Foreword

Julia Wrigley
All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Home Advantage does something unusual in American sociology: It details the daily
workings of social class in affecting parents' ability to pass on their advantages to
their children. Social class is often used as a variable in American sociology, but
analyses of why social class matters and how it exerts its effects are rare. Typically,
social class is honored as an abstraction or asserted as a pervasive background vari-
able. It is not often treated as a dynamic element in the daily interactions between
people and institutions.
Lareau shows us how parents go about using their resources to try to help
their children succeed in school. Working-class and middle-class parents share this
desire to help. Where they differ is in the type and number of resources they bring
to the task and the range of actions they perceive as appropriate. Middle-class
parents tap their social advantages-high-status jobs, educational sophistication,
and organizational skills-to help their children succeed in school. Even for well-
endowed parents, however, trying to maximize a child's educational advantage is
an uncertain and risky process. Despite parents' differential abilities to stack the
deck in their offspring's favor, the child too must perform in order to achieve
academic success. The great strength and originality of Lareau's account is that she
shows the many small and yet decisive ways parents act to make sure their children
get the best teachers and they can provide extra resources for them if they falter.

The Concept of Cultural Capital

Lareau's ideas derive in part from Pierre Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital. She
Copyright 2000. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

Americanizes and transforms the concept, however, detaching it from its origins as
an explanation of how elite culture is transmitted from one generation to another.
In the United States, academic status does not depend on the ability to craft an
elegant essay or to display an intimate knowledge of a literary tradition. But, as
Lareau shows, this lack of elite culture does not mean a lack of emphasis on educa-
tion. Home Advantage documents what cultural capital means in the American con-
text, tracking middle-class parents as they direct their energies to making sure their

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 Home Advantage

children succeed on the skill-based tasks presented in schools. In Lareau's account,

there is nothing passive about the transmission of cultural capital. It is an active
process. The most dedicated parents "invest" their capital to help their children
with achievements ranging from early mastery of reading to securing high scores
on the SAT's. In deploying their many resources, these parents approach teachers
and other school personnel with confidence. They draw on the same organiza-
tional skills they use in their own jobs to monitor and influence their children's
education. Middle-class parents' actions result in a school experience for their chil-
dren that is qualitatively different from the school experience of working-class
children.
In Americanizing the concept of cultural capital, Lareau demonstrates the
power of a sociology that examines the intersection of biography and social struc-
ture, that takes seriously the power of individuals to act and yet does not see indi-
vidual action as the end of the story. Middle-class parents do not set out to display
class privilege. They set out to help their own children, aware that their future
success depends on how well they do in school. They also want to keep their
children from suffering the pain of failure. These desires are harnessed to a larger
system in which advantage is systematically generated by some and systematically
kept out of the reach of others. The powerful yoking of the individual with the
structural reproduces inequality across generations. Ultimately, it yields a social
system in which merit appears to be an attribute of individuals. Thus, for example,
when acknowledging the achievement of children who learn well and quickly,
we rarely note that this mastery of academic skills is the end result of many incre-
mental steps. At each stage, children's access to the next step may be limited or
enhanced by their class position because middle-class and working-class parents
interact differently with the institutions in which their children learn and compete.
This is the central topic of Home Advantage.
Lareau shows us how parents in an affluent suburb monitor their children's
homework, keep an eye on their teachers, and intervene when they sense disaster,
such as the threat of a child being held back or of failing to learn to read. It is part
of the definition of a good parent---or at least of a good middle-class parent-to
take prompt action when one's child is not performing well. Working-class parents
share their wealthier peers' desire to help their children. They clothe their children
well, send them to school on time, and try to get them to do their homework and
behave in class. Unlike middle-class parents, however, they seldom try to influence
the core of the educational system. The working-class parents Lareau interviewed
believed that they should leave academic matters to their children's teachers. Often
intimidated by teachers' professional authority, these parents fear teaching their
children the wrong things or instructing them in the wrong way. They see home
and school as separate spheres.

The Negative Side of Parents' Involvement with Schools

Some work on social class has involved implicit moral judgments, with the middle
class hailed by some for providing learning opportunities for children and the

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 Foreword

working class hailed by others for demonstrating resistance to oppressive institu-

tions. Home Advantage avoids either glorification or condemnation. In Lareau's
account, social class tells, but it is not the whole story. There is also room for
individual personality, for variations in world view, personal style, and academic
inclination. More than this, each class location is presented as involving both con-
straints and freedoms. While Lareau describes middle-class families as able to
launch their children academically, she also notes the costs involved. Home Advan-
tage explores the dark side of parental involvement by detailing the many negative
ripple effects of a constant focus on academic performance.
The parents of Emily, a first-grader with reading problems, reported discuss-
ing their daughter's academic difficulties every night for almost half a year. Emily's
mother described herself as "consumed" by these problems and said her husband
was also anguished. Emily herselfbegan getting stomach aches during reading pe-
riods at school, and she cried in the mornings when her mother quizzed her on
spelling words. She also suffered from a painful comparison with her younger
brother, a kindergartener who could correctly recognize more words spelled out
with magnetic letters on the refrigerator than could Emily. Significantly, Emily had
no working-class counterpart. Working-class children have less help in mastering
academic skills, but they also face fewer invidious comparisons with successful
peers. Families are not as focused on their children's performance, giving the chil-
dren a degree of psychic freedom their more privileged counterparts may not have.
As Lareau notes, "Emily's academic failure created worries, strains, and tensions
in family interactions that had no parallel in [working-class] families with low-
achieving children" (p. 153). Teachers, too, may suffer from the hypervigilance
of education-conscious parents. When children do poorly, many parents' first in-
stinct is to blame the teacher (as Emily's mother did). Teachers can feel hectored
and put down by parents with higher social standing, more education, and greater
wealth than they have. Far from respecting teachers' professional standing, power-
ful parents sometimes view teachers as employees, workers to be supervised and
directed.

The Role of Ethnography

The subtle view of social class displayed in Home Advantage was achieved by careful
ethnographic research. While the study is small scale, covering "two first grade
classes, twelve families, four teachers, and two principals" (p. 218), it IS richly
revealing. In an appendix, Lareau describes how she did the research, from the
first contact with schools to the fmal decisions about how to focus the analysis.
Readers come to understand all that ethnographic research requires-persistence,
self-reflection, willingness to risk the awkwardness and stress occasioned by plung-
ing into the lives of other people, and repeated ruminations on the meaning of
what has been observed. Above all, field work requires a balance between fitting
observations into an analytical framework and capturing the complexity and disor-
der of social reality. Lareau describes how intensely she felt this challenge as her

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 Home Advantage

field notes accumulated and she sought ways of focusing her work. Home Advan-
tage preserves this tension, providing rich descriptions of individual experience and
also presenting a general perspective on social class and cultural capital. It is a lively,
non-schematic account, one that gives readers a feel for what social class means in
the daily lives of people who probably themselves rarely think in class terms.

Recent Research on Families and Schools

Much research has been done on families and schools since Home Advantage was
first published. This work has expanded our knowledge of the relationship be-
tween social class and education. On the international level, carefully done com-
parative studies have shown that in modern industrialized societies, it is very
difficult to change patterns of class inequality in schooling (Shavit and Blossfeld
1993). Even when educational systems have been radically transformed and ex-
panded, the privileged have retained their relative advantages, except where
(mainly in Sweden) a huge and sustained effort has been made to limit inequalities
across a wide range of spheres (Erikson and Jonsson 1996).
In the United States, where there has been no broad social push to reduce
class-based inequalities, parental concerns over education have intensified. There
are some objective reasons for this increasing anxiety. The widening gap between
college graduates and non-graduates has made education even more consequential
for children's futures. Middle-class children also face a greater risk of downward
mobility than they did in the halcyon post-World War II decades (McMurrer,
Condon and Sawhill 1997). A "winner-take-all" style has intensified the competi-
tion for admission to elite colleges, making privileged parents more frantic to en-
sure that their children get good teachers, high grades, and top test scores (Attewell
2000). Armies of counselors and tutors assist middle-class children who falter aca-
demically.
When Lareau wrote Home Advantage, sociologists were still arguing that dif-
ferences in school quality had little effect on children's academic achievement.
This view stemmed from interpretations ofJames Coleman's 1966 study, Equality
<if Educational Opportunity, and it was bolstered by the claims ofJ encks et al. (1972)
that differences between schools had little bearing on ultimate occupational or
economic outcomes. Unlike academics, parents never subscribed to this view.
They continued to try to get their children into good schools and to have them
taught by skilled and experienced teachers. Academic research now has caught up
with parents' intuitions. A recent study based on a high-quality panel data set that
allowed unparalleled exploration of educational relationships concluded that
teacher quality is the single most important school factor affecting children's learn-
ing (Rivkin, Hanushek, and Kain 1998). Other work has found that children who
have poor teachers three years in a row can sustain lasting academic damage (Viad-
ero 2000). This is particularly true for working-class children, whose families may
lack the resources to buffer school-based deficiencies. Class size reduction, long
dismissed as having no bearing on achievement, has been demonstrated to result

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 Foreword

in achievement gains for elementary school students (Grissmer 1999). While con-
troversies still abound in educational research, the trend has been toward pinpoint-
ing specific resources that matter for children's achievement. In this context,
parental savvy acquires salience. "Customized" schooling, in Lareau's terms, can
result in genuine academic advantages for those lucky enough to experience it.
Recognizing the importance of parental ties to schools, some researchers have
tried to actively foster home-school connections even in communities where such
ties have been rare. These researchers accept that parents and schools do want to
work together, but they suggest there are often barriers to such cooperation. They
see part of their research task as trying to find ways to limit or remove impediments
to good relationships. The leading researcher in this area is Joyce Epstein. In 1996,
she and colleagues at Johns Hopkins University established the National Network
of Partnership Schools with the goal of providing school leaders with the knowl-
edge and technical assistance to build effective relationships with parents (Epstein
1996). By 1999, over 800 schools had joined the network. Epstein has developed
a conceptual scheme for understanding different types of parental involvement,
ranging from supervision of children's homework to service on school advisory
committees. She and her co-workers report that it is possible to increase schools'
outreach efforts, even in high schools, which have traditionally far weaker ties
with parents than have elementary schools (Sanders, Epstein, and Connors-
Trados, forthcoming).
In contrast to Epstein's wide-ranging research, Claude Goldenberg focused
on a single community, one located near the Los Angeles airport and populated
largely by impoverished Mexican immigrants, and studied it intensively (Golden-
berg, forthcoming). This community-where three-quarters of the students quali-
fied for the free lunch program and most parents worked long hours at unskilled
jobs and spoke no English-presented a stark test of the idea that parent involve-
ment in schools can be fostered where it does not spring up naturally. In addition
to conducting research, Goldenberg taught in the community's schools and de-
vised educational interventions aimed at increasing parents' educational endeavors
with their children. Not all of these interventions worked as he had expected.
Perhaps his most instructive experience occurred with a series of small storybooks
in Spanish he and his coworkers gave to parents to read to their children (Golden-
berg, Reese, and Gallimore 1992). The parents faithfully performed this task, but
how they did so surprised the investigators. Rather than trying to engage their
children in the story lines, the parents treated the books like phonetics worksheets.
They emphasized individual words not overall meaning. When children asked
questions about the stories, parents usually did not answer. They were intent on
completing the task as they saw it.
Goldenberg deduced that the parents had their own implicit theory of how
reading should be taught, one that emphasized sound-letter connections. He con-
cluded that programs aimed at getting parents to take on the role of teachers were
likely to be artificial and ineffective in situations where teachers and parents do
not share the same understandings of how the subject matter is to be taught. De-
spite the large and obvious differences between extremely poor parents and teach-

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 Home Advantage

ers, however, Goldenberg (working with Ronald Gallimore) found that the two
groups have much in common (Goldenberg and Gallimore 1995). On the basis
of his own experience, he argues that parents attribute great value to schooling
and that they are willing to do a good deal to help their children. What they did
not do were things that lay outside their cultural repertoire. For example, few
provided any informal instruction for their preschoolers; two-thirds of the chil-
dren starting kindergarten in the community could not name or recognize a single
letter. Nor did these parents provide literacy activities for their older children.
They avoided engaging in actual instruction, fearing they might teach their chil-
dren the wrong things. The parents Goldenberg observed were more intimidated
by schooling than were the working-class parents Lareau interviewed. This is not
surprising, as they were poorer, spoke little English, and had themselves been edu-
cated in a different system. Goldenberg contends that if teachers are sensitive to
parents' level of intimidation, and to their cultural traditions, schools can capitalize
on the home resources of even the poorest parents to help children learn.

The Intractable Nature of Class-Based Differences

Goldenberg's work is informed by deep knowledge of the community where he

taught. Whether most teachers possess the sophistication and insight to build on
cultural continuities across school and home is questionable. Also, as children enter
higher grades, parents with little formal education are increasingly less able to help
them. Lareau's research suggests class-based differences in the kinds of relationships
parents forge with their children's schools are too deeply rooted to be amenable
to change even when teachers seek parental involvement. In her view, the reasons
working-class parents are less active in their children's schools than their middle-
class counterparts may be traced to differences in the nature of work and family
life. Working-class parents, she found, are less likely to create social networks with
parents of their children's friends than are middle-class parents. Instead, they so-
cialize more often with family members. As a result, they miss out on the gossip
and information-sharing that characterize middle-class social networks. While
middle-class parents (mothers) often know the names of all the children in the
classroom (as well as their individual reading levels and behavioral styles), work-
ing-class parents rarely possess such information. Instead, they depend on formal
communications from the school, such as report cards. This kind of information
seldom provides a complete or even accurate picture. Working-class parents also
often lack confidence in their ability to address pedagogical issues, and they are
ideologically inclined to view family and school as separate spheres. From Lareau's
perspective, these are not idiosyncratic characteristics but rather are an integral
part of a class culture that helps limit involvement, despite parents' strong interests
in their children's well-being and success. Stronly motivated and energetic teach-
ers no doubt could spur some parents to action. Still, Lareau's analysis suggests
that educational inequalities are not likely to be altered by fostering the school
involvement of working-class parents.

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 Foreword

Topics for Future Research

More research is needed on other aspects of parental involvement. Lareau, Epstein,

and Goldenberg all report that school personnel want parental involvement. They
do not always know how to facilitate home-school relationships, however. It
would be useful to also investigate the situations under which schools regulate and
limit parental involvement or even repel it altogether. Graue and Prager (1999)
note that parents must operate according to a certain etiquette if they want to be
made welcome in schools:

Learning the boundaries for their interactions, how far they can push,
and how much they can be present, is a key element for these new ele-
mentary school parents. They wrestle with a tension-they firmly be-
lieve that they need to be present in multiple ways to make a difference
in their child's education but they know that there are standards for those
interactions which they must respect. (p. 36)

Lareau and Horvat (1999) have observed that parents who are perceived as angry
or belligerent (such as African American parents concerned their children might
have suffered from racial bias) may be made highly unwelcome by school staff.
More generally, big-city school districts are famous for their forbidding bureaucra-
cies and their ability to stonewall parents (Wrigley 1999; Henig et al. 1999). No
parent who has encountered the New York City school bureaucracy, for example,
is likely to feel empowered by the experience. Middle-class parents as a group are
granted privileged access to resources within the district, but no individual parent
is likely to succeed in having any special requests met. With its 1.1 million pupils,
over 1,000 schools, and 61,000 teachers, the system is so vast as to be nearly in-
comprehensible to most parents. Very few have the intellectual sophistication, po-
litical drive, or time to even attempt to influence any aspect of their children's
schooling. In cities like New York, parental involvement most often takes the
form of maneuvering to get one's child into a specific school rather than in trying
to change that school once the child is enrolled in it.
The suburban parents Lar~u describes could enter their children's schools
fairly freely and they could chat with teachers if they so desired. In America's big
cities, security concerns can make schools more like fortresses, with parents enter-
ing only after they have passed through various checkpoints. Once inside a school,
parents may fmd themselves no better off than they were on the outside. Visitors
are not encouraged to enter classrooms, and teachers have many resources for
resisting parents who seek a change in how their children are treated or in the
content of the curriculum. In the culture of big-city school systems, parents are
not figures to defer to or to partner with. Parents identified as activists are quickly
deployed to raise money.
Suburban schools operate in a very different political context. They have tra-
ditionally depended heavily on community support, with voters controlling
school funding levels. Schools in suburbs tend to be relatively small and are not

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 Home Advantage

barricaded. Thus, Lareau may have studied parent activism at its maximum when
she observed a middle-class suburban school. This is the very heart of parent activ-
ism in the United States. It would be valuable to extend the comparison Home
Advantage makes between two different suburban communities-one affluent and
one working class-to consider other types of communities and school districts.
Comparative international studies of parent involvement in schools would
also be valuable. American-style parent involvement may be unusual on the world
stage. The American educational system opens itself to parental strategizing for
several reasons. Criteria for success are not tied to any rigid cultural standards, and
schools are locally controlled and highly permeable institutions (at least outside of
big cities). Moreover, because quality differences between and even within schools
are great, the rewards for parental alertness in securing the best for their children
are signiflcant. Rivkin, Hanushek and Kain (1998) found that even in middle-
class schools, teacher quality varies greatly. In every society, parents with cultural
capital will try to transmit their advantages to their children, but the way in which
they do so is likely to vary with the organizational form of schooling and with the
types of performance and knowledge that are most highly valued.

Education and Social Movements

Finally, few researchers have examined parents as a collective force in bringing

about educational change. Lareau has explored how parents who are part of a
given class culture draw upon their own specific resources and knowledge of
schooling to help their children, and in so doing, increase inequality. Historically,
social classes often have been analyzed as dynamic forces in political change, with
individuals coalescing into far broader aggregations able to secure sufficient power
to transform basic social institutions. In the 1960s, both the student movement
and the civil rights movement brought sweeping challenges to long-established
ways of organizing schooling at both the secondary and college levels. In the more
quiescent political environment of the decades since, there have been few situa-
tions where parents and allies have mounted significant challenges to those con-
trolling educational institutions. In a study of school districts dominated by
African-American leaders, but equally applicable to most major districts in the
United States, Henig et al. (1999) conclude that "The absence of a strong, readily
mobilizable parent and community constituency has important consequences for
local capacity to initiate and sustain systemic school reform" (p. 157).
The American educational system fosters what could be called a "politics of
maneuvering," where parents seek narrow, self-interested goals and seldom chal-
lenge, or even learn about, the power relations that shape school districts at higher
levels. This means that a potentially crucial force in framing political discourse on
schools remains largely silent. In some cities, there is startlingly little overlap be-
tween those who vote and those who use the public schools. In Los Angeles, for
example, older whites without children in the schools predominate in the elector-

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 Foreword

ate, while Latinos whose children are enrolled in the local public schools do not
vote in accord with their numbers (Wrigley 1999).
Lareau has illuminated a crucial aspect of the workings of the educational
system, the way in which cultural capital is differentially employed to bolster some
children while others are left to negotiate their school experience on their own.
While schools as organizations could take steps to be more broadly inclusive of
families, as Goldenberg and Epstein suggest, it is also clear that in the struggle for
advantage, families with more resources will be better positioned to bend institu-
tions to their wishes. If, however, quality differences in schooling were not as great
as they are, parental maneuvering would not be so vital a factor in creating positive
educational experiences for children. "Customizing" education acquires urgency
when children might otherwise have bad teachers, be assigned to low reading
groups, or have limited access to a good curriculum.
For quality differences to be diminished, however, would require in tum a
broader parental movement able to take on the political task of creating better and
more equal schools. This kind of social action has existed in the past and has
changed what once appeared to be immutable academic inequalities. In the
United States, the black-white test score gap narrowed when the civil rights
movement took on school segregation that maintained inequalities Oencks and
Phillips 1998), despite continuing patterns of social inequality in homes. The
Swedish example shows that educational inequalities can be sharply reduced (Eric-
son and Jonsson 1996). It also shows, though, that piecemeal change is not likely
to be effective. The whole structure of inequality in the broader society needs to
be changed in order for academic changes to register, as happened when schooling
expanded to include working-class youths (Simon 1965; Wrigley 1982) and sub-
ordinated racial groups (Orfield 1983). In the absence of political challenges to
unequal school systems, individual parents concentrate on helping their own chil-
dren by activating their class-based resources. This approach preserves existing
inequalities; better schooling continues to accrue to the better-off members of
society. Broad social movements for educational change have demonstrated, how-
ever, that much like political power and economic wealth, cultural capital can be
made subject to more egalitarian redistribution. A society in which every child
has a "home advantage" is attainable, if we act to make it so.

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