee
abso-bloody-lutely
Still another kind of affix varies according to the stem with which it occurs. It is called a
reduplicative affix since its form duplicates all or part of the stem. Once again, Tagalog provides
examples of this type of affixation (see Table 4.3). The reduplicative affix, here is a copy of the first
consonant-vowel sequence of the root.
This is an example of partial reduplication. Full reduplication is the reputation of the entire word, as
in the date in Table 4.7, from Turkish and Indonesian, respectively.
When one word is formed from another, the structural relation between the two words is usually
marked by means of an affix, as we have seen, but it is possible for one word to be formed from
another without any affix.
Conversion
Conversion, or zero-derivation, is probably the most frequent single method of forming words in
English. It is especially common in the speech of children. Conversion creates a new word without
the use of affixation by simply assigning an already existing word to a new syntactic category. In
the case of the derived verbs in Table 4.5, there is no modification, whereas in the case of the
derived nouns, there is a stress shift. Structurally, the derived forms remain simple in both
instances even though they are new lexical items belonging to a syntactic category different from
that of the source form. In the case of father and butter, for instance, the derived form is a verbs
capable of taking the normal past tense ending.
Conversion is usually restricted to unsuffixes words, although there are a few exceptions such
as propos-ition (noun to verb), refer-ee (noun to verb), and dirt-y (adjective to verb).
Another device is ablaut, the replacement of a vowel with a different vowel (see Table 4.6). Ablaut
was frequent in early stages of English and in related ancient languages. Vestiges remain in Modern
English. Though the process is no longer productive (used in forming new words).
Stress shift is used in English to mark the difference between related nouns and verbs. We have
already seen some examples of this in Table 4.5. Generally, the verbs have final stress, while the
nouns have initial stress, as the further examples in Table 4.7 illustrate.
Nonaffixal morphology is common in other languages and may involve vocalic patterns or tone and
other suprasegmental phonological features, sometimes in complex ways.
Word-based Morphology in English, the stem of a new word is almost invariably existing word. For
this reason, we say that English morphology is word-based: words are built on words. As we saw in
the case of the complex word denationalization. Each affix is added successively to an English word.
There are, however, many English words whose stems, when the outer affixes are removed, are not
existing English words. Consider the words recalcitrant, horrible, anduncouth. These are all English
words, but when the affixes re-, -ible, and un- are removed, we are left with the stems *calcitrant,
*horr and *couth, which are not English words. In all three cases, the reasons for the anomaly are
historical. Recalcitrant and horrible were borrowed in their entirety from Latin and French. Because
the affixes re-and -ible were also borrowed, these words appear to have been formed by means of
English morphology, although they were not. English has many words like these two, borrowed from
the Romance languages, from which many productive English affixes have also been borrowed.
Many of them have nonword stems for the same reason. Uncouth is not borrowed, but was formed
many centuries ago from the then existing word couth(historically related to can and know and still
found in some British dialects). Some time after uncouth was formed, couth disappeared from most
dialects, including the standard, leaving uncouth stranded without a stem. Grateful is another
example of the same phenomenon. Words like grateful and horrible maybe described as having
bound stems; in any case, they can be explained as cases of historical accident. When we
understand how such exceptional words arose, it remains true that that all productive English word
formation is word-based. Whether all languages are like English in this respect is still an open
question.
A slightly different problem arises in the case of words such as receive, deceive, conceive,
and perceive or permit, submit, and commit. The apparent affixes in these words do not express the
same meaning as they do when they are attached to a free morpheme. Thus, the re- of receive, for
example, does not have the sense of ‘again’ that it does in redo (‘do again’). Nor does
the de- of deceive appear to express the meaning ‘reverse the process of’ associated with the affix
in demystify or decertify. Moreover, the other portions of these words (ceive and mit) have no
identifiable meaning either.
Because they have no meaning, ceive and mit are not morphemes of a normal sort. However, they
have do have some interesting properties. For example, when certain suffixes are added to words
ending in ceive, ceive quite regularly becomes cept (as in ‘receptive, deception’);
similarly, mit becomes miss when the same suffixes are added (permissive, admission). These
changes are not phonologically determined, since the ssdoes not occur before these suffixes in other
words ending in t (prohibitive, edition). The changes must therefore be due to idiosyncratic
properties of mit and ceive, similar to those of the morpheme man, whose plural is always men
rather than the expected mans (postmen, brakemen, and so on). Mit and ceive are thus very similar
to morphemes.
V. WORD FORMATION
A characteristic of all human languages is the potential to create new words. The categories of noun,
verb, adjective, and adverb are open in the sense that new members are constantly being added. The
two most common types of word formation arederivation and compounding, both of which create
new words from already existing morphemes. Derivation is the process by which a new word is built
from a base, usually through the addition of an affix. Compounding, on the other hands, is a process
involving the combination of two words (with or without accompanying affixes) to yield a new word.
The noun helper, for example, is related to the verb help via derivation, the compound word mailbox,
in contrast, is created from the words mail and box.
1. Derivation
Derivation creates a new word by changing the category and/or the meaning of the base to which it
applies. The derivation affix -er, for instance, combines with a verb to create a noun with the
meaning ‘one who does X’, as shown in Figure 5.1.
Affixes English makes very widespread use of derivation. Table 5.1 lists some examples of English
derivational affixes, along with information about the type of base with which they combine and the
type of category that results. The first entry states that the affix -able applies to a verb base and
converts it into an adjective with the meaning ‘able to be X’ed’. Thus if we add the affix -able to the
verb fix, we get an adjective with the meaning ‘able to be fixed’.
1.2. Derivational Rules
Each line in Table 5.1 can be thought of as a word formation rule that predicts how words may be
formed in English. Thus, if there is a rule whereby the prefix un- may be added to an adjective X,
resulting in another adjective, unX, with the meaning ‘not X’, then we predict that an adjective
like harmonious may be combines with this prefix to form the adjective unharmonious, which will
mean ‘not harmonious’. The rule also provides a structure to the word, given in Figure 5.2.
These rules have another function: they may be used to analyze word, as well as to form them.
Suppose, for example, that we come across the word unharmonious in a book on architecture. Even
though we may never have encountered this word before, we will probably not notice its novelty, but
simply use our unconscious knowledge of English word formation to process its meaning, in fact,
many of the words that we encounter in reading, especially in technical literature, are novel, but we
seldom have to look them up, relying instead on our morphological competence.
Sometimes beginning students have trouble determining the category of the base to which an affix is
added. In the case of worker, for instance, the base (work) is sometimes used as a verb (as in they
work hard) and sometimes as a noun (as in the work is time-consuming). This may then make it
difficult to know which category occurs with the suffix -er in the word worker. The solution to this
problem is to consider the use of -er (in the sense of ‘one who X’s’) with bases whose category can be
unequivocally determined. In the words teacher and writer, for instance, we see this affix used with
bases (teach and write) that are clearly verbs. Moreover, we know that -er can combine with the
verb sell (seller) but not the noun sale (*saler). These facts allow us to conclude that the base with
which -er combines in the word worker must be a verb rather than a noun.
Derivation can create multiple levels of word structure, as shown in Figure 5.3. although complex
‘organizational’ has a structure consistent with the word formation rules given in Table 5.1. Starting
with the outermost affix, we see that -al forms adjectives from nouns,-ation forms nouns from verbs,
and -ize forms verbs from nouns.
un + A un + N
unable *unknowledge
unkind *unintelligence
unhurt *uninjury
In some cases, the internal structure of a complex word is not obvious. The wordunhappiness, for
instance, could apparently be analyzed in either of the ways indicated in Figure 5.4. by considering
the properties of the affixes un- and ness-, however, it is possible to find an argument that favors
Figure 5.4a over 5.4b. The key observation here is that the prefix un- combines quite freely with
adjectives, but not with nouns as shown in Table 5.2. (The advertiser’s uncola is an exception to this
rule and therefore attracts the attention of the reader or listener). This suggests that un- must
combine with the adjective happy before it is converted into a noun by the suffix -ness - exactly what
the structure in Figure 5.4a depicts. The derivation of this word therefore proceeds in two steps. First,
the prefix un- is attached to the adjective happy, resulting in another adjective (see Figure 5.5). The
second step is to add the suffix -ness to this adjective (see Figure 5.6). We see, then, that complex
words have structures consisting of hierarchically organized constituents. The same is true of
sentences, when we study further.
Acceptable Unacceptable
whiten *abstracten
soften *bluen
madden *angryen
quicken *slowen
liven *greenen
Derivation does not always apply freely to the members of a given category. Sometimes, for instance,
a particular derivational affix is able to attach only to stems with particular phonological properties. A
good example of this involves the English suffix -en, which combines with adjectives to create verbs
with a causative meaning (‘cause to become X’). as the following examples illustrate, however, there
are many adjectives with which-en cannot combine.
The suffix -en is subject to a phonological constraint. In particular, it can only combine with a
monosyllabic stem that ends in an obstruent. Hence it can be added to white, which is both
monosyllabic and ends in an obstruent, but not to abstract, which has two syllables, or to blue, which
does not end in an obstruent.
2. Compounding
In derivational word formation, we take a single word and change it somehow, usually by adding an
affix, to form a new word. The other way to form is by combining two already existing words in a
compound. Blackbird, doghouse, seaworthy, and blue-green are examples of compounds.
Compounding is highly productive in English and in related languages such as German. It is also
widespread throughout the languages of the world. In English, compounds can be found in all the
major lexical categories -nouns (doorstop), adjectives (winedark), and verbs (stagemanage) - but
nouns are by far the most common type of compounds. Verbs compounds are quite infrequent.
Among noun compounds, most are of the form noun + noun (N N), but adjective + noun (A N)
compounds are also found quite frequently; verb + noun (V N) compounds are rare. An example of
each type is given in Figure 5.7. Compound adjectives are of the type adjective + adjective (A A) or
noun + adjective (N A), as shown in Figure 5.8.
Although there are very few true compound verbs in English, this does not seem to be due to any
general principles. In other languages, compound verbs are quite common.
Structurally, two features of compounds stand out. One is the fact that the constituent members of a
compound are not equal. In all the examples given thus far, the lexical category of the last member
of the compound is the same as that of the entire compound. Furthermore, the first member ia
always a modifier of the second: steamboat is a type of boat; red-hot is a degree of hotness. In other
words, the second member acts as the head of the compound, from which most of the syntactic
properties of the compound are derived, while the first member is its dependent. This is generally
true in English and in many other languages, although there are also languages in which the first
member of a compound is the head.
The second structural peculiarity of compounds, which is true of all languages of the world, is that a
compound never has more than two constituents. This is not to say that a compound may never
contain more than two words. Three-word (dog food box), four-word (stone age cave dweller), and
longer compounds (trade union delegate assembly leader) are easy to find. But in each case, the
entire compound always consists of two components, each of which may itself be a compound, as
shown in Figure 5.9. the basic compounding operation is therefore always binary, although repetition
of the basic operation may result in more complex individual forms.
Compounding and derivation may also feed each other. The members of a compound are often
themselves derivationally complex, and sometimes, though not often. A compound may serve as the
base of a derivational affix. An example of each of these situations is given in Figure 5.10.
English orthography is not consistent in representing compounds since they are sometimes written as
single words, sometimes with an intervening hyphen, and sometimes as separate words. However, it
is usually possible to recognize noun compounds by their stress pattern since the first component is
pronounced more prominently than the second. In noncompounds, conversely, the second element is
stressed (see Table 5.4).
Although the exact types of compounds differ from language to language, the practice of combining
two existing words to create a new word is very widespread.
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