-The Cadiz Constitution and the Islands of the Philippines

By: Sem. Junie Jalandoni

19th Century Philippines and the Cadiz Constitution

In 1812, in the middle of the French army's occupation of almost all of the Iberian
Peninsula, a group of around three hundred delegates from Spain, Spanish America, and the
Philippines promulgated a liberal charter in the Mediterranean port of Cádiz (Breña, 2014).
The Napoleonic conquest of Spain around 1808 seeded the seeds that would grow into a
global desire for political representation and involvement among the Indios naturales (or
simply, Indios, i.e., Indigenous) of the Philippine archipelago. To protect King Fernando VII's
authority, imperial officials established juntas (local governments) throughout the peninsula.
Then they organized a regency council to summon members from the vast Spanish Empire's
regions and found the Cortes de Cádiz to design a new constitution. Thus, the 1812 Cádiz
Constitution declared all people of the Spanish Empire to be Spanish citizens (pshevreview,
2021).

Figure 1: Cortes de Cádiz

This Figure shows the contents of the Cadiz Constitution.

 The Cortes in Cadiz was first divided between liberals and those who wanted to restore
the Bourbon monarchy; it quickly became evident that the popularity of the liberally inclined
French could not be dampened until new liberal legislation was passed. As a result of the
threat of French influence, the liberals prevailed. According to Raymond Carr (1966, 94),
among the Cortes representatives, there was "a general, though ill-defined, yearning for a
constitution based on a separation of powers, uniform, current legislation, civil equality, and
the reduction of corporate privilege (Behr et al., 2019).

"Consolidated state that upholds the

rule of law as a manifestation of the people's
will. Protect all Spaniards and all Spanish
peoples' human rights, customs and traditions,
languages, and institutions. There is prejudice
between the treatment in the Philippines, and
such was not applied in the Philippines. As
such, the República de Indios, which included
all Christianized indios-naturales, was no
exception. They received certain advantages
(including the right to special tribunals of
justice) in exchange for doing polo (forced
labor) and paying homage in cash or kind.
The inclusion of natives into the Spanish legal
system, according to Pérez, preserved pre-
Hispanic laws and institutions of
administration by incorporating Indigenous leaders into colonial control of the Philippines.
Cabezas de barangay (village leaders) were ideally descended from the local aristocracy and
were elected yearly by gobernadorcillos (town magistrates). Both were accountable to the
alcalde mayor, the Spanish provincial judge who resided in the Royal House in the provincial
capital. Essentially, the principals served as mediators, delivering tax receipts to the monarch
(pshevreview, 2021).
 Thus, the Cádiz
Constitution endangered
the Indio elites' monopoly
on power in the
Philippines because it
permitted people to take
office as long as they met
residency criteria and had
excellent reputations.

Furthermore, if commoners had the same rights and obligations as Spaniards, the
barrio structure that eased tax collection and colonial control would dissolve. In sum, the
charter "challenged the entire
economic and social framework
that underpinned Spanish control"
in the Philippines and required
revision before it could be
implemented. Ventura de Los
Reyes, a creole, was elected to
represent the Philippines in the
Cortes de Cádiz by a junta created
by the governor-general in
collaboration with the archbishop
and the Manila town council. De Los Reyes proposed three amendments to the charter to
achieve a "limited form of Spanish citizenship and elections in the Philippine rural." First, it
had to be translated into the colony's many languages. Most of the Spanish population lived in
Manila, while most native people spoke: "in five Tagalog dialects." Second, elections should
be held "without awarding political citizenship" to naturales, instead allowing the principals to
select representatives on behalf of their communities. These voters would then choose two
delegates from the bishopric to vote for the new provincial MPs. Finally, De Los Reyes
proposed that the Philippines only have one or two representatives rather than the allocated
twenty-five since the colony's "severe paucity of money" could not support too many MPs
(pshevreview, 2021).

Impressed with De Los Reyes' argument, Cortes charged Manila officials with forming
a junta preparatoria (political assembly) to design an election system suitable for the
archipelago's socioeconomic realities. The Prontuario Directivo, a tailored version of the
Cádiz Constitution,
was created by this
junta. The
Prontuario classified
Spanish citizens as
free adult men born
and resident in
particular Philippine
towns, whether
indio, European or
American. Descendants of Chinese and other Asian immigrants who worked noble jobs were
also eligible. These men could "participate in elections but only for deputies and not for local
authorities." Elections would take place as proposed by De Los Reyes: clergypersons and
citizens would meet in parish committees to choose their electors; these electors would meet
in regional capitals to elect provincial representatives, and these representatives would vote in
Manila for twenty-five deputies for the Cortes of Cádiz. The Prontuario granted indigenous
political citizenship and election administration. Nevertheless, Pérez observes that it
overlooked two concerns concerning natural rights. First, the authority to organize municipal
councils remained confined to Manila, where Spaniards and Creoles dominated. Indio elites
resisted the establishment of town councils outside of Manila to prevent other groups (such as
Chinese mestizos) from gaining political power. Second, the Prontuario never abolished
tribute payment. In short, despite the claims of equal citizenship, the Cortes upheld the
Repblica de Indios (pshevreview, 2021).
 Natives learned about the new constitution via civic-religious ceremonies known as the
constitutional oath, which supplemented the monarch oaths in which they vowed allegiance to
the Spanish king.
Through Spanish control,
these celebrations were
critical for disseminating
information regarding
new laws and
legitimizing the Spanish
crown's dominion over
the province. Cortes
repurposed these traditions in the constitutional oath to inspire loyalty and national solidarity
across the region. The hamlet residents would pledge allegiance to the constitutional
amendment, the Spanish monarchy, and the Spanish country after a chosen reader read the
new charter in the local languages. Nonparticipation in the oath was regarded as an act of
mutiny, irrespective of social status (pshevreview, 2021).

When Fernando VII ascended to the throne

once more in 1814, he promptly repealed the Cádiz
Constitution. By that time, however, the social
order that the colonial and municipal authorities
had fought valiantly to preserve had started to
crumble, and the indios naturales had seen
glimpses of life as citizens with rights and political
involvement through the cracks. The locals should have been freed from exploitation for the
archipelago to be a part of a single Spanish society properly. Years later, the nonviolent
Propaganda Movement would express similar ideas before giving rise to the brutal Philippine
Revolution.
Conservatives and Liberals in Rizal's Time
Not all Spanish people are conservative or can also be called Traditionalists. Some
supported Filipino reformists, but some also persecuted them. There are many Spanish
officials who lasted because they were conservative, and many who are not traditional and are
Liberal have been removed from their position or else can be called has been also eyed on
some occasion for such reason. A pivotal time in the political and intellectual history of the
Spanish-speaking world was marked by Cadiz and the constitution of 1812, which
significantly contributed to Western political theory and practice during the Age of
Revolutions.

Liberalism is a political philosophy in that

perspective, preserving and advancing individual
freedom as politics' primary issue. Liberals frequently
hold that government is essential to shield people
from damage by others, but they also understand that
government may be a danger to freedom in and of
itself. Conservatism is the tendency to favor the
historically inherited above the ideal and abstract.
This choice has traditionally been based on an organic
vision of society, or the idea that the world is a living
organism made up of intricately connected,
interdependent members rather than just a loose collection of people. Therefore, conservatives
favor institutions and behaviors that gradually develop and show continuity and stability.
Politicians must consequently resist the want to change society and politics since it is the role
of government to be the servant, not the ruler, of existing ways of life. Having a mistrust of
government action sets liberalism, a modernizing, anti-traditionalist movement devoted to
redressing the wrongs and excesses caused by traditional political ideology apart from
conservatism (Dagger & Minogue, 2018). They have emerged by the ways of political
standpoint and influence. Spanish officials' conservative and liberal wings emerged from the
said 1812 Cadiz document by their ways of predetermined judgment. The political and
influential power greatly affected the constitution.

Figure 2: The Governor Generals in the Time of Rizal

 The impact of the changes in each politician's political views in the era they existed
has vastly influenced the beliefs, status, relationships, values, and position of people in the
country. Such matters consisted of selfish and nationalistic views.

These were crucial in

how Filipino people related,
defended, and oppressed their
nation. If the governor general or
the politician is a liberal one,
they liberate, promote, and
organize the ways of the people,
while the traditionalist has the
virtues of oppression and
undetermined views which only support the value and ideas that they deem good for
themselves or deem that beneficial for the few influential people. Descendant of a Filipino
father and a Chinese mother, José Rizal hailed from an affluent background. Despite their
prosperity, his family faced prejudice because neither father was a peninsula native. Before
joining the University of St. Thomas in Manila, Rizal attended the private high school Ateneo
(Hispanic Division Library of Congress, 2011). His time was a crucial standpoint of change in
both our country and the rest of the world. This era motivated Rizal to be the best of who he
is.
The Masonry and the Philippines Independence

It was rumored that the British built a lodge here during their brief occupation from 1762
to 1764. Still, no records could be found other than a letter in the Archives of the Indies in
Seville, Spain, authored by the Archbishop of Manila protesting the desecration of the Manila
Cathedral by the occupying British forces who used the church as a meeting place. King
Ferdinand VII, who controlled Spain at the beginning of the nineteenth century, despised
Masonry because of the liberalism that the Fraternity upheld. Revolts in Mexico and Latin
America were being led by Masons like Simon Bolivar and Miguel Hidalgo (Mexico, 1810).
(Liberator of South America). The Royal Letters Patent of 19th January 1812, which was
announced in Cadiz by the Council of the Regency of Spain and the Indios on behalf of the
absent Ferdinand VII, who was then a prisoner of the French, was the first formal prohibition of
Masonry to reach the Philippines (Ricafrente, 2021).

Figure 3: History of Masonry

This Figure shows the timeline history of masons in the Philippines (sources: Amino, 2021)

The concept was quickly popularized in Philippine circles by a group of young Filipino
students studying abroad in Spain. There were also prominent members of masons in Dr. Rizal's
Time. Marcelo H. Antonio Luna and his brother Juan Luna, del Pilar, Graciano Lopez Jaena,
Jose Alejandrino, Ariston Bautista, Julio Llorente, Galicano Apacible, and Jose Rizal are some
of the names mentioned. Freemasonry, the principles of the fraternal men-only order of Free and
Accepted Masons, is the largest secret society in the world. It is an oath-bound group that
frequently values camaraderie, moral restraint, and assistance among members while keeping at
least some of its practices secret from the public secret societies do not necessarily conceal their
membership or existence. Freemasonry is still most prevalent in the British Isles and other
nations that were once part of the British Empire, having been disseminated by the expansion of
the British Empire. Early in the twenty-first
century, estimates of the number of Freemasons
worldwide fluctuated from roughly two million to
more than six million (Britannica, 2019). To
expose the political and theological corruption of Philippine society, Rizal started writing Noli
MeTangere in 1884. Later that year, Juan Luna, and Felix Resurreccion Hidalgo, who had
received gold and silver medals at the Exposición Nacional de Bellas Artes, respectively, were
honored at a dinner. He gave a speech there.

Rizal professed his admiration for Spain in

the speech but also denounced the friars in the
Philippines. He attracted the wrath and hatred of
the government, who labeled him a filibustero or a
subversive when copies of the speech reached
Manila. According to Jorge Bocobo, Rizal thought
that morality and goodness could be attained
without the aid of organized religion or "the one
true faith." When the Gran Oriente de Espaa
ordained Rizal, he took the Masonic name Dimasalang. Professor of history at the Universidad
de Madrid Miguel Morayta is credited with persuading Rizal to join the Masons. Revolutionaries
like Marcelo H., Ladislao Diwa, Apolinario Mabini, and Andres Bonifacio Many members of the
Propaganda Movement and La Liga Filipina, including del Pilar, Juan Luna, Deodato Arellano,
Graciano Lopez-Jaena, H. Pardo de Tavera, and others, were also Masons. As a result, they were
automatically excommunicated under the rule that all Catholics become Masons since 1738,
which was reiterated by the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines in 1990.

The Jesuits asked Rizal's family to

rebury their famous student in 1912, but
the family refused. Instead, that honor
was given to the Masons, led by Timoteo
Paez, who brought Rizal's coffin in a long
march to the Masonic Temple in Tondo
for burial ceremonies before being finally
buried at the Luneta, where he had been
put to death in 16 years before for
rebellion, sedition, and conspiracy.
However, there is still debate over whether Rizal renounced Masonry before passing. Fathers
Balaguer and Viza of the Society of Jesus and Captain Rafael Dominguez, who assert that Rizal
had signed a document of retraction and conversion before his execution, are said to be the three
eyewitnesses to his retraction. It was mentioned in Captain Rafael Dominguez's notes, which
were an hour-by-hour account of Rizal's decisive moments. Captain Dominguez was with Rizal
throughout Rizal's final hours (Zafra, 1951). On the other hand, they contend that the documents
the Jesuits supplied were falsified and altered, and the testimony was coerced. They argue that
the Catholic Church did not begin to claim Rizal as its own until it recognized that people had
learned about him (Fajardo, 1996).

Freemasonry impacted Filipino intellectuals

like Dr. Rizal by liberating them from the chain of
prejudice and abuse of the colonizer. It was very
impactful to them as it was the main thing making
them idealize and actualize the revolution that gave
them the freedom we have today.

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