Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Received October 16, 1996; revised October 24, 1996; accepted October 25, 1996.
Address reprint requests and correspondence to: Mark V. Flinn, Department of Anthropology, University
of Missouri, Columbia, MO 65211.
I posit that social competition was a primary selective pressure on human mental
abilities (Alexander 1989) and that this favored domain-general, constructivist learning
capabilities (e.g., Quartz and Sejnowski, in press) that can manage context-dependent
analysis and integrate information from domain-specific mechanisms (Hirschfeld and
Gelman 1994; MacDonald 1991; Sperber 19%). Humans are unique in the extraordi-
nary levels of novelty that are generated by the processing of socially learned informa-
tion. Human culture is cumulative; human cognition produces new ideas built upon the
old. To a degree that far surpasses that of any other species, human mental processes
must contend with a constantly changing information environment of their own cre-
ation. Cultural information may be especially dynamic because it is a fundamental as-
pect of human social competition. Apparently arbitrary changes in cultural traits, such
as clothing styles, music, art, food, dialects, and so forth, may reflect information arms
races among social competitors. The remarkable developmental plasticity and cross-
domain integration of some cognitive mechanisms may be products of selection for spe-
cial sensitivity to variable social context. Human “culture” is not just a pool or source of
information; it is an arena and theater of social manipulation and competition.
Studies of human behavior-including language, kinship, mating relationships,
subsistence, economics, and politics-generally are consistent with an evolutionary basis
for social learning, but often they fail to add specific new knowledge about the mecha-
nisms. Analyses of cognitive aptitudes underlying language, kinship, and so forth, often
are inconclusive because cultural information (and consequent behavior) involves com-
plex interaction among history, environmental variation, ontogenetic pathways of men-
tal processes, and specific context. I suggest that empirical tests of evolutionary culture
theory must build upon identification of apparent universals and examine individual
variability by incorporating developmental psychology, environmental conditions, and
social and historical context. This synthesis would benefit from enhanced cooperation
between cognitive psychologists and cultural anthropologists. 0 Elsevier Science Inc.,
1997
KEY WORDS: Culture;Evolution;Learning;Psychologicalmechanisms;Social competition.
R
ecent modifications of evolutionary theory have kindled renewed inter-
est in relations between culture’ and biology. New concepts of learning
as an adaptation (J.L. Gould 1986; Johnston 1982) have inspired new mod-
els of culture (e.g., Alexander 1979a, 1990a; Boyd and Richerson 1985;
Lumsden and Wilson 1981; Sperber 1996). Although there is general agreement that
evolutionary theory is useful for understanding human behavior and culture, impor-
tant issues remain unresolved, and directions for empirical research are enigmatic.
Some models, beginning with a population genetics paradigm, posit that cul-
ture is a distinct “co-evolutionary” system because transmission of cultural traits via
social learning is separate from transmission of genes via DNA replication (e.g.,
Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman 1981; Dawkins 1982; Richerson and Boyd 1978;
Durham 1991; Rindos 1986b). Culture and genetics are viewed as different, albeit
interacting, types of inheritance processes. Grganically evolved (i.e., genetically
controlled) “learning biases” may influence culture content, but the property of
transmissibility of socially learned information is considered sufficient to distin-
‘By “culture” I refer to common (non-exclusive) usage of the term in social science. I do not find it
important here to distinguish among the various definitions. I use “information” as a more specific term.
Culture and the Evolution of Social Learning 25
guish it from other environmental effects on the phenotype. This approach repre-
sents cultural evolution as analogous to organic evolution.
Other models, originating from a Tinbergian ethological paradigm, emphasize
that evolved mental or psychological processes constrain culture. Human psychol-
ogy (including learning aptitudes) and, hence, behavior are posited to have been
shaped by natural selection (e.g., Alexander 1979a; Barkow 1989b; Irons 1979a;
Lumsden and Wilson 1981; Cosmides and Tooby 1995). Sources of controversy in-
clude the genetic basis, degree of specificity, ontogeny, and plasticity (particularly
in regard to modem social conditions) of psychological processes (e.g., Daly and
Wilson 1995; Symons 1989).
The objective of this paper is to examine a key issue underlying this new body
of culture theory: the evolutionary basis for social learning. Here I attempt to inte-
grate models of culture with knowledge of learning processes from behavioral ecol-
ogy and psychology. Empirical studies of culture from evolutionary perspectives are
briefly reviewed, and unresolved theoretical problems discussed. I argue that human
learning mechanisms are products of natural selection, and hence process informa-
tion in ways that reflect evolutionary design. I posit that social competition is a pri-
mary selective pressure on human mental abilities (Alexander 1989; Humphrey
1984) that has favored some domain-general, constructivist learning capabilities
(e.g., Quartz and Sejnowski, in press) that can manage context-dependent analyses
and integrate domain-specific mechanisms (Hirschfeld 1994; MacDonald 199 1;
Sperber 1996). This argument remains speculative because it lacks information about
(1) the developmental ontogeny and epigenetics of cognitive processes, (2) the influ-
ence of environmental conditions and historical context on information choice, and (3)
the dynamics of the use and manipulation of information in social competition.
COMMON GROUND
Anthropology has identified several important relations between biology and cul-
ture. First, human “aptitudes” for culture are products of natural selection, evi-
denced by (1) increases in cranial capacity from australopithecines to modem
humans (Holloway 1975; Spuhler 1959; Wolpoff 1995), and (2) cognitive differ-
ences between humans and other primates (Byrne 1994; Cheney and Seyfarth 1990;
Gibson and Ingold 1993; Griffen 1984; Holloway and de la Coste-Lereymondie
1982; Quiatt and Reynolds 1993; Parker and Gibson 1979, 1990). Second, “biologi-
cal needs” are facilitated by culture, such as acquiring sufficient food, protection
from predators and the elements, reproduction, and caring for dependent offspring
and kin (Malinowski 1922; Steward 1955). And third, culture (information) is
acquired and transmitted via learning processes, usually involving symbolic com-
munication (e.g., Murdock 1956). Hence cultural change can occur without accom-
panying genetic change, and most cultural differences among human populations
are unlikely to be the result of genetic differences. Individuals from one genetic
population acquire the cultural traits of another without difficulty (e.g., a child of
Yanomamo parentage can readily learn to speak Spanish). These tenets of anthro-
26 M.V.Flinn
pology are entirely consistent with the new evolutionary approaches. Most current
discussions have moved past old “nature versus nurture” issues.
The controversy begins when we consider specific content and variability of
culture. Although cultural capacities are products of organic evolution, it is possible
that cultural information is acquired and transmitted largely or totally independent
of biology and natural selection. Organic evolution could be unimportant for analy-
sis of specific ideas, beliefs, values, and so forth, that occupy the evolved gray mat-
ter. On the other hand, if the evolutionary basis for human neural structures and sub-
sequent sensory and cognitive processes significantly influences what particular
cultural information is generated, acquired, and/or transmitted, then biological adap-
tation would be an important component in a general theory of culture.
*“Inclusive fitness” is a measure of an individual’s genetic contribution to future generations via direct
(personal) reproduction and indirect (effect of the individual on the reproduction of genetic relatives)
reproduction (Hamilton 1964).
‘The “new” concept of adaptation is defined in terms of differential genetic representation in future
generations (see Alexander 1979a. Dawkins 1982, 1989; Mayr 1982; Reeve and Sherman 1993; Sober
1984, Williams 1966, 1992). Theories combining cultural and organic evolution prior to the emphasis on
individual- or gene-level selection are useful but outdated antecedents to current evolutionary models of
culture (e.g., Schwartz and Mead 1961; Wallace 1961).
Culture and the Evolution of Social Learning 29
information resulting in behavior (e.g., assisting kin, seeking mates, forming advan-
tageous social alliances, communicating effectively, and accruing resources) that in-
creased genetic representation in future generations relative to less successful alter-
natives. Human cultural abilities are the cumulative result of millions of years of
competition among millions of heritable variations in central nervous system learn-
ing programs. The “winners” (what we have today) are those learning programs that
out-reproduced the alternatives (via inclusive fitness-maximizing behavior). Hence
the prediction that cultural transmission is unlikely to be random or arbitrary with
respect to biological adaptation. This hypothesis is sometimes referred to as “the ar-
gument from natural origins” (Boyd and Richerson 1985: 13).
This evolved psychological mechanisms approach does not require that each
and every choice of a cultural trait must be advantageous for the individual chooser.
We all make mistakes. Nor does it imply that the best possible (i.e., most adaptive or
optimal) cultural trait will be “invented” by individuals whenever needed. The
available choices are constrained by history, difision, ontogenetic environments,
and competitor S strategies, as well as by limitations of the central nervous system.
The evolutionary hypothesis does require, however, that cultural choice processes
must have resulted, on average, in choice by individuals of more adaptive cultural
traits over less adaptive ones. It further requires individual differences (however
minute) in effectiveness of choice processes, and that some genetic variation under-
lay such differences during the evolutionary history of the human central nervous
system (e.g., Lumsden and Wilson 1981). It does not suggest that genetic variation
determines contemporary cultural variation, nor that there are “genes for” specific
behaviors such as matrilineal inheritance or cross-cousin marriage rules. What it
does suggest is that natural selection favored mental abilities (psychological mecha-
nisms)4 to make adaptive (inclusive fitness-maximizing) decisions about costs and
benefits of alternative actions under varying contingencies of individual-specific
micro-environments (cf. Symons 1992).
In normal environments, humans develop cognitive processes that result in ap-
parently adaptive behavior, such as what path is used to walk from one village to the
next, what areas are searched for wild yams, how to speak, how much time is spent
on a hunt, who food is shared with, who is perceived as sexually attractive, who kin-
attachment bonds are formed with, and so forth (e.g., Alexander 1990a; Buss 1994;
Kaplan and Hill 1992; Pinker 1994). Like all hypothesized adaptations, evolved
mental processes can result in mistakes. Errors in judgment are no more evidence of
a distinct or competing cultural evolutionary process than are moths flying into can-
dle flames (Alexander 1979a).
I do not agree with the opinion that the evolved psychological mechanisms
model proposes that culture “is simply a prisoner of genetic constraints” (Boyd and
Richerson 1989:27; see also Montagu 1981; Rogers 1988). The terminologies used
by some “sociobiological” models (e.g., Lumsden and Wilson 1981; cf. Lumsden
1989) suggesting that evolved psychological mechanisms (ultimately, genes) “put
‘Other terms used to refer to “psychological mechanisms” that have overlapping definitions (PMs) in
cultural evolution literature include “Darwinian algorithms,” “epigenetic rules,” “heuristics,” “learning
biases,” “cultural aptitudes,” and “constraints on learning.”
30 M. V. Flinn
culture on a leash” can be misleading because they imply learning restrictions (sug-
gesting that some things could not be learned) rather than aptitudes.’ Use of social
learning by human psychological mechanisms allows for creative responses to novel
conditions and development of cumulative information. Human mental abilities do
not just constrain culture; they generate its options in the first place! Regardless of
terminology, the important question is whether or not mental processes have been
shaped by natural selection to preferentially use (learn, invent, transmit to relatives
and allies, manipulate competitors) cultural information adaptively (Alexander
1979b; Boyd and Richerson 1985).
It is difficult to conceive of a process responsible for systematic, incremental
development of the human brain over several million years that did not involve dif-
ferential replication of genes (i.e., natural selection), and yet, this is what a “blank
slate” model of the central nervous system requires.6 If cultural learning is uncou-
pled from natural selection (i.e., is random with respect to inclusive fitness), then
once culture developed, the brain (more specifically, those parts of the brain in-
volved with cultural information) would no longer evolve. Individuals with larger or
more complex brains would not be favored by natural selection unless such brains
caused acquisition of cultural information that resulted in behavior that increased in-
clusive fitness. Increasingly refined aptitudes for social learning via symbolic com-
munication would not have evolved if the information obtained did not result in
more adaptive behavior. The assumption that human cultural aptitudes are products
of natural selection is shared by all of the new evolutionary theories of culture. The
theories differ in predictions about the specificity of cultural aptitudes and how cul-
tural variation is described and interpreted.
In the following section I discuss a number of objections and unresolved con-
troversies that continue to separate evolutionary models of culture from mainstream
social and behavioral science.
THORNY ISSUES
Human culture has important and unique characteristics that present difficult prob-
lems for evolutionary models. They include the following: (1) Culture content is
transmitted by learning processes (i.e., cognitive information transfer), and not by
the transfer of genetic materials; hence, culture appears to be a separate inheritance
system, uncoupled from genetics. (2) Culture (or its effects) is partly extrasomatic,
cultural traits (e.g., stonepoints, political monuments) exist outside the soma (physi-
cal body) of the culture-bearing organism. (3) Human culture, by most definitions,
involves menttiZ phenomena, including conscious thought. (4) Human culture
involves the use of arbitrary symbols to communicate information. (5) Culture
5A more appropriate analogy would be that social learning aptitudes let humans off the leash (because
they allow for creative, novel behavior), and assist them to find and flush game (as opposed to running
randomly).
61t is possible that human cultural capabilities were a “preadaptation” (see Bock 1970 for definition)
that fortuitously evolved for other reasons. The novelty of socially transmitted information makes such an
unparalleled evolutionary jump worthy of consideration.
Culture and the Evolution of Social Learning 31
appears to have emergent properties at the group level, such as shared values and
beliefs resulting in political and religious institutions. (6) Culture involves historical
processes. History constrains the options (cultural traits) available for individual
choice and modification, and culture can change rapidly, apparently outracing
genetic evolution. And, (7) complex culture is uniquely human; we need an explana-
tion for why humans alone evolved such extensive social learning aptitudes.
These characteristics of human culture make it a most challenging and difficult
aspect of life to understand in scientific terms. However, they do not necessarily
cause culture to become a “non-evolutionary” or “separate evolutionary” phenome-
non, independent of biological adaptation.
Culture Is Learned
Of the forementioned characteristics of culture, the “culture is learned” problem is
the most fundamental (viz. Table 1). It is the source of the greatest amount of confu-
sion and disagreement. Hence, I devote more space to discussion of learning than to
other issues listed above.
Organic or Darwinian evolution is usually defined as a change in gene or allele
frequencies over time. Cultural evolution is usually defined as a change in cultural
trait frequencies (or mental information) over time. Because cultural transmission
(e.g., imitating a song, or adopting a technique for making stone tools) occurs with-
out concomitant genetic transmission, it has been argued that cultural evolution is
independent of genes. This leads to the conclusion that cultural evolution is inde-
pendent of organic evolution. If biology = genetics, and culture = learning, then if
learning # genetics, culture # biology.
The logic underlying the above conclusion is perhaps the most significant rea-
son why modem social science has not accepted organic evolution as a general the-
ory of human behavior. It distinguishes learning from other flexible responses (e.g.,
physiological changes) to environmental influences in the production of the pheno-
type. This is a difficult and important issue, and is a critical assumption underlying
“dual-inheritance” and “cultural selection” theories of cultural evolution that treat
culture as a partially autonomous inheritance system (e.g., Boyd and Richerson
1985:3, 1989: 27; Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman 1981; Durham 1991; Laland, Kumm,
and Feldman 1995; Rindos 1986b).’ Coevolutionary models distinguish “cultural”
‘For example, Dunnell (1989b:40) states that “direct application of biological evolution to cultural
phenomena requires genetic transmission of all parts of the human phenotype.” This is difficult to
interpret. The environment always participates in the production of all aspects of the phenotype. Culture
is part of the environment as well as part of the individual’s phenotype. Dunnell states further (p. 40) that
sociobiology “assumes genetic determination, either directly or indirectly, of human behavior.” All
behavior of all species is “determined,” directly or indirectly (?!), by the interaction of genes and
environment. His statement that sociobiology “further assumes that transmission operates on particulate
‘bodies’ analogous to genes (e.g., the ‘memes’ of Dawkins [ 19891 and the ‘culturgens’ of Lumsden and
Wilson [ 19811)” is ironic and puzzling given Dunnell’s focus on “culturally selected” artifacts or traits as
analogous to “naturally selected” genes. Both approaches (meme evolution and cultural selection) neglect
the significance of the evolutionary development of human psychology. Both depend upon the effective
parasitization of human minds/phenotypes by culturally transmitted replicators (cf. Humphrey, in
Dawkins 1989).
32 M.V. FIinn
evolution from “biological” evolution on the basis that cultural evolution involves a
distinct mode of information transmission (learning on the one hand, genetics on the
other). The analogy between cultural evolution and organic evolution, however,
may be inappropriate if cultural information is exclusively mediated via organically
evolved psychological mechanisms, including social learning processes.
Phenotypes are generally accepted to be the products of genes + environment.
The directions and degrees to which organisms modify their phenotypes in response
to environmental conditions result from a past history of natural selection on abili-
ties to modify phenotypes in response to environmental changes (Alexander 1979a;
Hill 1993; Stearns 1989). Arctic hares have seasonal changes in fur color, humans
develop calluses on their hands and feet, fig wasps alter the sex-ratios of their
broods, sweat bees learn by association and similarity whom to let into the nest,
chimps observe and imitate termiting with sticks, and so forth.
The point here is that phenotypic modifications, whether achieved via learning
or physiological changes, are not random. The environment is a causal factor during
the development of the phenotype in the context of an evolutionary history of selec-
tion for modifications in response to environmental changes (Williams 1966). Envi-
ronments do not have random effects on phenotypes. Among Arctic hares, winter
conditions result in white coats, summer in brown coats. Other species of rabbit lack
this capability; they do not have genetic materials that allow for this adaptive re-
sponse. Similarly, chimpanzees lack aptitudes for some aspects of human culture,
presumably because chimps do not have genetic materials necessary for develop-
ment of the requisite central nervous system and associated psychological mecha-
nisms. Regardless of environment, chimpanzees cannot acquire and transmit knowl-
edge of differential equations, etc., despite their remarkable cognitive abilities
(Rumbaugh and Washburn 1993; Savage-Rumbaugh and Lewin 1994; Tomasello,
Kruger, and Ratner 1993). Clearly there are evolved differences between chimps
and humans in regard to mathematical reasoning and other mental processes that un-
derly human culture (e.g., Geary 1995).
Genes evolved to produce phenotypes, including capabilities for learning, be-
cause phenotypes provide a means of responding to changing environments (Alex-
ander 1979a: 14):
The whole reason for phenotypes having evolved is that they provide flexibility in
meeting environmental contingencies that are only predictable on short-term bases.
Learned behavior is the ultimate of all such flexibilities. Not just humans and higher
mammals but animals in general develop their behavior, or “learn” to do what is appro-
priate in their particular life circumstances. Even the remarkably distinctive castes of
the social insects are in nearly all cases determined not by genetic differences, but by
variations in experiences with food or chemicals while they are growing up. The ranges
of variation, and the adaptive “peaks” along the axes of such variation (in the case of
the social insects, the actual worker and soldier castes), are finite and predictable (e.g.
Oster and Wilson, 1979). I believe that we will eventually discover that exactly the
same is true for the range and relative likelihoods of composites of learned behavior (or
“learning phenotypes”) in humans.
The alternative to cultural behavior is not “genetically transmitted” behavior: the envi-
ronment always participates in ontogenesis [development of the phenotype], even
when it [the environment] is invariable. Plasticity is the rule rather than the exception
for all aspects of phenotypes, and imitation and other learning are not restricted to
human culture (Flinn and Alexander 1982:384).
‘Note that cultural “progess” (e.g., increasing social complexity, technology, and group size) is an
incidental effect (Ingold 1986; Wright 1990). “Intentionality” of human reason is a product of evolution,
not the driving force (Dennett 1983). Competition within a cultural environment, however, may be a
zero-sum, “red queen” game in which “winners” must continually advance their tactics beyond their
competitors’. Arms races are a good example.
Culture and the Evolution of Social Learning 35
‘cf. Boyd and Richerson 1985 and Rogers 1988, who propose that blind imitation social learning
abilities may be sufficient to account for cultural evolution if they produce adaptive behavior on average.
The critical issue here is whether or not refinements of learning abilities and PMs improve batting
averages (IFM behavior). The blind imitation player has a blindfold and no choice of bats, but
theoretically hits a pitch and chances upon the base paths often enough to occasionally score. The
evolved PMs player has refined skills, chooses a bat carefully, watches the pitches received by previous
batters, spits, argues with the umpire, swings differently with runners on base, and so forth.
36 M. V. Flinn
of “other forces” besides evolutionary design of cognitive processes that affect cul-
ture content.
The ubiquity of apparently nonadaptive or maladaptive behaviors such as tat-
toos, arbitrary food taboos, religious beliefs, celibacy, ethnic markers, dress style,
and so forth, is interpreted by dual inheritance models as evidence that forces be-
sides evolved psychological mechanisms may be influencing culture choice. Cul-
tural traits that are maladaptive nonetheless become common by virtue of “cultural”
processes such as society-level functions, conformity, or blind imitation, because
human psychological mechanisms are not sophisticated enough to discriminate
among cultural options. There are alternative explanations for the existence of non-
adaptive and maladaptive behaviors, including historical lag, deception and manipu-
lation by competitors (Hirshleifer 1987; Krebs and Dawkins 1984); experimenta-
tion, selective conformity, and chance (see Alexander 1979a; Dawkins 1982:33-54
for discussion of “constraints on perfection”). Some of the apparent differences be-
tween dual-inheritance and evolved psychological mechanisms theories are waning
because of a trend in dual-inheritance theory to include more complex learning
models (e.g., Boyd and Richerson 1988a, 1995).
A main point separating evolutionary theories of culture is whether culture is
partially independent of biological adaptation. Evolved psychological mechanisms
theory emphasizes that learning capabilities are evolved aspects of the phenotype, and as
such, have been designed by natural selection. The information bits in human minds are
generated by processing of observations of the behaviors of others, and arc not viable
replicators. Detailed descriptions of psychological mechanisms (and their ontogenetic
development) are important research objectives. Dual-inheritance and mind-parasite the-
ories propose that there are additional forces besides the evolutionary design of the hu-
man mind that affect culture content, and that information bits in human minds should
be considered distinct entities (replicators) with their own evolutionary interests.
behavior to acquire a shell and a snail using internal physiology to build a shell is at
the level of mechanism. Both are phenotypic adaptations produced by natural selection.
But is there a fundamental difference between a bird’s nest and an Eskimo ig-
loo? Or between a callus and a glove? The information and motivation responsible
for the construction of these flexible modifications of the phenotype reside within
the central nervous system. In the case of the igloo and the glove, there are impor-
tant “constraints” imposed by cultural history. Knowledge of how to construct an ig-
loo or sew a glove, based on the past experiences of other humans, is a critical as-
pect of human adaptation. (I discuss the importance of historical constraints in a
following section). Here the point is that even though igloos and gloves are not part
of the human body, this does not necessarily remove them from the realm of evolu-
tionary adaptation. Natural selection can operate on bird nest or igloo design just as
surely as it can operate on snail shell design. Heritable differences in nest or igloo
building skills can affect survival and reproductive success just as surely as morpho-
logical differences in shells. This is the primary justification for considering some
extrasomatic phenomena part of the phenotype (Dawkins 1982).‘O
Whether or not the extrasomatic trait itself is subject to natural selection is an
important source of controversy. Some dual-inheritance and cultural selection mod-
els (e.g., Ball 1984; Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman 1981; Cloak 1975; Dawkins 1982;
Dunnell 1989a; Durham 1982, 1991; Goodenough 1995; Mundinger 1980; Pulliam
and Dunford 1980; Rindos 1985, 1986a, 1986b, 1988; Ruyle 1973) posit that cul-
tural traits (or “memes”) are independent evolutionary entities or “replicators” (see
the following section, “Culture Is Mental”).
Social learning adds a new wrinkle to the extrasomatic phenotype. If bird nest
types are partially or fully “borrowed” or imitated from individual to individual,
then frequencies of different nest types depend not only on differential reproduction
of individuals with different nest types, but also on whether nest types are differen-
tially copied. The rate at which specific nest types are copied will depend on interaction
among (1) features of the nest type, (2) distribution of nest types in the environment,
(3) evolved psychological mechanisms, and (4) previously learned information (his-
tory and individual mental development). The success (spread and persistence) of
phenomena that are acquired by social learning depends, at least in part, upon men-
tal decision-making processes,
There is, however, an additional process independent of mental choice that
may affect extrasomatic traits. Consider two variants of a sword, A and B. A is un-
“IThere are additional problems with defining phenotype, such as: Where does it end? Are footprints
part of the phenotype? Are bee hives or other types of cooperative housing to be considered collective
phenotypes? These are unresolved issues. It is also important to recognize that selection may design
flexibility into the nest-phenotype; different conditions may warrant different responses. Hence the
evolution of an “engineering sense” that can respond to variable environmental puzzles, as for example
with different geometric configurations of branch structure within which the nest must be built. There are
additional thorny unanswered issues. Is a farm part of the farmer’s phenotype? How is it different from
the spider’s web or the hermit crab’s shell? If we allow for the farm to be part of the farmer’s phenotype,
then are the plants and animals part of his or her phenotype? Where does the phenotype end? All of these
examples are modifications of the environment engineered by the genotype for its reproductive
advantage. The effects of a hailstorm on a spider’s web and a farmer’s wheat crop are the same: Caloric
intake is diminished and reproduction potentially reduced.
38 M. V. Flinn
breakable in battle, and saves its owner from death. A is likely to become more com-
mon than the alternative variant, B, whose unlucky possessor perished, for at least two
reasons. First, people may recognize A as a superior weapon and copy it; this fits with
“adaptive psychological mechanisms” selection of cultural traits. Second, by virtue of
its longer life (as well as that of its owners), A is more likely to be observed and hence
potentially copied. Tea cups may be substituted for swords with essentially the same
result (unbreakable tea cups would have greater opportunity for observation and
copying). The issue here is whether or not cultural traits have qualities that affect their
distribution independent of choices made by human minds. If so, then we need a model
of cultural evolution that includes such characteristics (e.g., Boyd and Richerson 1985;
Dawkins 1989; Rindos 1986a, 1986b), and that can determine how important such “ex-
trasomatic cultural selection” is relative to choice based on psychological mechanisms.
The issue is beginning to be addressed by empirical studies (e.g., Aunger 1992).
“The primary differences between coevolutionary theories and traditional anthropological theories in
this context are (1) traditional anthropological theories involve function or “meaning” at the level of the
group rather than the cultural trait itself (e.g., Harris 1974), and (2) traditional anthropological theories do
not specify the mechanisms by which cultural traits change in frequency (Murdock 1956, and Barth 1967
are notable exceptions).
Culture and the Evolution of Social Learning 39
Dawkins’ theory is based on the concept that memes are “replicators,” defined
as “any entity in the universe of which copies are made” (Dawkins 1982:293).
Dawkins requires that memes have a “definite structure, realized in whatever physi-
cal medium the brain uses for storing information” (Dawkins 1982:109). So the
mental chemical structure is equivalent to a gene (DNA), and its behavioral effects
are equivalent to phenotypic effects (cf. Cloak 1975). However, no chemical or syn-
aptic structures in the central nervous system have been found that correspond to
‘*Boyd and Richerson (1988) refer to this type of analysis of cultural evolution as “methodological
Darwinism,” as opposed to “substantive Darwinism.” Methodological Darwinism is based on the
possibility that “behavioral strategies are transmitted culturally instead of genetically .” Boyd and
Richerson 1988:339). I view this position as analogous to stating that “arms are transmitted
morphologically instead of genetically.” Their approach analyzes the transmission of cultural traits as
analogs of genes. If natural selection produced the mechanisms by which behavioral strategies are
transmitted culturally, then there can be no “instead of,” and the utility of “methodological Darwinism” is
restricted to description, not explanation.
Note that evolved PMs theory does not suggest that the medium of information transfer cannot have
significant effects on culture; witness the dramatic changes accompanying the development of writing
and television! The medium may even influence the success of certain types of cultural traits over others.
For example, the success of science fiction and fantasy characters such as “Mutant Ninja Turtles” are
probably dependent upon visual media. And ideas contained in the Bible may have benefited from having
been stored and conveyed via written language. The effects of such transmission mechanisms would
seem to be a useful addition to coevolutionary models. But I doubt our understanding of the cultural
success of, say, the Ten Commandments, would be much improved. The nature of human social
relationships and the specific historical context in which the commandments were developed and
popularized seem much more significant determinants of their content and appeal than the “details of
cultural transmission.” Clearly we cannot ignore cultural relativism in this regard either.
40 M. V. Flinn
specific behaviors or cultural traits (e.g., Gazzaniga 1989, 1992; Pribram 1971; cf.
Dawkins 1989). The physical composition of information storage and manipulation
probably varies from individual to individual and changes throughout ontogeny
(e.g., Black 1995). It is unlikely that there are structures in the brain that store cul-
tural information in a way analogous to the DNA structure of genes. There are no
evident brain chemicals/structures that are replicators (more precisely, no “germ-
line” replicators).
Indeed, Dawkins (1982: 112) notes several weaknesses in the meme/gene anal-
ogy. First, “it is not clear that they [memes] occupy and compete for discrete ‘loci,’
or that they [memes] have identifiable ‘alleles’.” Second, the meme “copying pro-
cess is probably much less precise.” And third, “new ‘mutations’ may be ‘directed’
rather than random.” He concludes, “These differences may prove sufficient to ren-
der the analogy with genetic natural selection worthless or even positively mislead-
ing.” I agree.
In spite of this caveat, Dawkins (1982: 116) argues that cultural or “memic”
evolution may go on quite independently of organic evolution: “A meme has its own
opportunities for replication and its own phenotypic effects, and there is no reason
why success in a meme should have any connection whatever with biological suc-
cess.” I disagree.
Dawkins’ meme theory is based on the premise that memes culturally evolve to
maximize their survival. Like genes, memes are “selected” on the basis of their ef-
fects: “If the phenotypic effect of a meme is a tune, the catchier it is the more likely
it is to be copied” (Dawkins 1982: 110). But what is the basis for some tunes being
“catchier” than others (and why are some ways of making stone points or clay pots
copied more than others)? What are the mechanisms of cultural/psychological infor-
mation selection, and where did they come from? This is a critical question that all
models of cultural evolution must contend with. For cultural evolution to be an au-
tonomous process, cultural selection must be independent of (past) organic evolution.
The logic of the autonomous cultural system approach is tenuous if the mecha-
nisms by which cultural traits increase or decrease in frequency are products of a
history of natural selection on human abilities to utilize the accumulated body of in-
formation that comprises culture. Selection of cultural traits by an individual may be
independent of genetic transmission of that individual, but it can never be indepen-
dent of the past history of natural selection that produced psychological mechanisms
of cultural selection in the first place (Alexander 1979a; Flinn and Alexander 1982).
Cognitive aptitudes underlying cultural selection-choice, imitation, learning, syn-
thesis, teaching, comparison, foresight, invention, inference, and so forth-are capa-
bilities that evolved by natural selection. Ultimately such mechanisms are based on
neurological processes (e.g., Gazzaniga 1992).
Daw,kins (1989: 194) likens social learning capabilities to primeval soup
(meme: human brain:: DNA: primeval soup). This is true in the trivial sense that
brains are a required medium for the transmission and replication of ideas. But the
issue is whether or not minds develop psychological mechanisms designed by natu-
ral selection to preferentially select some memes over others (and further, to use in-
ference, i.e., past experience, current conditions, and mental scenarios of the future,
Culture and the Evolution of Social Learning 41
to modify meme selection-see Staddon 1988). This is where the brain: primeval
soup analogy breaks down. Primeval soup was not designed by natural selection for
the function of DNA replication; the brain is.
Meme theory suggests that cultural traits have evolved via cultural selection to
“parasitize” human brains (Humphrey in Dawkins 1989:207; cf. Goodenough 1995;
Goodenough and Dawkins 1994; Hull 1982; Sperber 1985). Such an epidemiologi-
cal process is possible if cultural traits/memes are valid replicators, but it still would
be best understood using knowledge of what human psychological mechanisms
have evolved to do (Sperber 1991). From this “culture trait = mind parasite” per-
spective we would study the capabilities of minds to be preferentially “parasitized’
by memes that are consistent with evolved mental properties. I find this way of
thinking awkward. Cultural traits are replicators in the ,same limited sense as skin
cells in a callus, glycogen in a liver, or cortisol in an adrenal gland. All involve flex-
ible phenotypic responses and are not meaningful germ-line replicators. They are
most appropriately considered as part of the individual’s phenotype.
Other “cultural selectionists” (e.g., Cavall-Sforza and Feldman 1981; Dunnell
1980; Rindos 1986a; cf. early formulations by Boehm 1978; Campbell 1965; Cloak
1975; Ruyle 1973; Schwartz and Mead 1961; Simpson 1962; Wallace 1961) employ
a logical argument similar to Dawkins’ in that they propose an independent process
of cultural selection. Unlike Dawkins, however, they do not require that cultural
traits have specific mental templates (i.e., transmissible replicators); instead, it is the
cultural traits themselves that are analogous to genes. For example, specific variants
of artistic design found on cooking pots may increase or decrease in frequency. This
trait-evolution approach may be a useful descriptive tool for examining cultural
change, but it is not a functional theory unless it incorporates selective mechanisms
(e.g., mental choice) underlying changes in trait frequencies.
The fundamental distinction among cultural selection, dual-inheritance, and
evolved psychological mechanisms models is the locus of adaptation. In cultural se-
lection theory, cultural traits/memes are the adaptive units that determine culture
content by virtue of their own success or failure. In evolved psychological mecha-
nisms theory, psychological mechanisms influence culture content (given the infor-
mation provided by history and diffusion). Dual-inheritance theory allows for both.
In effect there is an “arms race” between cultural traits and psychological mecha-
nisms, with cultural traits that remain attractive to psychological mechanisms being
saved, while psychological mechanisms evolve to select adaptive cultural traits. The
crux of the issue is the extent to which evolved psychological mechanisms exist.
Only if the central nervous system is a blank slate would culture content be deter-
mined by a selective diffusion process independent of organic evolution.‘”
Evolved psychological mechanisms theory begins with the evolutionary basis
for cultural selection, that is, evolutionary design of human psychological mecha-
nisms (Alexander 1979a, 1990a; 1990b; Tooby and Cosmides 1989). Culture in-
volves mental processes that are products of evolutionary adaptation. Unfortunately
“Except for trivial effects of differential reproduction of trait carriers (Durham 1979).
42 M. V. Flinn
this assumption does not tell us much about the specifics of human psychological
mechanisms, but it seems a more viable starting point than apsychological and non-
evolutionary theories have provided.
knowledge). Perhaps more importantly, the combined knowledge and behavior of indi-
viduals can produce group phenomena such as shared “institutions” of religious belief,
legal rules, and language. These properties of culture-shared, integrated, “meaningful”
information-seem to give culture a life of its own, independent of the individual.
Indeed, it is difficult to imagine how cultural “systems” could appear to “func-
tion” so well if they are mere incidental by-products of individual behavior. Hence
the hypothesis that culture functions to preserve itself, rather than serving the ex-
plicit needs of individuals possessing it (e.g., Durkheim 1938; Hallpike 1986; Par-
sons 1949; Radcliffe-Brown 1952). Or further, that human psychology is itself de-
signed to produce “socializable” individuals that perpetuate their cultures (e.g.,
Freud 1938). This society level functionalism parallels the group, species, and eco-
system level functionalism prevalent in biology and ecology during the first half of
the 20th century. Williams (1966; Williams and Williams 1957), Fisher (1958),
Hamilton (1964), Lack (1966), and Lewontin (1970) challenged the concept of
group-level functionalism in evolutionary theory, noting that natural selection is rel-
atively weak at levels higher than the individual. The basic problem with explana-
tions based on group- or cultural-level adaptation (e.g., Harris 1974:66) is that they
require rapid rates of extinction and replacement among isolated groups. In biology,
most behavioral characteristics are currently interpreted as adaptations for individ-
ual survival and reproduction, and not for group or species survival (e.g., Alcock
1994; cf. Wilson and Sober 1994).14 This dramatic shift in evolutionary theory and
its ramifications for theories of social organization are beginning to work their way
through cultural anthropology and other social sciencesI (Brumfiel 199255 1):
We must recognize that culturally based behavioral “systems” are the composite out-
comes of negotiation between positioned social agents pursuing their goals under both
ecological and social constraints.
The study of culture is the study of how different kinds of information from each individ-
ual’s environment, especially from his or her social environment, can be expected to affect
that individual’s behavior. The behavior elicited by this information reverberates through-
out the individual’s social group, as information that other individuals may act on in turn.
The ongoing cycle that results is the generation of culture. By directly regulating individ-
ual learning and behavior, those psychological mechanisms that select and process infor-
mation from the individual’s social environment govern the resulting cultural dynamics.
Information, or culture, thus involves not only social interaction, but also an
endless history of social interaction, filtered and analyzed at each step by psycho-
14Boyd and Richerson (1988) argue that cultural institutions such as religion and social rules may arise
from a process of group selection of cultural traits because it is difficult to develop a model in which
reciprocity is advantageous for individuals in large groups. However the Alexander (1987) hypothesis
that indirect reciprocity and observed reciprocity are important cogs in human sociality has yet to be
incorporated into mathematical models, perhaps because of the enormous complexity this would create.
15George Peter Murdock (1972) criticized society-level functionalism as “anthropology’s mythology.”
apparently without knowledge of these changes in evolutionary theory.
44 M.V. Flinn
Culture Is Historical
Social learning allows for a “progressive” or “ratchet-effect” historical development
of information: culture is cumulative.” But each step of cultural evolution, each bit
of change in the information pool, must be generated and processed by an individual
psyche. The “early” theories of cultural evolution based on a rule of unfolding
progress (e.g., Morgan 1877; Tylor 1871) were wrong because they attributed design
to history; later theories repeated the mistake (e.g., White 1949, 1959; see critiques
by Ingold 1986; Johnson and Earle 1987). A historical theory of culture without
psychology is as incomplete as is a psychological theory of culture without history.
History constrains and provokes future directions of both organic and cultural
evolution by providing materials upon which subsequent developments must build.
It is useful to consider cultural change (originating with individual mental change)
as being constrained by adaptive “informational landscapes” analogous to the Se-
wall Wright (1931) concept in population genetics. Evolutionary pathways are
“channeled” by historical constraints, not just evolved phenotypic mechanisms
(Mayr 1988: 108). Dawkins (1982:38-39) provides an insightful description of his-
torical constraints on evolution:
The jet engine superseded the propeller engine because, for most purposes, it was supe-
rior. The designers of the first jet engine started with a clean drawing board. Imagine
what they would have produced if they had been constrained to “evolve” the first jet
engine from an existing propeller engine, changing one component at a time, nut by
nut, screw by screw, rivet by rivet. A jet engine so assembled would be a weird con-
traption indeed. It is hard to imagine that an aeroplane designed in that evolutionary
way would ever get off the ground. Yet in order to complete the biological analogy we
have to add another constraint. Not only must the end product get off the ground; so
must every intermediate along the way, and each intermediate must be superior to its
predecessor. When looked at in this light, far from expecting animals to be perfect we
may wonder that anything about them works at all.
“In some respects this is similar to the problem of the development of species with larger, more
complex soma over evolutionary time.
46 M.V.Flii
them to others (who might reject them anyway), and because we appear to have the
ability to direct our thoughts toward resolving specific problems (within limitations
imposed by the information pool provided by history: imaginations are not unlimited).
Although information can be transmitted intact and unchanged over periods of
time, it also can change rapidly, producing novel challenges for the human psyche.
Changing information favors flexibility in the information processing system. For
example, canalized symbol-meaning relationships are unlikely because language
changes so rapidly (Chomsky 1973; Pinker 1994). Social competitors can constantly
update tactics; mental “arms races” of various sorts can develop. In spite of its po-
tential advantages, however, learning is risky (Alcock 1994; Williams 1966). Novel
environments create opportunities for acquiring the “wrong” information for behav-
ioral development (Alexander 1979a; Barkow 1989b; Irons 1983). Some dogs, for
example, readily learn to chase cars. Culture appears to be an especially rapid source
of change that may alter human environments too quickly for genes underlying psy-
chological learning mechanisms to keep pace. Hence the human psyche, having
evolved in hunter-gatherer cultural conditions, may not be adapted to current cir-
cumstances (Symons 1979:35; cf. MacDonald 1988a). This “Pleistocene psyche” or
“Stone-Age mind” approach posits that human psychological mechanisms are rela-
tively specific and inflexible; we have difficulty adapting appropriately to novel en-
vironmental conditions generated by cultural change.
Alternatively, if some evolved psychological mechanisms are more “domain-
general,” or if there are hierarchical decision-making processes that can modify re-
sponses from domain-specific modules, then modem environments are more likely
to be within the range of appropriate response (Alexander 1990a; Daly and Wilson
1995): For example, if humans evolved psychological mechanisms that specify:
“avoid running mastodons,” then such mechanisms would not prevent us from step-
ping in front of speeding automobiles. On the other hand, if we evolved to “avoid
large, fast-moving objects,” then both Mastodons and Mack trucks would be
avoided by the same psychological mechanism (see Turke 1990). An even broader
range of adaptive responses might be included under “avoid objects that your elder
caretakers (parents) treat as dangerous” (see MacDonald 1996). Such a mechanism
would be subject to developmental modification by social learning, and perhaps be
capable of contending with extreme novelty (e.g., “avoid drug dealers”), although
there are likely to be time lags before sufficient experience occurred for recognition
of the novelty as dangerous. For example, consider tobacco, cocaine, and French
pastries. All evidently appeal to evolved psychological mechanisms, via altering
brain chemistries in ways that some humans find pleasurable. Recognition of such
novelties as dangers occurred only after considerable exposure and long-term obser-
vation of their effects. Dangers that are consistent and ubiquitous throughout evolu-
tion are more likely to produce canalized responses, especially if they are suffi-
ciently deadly so as to not allow for learning by experience (e.g., poisonous
snakes-Alexander 1990a; Mineka and Cook 1988).
The development of new cultural traits may present new opportunities and
challenges, sometimes resulting in further cultural change in directions that would
not be predictable without knowledge of the historical context. For example, female
Culture and the Evolution of Social Learning 47
“This might explain the apparent lack of significant populational differences in human intelligence:
The uniquely common selective force that all humans contend with is competition with other humans,
regardless of physical environment. Interpopulational gene flow further eliminates potential differences
among populations.
48 M. V. Flinn
and deception, make social success a difficult undertaking (Alexander 1987, 199Ob;
Axelrod and Hamilton 1981; Dennett 1983; de Waal 1982).
Indeed, the potential variety of human social puzzles is apparently infinite; no
two social situations are precisely identical, nor are any two individuals ever in ex-
actly the same social environment. Moreover, social relationships can change rap-
idly, requiring quick modification of strategy. This unpredictable, dynamic social
hodgepodge would seem to favor flexible, “open,” “domain-general,” or “execu-
tive” psychological mechanisms highly dependent upon social learning and capable
of integrating information processed by more restricted, “domain-specific” mecha-
nisms (e.g., Lopreato 1984; Meltzoff 1995; Mueller, in press). These complex cog-
nitive processes would be more capable of contending with (and producing) novel-
ties created by cultural change and culture- and individual-specific differences.
Unfortunately such chameleonic psychological mechanisms would be nightmares to
document empirically, evidenced perhaps by our meager understanding of the
“black box” (but see, e.g., Robin and Holyoak 1995). The dramatic expansion of the
neo-cortex during human evolution is consistent with the hypothesis that social fi-
nesse is a particularly important human skill.
psychology paradigm (see also Nesse and Williams 1994:139). Both evolutionary
psychology and human behavioral ecology posit that the human social environment
is a critical selective pressure involved in the evolution of human psychology (Alex-
ander 1989; Cosmides and Tooby 1992; Humphries 1984), but the behavioral ecol-
ogy approach emphasizes the variable and novel aspects of such social environ-
ments. More attention is given to developmental contingencies and hierarchical
(executive) decision processes or motivational structures (Alexander 1990a; Mac-
Donald 1991; Worthman 1992). This model suggests that behavioral variability in
contemporary social environments is useful for analysis of human psychological
mechanisms (e.g., Daly and Wilson 1995). Subsistence, mate choice, parenting, kin-
ship, warfare, and other human behaviors are variable because psychological mech-
anisms are adapted to respond to environmental differences (Alexander 1974; Irons
1979a, 1983; Standen and Foley 1989; Winterhalder and Smith 1992).
Methodologies used for identification of psychological mechanisms in human
behavioral ecology includes examination of associations between behavior, fitness,
and environmental situation, parallel to methodologies used in non-human behav-
ioral ecology (Hinde 1991; Reeve and Sherman 1993). For example, reproductive
success (number of offspring) is associated with family wealth among the Yomut
Turkmen (Irons 1979c), hunting success among the Ache (Hill and Kaplan 1985;
see also Hill and Hurtado 1996), land ownership in a rural Caribbean village (Flinn
1986), wealth and status among the Mukogodo (Cronk 1989a, 1989b), headmanship
among the Yanomamo (Chagnon 1979), and political power cross-culturally (Betzig
1986). Similarly, social status is associated with mating success among French Ca-
nadians (Perusse 1993). Unspecified and unknown (but presumed evolved) psycho-
logical mechanisms for economic and social striving and use of resources and power
to enhance mating opportunities are assumed to underlie such behavior. The lack of
association between status and reproduction in modern high-technology societies
(Vining 1986) is attributed to environmental novelties such as birth control and pro-
longed education (e.g., Flinn 1987; Irons 1983), and helps flesh out the design of hu-
man motivations. The use of social learning to alter behavior in response to ob-
served maladaptive effects suggests that the management of conflicting motivations
may be flexible. One generation’s mistakes may serve as lessons for the next, beg-
ging the question: What are the evolutionary designs of such “corrective” psycho-
logical mechanisms that modify decisions based upon processed information from
lower-level domain-specific modules?
Both research paradigms (evolutionary psychology and human behavioral
ecology) have proven useful for testing evolutionary hypotheses, and suggest ave-
nues for more detailed analysis of psychological mechanisms, including physiologi-
cal processes (e.g., Buss et al. 1992; Flinn and England 1995, in press).”
“Some additional methods used to evaluate evolutionary hypotheses include general observations
from ethnographic literature (e.g., nepotism, inbreeding avoidance, infanticide: Alexander 1974, 1979a;
Dickemann 1979), cross-cultural correlations (e.g., mating systems: Betzig 1986; Flinn and Low 1986)
demographic measurements (e.g., sex ratios: Boone 1986; Chagnon, Flinn, and Melancon 1979; Voland
1984). measurements of reproductive success (e.g., Borgerhoff Mulder 1988; Chagnon 1979; Hill and
Hurtado 1996). measurements of attitudes (e.g. Buss 1989), measurements of resource acquisition (e.g.,
Culture and the Evolution of Social Learning 51
Kaplan and Hill 1985, 1992), measurements of behavior of individuals (e.g., Flinn 1988b; Hewlett 1988).
measurements of psychological parameters (e.g., reciprocity: Cosmides and Tooby 1989).
This scientific methodological emphasis of evolutionary approaches in anthropology contributes to
disagreements with humanistic approaches in anthropology. For example, a reading of Oedipus Rex may
provide more useful information about the human family than 10,000 quantitative behavioral observations.
Both approaches, however, involve a key element of the scientific approach: communication among
observers. You and I may interpret Shakespeare somewhat differently, but were there no common
understanding between us then I doubt it would be so popular. The fact that “plays” and other forms of
aesthetic communication so commonly utilize themes of love, hate, greed, selfishness, altruism, honesty.
deception, trust, and so forth, is consistent with an evolutionary approach, as is cultural and individual
specificity of interpretation. Methodological differences between humanistic and evolutionary anthropology
involve issues of quality control and techniques, not subject matter. Appropriate methods for testing
evolutionary hypotheses from “text” have yet to be developed (but see Nesse 1995).
52 M. I? Flinn
Cultural
selection Meme product Host for memes ? diffusion of memes
Dual Mix of cultural and Simple? Medium for Diffusion; ecological and
inheritance biological adaptation transmission of traits historical constraints
Separate “domain-specific”
Evolutionary Adaptive- modules integrated by Noise, novelty, some
psychology “monomorphic” EEA hierarchical mechanisms ecological constraints
Table 3. Human Behaviors and Abilities Postulated to Use Adaptive Social Learning Mechanisms
Foraging decisions (Kaplan and Hill 1992; Smith 1991)
Recognition of kin (Alexander 1990a)
Recognition of individuals (Colgan 1983)
Avoidance of inbreeding (Aberle et al. 1961: Alexander 1979a; Wolf 1993)
Maternal attachment (Bowlby 1969; Chisholm 1996; Petrovich and Gewirtz 1985)
Paternal attachment (Hames 1988; Lamb et al. 1987)
Paternity recognition (Daly and Wilson 1988; Flinn 1988b)
Sibling attachment (Turke 1988; Weisner and Gallimore 1977)
Sibling rivalry (Daly and Wilson 1988)
Kin assistance (Chagnon and Bugos 1979)
Emotions (Nesse 1990)
Variation in kinship behavior (e.g., maternal/paternal biases: Flinn I98 I ; Irons 1983)
Parent-offspring conflict (Daly and Wilson 1988)
Mate competition (Chagnon 1988; Daly and Wilson 1988; Flinn and Low 1986; Irons 1983)
Mate guarding (Daly and Wilson 1983: Dickemann 1981; Flinn 1988a)
Mate bonding (Belsky et al., 1991; Chisholm 1993)
Mate choice (Borgerhoff Mulder 1988; Buss 1989, 1994: Symons 1979)
Sex/gender recognition and attraction (Money 1987; Symons 1979)
Sexual jealousy (Buss 1994; Daly, Wilson, and Weghorst 1980: Hrdy 1981)
Resource aquisition and competition (Flinn 1986; Hill and Kaplan 1989a, 1989b; Irons 1979b)
Status aquisition and competition (Chagnon 1979; Betzig 1986; Irons 1979b)
Verbal and non-verbal communicaton (Pinker 1994; Pinker and Bloom 1990)
Mathematical reasoning (Geary 1995)
Play (Alexander 1987; Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989; McDonald, in press)
Simple reciprocity (Axelrod and Hamilton 1981; Cosmides 1989; Cosmides and Tooby 1995)
Complex reciprocity, including political and economic coalitions, group games, laws, and moral systems
(Alexander 1987; Chagnon 1974; Cosmides and Tooby 1992)
Religious beliefs (Boyer 1994; Reynolds and Tanner 1995)
Technological and artistic tool use (Reynolds and Tanner 1995; Wynn 1989)
Appreciation of aethetics, art and music (Alexander 1990b; Nesse 1995)
Age-specific learning aptitudes (Piaget 1973; Pinker 1994; Smith 1987)
Consciousness, scenario-building, intentionality, and foresight (Alexander 1989: Dennett 1983;
Humphries 1986)
by social learning, which is stored and analyzed in the human central nervous sys-
tem. The mechanisms that create, acquire, retain, and analyze socially transmitted
information are products of human evolutionary history, and hence are predicted to
be designed to produce adaptive behavior. Because an individual’s particular situa-
tion in society is dynamic and unpredictable (and has been so throughout human
evolutionary history), psychological mechanisms are posited to be highly flexible
and able to respond appropriately to a wide array of novel challenges, albeit fre-
quently requiring “learning from your mistakes.”
Information underlying culture is individual-specific, perhaps even time-spe-
cific, but shared sufficiently to allow for varying degrees of communication and mu-
tual comprehension. The collective human information pool changes over time in
response to complex interactions among environmental, historical, demographic,
and psychological variables, muddled further by competitive and cooperative striv-
ings of individual humans. Culture is not a simple phenomenon. There is, however,
one consistent force acting on the information pool in human minds: the generation
and choice of cultural traits (information usage) by evolved psychological mecha-
nisms that use social learning (Alexander 1990a; Boyd and Richerson 1985; Tooby
and Cosmides 1992). Understanding the evolved functions of such cognitive pro-
cesses and their ontogeny in environmental and historical context is critical to a gen-
eral theory of culture.
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