Caste, Class and Economic Opportunity in Kerala

An Empirical Analysis
P Sivanandan

An attempt is made in this paper to examine the interplay of caste and class forces in Kerala.
The present level of economic attainments among the major social groups is compared with the cor-
responding level three or four decades earlier in order to see if the contemporary caste-class relation is
any different from that of the past.
The author examines, in this context, some aspects of the distribution of land-holdings and of edu-
cational and employment opportunities among the major social groups.
THE structure of the labour market the largest share of landed property in Nair communities reported ownership
and the distribution of assets in Kerala this region of Kerala. We do not, how- on a much bigger scale than did the
retain a very significant level of caste- ever, have comparable data relating to other castes, especially of wet land.1
class association, despite a certain de- this period for the legions comprising In the case of Nair households the low
gree of interpenetration. The exclusive present-day Kerala as a whole. average of holding is explained by a
traditional privilege of proprietorship process of partition among the joint
Table 1 shows that Brahmin house- family members, particularly during the
and administrative and supervisory
holds held on average 15.6 acres of 20s and 30s.2 In contrast, among the
powers enjoyed by a group of superior
wet land per owner and 12.89 acres other castes not only is the proportion
and influential castes in the past are
being shared also by a large number of dry land per owner whereas house- of households reporting ownership low
of other castes, belonging in particular holds belonging to other castes held but so also is the average size of the
to the intermediate section of the land ranging roughly between 1 and 3 holding per owner.
Hindu, Christian and Muslim commu- acres. However, Nair households, in
nities. Along with this upward occupa- spite of a small average per owner, had Tims the land ownership pattern dur-
tional mobility, a certain extent of a fairly large share in the total land ing the 30s shows that there was a very
downward occupational filtration has (38 per cent in respect of wet land and high level of inequality in the distri-
taken place and it has naturally enlarged 30 per cent in respect of dry land). bution of land and in the proportion
numerical strength of the labouring Moreover, both the Brahmin and the of land owners among the various com-
class. This process of economic re-
organisation among the various castes
contains a unique feature namely
class formation within a caste frame-
work. Nevertheless, the upward occu-
pational mobility and class reorganisa-
tion among the lowest castes which
traditionally constituted the dependent
class of agrarian labour, are extremely
minimal when compared to the experi-
ence of other caste/communal groups.
In this paper an attempt is made to
examine the interplay of caste and class
forces in the distribution of income
earning opportunities. In our analysis
we try to compare the present level of
economic attainments among the major
social groups with their corresponding
levels three or four decades earlier in
order to see if the contemporary caste-
class relation is any different from that
of the past. We shall in this context
examine some aspects of the distribution
of land-holdings, educational and em-
ployment opportunities.

LAND-HOLDINGS

The pattern of land-holding seems to

be an important factor around which
caste-class relations develop. Available
data for the Travancore region show
that during the nineteen thirties the
dominant castes, particularly the tradi-
tional caste Hindu sections, controlled

475

munities. Land was thus concentrated
in the hands of upper caste families.
Those belonging to the lower castes
476
had either no land or very little.
before we study the changes
have occurred during recent decades, castes, while the landlord and cultiva-
i t is important tonotethattheagrarian
pronounced has continued to retain a
pronounced concentration of land
among a small proportion of house-
holds. The data available for 1971-72
show that 68 per cent of the rural
households operate less than 1 acre
each, while 1.2 per cent of the house-
holds operating over 10 acres accounted
for 15.1 per cent of the total operated
area.3 In general there has been a signi-
ficant increase in the proportion of
households cultivating small bits of land.
There has also been a reduction in the
proportion of landless households.4 The
process has considerably tilted the tra-
ditional caste-class association: a certain
extent of interpenetration has taken
place, particularly in the lowest land
size and landless categories.
To see the extent of this interpenc-
tration, we may look at the pattern of
land distribution among the various
communities for an understanding of the
prevailing caste composition in each
land size class and the class composi-
tion of each community. The latest in-
formation we have in this regard is
from a survey conducted during 1968.
Though the data do not provide the
share of land among the different com-
munities, they give the proportions of
households in each land size class.
Roughly two-thirds of Muslim and
Ezhava households were either landless
or owned less than half an acre, while
the great majority of the Harijan house-
holds were similarly placed with respect
to ownership of land (Table 2). On
the other hand the proportion of house-
holds owning above 5 acres among the
upper castes was significantly higher
than that among the lower castes. I t
needs to be noted, however, that rough-
ly half of the Nair households and over
56 per cent of the Brahmin households
also were either landless or owned less
than half an acre each. Those data thus
show the extent to which downward
mobility has taken place among the
tipper caste groups.
The class structure of the communi-
ties is vividly brought out by the dis-
tribution of total land owned by each
community in each land size class.
Table 3 shows that among the land-
less and among those with small land
holdings, the lower castes continue to
predominate while in the larger size
holdings, the upper castes and the in-
termediate castes constitute the domi-
nant category. Therefore, the landless
labour and small peasant classes conti-
that nue to be composed mainly of lower
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY
tor classes are largely constituted by
persons from the traditional privileged
classes, notwithstanding a certain ex-
tent of downward mobility among upper
castes such as Brahmins and Nairs.
EDUCATION
Education and cultural advancement
were considered to be the sole privileges
of certain communities which enjoyed
superior positions in the traditional so-
cial hierarchy. However, with the ad-
vent of colonial administration and as a
result of social reform movements and
political freedom struggles, there has
been a considerable breakthrough in the
spread of education among the masses.
With large scale public and private in-
vestments, educational and training
opportunities have improved through-
out the state. In this context, a certain
degree of relaxation of caste barriers in
social relations has provided the new
generation (belonging to all social
groups) an opportunity to learn and
improve their skills. The role of the
national government is particularly sig-
nificant since it has adopted numerous
special assistance programmes for the
upliftment of the backward castes/
classes.
Nevertheless, the pattern of educatio-
nal attainment and skill formation
among the various social groups in Ke-
rala seems to suggest that caste and
class factors continue to influence its
evolution. By looking at the educatio-
nal advancement during the period 1931
to 1968, among the various communi-
ties, it is possible to assess the under-
lying pattern of change.
Table 4 gives data on the literacy-
rates among the different communities
in 1931. These data show that literacy
levels were generally very low among
the
levels of all communities had gone up
significantly (Table 5), thanks to the
growing social and political awareness
of the people. Nevertheless, the differ-
ences have persisted. For instance,
among the superior caste Hindus, who
have a long heritage in learning, land-
ownership and political power, illiteracy
is a rarily. Similarly the Christians,
having a long record of involvement in
commercial activities and agricultural
pursuits, have utilised all opportunities
for educational and professional ad-
vancement. The intermediate caste
Hindus and Muslims who constitute a
large proportion of the peasant, artisan
and trading classes, have also begun to
acquire modern education.5 It is re-
markable, in this context, that in addi-
tion to the government's efforts to set
up educational and training institutions
all over the state, these communities,
particularly Nairs, Christians, Ezhavas
and Muslims also themselves manage a
large number of similar institutions.
Annual Number February 1979
However, the rest of the communities
which occupy the lowest position in the
social hierarchy and form a signi-
ficant section of the class of landless
peasants and wage labour, have only
very recently been introduced to lite-
racy and modern education. Consider-
ing the long tradition of their social
disability and economic backwardness,
the government has, however, adopted
a policy of protective assistance which
includes pecuniary support and prefer-
ential treatment. Nevertheless, it is
still a hard task for this poor and po-
verty stricken class to ward off illite-
racy and attain educational levels si-
milar to those of others in the society.
It may be seen that although the lite-
racy rates have improved considerably
among people of the lower castes, most
of them do not go beyond the school
stage (Table 5). Among those who
acquire higher general and technical
education, the upper castes and the
Christians continue to be preponderant.
low
E M Pcastes.
L O Y M E N TBy 1968, the literacy
OPPORTUNITIES
Upward occupational mobility among
the higher castes was widespread. Those
at the lower end of the social hierarchy
the other hand suffered severe occu-
pational limitations in the past.
We have community-wise occupational
distribution for the last four or five
decades. These data show that tradi-
tional communal status and the pattern
of employment were closely related.
The occupational classification in the
three regions of Kerala, viz, Malabar,
Cochin and Travancore, available from
the
shows very clearly the close relationship
between profession and caste status
which existed despite diversification of
job opportunities in all sectors (Table 6).
The Brahmins and the Nairs were
not only rentiers and cultivators but
also the main participants in public ad-
ministration and the learned professions.
The Christians, the Muslims and the
Ezhavas, however, had a mixed occu-
477

Annual Number February 1979
pational pattern. They were engaged
in cultivation and industrial, trading and
commercial activities. To some extent
they worked also as wage labourers.
On the other hand, the Pulaya or Che-
ruma community was restricted almost
wholly to agricultural labour as the
main occupation.
The industrial classification for 1961
and 1971 shows that the Scheduled
Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, who
formed only a tenth of the state's popu-
lation, remain the major constituent in
the labour force for agricultural opera-
tions and allied activities. Their parti-
478
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY
(according to socio-economic similarity)
into five groups, namely (A) the Hindu
Upper Castes (Brahmin, Ambalavasi and
Nair), (B) the Christian sections (Syrian
Catholics, Jacobites, Marthomitcs and
Latin Catholics), (C) the Hindu Inter-
mediate Castes (Ezhava and Kammala),
(D) Muslims, and (E) Scheduled
Castes, Scheduled Tribes and their con-
verts to Christianity.
It is characteristic among the upper
caste Hindus (A) and the Christian
sections (B) to have a larger proportion
of student population and a lower pro-
portion of wage earners when compared
to other communities, The workers
among them are mostly distributed in
the salaried, employer and self-employed
classes. The intermediate caste Hindus
(C) and Muslims (D), while having a
lower proportion of student population
— compared only to (A) and (B)
groups, — have a larger proportion of
workers in the wage labour and self-
employed categories. However, the
proportions of salaried and employer
sections among them are higher than
those among other communities below
cipation as cultivators (except in the case them in the social hierarchy, namely
of Tribals), owners of production pro- (E). The lowest proportion of non-
cesses, or industries or as persons working population (student + 'others')
engaged in business or commerce, is is among the Scheduled Castes and the
extremely low when compared to the Scheduled Tribes (E). The main acti-
other communities.6 vity of these communities is daily wage
The 1968 survey gives a detailed des- employment. There are only a few
cription of employment pattern among among them in the salaried and em-
the various social groups in terms of ployer classes. Though about four per
(a) Activity Status (Table 7), (b) dis- cent of workers among the Scheduled
tribution of gainfully employed persons Castes have reported as self-employed,
in various occupations (Table 8) and the occupations concerned are by and
(c) caste composition of workers in each large related to traditional crafts sup-
occupation (Table 9). In these Tables plementary to agricultural production,
the selected communities are classified The broad classification of communi-
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY
ties into various classes of activity status
throws further light on the nature of
their participation in specific occupa-
tions. In Table 8 the employment
opportunities are grouped into seven
broad categories, namely
technical, professional and administra-
tive, ( I I ) trade and sale, ( I I I ) farm-
ing, ( I V ) crafts, ( V ) service, transport
and communication, ( V I ) agricultural
and allied labour, and ( V I I ) unskilled
labour. This classification brings but
the fact that the upper caste Hindu and
Christian communities have compara-
tively larger proportions of earners in
the first three categories of occupations.
However, each of these communities
has certain predetermined advantages
(I) which give them a relative superiority
over other communities. For instance,
the Brahmins who claim antiquity in
landlordism, learning and intellectual
pursuits have the largest proportion of
earners in technical, professional and
administrative careers. They are also
very much involved in farming, business
Annual Number February 1979
and service occupations. The employ-
ment pattern among the Ambalavasis,
who were originally temple servants and
associates of the Brahmin aristocracy, is
closely similar to that of the Brahmins.
The next most advantageous position in
acquiring remunerative occupations is
held by the Nairs who once formed the
militia and the tenantry of the land.
Most of the Christians, who were tenant
farmers, peasants or traders during the
'pre-capitalist system have benefited
considerably from the onset of capitalist
tendencies in agriculture since the close
of the 19th century.7 They have pio-
neered the process of land reclamation
and developing plantations, by investing
their savings from trade and other acti-
vities. The spread of education which
was much faster among them, also made
them competent to hold administrative,
technical and professional occupations.
These communities have, therefore,
achieved a higher level of economic
advancement mainly because of their
concentration in professional, commer-
cial and farming activities. On the other
hand, the intermediate caste Hindus (C)
who have experienced social disability
and have traditionally constituted a
major section of the peasantry and
artisan class, continue to retain a consi-
derable proportion of their earners in
the same occupations as in the past.
The Muslims ( D ) , as a community,
though traditionally not averse to any
particular occupation, are primarily agri-
culturists, traders and commercial
people. Their representation in other
occupations is nearly equal to the state
average. On the other hand, the Sche-
duled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and
their converts to Christianity, who have
endured in the past the most severe
forms of social and economic disabili-
ties have poor representation in the
more remunerative occupations.
A community-wise distribution of
earning persons in each major category
of employment would, however, provide
a little more insight into the caste-class
composition in various occupations.
Table 9 shows that better and more re-
munerative employment is largely asso-
ciated with traditionally high caste
status and occupational freedom. I t is
also significant to find that the appro-
priation of various salaried jobs under
the government and quasi-government
sectors has been largely disproportio-
nate among the different communities
despite well-defined legislative regula-
tions for safeguarding the interests of
479

Annual Number February 1979
all social groups, particularly that of the
weaker sections (Harijans and Other
Backward Communities). The latest
available information (1968), 8 in this
regard, shows that the forward commu-
nities hold the maximum number of
jobs. More than two-thirds of the
'gazetted', over one-half of the 'non-
gazetted' and nearly half of the 'last
grade' jobs are held by members of this
group alone, which constitutes only a
third of the state's population. The re-
presentation of the other Backward
Communities in salaried jobs has not
been quite close to the 'norm' (i e,
their proportion in the total population)
and the disparity is most significant in
the case of appointments in the 'gazet-
ted' category'. The Ezhava and other
Hindu communities in this group have
managed to obtain a fairly good number
of jobs in the 'non-gazetted' and last
grade' services. The Christian sections
have a satisfactory representation in all
categories of jobs. The muslim commu-
nity, which forms almost one-fifth of
the population, is poorly represented in
all categories of jobs. The representa-
tion of Harijans and their converts to
Christianity is the lowest in all cate-
gories of salaried jobs except, perhap,
in the last grade jobs of certain depart-
ments.
INCOME DISTIUBUTION
Finally, the earning pattern of the
various communities will provide
information on their respective levels of
economic attainments. Table 10 con-
firms that income levels are closely
associated with caste hierarchy. The
lowest among the castes are also the
poorest earning groups and vice versa,.
This is, however, the natural culmina-
tion persistent disparity in the distri-
bution of land-holding education and
employment opportunities.9
In short, caste-class identity is an
inherent feature in socio-economic rela-
tions in Kerala, although it has now a
certain level of interpenetration on
account of the influence of social move-
ments, political forces and administra-
tive reforms. However, the intervention
of these factors in the reorganisation
process does not radically alter the
caste-class association.
Notes
1 The proportions of households re-
porting ownership of wet and dry
lands among the various communi-
ties are respectively : Brahmins
480
42.3 and 59.8; Nair 51.2 and
78.4; Syrian Christians 26.3 and
67.6; Muslims 20.4 and 53.5;
Ezhavas 13.2 and 45.9; other
Hindu 13.4 and 20.9; and
the averages for all communities
20.8 and 51.4 (Sources: Census
of India 1931 cited in Table 1).
2 T C Varghese, "Agrarian Change
and Economic Consequences :
Land Tenures in Kerala 1850-
1960", p 103.
3 Tables on Land-holdings, State,
Kerala Vol I, No 215, National
Sample Survey.
4 The propertied class has always
been resorting to judicial and poli-
tical means to retain their land
possessions. The liquidation of the
first Communist Ministry which had
introduced the first Agrarian Re-
lations Bill (1957), the land sales
and transfers during the sixties
(see "Land Reforms Survey in
Kerala, 1966-67", Bureau of Econo-
mics and Statistics, Trivandrum
1968), the slow process of dispo-
sal of land disputes, etc, are all
part of the attempt to safeguard
the interests of the landlord class.
Political Persecution in West Asia and Africa
ACCORDING to Amnesty International
Report, 1978 in many countries of
West Asia and North Africa political
prisoners frequently had no access to
fair trial and, often, received no trial
at all. For example, Palestinians were
convicted or detained without trial by
Israel for their critical attitude toward
Israel's presence in the Occupied Terri-
tories rather than for violent activities.
In Egypt a number of people who dis-
tributed leaflets criticising President An-
war Sadat's November 1977 visit to Is-
rael were detained. However, by far the
greatest number of human rights viola-
tions in the area related to issues not at
the center of world attention. Some
examples: In Iraq, alleged Communist
Party members were executed as were
suspected Kurdish dissidents, many of
whose relatives were also imprisoned.
Hundreds of people were arrested in
Tunisia for trade union activities, In
Morocco people of Saharan origin re-
mained in detention on account of
their ethnic origin. In Syria, alleged
sympathisers of the Iraqi Baathist
Party, Marxists and members of the
Muslim Brotherhood were imprisoned,
in Iran, people in leftwing and religi-
ous opposition alike were imprisoned,
while in Algeria former President Ah-
med Ben Bella spent his 13th year
under house arrest.
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY
The landlords have been using
communal organisations and poli-
tical pressures to obviate the pos-
sibility of losing land rights. The
resistance to radical land reform
was so high among the landlords,
the capitalists, the dominant com-
munal organisations, and their poli-
tical supporters that the subsequent
land legislations during 1960, 1964
and 1969 were diluted consider-
ably in respect of provisions affect-
ing their interests.
5 P R Gopinathan Nair, "Education
and Economic Chance in Kerala",
Centre for Development Studies,
Trivandrum, 1978.
6 The Census of India. Kerala Vol
I I Part V A and Part I I B (i) —
1961 and 1971 Series I India
Paper 1 of 1975; p 107 to 120.
7 T C Varghese, op cit p 107 to
120.
8 Government of Kerala, "Backward
Classes Reservation Commission
Report", 1970, Vol II, pp 449-457.
9 P Sivanandan, "Economic Back-
wardness of Harijans in Kerala" in
Social Scientist, Vol 4, May 1976,
Trivandrum.
The white minority governments
of southern Africa continued to impri-
son suspected suporters of various
black nationalist movements. In Rho-
desia/Zimbabwe detention without trial
remained the most common form of
imprisonment. Although 700 of 950
known detainees were released in early
1978, new detention orders continued
to be issued and more than a thousand
convicted political prisoners remained
imprisoned. In South Africa, detention
without trial and banishment remain-
ed common in political cases.
Elsewhere in Africa, government
action against real or alleged con-
spiracies led to the imprisonment, often
without trial, of suspected rivals of
those in authority. In some cases — in
Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Somalia and
Zaire — persons thus detained were
executed after trial or summarily kill-
ed. In Ethiopia, thousands of people
suspected of opposition to the autho-
rities were killed in a programme of
"revolutionary terror". In Uganda,
where the practice of murder by se-
curity forces had, at times, reached
"massacre proportions", members of
the Lango and Acholi tribes were killed
because of their tribal origin; political
imprisonment for similar reasons
occurred in a number of other African
states.