Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Contents Ukraine
Casualties and losses
Background
Ukraine and allies Russia and allies
Post-Soviet context and Orange
Revolution 4,619 killed[8][9] 5,768 killed[10][17][d]
Euromaidan, Revolution of Dignity, and 9,700–10,700 12,700–13,700
pro-Russian unrest wounded[10] wounded[10]
Russian bases in Crimea 70 missing[11]
History 2,768 captured[12][13][14]
2014 Russian annexation of Crimea
9,268 joined Russian
2014–2015 war in Donbas
forces after
2015–2020 frozen conflict phase annexation[15]
2021–2022 Russian military buildup
300+ T-64 tanks[16]
2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine
Violations of human rights Civilian casualties:
Related issues 3,393 killed[19]
Russia–Ukraine gas disputes 7,000–9,000 wounded[10]
Russian propaganda and disinformation
campaigns See 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine for
casualties resulting from the 2022 invasion.
Reactions
To the Russian invasion in Crimea
To the Russian intervention in Donbas
2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine
See also
Notes
References
Further reading
External links
Background
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union (USSR) in 1991, Ukraine and Russia maintained close ties. In
1994, Ukraine agreed to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons as a non-
nuclear-weapon state. Former Soviet nuclear weapons in Ukraine were removed from Russia and
dismantled.[22] In return, Russia, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US) agreed to uphold
the territorial integrity and political independence of Ukraine through the Budapest Memorandum on
Security Assurances.[23][24] In 1999, Russia was one of the signatories of the Charter for European
Security, which "reaffirmed the inherent right of each and every participating State to be free to choose or
change its security arrangements, including treaties of alliance, as they evolve."[25] In the years after the
dissolution of the USSR, several former Eastern Bloc countries joined NATO, partly in response to
regional security threats involving Russia such as the 1993 Russian constitutional crisis, the War in
Abkhazia (1992–1993) and the First Chechen War (1994–1996). Russian leaders described this expansion
as a violation of Western powers' informal assurances that NATO would not expand eastward.[26][27]
The 2004 Ukrainian presidential election was controversial. During the election campaign, opposition
candidate Viktor Yushchenko was poisoned by TCDD dioxin;[28][29] he later implicated Russian
involvement.[30] In November, Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych was declared the winner, despite
allegations of vote-rigging by election observers.[31] During a two-month period which became known as
the Orange Revolution, large peaceful protests successfully challenged the outcome. After the Supreme
Court of Ukraine annulled the initial result due to widespread electoral fraud, a second round re-run was
held, bringing to power Yushchenko as president and Yulia Tymoshenko as prime minister, and leaving
Yanukovych in opposition.[32] The Orange Revolution is often grouped together with other early-21st
century protest movements, particularly within the former USSR, known as colour revolutions. According
to Anthony Cordesman, Russian military officers viewed such colour revolutions as an attempt by the US
and European states to destabilise neighbouring countries and undermine Russia's national security.[33]
Russian President Vladimir Putin accused organisers of the 2011–2013 Russian protests of being former
advisors to Yushchenko, and described the protests as an attempt to transfer the Orange Revolution to
Russia.[34] Rallies in favour of Putin during this period were called "anti-Orange protests".[35]
At the 2008 Bucharest summit, Ukraine and Georgia sought to join NATO. The response among NATO
members was divided; Western European countries opposed offering Membership Action Plans (MAP) in
order to avoid antagonising Russia, while US President George W. Bush pushed for their admission.[36]
NATO ultimately refused to offer Ukraine and Georgia MAPs, but also issued a statement agreeing that
"these countries will become members of NATO". Putin voiced strong opposition to Georgia and Ukraine's
NATO membership bids.[37] By January 2022, the possibility of Ukraine joining NATO remained
remote.[38]
Euromaidan, Revolution of Dignity, and pro-Russian unrest
In 2009, Yanukovych announced his intent to again run for president in the 2010 Ukrainian presidential
election,[39] which he subsequently won.[40] In November 2013, a wave of large, pro-European Union
(EU) protests erupted in response to Yanukovych's sudden decision not to sign the EU–Ukraine
Association Agreement, instead choosing closer ties to Russia and the Eurasian Economic Union. The
Ukrainian parliament had overwhelmingly approved of finalizing the agreement with the EU.[41] Russia
had put pressure on Ukraine to reject it.[42]
Following months of protests as part of the Euromaidan movement, on 21 February 2014 Yanukovych and
the leaders of the parliamentary opposition signed a settlement agreement that called for early elections. The
following day, Yanukovych fled from the capital ahead of an impeachment vote that stripped him of his
powers as president.[43][44][45][46]
On 27 February, an interim government was established and early presidential elections were scheduled.
The following day, Yanukovych resurfaced in Russia and in a press conference declared that he remained
the acting president of Ukraine, just as Russia was beginning its overt military campaign in Crimea.
Leaders of Russian-speaking eastern regions of Ukraine declared continuing loyalty to Yanukovych,[44][47]
causing the 2014 pro-Russian unrest in Ukraine. On 23 February, the parliament adopted a bill to repeal the
2012 law which gave Russian language an official status.[48] The bill was not enacted,[49] however, the
proposal provoked negative reactions in the Russian-speaking regions of Ukraine,[50] intensified by
Russian media saying that the ethnic Russian population were in imminent danger.[51]
On 27 February, Berkut special police units from Crimea and other regions of Ukraine, which had been
dissolved on 25 February, seized checkpoints on the Isthmus of Perekop and Chonhar peninsula.[52][53]
According to Ukrainian MP Hennadiy Moskal, former chief of the Crimean police, these Berkut had
armored personnel carriers, grenade launchers, assault rifles, machine guns, and other weapons.[53] Since
then, they have controlled all land traffic between Crimea and continental Ukraine.[53] On 7 February
2014, a leaked audio revealed that United States Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian
Affairs Victoria Nuland in Kyiv, was weighing in on the make-up of the next Ukrainian government.
Nuland told United States Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt that she did not think Vitaly Klitschko should be in
a new government. The audio clip was first posted on Twitter by Dmitry Loskutov, an aide to Russian
Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin.[54]
At the onset of its conflict, Russia had roughly 12,000 military personnel in the Black Sea Fleet,[51] located
in several localities throughout Crimean peninsula like Sevastopol, Kacha, Hvardiiske, Simferopol Raion,
Sarych, and several others. The disposition of the Russian armed forces in Crimea was not disclosed clearly
to the public which led to several incidents like the 2005 conflict near Sarych cape lighthouse.[55] Russian
presence was allowed by the basing and transit agreement with Ukraine. According to the agreements
Russian military component in Crimea was constrained, including a maximum of 25,000 troops, the
requirement to respect the sovereignty of Ukraine, honor its legislation and not interfere in the internal
affairs of the country, and show their "military identification cards" when crossing the international border
and their operations beyond designated deployment sites were permitted only after coordination with the
competent agencies of Ukraine.[56] Early in the conflict, the agreement's sizeable troop limit allowed Russia
to significantly reinforce its military presence under the plausible guise of security concern, deploy special
forces and other required capabilities to conduct the operation in Crimea.[51]
According to the original treaty on division of the Soviet Black Sea Fleet signed in 1997, Russia was
allowed to have its military bases in Crimea until 2017, after which it had to evacuate all its military units
including its portion of the Black Sea Fleet out of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol. A
Russian construction project to re-home to fleet in Novorossiysk launched in 2005 and was expected to be
fully completed by 2020; as of 2010, the project faced major budget cuts and construction delays.[57] On
21 April 2010, former Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych signed a new deal known as the Kharkiv
Pact, to resolve the 2009 Russia–Ukraine gas dispute; it extended the stay until 2042 with an option to
renew and in return receiving some discount on gas delivered from Russian.[58]
The Kharkiv Pact was rather an update to complex of several fundamental treaties that were signed in
1990s between prime ministers of both countries Viktor Chernomyrdin (Russia) and Pavlo Lazarenko
(Ukraine), and presidents Boris Yeltsin (Russia) and Leonid Kuchma (Ukraine).[59][60][61][62] The
Constitution of Ukraine, whilst having a general prohibition of a deployment of foreign bases on the
country's soil, originally also had a transitional provision, which allowed the use of existing military bases
on the territory of Ukraine for the temporary stationing of foreign military formations; this permitted
Russian military to keep its basing in Crimea as an "existing military base". The constitutional provision on
"[pre]-existing bases" was revoked in 2019, when Russia had already annexed Crimea and withdrew from
the basing treaties unilaterally.[63]
History
Pro-Russian unrest
The initial protests across southern and eastern Ukraine were largely native expressions of discontent with
the new Ukrainian government.[79] Russian involvement at this stage was limited to voicing support for the
demonstrations, and the emergence of the separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk began as a small fringe group
of protesters, independent of Russian control.[79][80] Russia would go on to take advantage of this,
however, to launch a co-ordinated political and military campaign against Ukraine, as part of the broader
Russo-Ukrainian War.[79][81] Putin gave legitimacy to the nascent separatist movement when he described
the Donbas as part of the historic "New Russia" (Novorossiya) region, and issued a statement of
bewilderment as how the region had ever become part of Ukraine in 1922 with the foundation of the
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.[82]
When the Ukrainian authorities cracked down on the pro-Russian protests and arrested local separatist
leaders in early March, these were replaced by people with ties to the Russian security services and interests
in Russian businesses, probably by order of Russian intelligence.[83] By April 2014, Russians citizens had
taken control of the separatist movement, and were supported by volunteers and materiel from Russia,
including Chechen and Cossack militants.[84][85][86][87] According to DPR insurgent commander Igor
Girkin, without this support in April, the movement would have fizzled out, as in it did in Kharkiv and
Odessa.[88] The disputed referendum on the status of Donetsk Oblast was held on 11 May.[89][90][91]
These demonstrations, which followed the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation, and which
were part of a wider group of concurrent pro-Russian protests across southern and eastern Ukraine,
escalated into an armed conflict between the Russia-backed separatist forces of the self-declared Donetsk
and Luhansk People's Republics (DPR and LPR respectively), and the Ukrainian government.[92][93] The
SBU claimed key commanders of the rebel movement during the beginning of the conflict, including Igor
Strelkov and Igor Bezler were Russian agents.[94][95] The prime minister of Donetsk People's Republic
from May to August 2014 was a Russian citizen Alexander Borodai.[86]
From August 2014 all top positions in Donetsk and Luhansk have been held by Ukrainian citizens.[96][85]
Russian volunteers are reported to make up from 15% to 80% of the combatants,[86][97][98][99][100] with
many claimed to be former military personnel.[101][102] Recruitment for the Donbas insurgents was
performed openly in Russian cities using private or voyenkomat facilities, as was confirmed by a number of
Russian media.[101][103]
Economic and material circumstances in Donbas had generated neither necessary nor sufficient conditions
for a locally rooted, internally driven armed conflict. The role of the Kremlin's military intervention was
paramount for the commencement of hostilities.[104]
March–July 2014
In late March, Russia continued the buildup of military forces near
the Ukrainian eastern border, reaching 30–40,000 troops by
April.[105][51] The deployment was likely used to threaten
escalation and stymie Ukraine's response to unfolding events.[51]
Concerns were expressed that Russia may again be readying an
incursion into Ukraine following its annexation of Crimea.[105]
This threat forced Ukraine to divert force deployment to its borders
instead of the conflict zone.[51]
The Russian military buildup along
In April, armed conflict begins in eastern Ukraine between
Ukraine's eastern border in February–
Russian-backed separatist forces and Ukrainian government. The
March 2014
separatists declared the People's Republics of Donetsk and
Luhansk. From 6 April, Militants occupied government buildings
in many cities, as well as, taking control of border crossings to
Russia, transport hubs, broadcasting center, and other strategic
infrastructure. Faced with continued expansion of separatist
territorial control, on 15 April the Ukrainian interim government
launched an "Anti-Terrorist Operation" (ATO), however, Ukrainian
military and security services were poorly prepared and ill-
positioned and the operation quickly stalled.[106]
As conflict between the separatists and the Ukrainian government escalated in May, Russia began to
employ a "hybrid approach", deploying a combination of disinformation tactics, irregular fighters, regular
Russian troops, and conventional military support to support the separatists and destabilise the Donbas
region.[108][109][110] The First Battle of Donetsk Airport that followed the Ukrainian presidential elections
marked a turning point in conflict; it was the first battle between the separatists and the Ukrainian
government that involved large numbers of Russian volunteers.[111][112]: 1 5 According to the Ukrainian
government, at the height of the conflict in the summer of 2014, Russian paramilitaries were reported to
make up between 15% to 80% of the combatants.[86] From June Russia trickled in arms, armor, and
munitions to the separatist forces.
By the end of July, they were pushing into Donetsk and Luhansk cities, to cut off supply routes between
the two, isolating Donetsk and thought to restore control of the Russo-Ukrainian border. By 28 July, the
strategic heights of Savur-Mohyla were under Ukrainian control, along with the town of Debaltseve an
important railroad hub.[113] These operational successes of Ukrainian forces threatened the very existence
of Russian-supported DPR and LPR statelets, prompting Russian cross-border artillery shelling targeted
against advancing Ukrainian troops on their own soil, from mid-July onwards.
American and Ukrainian officials said they had evidence of Russian interference in Ukraine, including
intercepted communications between Russian officials and Donbas insurgents.[114][115]
Ukrainian media have described the well-organised and well-armed pro-Russian militants as similar to
those which occupied regions of Crimea during the Crimean crisis.[116][117] The former deputy Chief of
the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Admiral Ihor Kabanenko, said that the militants are
Russian military reconnaissance and sabotage units.[118] Arsen Avakov stated that the militants in Krasnyi
Lyman used Russian-made AK-100 series assault rifles fitted with grenade launchers, and that such
weapons are only issued in the Russian Federation. "The Government of Ukraine is considering the facts of
today as a manifestation of external aggression by Russia," said Avakov.[119] Militants in Sloviansk arrived
in military lorries without license plates.[120] A reporter from Russia's Novaya Gazeta, having visited
separatist artillery positions in Avdeyevka, wrote that in his opinion "it's impossible that the cannons are
handled by volunteers" as they require a trained and experienced team, including observers and adjustment
experts.[121]
After a series of military defeats and setbacks for the Donetsk and
Luhansk separatists, who united under the banner of
"Novorossiya", a term Russian President Vladimir Putin used to
describe southeastern Ukraine,[122][123] Russia dispatched what it
called a "humanitarian convoy" of trucks across the Russo-
Ukrainian border in mid-August 2014. Ukraine reacted to the move
by calling it a "direct invasion".[124] Ukraine's National Security
and Defence Council published a report on the number and
contents of these convoys, claiming they were arriving almost daily
in November (up to 9 convoys on 30 November) and their contents
were mainly arms and ammunition. In early August, according to
Igor Strelkov, Russian servicemen, supposedly on "vacation" from
the army, began to arrive in Donbas.[125]
In response to the deteriorating situation in the Donbas, Russia abandoned its hybrid approach, and began a
conventional invasion of the region.[126][128] The first sign of this invasion was 25 August 2014 capture of
a group of Russian paratroopers on active service in Ukrainian territory by the Ukrainian security service
(SBU).[129] The SBU released photographs of them, and their names.[130] On the following day, the
Russian defence Ministry said these soldiers had crossed the border "by accident".[131][132][133] According
to Nikolai Mitrokhin's estimates, by mid-August 2014 during the Battle of Ilovaisk, there were between
20,000 and 25,000 troops fighting in the Donbas on the separatist side, and only between 40% and 45%
were "locals".[134]
On 24 August 2014, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko referred to the anti-terrorist operation (ATO)
as Ukraine's "Patriotic War of 2014" and a war against "external aggression".[135][136] The Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of Ukraine labeled the conflict an invasion on 27 August 2014.[137] The same day,
Amvrosiivka was occupied by Russian paratroopers,[138] supported by 250 armoured vehicles and artillery
pieces.[139] Ten Russian paratroopers of the 331st Guards Airborne Regiment, military unit 71211 from
Kostroma, were captured in Dzerkalne that day, a village near Amvrosiivka, 20 kilometres (12 mi) from the
border,[140] after their armoured vehicles were hit by Ukrainian artillery. On 25 August, the Security
Service of Ukraine reported about the captured paratroopers, claiming they've crossed Ukrainian border in
the night of 23 August.[141] The SBU also released their photos and names.[142] The next day, the Russian
Ministry of Defence said that they had crossed the border "by accident".[140][143]
On 25 August, a column of Russian tanks and military vehicles was reported to have crossed into Ukraine
in the southeast, near the town of Novoazovsk located on the Azov sea coast, and headed towards
Ukrainian-held Mariupol,[144][145][146][147][148] in an area that had not seen pro-Russian presence for
weeks.[149] The Bellingcat's investigation reveals some details of this operation.[150] Russian forces
captured the city of Novoazovsk.[151] and Russian soldiers began arresting and deporting to unknown
locations all Ukrainians who did not have an address registered within the town.[152] Pro-Ukrainian anti-
war protests took place in Mariupol which was threatened by Russian troops.[152][153] The UN Security
Council called an emergency meeting to discuss the situation.[154]
Russian media highlighted that the medal is awarded exclusively for combat operations and reported that a
large number of soldiers from this division had died in Ukraine just days before, but their burials were
conducted in secret.[157][158][159] Some Russian media, such as Pskovskaya Guberniya,[160] reported that
Russian paratroopers may have been killed in Ukraine. Journalists traveled to Pskov, the reported burial
location of the troops, to investigate. Multiple reporters said they had been attacked or threatened there, and
that the attackers erased several camera memory cards.[161] Pskovskaya Guberniya revealed transcripts of
phone conversations between Russian soldiers being treated in a Pskov hospital for wounds received while
fighting in Ukraine. The soldiers reveal that they were sent to the war, but told by their officers that they
were going on "an exercise".[162][163]
The speaker of Russia's upper house of parliament and Russian state television channels acknowledged that
Russian soldiers entered Ukraine, but referred to them as "volunteers".[164] A reporter for Novaya Gazeta,
an opposition newspaper in Russia, stated that the Russian military leadership paid soldiers to resign their
commissions and fight in Ukraine in the early summer of 2014, and then began ordering soldiers into
Ukraine. This reporter mentioned knowledge of at least one case when soldiers who refused were
threatened with prosecution.[165] Russian opposition MP Lev Shlosberg made similar statements, although
he said combatants from his country are "regular Russian troops", disguised as units of the DPR and
LPR.[166]
In early September 2014, Russian state-owned television channels reported on the funerals of Russian
soldiers who died in Ukraine during the war in Donbas, but described them as "volunteers" fighting for the
"Russian world". Valentina Matviyenko, a top politician in the ruling United Russia party, also praised
"volunteers" fighting in "our fraternal nation", referring to Ukraine.[164] Russian state television for the first
time showed the funeral of a soldier killed fighting in east Ukraine. State-controlled TV station Channel
One showed the burial of paratrooper Anatoly Travkin in the central Russian city of Kostroma. The
broadcaster said Travkin had not told his wife or commanders about his decision to fight alongside pro-
Russia rebels battling government forces. "Officially he just went on leave", the news reader said.[167]
On 3 September 2014, a Sky News team filmed groups of troops near Novoazovsk wearing modern
combat gear typical for Russian units and traveling in new military vehicles with number plates and other
markings removed. Specialists consulted by the journalists identified parts of the equipment (uniform, rifles)
as currently used by Russian ground forces and paratroopers.[168]
Also on, 3 September, Ukrainian President Poroshenko said he had reached a "permanent ceasefire"
agreement with Russian President Putin.[169] Russia denied the ceasefire agreement took place, denying
being party to the conflict at all, adding that "they only discussed how to settle the conflict".[170][171]
Poroshenko then backtracked from his previous statement about the agreement.[172][173]
Mick Krever wrote on the CNN blog that on 5 September Russia's Permanent Representative to the OSCE,
Andrey Kelin had said it was natural pro-Russian separatists "are going to liberate" Mariupol. Ukrainian
forces stated that Russian intelligence groups had been spotted in the area. Kelin said 'there might be
volunteers over there.'[174] On 4 September 2014, a NATO officer said there were several thousand regular
Russian forces operating in Ukraine.[175]
On 5 September 2014, the ceasefire agreement called the Minsk Protocol, drew a line of demarcation
between Ukraine and separatist-controlled portions of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts in the southeast of the
country.
Numerous reports of Russian troops and warfare on Ukrainian territory were raised in United Nations
Security Council meetings. In 12 November meeting, the representative of the United Kingdom also
accused Russia of intentionally constraining OSCE observatory missions' capabilities, pointing out that the
observers were allowed to monitor only two kilometers of border between Ukraine and Russia, and drones
deployed to extend their capabilities were being jammed or shot down.[184]
Reporting from DPR-controlled areas on 28 January, the OSCE observed on the outskirts of Khartsyzk,
east of Donetsk, "a column of five T-72 tanks facing east, and immediately after, another column of four T-
72 tanks moving east on the same road which was accompanied by four unmarked military trucks, type
URAL. All vehicles and tanks were unmarked." It reported on an intensified movement of unmarked
military trucks, covered with canvas.[189] After the shelling of residential areas in Mariupol, NATO's Jens
Stoltenberg said: "Russian troops in eastern Ukraine are supporting these offensive operations with
command and control systems, air defence systems with advanced surface-to-air missiles, unmanned aerial
systems, advanced multiple rocket launcher systems, and electronic warfare systems."'[181][190]
A new package of measures to end the conflict, known as Minsk II, was agreed on 15 February 2015.[191]
According to a top U.S. general in January, Russian supplied drones and electronic jamming have ensured
Ukrainian troops struggle to counter artillery fire by pro-Russian militants. "The rebels have Russian-
provided UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) that are giving the rebels the detection capability and the ability
to target Ukrainian forces".[192] Advanced electronic jamming was also reported by OSCE observers on
numerous occasions.[193]
US Army commander in Europe Ben Hodges stated in February 2015 that "it's very obvious from the
amount of ammunition, type of equipment, there's direct Russian military intervention in the Debaltseve
area".[194]
According to estimates by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs in February, Russian
separatists forces number around 36,000 troops (as compared to 34,000 Ukrainian), of which 8,500–10,000
are purely Russian soldiers. Additionally, around 1,000 GRU troops are operating in the area.[195]
According to a military expert, Ilya Kramnik, total Ukrainian forces outnumber the Russian forces by a
factor of two (20,000 Russian separatists vs. 40,000 fighting for Ukraine).[196]
In August 2016, the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) published the first batch of telephone intercepts
from 2014 of Sergey Glazyev (Russian presidential adviser), Konstantin Zatulin, and other people in which
they discussed covert funding of pro-Russian activists in Eastern Ukraine, the occupation of administration
buildings and other actions that in due course led to the armed conflict.[201]
As early as February 2014, Glazyev give direct instructions to various pro-Russian parties in Ukraine to
instigate unrest in Donetsk, Kharkiv, Zaporizhia, and Odessa. He told various pro-Russian actors to take
over local administration offices, what to do afterwards, and how to formulate their demands, and promised
support from Russia, including "sending our guys".[202][203][204] In further calls recorded in February and
March 2014, Glazyev points out that the "peninsula doesn't have its own electricity, water, or gas" and a
"quick and effective" solution would be expansion to the north. According to Ukrainian journalists, this
indicates that the plans for military intervention in Donbas to form a Russia-controlled puppet state of
Novorossiya to ensure supplies to annexed Crimea was discussed long before the conflict actually started in
April.
A report by Igor Sutyagin published by the Royal United Services Institute in March 2015 stated that a total
of 42,000 regular Russian combat troops have been involved in the fighting, with a peak strength of 10,000
in December 2014. The direct involvement of the Russian troops on Ukrainian territory began in August
2014, at a time when Ukrainian military successes created the possibility that the pro-Russian rebels would
collapse. According to the report, the Russian troops are the most capable units on the anti-Ukrainian side,
with the regular Donetsk and Luhansk rebel formations being used essentially as "cannon fodder".[205][206]
The Chicago Council on Global Affairs stated that the Russian separatists enjoyed technical advantages
over the Ukrainian army since the large inflow of advanced military systems in mid-2014: effective anti-
aircraft weapons ("Buk", MANPADS) suppressed Ukrainian air strikes, Russian drones provided
intelligence, and Russian secure communications system thwarted the Ukrainian side from communications
intelligence. The Russian side also frequently employed electronic warfare systems that Ukraine lacked.
Similar conclusions about the technical advantage of the Russian separatists were voiced by the Conflict
Studies Research Centre.[206]
Cases of Russian soldiers killed and wounded in Ukraine are widely discussed in local Russian media in
the republics from which they originated.[207] Recruitment for Donbas is performed rather openly via
veteran and other paramilitary organisations. Vladimir Yefimov, leader of one of such organisations,
explained in details in an interview how the process works in the Ural area. The organisation recruits
mostly army veterans, but also policemen, firefighters etc. with military experience. The cost of equipping
one volunteer is estimated at around 350,000 rubles (around $6500) plus the cost of the volunteer's salary
from 60,000 to 240,000 rubles per month depending on their experience.[208]
The volunteers are issued a document claiming that their participation is limited to "offering humanitarian
help" to avoid Russian mercenary laws. In Russia's anti-mercenary legislation a mercenary is defined as
someone who "takes part [in fighting] with aims counter to the interests of the Russian Federation".[208]
The recruits travel to the conflict zone without weapons, which are given at the destination. Often, Russian
troops have travelled disguised as Red Cross personnel.[102][209][210][211] Igor Trunov, head of Russian
Red Cross in Moscow condemned these convoys, saying they made delivery of real humanitarian aid more
difficult.[212]
On 22 April 2015, the US Department of State accused the "combined Russian-separatist forces" of
accumulating air defence systems, UAV along with command and control equipment in eastern Ukraine,
and of conducting "complex" military training that "leaves no doubt that Russia is involved in the training".
Russia is also reinforcing its military presence on the eastern border with Ukraine as well as near Belgorod
which is close to Kharkiv.[213] In June 2015, Vice News reporter Simon Ostrovsky investigated the
movements of Bato Dambaev, a Russian contract soldier from Buryatia, through a military camp in Rostov
Oblast to Vuhlehirsk in Ukraine during the battle of Debaltseve and back to Buryatia, finding exact
locations where Dambaev photographed himself, and came to a conclusion that Dambaev had fought in
Ukraine while in active service in the Russian army.[214]
With Russia refusing to allow the OSCE to expand its mission, OSCE observer Paul Picard stated that "We
often see how Russian media outlets manipulate our statements. They say that we have not seen Russian
troops crossing the borders. But that only applies to two border crossings. We have no idea what is going
on at the others."[215]
In September 2015 the United Nations Human Rights Office estimated that 8000 casualties had resulted
from the conflict, noting that the violence had been "fuelled by the presence and continuing influx of
foreign fighters and sophisticated weapons and ammunition from the Russian Federation."[216]
In 2020 analysis of publicly available Russian railway traffic data (gdevagon.ru) indicated that in January
2015, period of especially heavy fighting, thousands of tons of cargo declared "high explosives" was sent
by railway from various places in Russia into Uspenskaya, a small train station on a line crossing from
Rostovskaya oblast' (Russia) into separatist-controlled part of Ukraine.[217]
2016 escalation
On 8 August 2016, Ukraine reported that Russia had increased its military presence along the Crimea
demarcation line. Border crossings were then closed.[218] On 10 August, the Russian security agency FSB
claimed it had prevented "Ukrainian terrorist attacks" and that two servicemen were killed in clashes in
Armiansk (Crimea), adding that "several" Ukrainian and Russian citizens were detained.[219][220][221]
Russian media reported that one of the killed soldiers was a commander of the Russian GRU, and later was
buried in Simferopol.[222]
Russia had used the allegation to engage in a rapid military build-up in Crimea,[230] followed by drills and
military movement near the Ukrainian border.[230][231] Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko warned that
Russia was preparing for a full-scale invasion of Ukraine.[232][233]
The Kerch Strait offers a critical link for Ukraine's eastern ports in
the Azov Sea to the Black Sea, over which Russia gained de facto
control in the aftermath of 2014. In 2017, Ukraine appealed to
court of arbitration over the use of the strait, but, by 2018 Russia
had built a bridge over it, limiting the size of ships that could transit
the strait, imposed new regulations, and subsequently detained
Ukrainian vessels on several occasions.
Tensions over the issue had been rising for months.[234] On 25 The Kerch Strait incident over the
November 2018, three Ukrainian boats traveling from Odessa to passage between the Black and
Azov seas
Mariupol attempted to cross the Kerch Strait caused an incident, in
which Russian warships fired on and seized the Ukrainian boats;
24 Ukrainian sailors were detained.[235][236] A day later on 26
November 2018, lawmakers in the Ukrainian parliament overwhelmingly backed the imposition of martial
law along Ukraine's coastal regions and those bordering Russia in response to the firing and seizure of
Ukrainian naval ships by Russia near the Crimean peninsula. A total of 276 lawmakers in Kyiv approved
the measure, to take effect on 28 November 2018 and automatically expire after 30 days.[237]
2019–2020
More than 110 Ukrainian soldiers were killed in the conflict between Ukrainian government forces and
Russian-backed separatists in 2019.[238] In May 2019, the newly elected Ukrainian President Volodymyr
Zelensky took office promising to end the War in Donbas.[238] In December 2019, Ukraine and pro-
Russian separatists began swapping prisoners of war. Around 200 prisoners were exchanged on 29
December 2019.[239][240][241][242] According to Ukrainian authorities, 50 Ukrainian soldiers were killed in
the conflict between Ukrainian government forces and Russian-backed separatists in 2020.[243] Since
2019, Russia has issued over 650,000 internal Russian passports among an unconfirmed overall
population,[244] which is considered by Ukrainian government as a step towards annexation of the
region.[245]
2021–2022 Russian military buildup
Rise in tensions
In the days leading up to the invasion, the Russian government intensified its disinformation campaign,
with Russian state media promoting fabricated videos (false flags) on a nearly hourly basis purporting to
show Ukrainian forces attacking Russia, in a bid to justify an invasion of Ukraine.[287] Many of the
disinformation videos were poor and amateur in quality, and evidence showed that the claimed attacks,
explosions, and evacuations in Donbas were staged by Russia.[287][288][289]
On the night of 23 February,[304] Zelenskyy gave a speech in Russian in which he appealed to the citizens
of Russia to prevent war.[305][306] He also refuted Russia's claims about the presence of neo-Nazis in the
Ukrainian government and stated that he had no intention of attacking the Donbas region.[307] Kremlin
spokesman Dmitry Peskov said on 23 February that the separatist leaders in Donetsk and Luhansk had sent
a letter to Putin stating that Ukrainian shelling had caused civilian deaths and appealing for military support
from Russia.[308]
In response, Ukraine requested an urgent UN Security Council meeting,[309] which convened at 21:30
(UTC−5).[310] Half an hour into the emergency meeting, Putin announced the start of military operations in
Ukraine. Sergiy Kyslytsya, the Ukrainian representative, subsequently called on the Russian representative,
Vasily Nebenzya, to "do everything possible to stop the war" or relinquish his position as president of the
UN Security Council; Nebenzya refused.[311][312]
On 24 February 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered an invasion of Ukraine by Russian armed
forces previously concentrated along the border.[319] The invasion included attacks across the Belarus-
Ukraine border and was followed by targeted airstrikes on military buildings in Ukraine.[320][321] The
Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy, in response, enacted martial law and general mobilization
throughout Ukraine.[322] Air raid sirens were heard throughout Ukraine for most of the day.[323]
Ukraine's ICT infrastructure has been degraded as a result of Russian cyber-attacks and
bombardments.[324][325] Several Ukrainian cities and infrastructure sites have been occupied, including the
Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant.[326][327][328] According to a US defence official, commenting on 25
February, Russian forces are "meeting more resistance" in their advance towards Kyiv "than they
expected";[329] this was repeated by James Heappey, Britain's Minister for the Armed Forces the next
day.[330]
Related issues
Ukraine remains the main transit route for Russian natural gas
sold to Europe, which earns Ukraine about $3 billion a year in
transit fees, making it the country's most lucrative export
service.[337] Following Russia's launch of the Nord Stream
pipeline, which bypasses Ukraine, gas transit volumes have
been steadily decreasing.[337] During the Ukrainian crisis,
starting in February 2014 with the Russian annexation of
Crimea, severe tensions extended to the gas sector.[338][339]
The outbreak of war in the Donbas region forced the
suspension of a project to develop Ukraine's own shale gas
reserves at the Yuzivska gas field, which had been planned as
a way to reduce Ukrainian dependence on Russian gas
imports.[340] Eventually, the EU commissioner for energy
Günther Oettinger was called in to broker a deal securing Major Russian natural gas pipelines to
supplies to Ukraine and transit to the EU.[341] Europe
Russia planned to completely abandon gas supplies to Europe through Ukraine after 2018.[344][345]
Russia's state-owned energy giant Gazprom has already substantially reduced the volumes of gas it transits
across Ukraine, and expressed its intention of reducing the level further by means of transit diversification
pipelines (Turkish Stream, Nord Stream, etc.).[346] Gazprom and Ukraine agreed a five-year deal on
Russian gas transit to Europe at the end of 2019.[347][348]
In 2020, the TurkStream natural gas pipeline running from Russia to Turkey changed the regional gas flows
in South-East Europe by diverting the transit through Ukraine and the Trans Balkan Pipeline
system.[349][350]
In May 2021, the Biden administration waived Trump's CAATSA sanctions on the company behind
Russia's Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline to Germany and its chief executive.[351][352] Ukrainian President
Zelensky said he was "surprised" and "disappointed" by Joe Biden's decision.[353] In July 2021, the U.S.
urged Ukraine not to criticise a forthcoming agreement with Germany over the pipeline.[354][355]
On 20 July 2021, Joe Biden and German Chancellor Angela Merkel reached a conclusive deal that the
U.S. may trigger sanctions if Russia uses Nord Stream as a "political weapon". The deal aims to prevent
Poland and Ukraine from being cut off from Russian gas supplies. Ukraine will get a $50 million loan for
green technology until 2024 and Germany will set up a billion dollar fund to promote Ukraine's transition
to green energy to compensate the loss of the gas transit fees. The contract for transiting Russian gas
through Ukraine will be prolonged until 2034, if the Russian government agrees.[356][357][358]
In August 2021, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky warned that the Nord Stream 2 natural gas
pipeline between Russia and Germany was "a dangerous weapon, not only for Ukraine but for the whole
of Europe."[359][360] In September 2021, Ukraine's Naftogaz CEO Yuriy Vitrenko accused Russia of using
natural gas as a "geopolitical weapon".[361] Vitrenko stated that "A joint statement from the United States
and Germany said that if the Kremlin used gas as a weapon, there would be an appropriate response. We
are now waiting for the imposition of sanctions on a 100% subsidiary of Gazprom, the operator of Nord
Stream 2."[362]
False stories have been used to provoke public uproar during the war. In April 2014, Russian news
channels Russia-1 and NTV showed a man saying he was attacked by a fascist Ukrainian gang on one
channel and on the other channel saying he was funding the training of right-wing anti-Russia
radicals.[363][364] A third segment portrayed the man as a neo-Nazi surgeon.[365] In May 2014, Russia-1
aired a story about Ukrainian atrocities using footage of a 2012 Russian operation in North Caucasus.[366]
In the same month, the Russian news network Life presented a 2013 photograph of a wounded child in
Syria as a victim of Ukrainian troops who had just retaken Donetsk International Airport.[367]
In June 2014, several Russian state news outlets reported that Ukraine was using white phosphorus using
2004 footage of white phosphorus being used by the United States in Iraq.[366] In July 2014, Channel One
Russia broadcast an interview with a woman who said that a 3-year-old boy who spoke Russian was
crucified by Ukrainian nationalists in a fictitious square in Sloviansk that turned to be
false.[368][369][364][366]
In 2022, Russian state media told stories of genocide and mass graves full of ethnic Russians in eastern
Ukraine. One set of graves outside Luhansk was dug when intense fighting in 2014 cut off the electricity in
the local morgue. Amnesty International investigated 2014 Russian claims of mass graves filled with
hundreds of bodies and instead found isolated incidents of extrajudicial executions by both
sides.[370][371][372]
Putin and Russian media have described the government of Ukraine as being led by neo-Nazis persecuting
ethnic Russians who are in need of protection by Russia, despite Ukraine's President Zelensky being
Jewish.[373][374][371] Ukraine's rejection of the adoption of Russia-initiated General Assembly resolutions
on combating the glorification of Nazism, the latest iteration of which is General Assembly Resolution
A/C.3/76/L.57/Rev.1 on Combating Glorification of Nazism, Neo-Nazism and other Practices that
Contribute to Fueling Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related
Intolerance, serve to present Ukraine as a pro-Nazi state, and indeed likely forms the basis for Russia's
claims, with the only other state rejecting the adoption of the resolution being the US.[375][376] The Deputy
US Representative for ECOSOC describes such resolutions as "thinly veiled attempts to legitimize Russian
disinformation campaigns denigrating neighboring nations and promoting the distorted Soviet narrative of
much of contemporary European history, using the cynical guise of halting Nazi glorification".[377]
Reactions
To the Russian invasion in Crimea
Ukrainian response
The Ministry of Temporarily Occupied Territories and IDPs was established by Ukrainian government on
20 April 2016 to manage occupied parts of Donetsk, Luhansk and Crimea regions affected by Russian
military intervention of 2014.[382]
Leaders emphasized that the conflict was not a new Cold War[390] but Robert Legvold disagreed.[390]
Others supported applying George F. Kennan's concept of containment to possible Russian
expansion.[391][392] Former U.S. Ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul said, "We are enduring a drift of
disengagement in world affairs. As we pull back, Russia is pushing
forward. I worry about the new nationalism that Putin has
unleashed and understand that many young Russians also embrace
these extremist ideas."[393]
In 2014, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly published a statement (the "Baku Declaration") discussing the
events in Ukraine in detail. Specifically, it pointed out that Russia is a signatory of the Helsinki Accords
and committed to observing its rules, including respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other
member countries, as well as the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances that specifically
guaranteed the integrity of Ukraine's borders. As noted by the OSCE, "Russian Federation has, since
February 2014, violated every one of the ten Helsinki principles in its relations with Ukraine, some in a
clear, gross and thus far uncorrected manner, and is in violation with the commitments it undertook in the
Budapest Memorandum, as well as other international obligations". OSCE condemned actions of the
Russian Federation, calling them "coercion" and "military aggression" that are "designed to subordinate the
rights inherent in Ukraine's sovereignty to the Russian Federation's own interests".[421]
In 2016 the OSCE deputy mission head in Ukraine Alexander Hug summarized the mission's two years of
observations stating that "since the beginning of the conflict" the mission has seen "armed people with
Russian insignia", vehicle tracks crossing border between Russia and Ukraine as well as talked to prisoners
who were declaring themselves Russian soldiers.[422]
In January 2015, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) accepted a resolution that
noted "the direct involvement of the Russian Federation in the emergence and worsening of the situation in
these parts of Ukraine" and called both sides to fully respect the terms of Minsk Agreement.[423]
In June 2015, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly repeated condemnation of "Russia's aggression against
Ukraine, including its illegal annexation and occupation of Crimea" ("Helsinki Declaration").[424] On 28
August 2015 Poland's newly elected President Andrzej Duda said in Berlin during talks with German
President Joachim Gauck and Chancellor Angela Merkel that Poland is already taking in large numbers of
refugees from the Ukraine conflict as part of the EU's refugee programme, and does not intend to join in
talks conducted since 2014 by France, Germany, Russia and Ukraine.[425]
Financial markets
The initial reaction to the escalation of tensions in Crimea caused the Russian and European stock market to
tumble.[432]
The intervention caused the Swiss franc climbed to a 2-year high against the dollar and 1-year
high against the Euro. The Euro and the US dollar both rose, as did the Australian dollar.[433] The Russian
stock market declined by more than 10 percent, whilst the Russian ruble hit all-time lows against the US
dollar and the Euro.[434][435][436] The Russian central bank hiked interest rates and intervened in the
foreign exchange markets to the tune of $12 billion to try to stabilize its currency.[433] Prices for wheat and
grain rose, with Ukraine being a major exporter of both crops.[437]
Later in March 2014, the reaction of the financial markets to the Crimea annexation was surprisingly
mellow, with global financial markets rising immediately after the referendum held in Crimea, one
explanation being that the sanctions were already priced in following the earlier Russian incursion.[438]
Other observers considered that the positive reaction of the global financial markets on Monday 17 March
2014, after the announcement of sanctions against Russia by the EU and the US, revealed that these
sanctions were too weak to hurt Russia.[439]
In early August 2014, the German DAX was down by 6
percent for the year, and 11 percent since June, over concerns Russia, Germany's 13th biggest trade partner,
would retaliate against sanctions.[440]
A poll of the Crimean public in Russian-annexed Crimea was taken by the Ukrainian branch of Germany's
biggest market research organization, GfK, on 16–22 January 2015. According to its results: "Eighty-two
percent of those polled said they fully supported Crimea's inclusion in Russia, and another 11 percent
expressed partial support. Only 4 percent spoke out against it."[457][458][459]
International reaction
In March 2015, NATO's top commander in Europe General Philip M. Breedlove has been criticized by
German politicians and diplomats as spreading "dangerous propaganda" by constantly inflating the figures
of Russian military involvement in an attempt to subvert the diplomatic solution of the war in Donbas
spearheaded by German Chancellor Angela Merkel.[462][463] According to Germany's Der Spiegel
magazine, "the German government, supported by intelligence gathered by the Bundesnachrichtendienst
(BND), Germany's foreign intelligence agency, did not share the view of NATO's Supreme Allied
Commander Europe (SACEUR)."[462]
In 2017, Ukraine opened a case against Russia for involvement and financing of terrorism and racial
discrimination in military occupied Autonomous Republic of Crimea and part of Donbas.[464][465]
In 2022, UK defence minister Ben Wallace characterized President Putin's article "On the Historical Unity
of Russians and Ukrainians" as "a seven-thousand-word essay that puts ethnonationalism at the heart of his
ambitions... It provides the skewed and selective reasoning to justify, at best, the subjugation of Ukraine
and at worse the forced unification of that sovereign country."[466]
A Normandy Format meeting was planned between Russia, Ukraine, Germany and France in Paris on 26
January 2022,[467] with a follow-up phone call between French President Emmanuel Macron and Russian
President Putin.[468] Ukraine fulfilled Russia's condition for a meeting in Paris and decided to withdraw
from Parliament the controversial draft law on the reintegration of the Crimea and Donbas region, because
the law was contrary to the Minsk peace agreements.[469][470]
In February 2022, Russia held the rotating presidency of the United Nations Security Council, and
diplomats from other countries warned that Russia could take advantage of the UNSC presidency to delay
meetings on actions by Russia.[471]
The deliveries of the United States lethal aid to Ukraine included .50 BMG caliber ammunition, M141
Bunker Defeat Munition and FGM-148 Javelin anti-tank missiles.[472] US also intends to transfer Mi-17
helicopters to Ukraine, previously used by Afghan Air Force.[473] In January 2022, the Biden
administration approved deliveries of U.S.-made FIM-92 Stinger surface-to-air missiles to Ukraine.[474] On
21 January 2022, White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki stated that "In the last year alone, we committed
$650 million in security assistance to Ukraine; in total, since 2014, we've committed $2.7 billion. These
deliveries are ongoing, including today there's more deliveries coming."[475][476][477][478]
Russophobia has increased because Russian citizens' low level of protest activity against the 2022 Russian
invasion of Ukraine. Some in the EU believe this means support for the Kremlin's militaristic actions.[479]
On 5 March 2022, Israeli prime minister Naftali Bennett met with Russian President Putin in Moscow as a
mediator between Russia and Ukraine, as requested by Ukrainian President Zelensky. The meeting
occurred after a series of phone calls between Bennett and Putin, and with the coordination of France,
Germany, and the United States.[480]
On 20 March 2022, Japanese prime minister Fumio Kishida visited India, urging his Indian counterpart
Narendra Modi to take tougher line against the Russian invasion.[481] It was reported a few days earlier that
the Indian Oil Corporation bought 3 million barrels of oil from Russia despite pressure for
sanctions.[482][483]
On 20 March 2022, Chinese diplomat Qin Gang denied US allegations that China was willing to provide
military aid to Russia.[484] Reuters reported a day later that China would provide 10 million yuan of
humanitarian aid to Ukraine, in addition to an earlier donation of 5 million.[485][486] Ambassador to
Ukraine Fan Xianrong said a few days earlier that China and Ukraine were "strategic partners" and that
they would "respect the path chosen by Ukrainians because this is the sovereign right of every
nation".[487][488]
See also
Asymmetric warfare Related to Ukrainian military supply chain
Buhas bus attack near Volnovakha 2014 Vrbětice ammunition warehouses
Cherkasy (film) explosions in the Czech Republic
The Forgotten (2019 film) 2015 poisoning of Emiliyan Gebrev
and several arms depot explosions in
Casualties of the Russo-Ukrainian War
Bulgaria[489]
Hybrid warfare
2015 depot explosion in Svatove,
Military history of the Russian Federation Ukraine
Ministry of Reintegration of Temporarily 2017 Kalynivka ammunition depot
Occupied Territories explosion, Ukraine
New generation warfare 2017 depot explosion in Balakliia,
Occupied territories of Georgia Ukraine
Russian military intervention in Syria Maritime activities
Russian-Ukrainian cyberwarfare Black Sea incidents involving Russia
December 2015 Ukraine power grid and Ukraine
cyberattack Russian restrictions on navigation in
May 2017 WannaCry ransomware the Kerch Strait; soft blockade of
attack Ukraine's Azov Sea coast
June 2017 cyberattacks on Ukraine
Russia–Ukraine gas disputes General:
Russian sabotage in Ukraine List of ongoing armed conflicts
Temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine List of wars involving Ukraine
List of wars involving Russia
List of invasions
Notes
a. Arms, military exercises and general aid.
b. For further details, see Belarusian involvement in the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.
c. There remain "some contradictions and inherent problems" regarding date on which the
annexation began.[2] Ukraine claims 20 February 2014 as the date of "the beginning of the
temporary occupation of Crimea and Sevastopol by Russia", citing timeframe inscribed on
the Russian medal "For the Return of Crimea",[3] and in 2015 the Ukrainian parliament
officially designated the date as such.[4] On 20 February 2014, Vladimir Konstantinov who at
that time was a chairman of the republican council of Crimea and representing the Party of
Regions expressed his thoughts about secession of the region from Ukraine.[5] On 23
February 2014 the Russian ambassador to Ukraine Mikhail Zurabov was recalled to
Moscow to due "worsening of situation in Ukraine". In early March 2015, President Putin
stated in a Russian movie about the annexation of Crimea that he ordered the operation to
"restore" Crimea to Russia following an all-night emergency meeting of 22–23 February
2014,[2][6] and in 2018 the Russian Foreign Minister claimed that the earlier "start date" on
the medal was due to "technical misunderstanding".[7]
d. Includes 400–500 Russian servicemen (US claim, March 2015)[18]
e. Russian: pоссийско-украинская война, romanized: rossiysko-ukrainskaya voyna; Ukrainian:
російсько-українська війна, romanized: rosiisko-ukrainska viina.
f. Many countries have provided various levels of support to Ukraine short of becoming
belligerents in the war, while Belarus has provided Russian forces territorial access for the
2022 invasion.
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Further reading
Bowen, Andrew (2017). "Coercive Diplomacy and the Donbas: Explaining Russian Strategy
in Eastern Ukraine". Journal of Strategic Studies. 42 (3–4): 312–343.
doi:10.1080/01402390.2017.1413550
(https://doi.org/10.1080%2F01402390.2017.1413550). S2CID 158522112 (https://api.seman
ticscholar.org/CorpusID:158522112).
Bremmer, Ian (1994). "The Politics of Ethnicity: Russians in the New Ukraine". Europe-Asia
Studies. 46 (2): 261–283. doi:10.1080/09668139408412161 (https://doi.org/10.1080%2F096
68139408412161).
Hagendoorn, A.; Linssen, H.; Tumanov, S. V. (2001). Intergroup Relations in States of the
former Soviet Union: The Perception of Russians. New York: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1-
84169-231-9.
Legvold, Robert (2013). Russian Foreign Policy in the Twenty-first Century and the Shadow
of the Past. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-51217-6.
External links
Гай-Нижник Павло Павлович Росія проти України (1990–2016 рр.): від політики
шантажу і примусу до війни на поглинання та спроби знищення. (https://hai-nyzhnyk.in.u
a/doc/2017doc.rosiya-proty-ukrainy.php) – К.: «МП Леся», 2017. – 332 с. ISBN 978-617-
7530-02-1
"Anchor quits: I can't be part of network 'that whitewashes' Putin's actions" (https://www.cnn.
com/2014/03/05/world/europe/russia-news-anchor-resigns/index.html?hpt=hp_t1). CNN
World. 5 March 2014. Retrieved 11 April 2015.
"Russia's invasion of Ukraine (March 2 live updates)" (https://www.kyivpost.com/content/ukr
aine/russias-invasion-of-crimea-live-updates-338096.html). Kyiv Post. 2 March 2014.
Retrieved 11 April 2015.
"Путін vs народ України. 2 березня. ОНЛАЙН" (https://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2014/0
3/2/7016686/) [Putin vs the people of Ukraine. 2 March. ONLINE] (in Ukrainian). Ukrayinska
Pravda. 2 March 2014. Retrieved 11 April 2015.
"Ukraine crisis: an essential guide to everything that's happened so far" (https://www.theguar
dian.com/world/2014/apr/11/ukraine-russia-crimea-sanctions-us-eu-guide-explainer). The
Guardian. Retrieved 11 April 2015.
Granholm, Niklas; Malminen, Johannes; Persson, Gudrun (June 2014). "A Rude
Awakening. Ramifications of Russian Aggression Towards Ukraine" (https://web.archive.or
g/web/20141110102048/https://www.foi.se/ReportFiles/foir_3892.pdf) (PDF). Swedish
Defence Research Agency. 91 pages. Archived from the original (https://www.foi.se/ReportF
iles/foir_3892.pdf) (PDF) on 10 November 2014. Retrieved 11 April 2015.
"Ukraine crisis: Timeline" (https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-26248275). BBC
Online. 13 November 2014. Retrieved 11 April 2015.
"As it happened: Russia troops 'inside Ukraine' " (https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-
28966679). BBC News. Retrieved 11 April 2015.
Список российских военных и добровольцев, погибших на Украине (https://web.archive.
org/web/20171019052243/https://openrussia.org/post/view/1679/) [List of Russian military
and volunteers who were killed in Ukraine]. openrussia.org (in Russian). 22 December
2014. Archived from the original (https://openrussia.org/post/view/1679) on 19 October 2017.
Retrieved 11 April 2015.
Открытая Россия устанавливает личности погибших из списка "Груз-200" (https://web.ar
chive.org/web/20171019052247/https://openrussia.org/post/view/1772/) [Open Russia is in
the process of establishing identities of the victims from the list "Груз-200"]. openrussia.org
(in Russian). 1 April 2015. Archived from the original (https://openrussia.org/post/view/1772/)
on 19 October 2017. Retrieved 11 April 2015.
"Bellingcat Launches the Ukraine Conflict Vehicle Tracking Project" (https://www.bellingcat.
com/resources/2015/02/03/ukraine-conflict-vehicle-tracking-launch/). Bellingcat. 3 February
2015. Retrieved 11 April 2015.