151

The Pre-A1{sumite and A1{sumite

Settlement of NE Tigrai, Ethiopia

A. Catherine D'Andrea
Simon Fraser University
Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada

Andrea Manzo
University of Naples "L'Orientale"
Naples, Italy

Michael J. Harrower
University of Toronto
Toronto, Ontario, Canada

Alicia L. Hawkins
Laurentian University
Sudbury, Ontario, Canada

The first systematic archaeological survey conducted in NE Tigrai has produced new insights
into the settlement history of the Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite kingdoms (800 B.C.-A.D.
700) of northern Ethiopia. Results of settlement data and ceramic and lithic artifact analy-
sesfrom Gulo-Makeda indicate that the region experienced marked continuity in site occu-
pations through time) suggesting a degree ofpolitical and economic stability that contrasts
to the Aksum-Yeha regions. Cultural links to Eritrea including Matara and the Ancient
Dna culture are evident in ceramics dating to Pre-Aksumite and later Middle to Late
Aksumite times. Sites in Gulo-Makeda are strategically located along historically known
trade routes in areas with moderate to high water flow potential) suggesting that control of
trade and high agricultural productivity werefactors in the development of elitegroups in
the region. Gulo-Makeda grew from having a culturally peripheral role in the Pre-Aksum-
ite kingdom to being a center of some importance during ClassicAksumite times) as evi-
denced by the presence of elite trade artifacts.

Introduction Zelalem 2007). Most hypotheses developed for Ethiopia

Recent discussions of the origins of social complexity in
Mrica have pointed to the existence of diverse trajectories
in societal development and to difficulties in applying uni-
versal evolutionary models (Fletcher 1998; McIntosh
1999; Stahl 1999). In a survey of Mrican civilizations, Gra-
ham Connah (2006) suggested that the control of arable
land and external trade constitute two cross-culturally visi-
ble factors in the emergence of local elites. In the case of
Ethiopia, scholars have emphasized both internal (control
of arable land and mineral resources) and exogenous (con-
trol of trade and exchange) processes as sources of social in-
equality (Fattovich 1990, 2004; Munro-Hay 1993; Fat-
tovich et ale2000; D. Phillipson 1996, 1998,2000; Bard
and Fattovich 2001; Curtis 2007; Schmidt, Curtis, and
are based on research focused on western Tigrai, the heart-
land of Pre-Aksumite (Daamat) and Aksumite kingdoms
(800 B.C.-A.D. 700). Since the early 20th century, exten-
sive surveys and excavations have taken place in and around
the ancient urban centers of Aksum and Yeha (Littmann,
Krencker, and Von Liipke 1913; Chittick 1974; Anfray
1972; Michels 2005; Munro-Hay 1989; Bard et ale 1997;
Fattovich and Bard 1997; Agazi 1997; Fattovich et ale
2000; Finneran, Boardman, and Cain 2000; D. Phillipson
2000) and in the Asmara region (Franchini 1953b;
Tringali 1965; Munro-Hay and Tringali 1993; Schmidt
and Curtis 2001; Schmidt, Curtis, and Zelalem 2007). In
contrast, eastern Tigrai, although known to contain signif-
icant prehistoric, Aksumite, and Pre-Aksumite sites (An-
fray 1963, 1967, 1973, 1974, 1981; Anfray and Annequin
152 The Pre-Aksumite andAksumite Settlement OfNE Tigrai) Ethiopia/DJAndrea et al.

Gulf of Zula .($

.". a'() ~

SUDAN ') , (.IJ

'<> ' •• ~.:

ERITREA ~'''''':'::':-.
'.
Kassala
• \'
,

_
' t) - f •

."0. -<
m
~
m
AKKELE GUZAI
z
Yeha.
Aksum·

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Project
survey
'\
area
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ETHIOPIA

N
• Ancient towns and cities ~ -=- ~ Tigrai Province border o 50 100 150 km
• Modern cities CJ International borders i i A
Figure 1. The Gulo-Makeda Project survey area in northern Ethiopia. The position of the Ethiopia-
Eritrea international border is currently unresolved.

1965; Godet 1977; Fattovich 1990), has never been sys-
tematically surveyed. The past 10 years in particular have
seen a leap in the understanding of the origins and cultur-
al chronology of ancient Aksum (Bard et al. 1997,2000;
Fattovich et al' 2000; D. Phillipson 2000; Fattovich and
Bard 2001), yet the contributions of areas beyond the ur-
ban centers of Aksum and Yeha to political and economic
development remain unexplored.
The Gulo-Makeda Archaeological Project (G-MAP) is
an integrated program of archaeological and ethnoarchae-
ological research based in Gulo-Makeda Woreda (a govern-
mental administrative region below the level of Zone and
above Tabia) which is an association of three or more vil-
lages), Eastern Tigrai Zone, northern Ethiopia (FIG. r).
Our main objectives are to examine the nature and role of
rural economies in the development of ancient Ethiopian
complex societies (700 B.C-A.D. 1000) and to expand on
previous ethnoarchaeological investigations (D'Andrea et
al. 1997, 1999; D'Andrea and Mitiku 2002; D'Andrea
2003; Lyons and D'Andrea 2003; Lyons 2007 a, 2007b) to
provide a basis from which to explore new interpretations
of past cultures. The unifying theme of these separate but
linked investigations is the study of the cultural and land-
scape history of NE Tigrayan higWands from prehistoric to
modern times.
The overall approach is to maximize the information
obtainable from the study area, short of conducting ar-
chaeological excavations. Archaeological surveys and eth-
no archaeological studies are supplemented by Geographi-
cal Information Systems (GIS) analyses and geophysical
investigations including both Ground-Penetrating Radar
(GPR) and magnetic surveys. This fieldwork has enabled
the prioritization of sites for excavation in this region of
Tigrai, an area whose archaeological resource potential had
not previously been assessed. Here we report the results of
settlement pattern, ceramic, and lithic analyses completed
for the G-MAP survey area.
Cultural and Environmental Background
The origin of state societies in the Horn of Mrica has

been attributed to economic and political contacts with an-
cient Egypt (4th-2nd millennia B.C.) and South Arabia
(1st millennium B.C.) and to the expansion of Roman com-
mercial interests into the Indian Ocean (early 1st millenni-
um A.D.). The effects of these external stimuli were medi-
ated by strong indigenous Mrican cultural influences (Fat-
tovich 1990, 2004; Fattovich et al. 2000; Munro-Hay
1991, 1993; D. Phillipson 1998,2000; Schmidt and Cur-
tis 2001; Curtis 2004, 2007; Manzo 2005; Schmidt, Cur-
tis, and Zelalem 2007). The ancient city of Aksum was the
focal point of a dynamic empire that dominated the south-
ern Red Sea region, including parts of South Arabia, dur-
ing the early-mid 1st millennium A.D. Aksum, along with
the Kingdom of Meroe (Sudan), reached its height of pros-
perity during this time, when both civilizations maintained
regular trading contacts with the Roman Empire. Com-
merce focused on long-distance trade from the Red Sea
and Indian Ocean, and Aksum eventually established a mo-
nopoly over trade routes leading to central Mrica (Fat-
tovich et al. 2000). Commodities exported via the Red Sea
port of Adulis included ivory, rhinoceros horn, hippopota-
mus teeth, gold, emeralds, tortoise-shell, incense, obsidian,
and slaves, while imports included iron, glass, ceramics,
textiles, wine, aromatic substances, and spices (Ko-
bishchanov 1979; Munro-Hay 1991; Phillips 1995; D.
Phillipson 1998; Fattovich et al. 2000). Several classical
sources refer to Aksum and Adulis including Pliny the El-
der (A.D. 60) and Kosmas Indicopleustes (A.D. 520) (Wol-
ska-Conus 1968-1973), and both cities are mentioned in
thePeriplusMaris Erythraei (mid-1st century A.D.) (Hunt-
ingford 1980; Casson 1989). These documents and Ak-
sumite epigraphic sources paint a picture of an empire with
a succession of Icings who were able to extend their au-
thority to an international scale (Kobishchanov 1979;
Munro-Hay 1991; D. Phillipson 1998).
Pre-Aksumite peoples had cultural links to the Gash
Delta region (near Kassala) and the Tihama region of the
South Arabian coast (Fattovich 1988, 1989, 1990;
Munro-Hay 1993; Brandt, Manzo, and Perlingieri 2007).
The 2nd millennium B.C. witnessed the rise of chiefdoms
in the Gash Delta and on the Ethiopian plateau (Fattovich
1993; Schmidt and Curtis 2001; Curtis 2004, 2007;
Schmidt, Curtis, and Zelalem 2007). This region was
known to ancient Egyptians as the Land of Punt, to which
several trading missions were directed (Kitchen 1993,
2004; Fattovich 1996a). Epigraphic and archaeological ev-
idence indicate that a state arose in the Ethiopian highlands
during the mid-1st millennium B.C. Inscriptions make ref-
erence to a lcingdom named Daamat, which has been de-
scribed as an Ethio-Sabaean state, but the nature and ex-
tent of this polity remains uncertain (Fattovich 1988,
Journal ofFieldArchaeologyjVol. 33) 2008 153
1990; Fattovich et al. 2000; Munro-Hay 1993). This Pre-
Aksumite lcingdom had roots in local cultures but also ex-
perienced strong South Arabian cultural and economic in-
fluences (Anfray 1973; Fattovich 1988,2004; Munro-Hay
1991; D. Phillipson 1998; Curtis 2004). Recent research
has proposed that the origins of social complexity in the
highlands were the result of multiple factors, including in-
creasing aridity and the elaboration of cultural exchange
networks extending across eastern Mrica and the Red Sea
(Curtis 2007). Little is known about tlle Daamat King-
dom, but it declined leaving a series of polities during tlle
4th and 3rd centuries B.C., at the start of the Proto-Alc-
sumite period. This was followed by the emergence of Alc-
sum in 150 B.C. (Fattovich and Bard 2001; Michels 2005).
The cultural history of the northern Tigrayan plateau
was played out against a backdrop of climatic, ecological,
and sedimentological perturbations affecting large areas of
northern Ethiopia and East Mrica since the Early
Holocene. Present-day climatic conditions appear to have
been established during the 2nd millennium B.C., with at
least three humid phases occurring over the past 4000
years (Butzer 1981; Williams 1988; Grove 1993; Hassan
1997; Bard 1997; Brancaccio et al. 1997; Machado, Perez-
Gonzalez, and Benito 1998; Bard et al. 2000; Darbyshire,
Lamb, and Dmer 2003; Dramis et al. 2003). A marked hu-
mid phase began by 500 B.C. during Pre-Alcsumite times
which would have benefited local agriculture (Gasse,
Rognon, and Street 1980; Butzer 1981; Grove 1993;
Hassan 1997; Dabryshire, Lamb, and Dmer 2003). Ac-
cording to lain Darbyshire, Henry Lamb, and Mohammed
Dmer (2003), naturally occurring Podocarpus-]uniperus
forests rapidly declined as the result oEland clearance which
began with the arrival of South Arabian migrants to north-
ern Tigrai prior to 500 B.C. Although the existence oflarge
numbers of South Arabian colonists has not been clearly
demonstrated (cf Fattovich 1990, 2004; Curtis 2007),
land clearance could have been initiated witll the emer-
gence of urban societies during Pre-Alcsumite times. Open
vegetation in the past is also attested by an absence of ar-
boreal elements and the occurrence of highly disturbed
habitats at Alcsum, Bieta Giyorgis, and surrounding areas
(DiBlasi 1997; Bard et al. 2000: 73). The Podocarpus-]u-
niperus cover was replaced by open shrub vegetation dom-
inated by Dodoneae and Rumex) and such grassland habitats
dominated the region for next 1800 years. Additional pres-
sure from grazing and other agricultural activities resulted
in a further spread of grassland vegetation from A.D. 1200
to 1400 (Darbyshire, Lamb, and Dmer 2003).
Northern Tigrai has also experienced pronounced
episodes of soil erosion since Late Pleistocene times, in
particular during and after the 2nd millennium B.C.
154 The Pre-Aksumite andAksumite Settlement oINE Tigrai~ Ethiopia/D:Andrea et al.
(Butzer 1981; Brancaccio et al. 1997). Erosion likely ac-
celerated in both the Aksum and Adua regions during the
Early Aksumite period (ca. 100 B.C.-A.D. 400) when the
climate was characterized by more abundant seasonal rains
(Butzer 1981; Machado, Perez-Gonzalez, and Benito
1998: 318). A pronounced erosional phase is also docu-
mented for Middle to Late Aksumite times, likely the re-
sult of intensification of land use that led to topsoil de-
nudation. This was followed by a humid phase of sediment
aggradation in the Post-Aksumite period (A.D. 950-980).
The Study Area
Gulo-Makeda is located 15 km north of Adigrat in NE
Tigrai (FIG. I). This region was part of the territories of the
Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite kindgoms (Anfray 1973;
Michels 1979; Munro-Hay 1991; Fattovich et al. 2000),
and corresponds to Francis Anfray's (1973) eastern Ak-
sumite province (including the Akkele Guzai and Agame
regions). The richness of archaeological sites in Gulo-
Makeda has been known for some time, and it is thought
to have been of pivotal importance in the Aksumite king-
dom (Anfray 1973). Archaeological remains at Gulo-
Mal<:edahave been described by several scholars (Coul-
beaux 1929; Conti Rossini 1928; Mordini 1941; Franchi-
ni 1953a; Caquot and Drewes 1955; Leclant and Miquel
1959), and in particular Francis Anfray who conducted
several years of survey during the 1960s and 1970s (e.g.,
Anfray 1963, 1966, 1968, 1972, 1973, 1974). Anfray not-
ed several patterns in the archaeology of eastern and west-
ern Tigrai during the Aksumite period (see also Michels
1979), many of which, as discussed below, are borne out
by G-MAP survey results. He argued that eastern Tigrai
has larger numbers of sites, but they appear to be smaller
in size and lacking the large urban centers present in west-
ern Tigrai. He also pointed to significant differences in pot-
tery types in eastern Tigrai which G-MAP has begun to de-
lineate. Eastern sites are also characterized by stone pillars,
such as those found at Ona Adi and Adi Ahoune in the
study area, while stelae are absent. Anfray (1973) suggests
that the western province experienced prosperity early in
the Aksumite period followed by a rise in the power of the
east which eventually surpassed the west.
Available evidence indicates that people have occupied
Gulo-Makeda for at least 3000 years. This locality has pro-
duced examples of rock art, painted by early pastoralists
and farmers (Mordini 1941; Graziosi 1941, 1964a,
1964b; Drew 1954; Fattovich 1988; D. Phillipson 1993).
Preserved pillars and other architectural features indicate
that several regional towns were established later during
the Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite kingdoms (Leclant and
Miquel1959; Anfray 1973). As part of the eastern realm
of Aksum, the inhabitants of Gulo-Makeda witnessed and
likely participated in the movement of people and goods
from southern Arabia to Aksum via the port city of Adulis.
Trade routes crossed the Gulo-Makeda area including
those running from the Danakil to the interior plateau
(Cerulli 1960; Manzo 1998), the Akkele Guzai to Tigrai,
and from Aksum and Yeha via Matara and Kohaito to the
Gulf of Zula (James 1867). Gulo-Makeda today is on the
margin of territories occupied by Irob herders who move
seasonally between Akkele Guzai and the coast, and it is
quite possible that similar movements occurred in the
more distant past. Evidence of links between South Arabia,
the Gulf of Zula, Akkele Guzai, and northern Tigrai dates
to the 3rd and 2nd millennia B.C. and consists of rock art
motifs which diffused from the Arabian coast to the Horn
of Mrica, and ofTihama-type South Arabian ceramics pre-
sent at Matara and Yeha (Cervicek 1978-1979; Fattovich
1996b, 1997; Manzo 1999). Furthermore, the trade in ob-
sidian known for the historical period in the Red Sea re-
gion may also extend back to the 6th millennium B.C.
(Zarins 1990, 1996). It is likely that ancient inhabitants of
Gulo-Makeda actively participated in these early contacts.
Archaeological Survey and Mapping
The G-MAP survey investigated a 100 sq km area (the
maximum survey area allowed by Ethiopian authorities)
north of Adigrat (FIG. r). The location of the study area was
selected because of its position along trade routes between
the ancient capitals of Aksum and Yeha and the port city of
Adulis. Heading east from Aksum past Yeha, the routes ap-
parently extended to the modern town of Adigrat, then
north to Matara, Senafe, Kohaito, and eventually to the
Gulf of Zula (Raunig 2004). The survey area includes the
largest known town sites of Ona Adi and Adi Ahoune at its
northwestern and southeastern extremities (FIG. 2). This
area was expected to provide a sample of the largest re-
gional centers as well as smaller sites and intervening local-
ities thereby facilitating settlement pattern analyses. Final-
ly, survey boundaries included a variety of landforms and
drainage corridors and minimized the inclusion of inacces-
sible rocky highlands.
Archaeological survey during two seasons (2005 and
2006) employed a combination of random and judgmen-
tal sampling strategies. The 100 sq km survey area was di-
vided into 1 sq km sectors along with a small number of
0.5 x 1.0 km units. Fifty-two sectors were randomly se-
lected, and a 100 x 1000 m strip randomly placed within
each sector was surveyed at 15 m spacing. Each strip was
classified into six landform types: sediment plateau, valley
bottom, scree slope, bedrock slope, sediment slope, and
mesa/ridge top (FIGS. 3A, 3B). In addition, survey and col-
 Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 33, 2008 155

•• • ••
.. , .Di~2

.
OnaAdi
•

..' ... , ...:T""

•
Fekada .,,-'

".'
..- .'

"...
B~le Kirkos/
• .
•......•".- ~,.~
Adi Ahoune :.....:: •
Nafasil • # •• ,.'

• .' AdiAwli
•
.••••
Mihrey Libsu • ,•••• ' •
fKesade Adifeto

to Adigrat \ ..
Amiat .,...... : ',. ",:, ...• ~....
,"'
... ',.\,.'
,
:t

Elevation N
• Settlement s

Artifact scatters o
Drainage network

Survey area boundary

High: 2800 m
o 2
L -----'---_--'-1_-'---"
4 km A
Low: 2000 m

Figure 2. The Gulo-Makeda Project survey area showing setdelllents and artifact scatters listed in Tables 1
and 2. Background DEM produced from NASA SRTM data. Drainage network generated wid1 ArcHy-
dro shows where water from more than 500 90 x 90 m SRTM grid cells accumulates. Today, these
areas are seasonal watercourses.

kction were completed at large known centers including
Ona Adi, Fekada, Segelat, Adi Ahoune, :md Sobea. Find
locations were recorded using a GPS receiver, and settle-
ments and artifact scatters were outlined by GPS to esti-
mate site size.
Seventeen settlements, 37 artifact scatters, 23 findspots,
and 5 rock art sites were documented (TABLES r-+). The
designation "settlement" refers to sites where total area
(generally greater t11an 1 ha), artifact density, the presence
of architecmral debris fields, or exposed architecture sug-
gest the presence of a large town or village. "Artifact scat-
ter" designates sites generally not greater than 2 ha where
an absence of architectural feaurres and debris fields sug-
gests a small village, hamlet, or short-term encampment,
but it does not exclude the possible existence of an ancient
settlement. "Finds pot" denotes isolated discoveries that
lack a discernable areal extent and are apparently not part
of a residential occupation. In addition to opportunistic
surface collections of diagnostic artifacts, 63 controlled
units (in sizes ofl x 1,2 x 2,5 x 5, and 10 x 10 m) were
collected at 33 sites to measure artifact densities.
The only epigraphic evidence recovered in the G-MAP
survey was a small plaque bearing a previously unrecorded
Sabaean inscription which had been plastered onto an ex-
terior wall of Segelat Michael church. The characters had
recently been painted in red. The fragmentary inscription
appears to be a dedication by a female individual to the so-
lar god Dhat Hemym. No Pre-Aksumite artifacts were re-
covered in tl1e vicinity of the church, and unfortunately, we
were unable to ascertain t11eplace of origin of the plaque.
156 The Pre-Alesumite andAles~l1niteSettlement ofNE Tigrai) EthiopiajDJAndrea et al.

Figur<: 3a. Landforms in th<: Gulo-Mak<:da Project studv .lrea. l'vloving down slope: sedinKIlt plateau,
bedrock slope, s<:dimmt slop<:, and valky bottom.

Site Sizes and Density
Thirty-five sites (two settlements, 20 artifact scatters, 12
findspots, and one rock art locality) fall within randomly
selected strips comprising 5.2% of the 100 sq km survey
area. Perhaps one of the most striking findings of the G-
MAP survey is that site density in strips systematically sur-
veyed is 6.73 sites per sg IGl1,while tl1at of Michels' survey
(2005: 5,8) in the Aksum-Yeha region was approximately
1.3 sites per sq km, showing a significantly higher concen-
n-ation of sites in Gulo-Makeda. If extrapolated to the sur-
vey area as a whole, these results suggest that a total of ap-
proximately 673 sites (6.73 x 100 sq km) exist through-
out the G-MAP survey area, intervening site preservation
and identification issues notwithstanding. Since 71 sites
(13 settlements, 33 artifact scatters, 21 findspots, and 4
rock art localities) have been rccorded using both random
and judgmcntal sampling within the survey area, this indi-
cates an approximate sample size of 10.5%. The survey
methods uscd by G-MAP and Michels (1979) are compa-
rable. Both employed survey teams with individuals spaced
15 m apart. The total survey area covered by Michels' team,
however, was substantially larger (714 sq km). The signif-
icantly higher concentration of archaeological sites docu-
mented for Gulo-Makeda provides some quantitative sup-
port for Anfray's (1973) observation that eastern Tigrai has
more sites than western Tigrai.
Rank-size analyses that examine the relative abundance
of larger versus smaller sites provide an informative means
of evaluating settlement patterns. While early rank-size

Figure 3b. Landforms in the Gulo-lYlakcda Project study area. View of Adi Ahoune
in foreground, sediment slope and vallev bottom in background.
analyses often centered on evaluations of the rank-size rule
(see Johnson 1980), there is little reason to suspect that da-
ta from any region should necessarily conform to a log-
normal baseline. Instead, a more effective mode of analysis
compares rank-size patterns in the same region over time
(Savage 1997; Drennan and Peterson 2004). Ranle Size
v3.2 (Savage 1997) and RSBOOT (Rank-Size Bootstrap)
software (Drennen and Peterson 2004) were llsed for rank-
size analyses of sites falling within the Gulo-Makeda study
area. Sites were evaluated in three groups: Pre- and Proto-
AksLlmite, 800-50 B.C.; Aksumite, 50 B.C.-A.D. 700; and
Post-AksLl111iteand Ethnographic Periods, A.D. 700 to the
present (Fanovich et a1. 2000; Bard et al. 2003). The sim-
ilar downward curving (convex-primate) shJpe for aU three
Journal ofField ArchaeologyjVol. 33, 2008 157
with standing pillar
time periods (FIG. +) suggests a tendency towards concen-
tration at large settlements indicative of economic and po-
litical centralization. Bootstrap analyses conducted with
R...SBOOT show that apparent deviations between periods
are not statisticaJJy significant, confirming the graphically
apparent continuity through time. Four of the five largest
sites located within the survey area, Adi Ahoune, Mihrey
Libsu, Ona Adi, and Fekada, were already occupied during
Pre-Aksumite times, which explains the intersection of
curves in the larger site categories. Without data from ex-
cavations or intensive intra-site sampling, however, we Jre
presently unable to quantify changes in the size of these
and other sites over time. Most multi-component sites
were probably not as large during the Pre-Aksumite peri-
158 The Pre-Aksumite andAksumite Settlement ofNE Tigrai) Ethiopia/D~ndrea et al.

Table 1. Settlements documented in 2005-2006, including chronological data based on ceramic

and lithic evidence where available.
Site name Size (ha) Prehistoric Pre-Aksumite Aksmnite Post-Aksumite Ethnographic
AdiAhoune 22.05 X X X X
Mihrey Libsu 15.97 X X X
Sobea* 12.07 X X X
GnaAdi 9.74 X X X
Enda Gabriel 6.62 X X
Fekada 6.48 X X X
Dongolo North 5.86 X X X
AdiAwli2 2.26 X X X
Dir2 2.47 X X
Segelat 2.27 X X X
AdiAyma'at 2.23 X X
Kesade Adifeto * 2.12 X X
Embaha l.01 X X
Debre Berhan 0.90 X X X
Mezber 0.83 X
Nafasit*
Amiat* X X X X

* Sites outside the 100 sq km survey area

od as they were during later periods, yet it is nevertheless
significant that what eventually became major centers were
already inhabited during the Pre-Aksumite period. In gen-
eral, G-MAP data indicate marked continuity in the occu-
pation of larger settlements in the Gulo-Mal(eda region,
with an increasing number of sites over time: 15 during the
Pre- and Proto-Aksumite, 30 during the Aksumite, and 35
sites during the Post-Aksumite and Ethnographic periods.
This indicates a long-term trend toward increasing popula-
tion density.
Site Locations and Water Flow
Irrigation has been identified as a significant factor in
the establishment and growth of settlements across the
Tigrayan Plateau, in particular during the Pre-Aksumite
period (Butzer 1981; Bard et al. 2000; Michels 1988,
1994, 2005), but little specific information about ancient
irrigation techniques and their influences on site location
choices has been available thus far. Particularly in arid and
semi-arid environments, water access can be an important
factor in site location. In addition to water for domestic us-
es and animals, streams and runoff provide supplementary
soil moisture during the dry season or years of drought. As
such, it is useful to investigate whether or not site locations
were selected according to water availability. Recent ad-
vances in GIS software provide a means of modeling water
flow to evaluate associations between site locations and wa-
ter flow potential. Our analyses have thus far utilized 90-
meter Digital Elevation Model (DEM) data generated by
the National Aeronautics and Space Administration Shut-
tle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM).
An extension toArcGIS software,ArcHydro Tools (Maid-
ment 2002) was used to generate hydrological data layers
for Gulo-Makeda and the surrounding region. Since a
DEM consists of grid cellswith associated elevation values,
ArcHydro and other GIS hydrological analysis tools can
model water flow patterns based on topography. Although
ArcHydro includes functionality for producing drainage
networks and catchments, raw "flow accumulation" grids
generated by ArcHydro provide superior, less user-depen-
dent datasets for examining site distributions (Harrower
2006). For our analyses, total flow accumulation in circu-
lar 500 m buffers around the 67 settlements, artifact scat-
ters, and findspots was compared with flow accumulation
in circular 500 m buffers around 67 randomly located
points. The Kolmogorov-Smirnov (K-S) statistic, which
compares the cumulative distribution function of two sam-
ples, was used to evaluate differences in site versus random
locations (FIG. 2). For the 67 sites in total, the K-S indicates
no statistically significant difference between these sites
and the random samples (K-S Z-value = 0.691, 2-tailed
significance = 0.726). For artifact scatters and findspots
compared independently with the random sample, the
same finding holds true. However, the K-S test for the 13
settlements indicates a statistically significant divergence
between the site and random sample (K-S Z-value =
1.610, 2-tailed significance = 0.011). These findings indi-
cate that larger settlement locations were partly selected on
the basis of water availability, more specifically (given the
convex shape of the cumulative distribution function) in
moderate to high flow potential areas. Smaller sites may
have been selected for other factors, such as proximity to

- - - - - - Log-normal
100
- - ~. Pre/Proto-Aksumite
-- Aksumite
Post-Aksumitel
10 Ethnographic
" \
\
0.1
0.01
0.001-1-----------.-----------.
1 10
Log site rank
Figure 4. Site rank-size distribution graph showing continuity in the
relative abundance of different site sizes through time.
large centers where household goods and produce could be
exchanged at local markets (Michels 2005) or in interven-
ing areas between large centers where presumably less pro-
ductive land for cultivation and grazing was available.
In addition to quantitative analyses, G-MAP staff inter-
viewed local farmers about traditional irrigation methods.
Previous explorations in Gulo-Makeda have reported dams
or water storage facilities at the sites of Etchmare (Ona
Adi) andAdiAhoune (Krencker 1913: 141, 148-152; An-
fray 1973: 15; Butzer 1981: 477). We documented sever-
al water control features near Ona Adi, including a large
earthen reservoir frequented by cattle and three features in
a deeply incised gully immediately south of the site: a bar-
rier constructed of boulders, a concrete water reservoir,
and a breached stone and earth dam. Local residents report
numerous reconstruction episodes in this gully during the
last 30 years, and a sequence of small terrace barriers was
constructed near the mouth of the gully in 2006. None of
these features, however, has been used for irrigation. At
Adi Ahoune, there is evidence for ancient occupations at
two high points overlooking a valley bottom used for graz-
ing where a number of wells and small dams are used to
collect water for garden cultivation of vegetables. Regard-
less, our surveys found no evidence for technologically
complex large-scale irrigation analogous to that known in
Southwest Arabia near Ma'rib (e.g., Francaviglia 2000;
Vogt 2004), in Wadi Bayhan (e.g., Bowen 1958; Coque-
Delhuille 1998), or at Shabwa (Gentelle 1991). Indeed,
most contemporary cultivation of cereals in Gulo-Mal(eda
is rain-fed, and in only one location (Adi Aduka) did farm-
ers practice irrigation of cereal crops. Ancient populations
Journal ofField ArchaeologyjVol. 33) 2008 159
may have diverted water from streams for special crops or
during times of drought using methods similar to those de-
scribed by Michels (2005) at Yeha, but most large hy-
draulic installations including the Mai Shum reservoir at
Aksum and the Safra cistern at Kohaito (Brunner 2002)
were most plausibly constructed to supply domestic water
and water for animals. Rather than large-scale irrigation
technologies derived from Southern Arabia, strategic
placement of dry-farming fields in areas where runoff nat-
urally concentrates and with limited small-scale water di-
version and terracing were likely the predominant methods
of cultivation. Irrigation, therefore, may not have been
widespread or instrumental in Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite
100 periods in NE Tigrai.
Landform Analysis
Satellite imagery can be used not only to generate image
base maps but also to characterize physical environments
to facilitate analyses of site distributions (Harrower, Mc-
Corriston, and Oches 2002). We employed three types of
satellite imagery: MODIS (Moderate Resolution Imaging
Spectroradiometer), ASTER (Advanced Spaceborne Ther-
mal Emission and Reflection Radiometer), and LAND-
SAT (Land-Use Satellite). While MODIS and LANDSAT
were used for generating base images, analyses of land-
forms was conducted with ASTER.
Landform classification with ASTER imagery involved
a number of procedures that produced a landform map of
the 100 sq km study region (FIG. 5). The first nine bands
of ASTER imagery were imported and rectified to UTM
projection with better than one pixel accuracy (total root-
mean-square error = 9.54 m) using Ground Control
Points obtained during archaeological survey. A slope im-
age generated from Ethiopian 1:50,000 topographic maps
(Ethiopian Mapping Agency 1997) was combined with
the nine ASTER bands to include topography as a classifi-
cation criterion.
Two methods of categorization, supervised and unsu-
pervised, are most frequently used for multispectral satel-
lite image classification. Supervised classification uses
training samples to group image pixels into user-defined
classes, while unsupervised classification groups image pix-
els based on statistical similarities (ERDAS 1997; Lille-
sand, Kiefer, and Chipman 2004: 550-577). The system of
six landform types defined during fieldwork was used for
preliminary supervised and unsupervised classification
trails. One of the six types, mesa/ridge top proved particu-
larly difficult to distinguish. Because it covered only a small
portion of the surveyed landscape and was also difficult to
distinguish from other landform types during survey, the
mesa/ridge top class was discarded and survey units previ-
160 The Pre-Ahsumite andAlmunite Settlement ofNE Tigrai, Et/;iopia/D> Andrea et al.

•
.-

0 Bedrock slope

0 Sediment plateau

-
0
Sediment slope
Scree slope
Valley bottom

2 4km
N

Figure 5. Landform classification of the Gulo-iVlakeda Project study area produced from ASTER satellite
Imagery.

ously coded as mesa/ridge top were recoded to one of the
other five landform classes.
Supervised classification trials proved incapable of accu-
rately distinguishing the remaining five landforms, and
consequently unsupervised classification was adopted for
subsequent analyses. Using ERDAS Imagine software, 100
classes were produced in 45 iterations using a convergence
threshold of 0.999. These 100 classes were then recoded to
one of the five landform types based on user-familiarity
with the landscape after nvo field seasons of survey. The
classified image was then filtered using a 3 x 3 pixel win-
dow to reduce the typically speckled nature of image clas-
sifications. The resulting proportion of each landform class
in the classified image was held within 2% of the propor-
tion of each class yielded in the 52 random 100 x 1000 m
survey strips completed in 2005 and 2006 (TABLE 5).
The resulting landform image formed the basis for GIS
analyses of associations benveen landforms and site pat-
terning. If sites were distributed at random with respect to
landforms, one would expect the proportion of sites in
each landform class to be roughly equal to the proportion
of that landform class in the entire survey area. The chi-
square statistic used to evaluate patterning indicates that
sites are clearly not distributed at random with respect to
landforms (chi-square = 9.19, p-value 0.06) at the 90%
confidence interval. As chi-square analyses require a ran-
dom sample and raw counts rather than proportions, raw
counts from sites falling within randomly located survey
units were used to calculate the chi-square statistic. In par-
ticular, a far greater number of sites fall on sediment slopes
(18) than expected if the spatial patterning were random
(10). Chi-square analyses indicate that these areas were
preferentially selected for settlements. It is possible that
sites were concentrated on hill slopes to avoid occupation
of valley bottoms witll valuable arable land and grazing ar-
eas. A similar tendency to build on hillsides has been not-
ed among modern populations in G-MAP ethnoarchaeo-
logical studies (Lyons 2007a).
 Journal of Field Archaeology;Vol. 33) 2008 161

Table 2. Artifact scatters documented in 2005-2006, including chronological data based on

ceramic and lithic evidence where available.
Site name Size (ha) Prehistoric Pre-Aksumite Akszmzite Post-Aksumite Ethnographic
Tsahwa 2.48 X
Ekub Koehi 1.41 X X
Adi Shebkin 1.41 X
Grayenai 1.21 X X
Adahano 1.10 X X
Stefanos 0.99 X
Membra Maryam 0.61 X X
Tahatai Ruba Maryam 2* 0.58
Adi Shebkin Maryam 0.54 X X
Dir 3 0.53 X X X
TsadaKoma 0.53 X
Bahkula Michael 0.45 X
058-001 0.44 X
Adi Kesho 2 0.43 X
Berketo 3 0.43
Etchmare East 0.21 X X X
Goraho 0.21 X X
Gradenden 1 0.20 X
Adi Kehato 0.18 X X X
Chekelte 0.18 X
Tahatai Ruba Maryam 1* 0.17 X X X
Medgulay 0.17 X
Grakasa* 0.15 X X
Berketo 1* 0.14
Ariray 0.13 X
Adi Kesho 1 0.13 X X
Gelele 0.12 X X
Bete Kirkos 0.10 X X
AmbaFekada 0.09 X
Tatiruba 0.08 X X X X
Dir 1 0.08 X X
Berketo 2 0.06 X
Sawa2 0.06 X X
Embeyto 1 0.04 X
Adi Ba'ati 0.03 X
Ba'ati Gahetsatse 2 0.02 X
Ba'ati Nekwal 0.01 X X

*Sites outside the 100 kIn survey area

Ceramic Artifacts
Ceramics constituted the largest class of artifacts col-
lected during the G-MAP survey. The main aims of our ce-
ramic analyses are to establish site chronology and cultural
affiliation, determine site function (domestic, funer-
ary/ceremonial, or for trade) in conjunction with other fea-
tures (e.g., monumental architecture and human remains),
and to pinpoint local stylistic and technological features of
the pottery.
Interpretations of site chronology and functions are
based on comparisons with dated materials from Aksum
and Yeha, and in Eritrea from Matara, Adulis, and the An-
cient ana sites of the Asmara area (Anfray 1966; Fattovich
1980; Wilding 1989; Perlingieri 1998/1999; Phillips
2000 a-e; Manzo 2003). These works represent critical ref-
erence points for the establishment of Gulo-Mal(eda site
chronologies. Our chronological framework is based on
that proposed by Rodolfo Fattovich (1990) for the Pre-
Aksumite and by Fattovich and colleagues (2000) for the
Aksumite period (Pre-Aksumite 800-400 B.C.; Proto-N(-
sumite 400-50 B.C.; Early N(sumite 50 B.C.-A.D. 150;
Classic N(sumite A.D. 150-350; Middle N(sumite A.D.
350-550; Late N(sumite A.D. 550-700; Post-N(sumite
A.D. 700-900).
The chronologies of sites identified in the G-MAP sur-
vey are summarized in Tables 1-4 which illustrate site oc-
cupational phases as indicated by ceramics. Many of the
sites, including larger centers such as Sobea, Fekada, Adi
Ahoune, Segelat, and ana Adi, have produced ceramics
162 The Pre-Aksumite andAksumite Settlement ofNE Tigrai) Ethiopia/DYAndrea et al.

Table 3. Findspots documented in 2005-2006, including chronological data based on ceramic

and lithic evidence where available.
Site name Size (ha) Prehistoric Pre-Aksumite Aksumite Post-Aksumite Ethnographic
Dongolo*
AdiAwli 1 X X
099-005
Gradenden 3 X X
Gradenden 2 X
Gabre Medhin X
GidrniAdi
Kirkos 2 X
Kirkos 1 X
080-001 X
Embeyto 3
Embeyto 2 X
Berak
AdiAdukwa X
045-001
Membra 1 X X
Sawa 1
024-004
018-003
Kilat
Adi Kesho 3
Berketo 4 X
AdiAnahib* X

*Sites outside 100 km survey area

dating from Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite periods through
medieval times. In addition, there is a possible prehistoric
occupation at Adi Ahoune. These data indicate intensive
and continuous occupation of the Gulo-Makeda region to
a degree not previously observed in other areas of northern
Tigrai. This continuity in settlement pattern is also reflect-
ed in the site rank-size plot in Figure 4. It appears that larg-
er sites including Adi Ahoune, Sobea, Qna Adi, and Feka-
da may have acted as important centers for extended peri-
ods of time, spanning several cultural periods.
Qur study area includes sites with domestic, trading,
and funerary functions, occupied by both elite and non-
elite groups. Aksumite domestic pottery is the most com-
monly found functional marker throughout the study area
and is present at all site types. Aksumite ceremonial-funer-
ary pottery (Manzo 2003; Phillips 2000a), characterized
by decorated vessels, foot washers, and large rounded or
squared basins was discovered at Adi Ahoune, Adi
Asama'at, Adi Kesho 2, Adi Awli 2, Ariray, Etchmare East,
Fekada, Grakasa, Qna Adi, Segelat, and Mihrey Libsu. This
suggests the presence of elite residences or tombs at these
localities. Late Aksumite painted pottery, characterized by
precise decoration and depurated paste, may have been a
product of specialized potters at Matara, as these forms are
ubiquitous at that site (Anfray 1966) and are only rarely
found in the Aksum region (Wilding 1989). The distribu-
tion of Late Aksumite painted pottery in Gulo-Mal<:eda
could point to the involvement of sites such as Adi
Ahoune, Adi Asama'at, Enda Gabriel, Fekada, and Qna
Adi in regional exchange networks with the Akkele Guzai
region. Ayla-Aksum type ribbed amphorae (Hayes 1996),
which indicate trading activities, also date to the Aksumite
period and are found at AdiAyma'at, Amiat, Debre Birhan,
Dir 1, Etchmare East, Fekada, Membra Maryam, Qna Adi,
Segelat, and Sobea. The largest numbers of amphorae frag-
ments were discovered at Qna Adi (12), Fekada (8), and
Segelat (7), all of which are large settlements with indica-
tions of monumental buildings and in some cases possible
tombs. Fekada also produced evidence of at least 10 vessels
of imported glass, most of which are of a 4th century A.D.
Roman, possibly Near Eastern, origin (c£ Isings 1957,
1971; Hayes 1975) as well as blue glazed ceramic vessels
most likely imported from Sasanian Persia (Wilding 1989).
These data suggest that trading activities were concentrat-
ed or controlled by Aksumite elite groups occupying cen-
ters in Gulo-Mal<:eda.
Features Characteristic of Gulo-Makeda Ceramic
Assemblages
Pottery collected from G-MAP sites has considerably
enlarged our typological knowledge of the ceramic se-
quence of northern Ethiopia. Five new types previously
 Journal ofFieldArchaeologyjVol. 33) 2008 163

S
A

~
, B

"'" ~ 7
0 5cm
~

C 0

Figure 6. New ceramic types identified in the G-MAP study area. A) Micaceous bottle with everted
rounded rim from Mezber; B) Rim of a medium sized open bowl from Mezber; C) Globular flask
from Adi Anahib; D) Globular bowl with oblique flat rim from Adi Ahoune; E) Thickened rim
with parallel thick rib from Gna Adi.

unrecorded in Ethiopia and Eritrea can be associated with
the Gulo-Makeda region. In addition, Gulo-Makeda pot-
tery is characterized by several unique features including a
distinctive surface treatment, consisting of a scraping-wip-
ing technique, and the use of micaceous fabrics.
One new ceramic type consists of medium to small
neckless micaceous bottles with everted, thickened, round-
ed rims, characterized by a brown paste and red slip (FIG.
6A). Such vessels were collected at Dir 2, ana Adi, Mezber,
Segelat, and Amba Fekada. The distribution of this type
and its association with other chronological markers sug-
gests a Pre-Aksumite date. A second form is characterized
by medium sized open bowls with thickened rounded im-
pressed rims, micaceous mineral tempered paste, and
smoothed surfaces (FIG. 6B). Such bowls were collected at
Segelat, Mezber, and Adi Ahoune. The fact that Mezber is
a purely Pre-Aksumite site suggests that this type also dates
to that period. The third new vessel type consists of a glob-
ular flask with tronco-conical neck, everted rim, brown
smoothed internal surface, wiped external surface, and a
vertical handle with round section (FIG. 6C). It was found
by a farmer near Adi Anahib. A fourth new form is a glob-
ular, closed, brownish-red, mineral-tempered ware bowl
with an oblique flat rim. Wiping is visible on the upper part
of the external surface (FIG. 6D). This specimen was dis-
covered in an undated, perhaps Pre-Aksumite or Early Ak-
164 The Pre-Aksumite andAksumite Settlement oINE Tigrai) Ethiopia/DYAndrea et al.

Table 4. Rock art sites documented in 2005-2006, including chronological data based on
ceramic and lithic evidence where available.
Site name Size (ha) Prehistoric Pre-Aksumite Aksumite Post-Aksumite Ethnographic
Amba Uwer
Amba Fekada 2
Amba Fekada 1 X
Sawa3
Ba'ati Gahetsatse 1 X X

Table 5. The spatial distribution of sites according to landform type. Survey units refer to random
survey strips. Classified image refers to landform classification by ASTER satellite imagery (FIG. 5).
Columns for settlements, artifact scatters, and findspots refer to all sites falling within the survey
area. All values are in percentages.
Landfonn classification Survey units Classified image Settlements Artifact scatters Findspots All sites (random)
Bedrock slope 14.7 15.4 7.7 15.2 14.3 6.1
Sediment plateau 18.9 18.5 23.1 21.2 14.3 15.2
Scree slope 22.9 22.3 0.0 12.1 14.3 15.2
Sediment slope 29.1 30.6 53.8 42.4 54.2 54.5
Valley bottom 14.4 13.3 15.4 9.1 4.8 9.1

sumite, assemblage at Adi Ahoune. Lastly, fragments of
thickened rims with several parallel thick ribs under the rim
were collected at Ona Adi (FIG. 6E). These potsherds are
normally characterized by a paste with mineral and vegetal
inclusions, and sometimes they show traces of red slip on
the external surface. The fabric seems to be of Aksumite
age, but a more precise date cannot be proposed at this
time.
In addition to new ceramic types, other features appear
to be unique to the G-MAP region, including scraping-
wiping of pottery surfaces and the use of mineral-tempered
pastes very rich in mica. Scraping-wiping is documented at
19 (23%) and micaceous fabrics at 46 (56%) sites identi-
fied by G-MAP. Surfaces of ceramic vessels treated by
scraping-wiping have a distinctive surface texture (FIG. 7A).
This treatment has been recorded in the ceramics of the
Horn of Mrica dating to at least the 6th millennium B.C.,
and is typical of the Eritrean-Sudanese lowlands where it
characterizes the Atbai Ceramic Tradition (Fattovich
1991). In Ethiopia, pottery scraping-wiping has been ob-
served mainly on internal surfaces of vessels dating to Pre-
Aksumite and Aksumite times (Fattovich 1980, 1990). In
Gulo-Mal<:eda pottery, however, it is present on both in-
ternal and external surfaces and with unprecedented fre-
quency.
The use of micaceous paste is known in the Aksum re-
gion though it has a quite limited distribution there. At
Gulo-Makeda, micaceous fabrics are widespread in Pre-Ak-
sumite times (with the exception of the site of Chekelte)
and are commonly employed in Early to Classic Aksumite
times. In Middle and Late Aksumite assemblages mica-
ceous fabrics are less evident, while in Post-Aksumite times
they become ubiquitous once again. Furthermore, dishes
characterized by a brown micaceous ware with bands of
wavy incised lines parallel to the rim on the internal surface
and sometimes notches above the rim were discovered at
Aksum dating from the 4th century B.C. to the first few
centuries A.D. (Manzo 2003). Such dishes also have been
observed in the purely Pre-Aksumite assemblages of
Mezber and Chekelte (FIG. 7B). This strongly suggests that
their occurrence extends to Pre-Aksumite times, at least in
the Gulo-Makeda region.
Unfortunately, because most G-MAP sites are multi-
component, it is not possible to ascribe these distinctive
fabric and surface treatments to specific phases. Neverthe-
less, it seems that scraping-wiping tends to be more com-
mon during Pre-Aksumite and earlier Aksumite phases and
does not occur on potsherds characterized by the typical
gray and black Post-Aksumite and Ethnographic pottery,
while micaceous fabrics are recorded in sites ascribed to all
phases but their presence declines from Classic to Middle
and Late Aksumite times. It is still unclear if this pattern is
the result of a quantitative increase in the presence of pot-
tery made outside the region or if it is a matter of techno-
logical choice, malcing the paste used in the region uniform
with those used in surroundings areas.
Decorative elements unique to Pre-Aksumite sites in-
clude those observed on several potsherds from Chekelte.
Some of these decorative patterns, such as rim bands of in-
cised triangles (FIG. SA), appear similar to those docu-
mented for the Ancient Ona culture of southern Eritrea. It
has already been suggested that the Ancient Ona culture
was in some way related to Pre-Aksumite culture (Fat-
tovich 1980, 1990). Our finds support this view and sug-

o 5cm
L -----'-------'-------'- ~ ~
Figure 7. Ceramic decoration features unique to the G-lvW' studv area. A) Scraping-wiping surface treat-
ment on twO bodv sherds fi'om Adi Ahoune; B) Fragment of a dish of brown micaceous ware with bands
of wavv lines from Mezber.
gest the region may have played an important role in this
relationship.
Distinctive regional elements also have been observed in
objects dating to Aksumite phases. A red-ware ledge-rim
basin with incisions, impressions, and painted decorations
above the rim collected at Fekada (FIG. 8B) is similar to
basins found in the Aksum area dating from the 4th to 1st
centuries B.C. (Manzo 2003). Notably, the Fekada basin is
characterized by a previously unrecorded painted decora-
tion on the body. Although this type of painted decoration
has been observed in Pre-Aksumite assembbges (Fattovich
1980), the vessel shape as well as the decoration above the
rim closely resemble Proto-Alcsumite specimens. On this
basis, the Fekada basin may be ascribed to the Proto-Alc-
sumite phase. The complete bowls, basins, and beakers col-
lected from a Classic Aksumite funerary assemblage (possi-
bly a tomb) at Fekada (FIG. 9), are characterized by a less
marked presence of typically Al<.sumite grooved and
grooved/impressed decorations found on contemporary
and identical vessel types from Alcsum (Phillips 2000d).
The dating of the Fekada specimens to the Classic Alcsum-
ite phase is suggested by the association of some artifacts
(including the flask with the neck shaped as a human head,
the vessel in the shape of a rooster [FIG. 9], ~lI1dglazed pot-
tery) with similar types recorded in Alcsum (Phillips
2000a; Wilding 1989).
Lithic Artifacts
Lithic materials collected in the survey derive from sur-
face contexts and are assigned to chronological periods
based on associated ceramics and their technology and raw
material. Analyses of lithics from the Aksum region pro-
Journal ofField ArcbaeologyfVol. 33, 2008 165
vided useful comparisons and helped enable the chrono-
logical sequencing of Gulo-Makeda Iithics (D. Phillipson
1977; Finneran 1998, 2000a, 2000b, 2001; Finneran,
Boardman, and Cain 2000; L. Phillipson 2000a, 2000b,
2004). Lithics provide evidence of occupation of the re-
gion beginning long before Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite
periods, and the use of chipped stone extends through all
periods up to the present.
Several lithic raw material types occur in the assem-
blages and preferences for these appear to change over
time. Silicified siltstone and a semi-translucent silica out-
crop exist within the study area in the upper layers of the
Mesozoic (Entichio Formation) sandstones and siltstones
(Garland 1980; Graham Wilson and Laurence Pavlish, per-
sonal communication 2007). Siltstone at a single outcrop
may occur in a wide range of colors and textures. Two", .)1-
canic raw materials, basalt and gabbro, are also found with-
in the study area, and vein quartz is common. A source of
obsidian has not been encountered, but some have been re-
ported south and east of our study area (Zarins 1990,
1996). The G-MAP study area produced lithic materials
dating to the Middle, Later, and possibly the Earlier Stone
Age. Only lithic materials dating to the Pre-Alcsumite and
following periods are discussed her~.
Pre- and Proto-Aksvtmite Periods
In the Aksum-Yeha area, use of chipped stone tools ap-
pears to be most prevalent in the Late Al<.sumite period (L.
Phillipson 2000a; Michels 2005). It was, therefore, sur-
prising to discover that in Gulo-Makeda several Pre-Alc-
sumite or predominantly Pre-Alcsumite sites have substan-
tiallithic assemblages.
166 The Pre-Aksumite andAksumite Settlement OfNE
o
I
5cm
I
Figure 8. Ceramic decoration features unique to the G-MAP study area. A) Rim bands of incised trian-
gles from Chekelte; B) Red-ware painted ledge-rim basin from Fekada.
Grakasa and Adi Kesho I are both dense concentrations
of silicified siltstone artifacts, including large numbers of
scrapers and associated debris (FIG. lOA). The proportion
of pottery at both sites is low. While Adi Kesho I is rela-
tively close to potential outcrops of silicified siltstone,
Gral,asa is situated approximately 6 km from the closest
outcrop of the bedrock formation in which the siltstone
occurs. The quantity of lithic material, the low diversity of
lithic types, and the paucity of other artifacts suggest that
these locations represent workshops or factories for scrap-
ing of some kind, possibly hides (cf. Gallagher 1977;
Weedman 2006). Tools were probably roughed out else-
where and re-sharpened on site. These workshops may
have been situated close to town centers rather than to lith-
ic raw material sources: Grakasa is near Adi Ahoune and
Mihrey Libsu, while Adi Kesho I is close to Ona Adi. Each
of these large centers has substantial Pre-Aksumite compo-
nents.
Chekelte is a relatively small Pre-Aksumite site with a di-
verse range of cultural material. The collection from this
site includes a number of stone beads, and an undrilled
fragment broken in manufacture indicates on-site bead
production. The large quantity of pottery as well as stone
architectural debris indicates a domestic function for this
site as well. The lithics are considerably more diverse than
those from Adi Kesho I and Grakasa. Several different raw
materials are represented, including basalt, quartz, obsidi-
an, and silicified siltstone. Obsidian pieces account for
21 % of the debitage collected systematically in a 5 x 5 m
Tigrai) EthiopiajDJAndrea et at.
unit, much higher than either basalt or quartz. The colors
of silicified siltstone artifacts differ from those from
Grakasa and Adi Kesho, suggesting use of a different out-
crop. Obsidian artifacts include a crescent that is broken at
the point, comparable to those described at Aksum (FIG.
lOB), which Laurel Phillipson (2000a: 58) suggests may
have been used for cutting small holes in hides. The scrap-
ers recovered from Chekelte range in size and are made
from silicified siltstone. A few show evidence of intensive
resharpening (FIG. IOC). The scrapers from Chekelte may
have been used in household activities, rather than in a
workshop context.
Mezber is a much larger Pre-Aksumite site but the lith-
ic assemblages of Chekelte and Mezber have similarities.
Stoneworkers employed many raw materials: basalt, ob-
sidian, quartz, and silicified siltstone are all represented. A
high proportion of the debitage recovered within a collec-
tion unit is obsidian (24%), but basalt also accounts for a
substantial portion of the lithic pieces (20%). Silicified silt-
stone artifacts are predominantly white. Scrapers include
examples similar to those recovered at other Pre-Aksumite
sites, but additionally a substantial number of the scrapers
from Mezber are large circular basalt tools. It is possible
that these served a different function than the smaller
scrapers recovered from other Pre-Aksumite sites, but
without replication and use-wear studies of excavated ma-
terial determination of the worked materials is not possi-
ble. Obsidian tools include several examples of broken
backed microliths.
 Journal ofField ArchaeologyjVol. 33) 2008 167

CD
1
I} 0

--ffiO~
:.
.~~~

•...
~;.. ",;..( '.: to

? I ?cm
-e-

o
1 I I I I
5cm
I

Figure 9. Selected ceramic artifacts from a possible tomb at Fekada.

168 The Pre-Aksumite andAksumite Settlement ofNE Tigrai) EthiopiajD'l1ndrea et al.

o 20cm
I I

Figure 10. Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite lithic artifacts: A) Scraper from Adi Kesho; B) Crescent from
Chekelte; C) Scraper from Chekelte; D) Crescent from Amba Fekada; E) Crescent from Goraho; F)
Scraper from Goraho. A and C are silicified siltstone and the remaining artifacts are obsidian.
Drawings by Alicia Hawkins.

Aksumite Period versity of material represented, they were likely used on

A very large number of G-MAP sites are attributed to
the Aksumite period or are multi-component including
Pre-Aksumite, Aksumite, and later periods. Both single
component Aksumite and multi-component Pre-Aksumite
and Aksumite sites are considered here.
Pottery from Dongolo North indicates a long duration
of use, focusing on the Aksumite period. This site is simi-
lar in many respects to Adi Kesho I and Grakasa. If the
large quantity of silicified siltstone scrapers and associated
debris were produced during Aksumite times, as is sug-
gested by the pottery, this would indicate the continuation
of localized workshops.
Two Aksumite sites appear significantly different: col-
lections from Amba Fekada and Goraho consist mainly of
lithics with few ceramic artifacts. Although only a small
number of obsidian objects came from systematic collec-
tion units, both sites produced large numbers of obsidian
pieces in general collections. These include obsidian cres-
cents (FIG. IOD-E) and the only example of an obsidian
scraper discovered in the survey area (FIG. IOF). Overall,
however, the number of obsidian tools is low. Silicified silt-
stone objects are also represented, but unlike Dongolo
North, large numbers of scrapers are not present. The func-
tion of these places is difficult to identify. They are not raw
material outcrops, nor are they likely to have been residen-
tial locations. It is possible that they represent knapping
stations or temporary encampments. Judging from the di-
multiple occasions.
Grayenai represents a third type of Al<:sumitesite with
substantial numbers of lithics. The ceramics suggest a do-
mestic function for this site. Unlike workshop locations, a
range of scraper types is present at Grayenai, and the num-
ber of scrapers is relatively low. Large flal<:esmay have
served as scraper blanl<:s.While this site may represent use
of scrapers at the household level, it is worth noting that
other small Al<:sumitesites appear to lack evidence of sig-
nificant numbers of scrapers.
Large settlement sites investigated in our survey include
Adi Ahoune, Adi Awli, Adi Ayma'at, Bete Kirkos, Debre
Berhan, Dir 2, Fekada, Kesade Adifeto, ana Adi, Segelat,
and Sobea. With the exception of Adi Awli, pottery analy-
sis indicates that all these sites are multi-component. With-
out excavation, however, it is not possible to determine the
cultural affiliation of recovered lithics. Nevertheless, some
summary points can be made. With the exception of Bete
Kirkos, fieldworkers made systematic collections within 5
x 5 or 10 x 10m units at these sites. The number oflithics
recovered from such units is very low, between 0 and 20
per unit, except at Dir 2 where 156 pieces were picked up
in a 10 x 10m unit. This may be contrasted with the Pre-
Aksumite site of Mezber, where a 10 x 10m unit pro-
duced 185 lithic objects. At several sites (Adi Ahoune,
Fekada, ana Adi, and Segelat) collections were made from
three or more units. It is doubtful that lithic technology
was abandoned during the Al<:sumiteperiod, and indeed

lithics are present at Adi Awli. What then could be the rea-
son for the difference between Mezber and large sites of
later periods? If the difference is not related to sampling, it
may signal a change in the use of chipped stone, the orga-
nization of labor, or both. A second general observation is
that there does not appear to be a higher number of lithics
at sites dating to the Late Aksumite period. Thirdly, the
range of tool types and raw materials is similar across the
sites. Only two types of formed tools are known: scrapers
and obsidian microliths. Scrapers come in a range of sizes
and forms, and without excavation it is not possible to de-
termine whether different scraper forms relate to chrono-
logical variation, to functional differences, or to something
else. The raw materials represented include silicified silt-
stone, basalt, obsidian and, rarely, quartz.
Post-Aksumite and Ethnographic Periods
Many sites dated by ceramic evidence to Post-Aksumite
or Ethnographic periods do not bear significant lithic as-
semblages, but four sites assigned exclusively to the Post-
Aksumite period have produced lithic materials: Embaha,
Adahano, Adi Shibkin, and Stephanos. The assemblages
from these sites are small and include no formed tools.
Raw materials represented include obsidian, silicified silt-
stone, and quartzite.
Lithic studies confirm that stone continued to be used
as a raw material after the Aksumite period. This is not un-
expected based ethnoarchaeological research elsewhere in
Ethiopia (Rots and Williamson 2004; Weedman 2002,
2006; Gallagher 1977). What differs is that stoneworking
appears informal and that the form of the pieces does not
suggest hafting of stone implements.
Discussion and Concluding Remarks
Results of G-MAP surveys are providing a window on
the settlement history of Tigrai beyond the urban centers
of Aksum and Yeha. The survey has demonstrated that Gu-
lo-Mal,eda has been inhabited since at least the Midde
Stone Age, perhaps earlier, with continuous occupation
since late prehistoric times. Far from being a rural hinter-
land, Gulo-Makeda includes large Pre-Aksumite and Ak-
sumite towns with elite groups who had access to exotic
trade goods and maintained cultural and economic links to
the Aksum area, Matara, and the Ancient ana culture in
Eritrea. Most large sites show evidence of marked conti-
nuity in Pre-Aksumite, Aksumite, and Post-Aksumite oc-
cupations, evident in settlement pattern, ceramic, and
some lithic data. In addition, settlement locations appear
to be preferentially located on sediment slopes and in areas
of moderate to high water flow potential.
It is possible that in addition to water access, site loca-
Journal ofFieldArchaeologyjVol. 33) 2008 169
tions were selected because of their location along Adulis-
Aksum trade routes. If so, occupation of these settlements
appears to have survived political and environmental per-
turbations experienced during the Pre-Aksumite and Ak-
sumite eras which elsewhere caused site abandonment and
significant population movements (Michels 2005). Sever-
al scholars have observed that sites in eastern Tigrai are dis-
persed along the main N-S trade route from Kohaito to the
Mekelle area and many of these eastern towns were estab-
lished at agriculturally favorable locations along this corri-
dor (Anfray 1973; Fattovich 1990; Munro-Hay 1993).
Some of these centers were likely important transfer points
in the salt trade, as towns in this area have remained to the
present-day (Clement Apaak, personal communication
2007). Changing rulers hip of the Pre-Aksumite and Ak-
sumite kingdoms would have benefited from maintaining
continuity of settlement along trade routes to ensure the
safe movements of goods. Whether Gulo-Makeda and oth-
er towns in eastern Tigrai primarily served as administra-
tive, trade, or agricultural centers is not yet known (Anfray
1974; Munro-Hay 1991), but evidence from our survey
points to the significant role of trade in maintaining polit-
ical stability in the region. It appears that appropriation of
arable land and control of trade may have been significant
factors in the development of elites in Gulo-Makeda, a pat-
tern consistent with those proposed for other parts of
Mrica (Connah 2006). Further clarification of this issue
will be provided through excavations planned for several
localities in Gulo-Mal'eda.
Lithic and ceramic studies have demonstrated both cul-
tural continuity and unique elements characteristic of the
Gulo-Makeda region. Lithic studies indicate that stone
tool production was an important part of the technologi-
cal repertoire from Pre-Aksumite to Aksumite times, in
contrast to the Aksum-Yeha area (L. Phillipson 2000a)
where lithic technology does not appear to be important
until Late Aksumite times. The range of Pre-Aksu mite and
Aksumite tool forms in Gulo-Makeda is relatively narrow,
and does not include some types outlined by Joseph
Michels (2005) for the Aksum-Yeha region such as knives,
burins, and choppers. Raw material preferences change
through time in Gulo-Makeda, with obsidian apparently
only becoming important in the Pre-Aksumite period.
Ceramic artifacts indicate that Gulo-Makeda, altllough
integrated into Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite cultural
spheres, was also characterized by distinctive local features
dating back to Pre-Aksumite and possibly earlier times.
Distinguishing characteristics include new ceramic forms,
decoration styles, and fabrics. Although fabric selection
may be the result of available raw materials, the other at-
tributes are more likely related to socio-cultural factors and
170 The Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite Settlement ofNE Tigrai) EthiopiajDJAndrea et al.
point to the existence of unique cultural elements in Gulo-
Makeda.
Stylistic regional elements unique to Gulo-Mal<:edaare
clearly evident during Pre-Aksumite and earlier Aksumite
phases and may be related to preceding Proto-historic tra-
ditions, as suggested by the widespread occurrence of
scraped-wiped pottery surfaces. This may indicate the per-
sistence of archaic features from still undocumented (ex-
cept for a few potsherds collected at Adi Ahoune) Ceram-
ic Later Stone Age or Neolithic cultures. In addition, the
presence of pottery types unrecorded in other northern
Ethiopian and Eritrean Pre-Aksumite assemblages and the
postulated links to the Ancient Ona culture evident in
some decorations suggest that Gulo-Makeda inhabitants
kept a somewhat autonomous cultural position in Pre-Ak-
sumite times. This may reflect a politically peripheral role
for Gulo-Mal<:edain the Pre-Aksumite state, as further sug-
gested by an absence of royal inscriptions, monumental ar-
chitecture such as Sabaean style temples and shrines with
asWar masonry, irrigation systems, and imported materials
from South Arabia such as storage and transport contain-
ers (so-called amphorae) found at Yeha (Fattovich 1980).
If the AksumjYeha regions were occupied by enclaves of
Sabaean trading elites during Pre-Aksumite times who ar-
rived seeking to control trade routes to the interior (Anfray
1968, 1973; de Contenson 1981; Fattovich 1990; Michels
1994, 2005; D. Phillipson 1998; DiBlasi 2005), we lack
clear evidence of their presence in Gulo-Makeda (c£ Cur-
tis 2004; Phillips 2004). Others have suggested that
colonists were not present, and instead endogenous elite
groups in the higWands adopted various South Arabian
prestige items (Curtis 2004, 2007; Schmidt, Curtis, and
Zelalem 2007). Regardless of the origin of the ruling class-
es, they may have been able to effectively control trade be-
tween AksumjYeha and Adulis through cooperative agree-
ments with elite groups inhabiting sites such as Sobea, Ona
Adi, Adi Ayma'at, Adi Ahoune, Fekada, and Segelat, all of
which have Pre-Aksumite occupational evidence.
G-MAP ceramic and lithic assemblages show no trace of
a discontinuity between Pre-Aksumite and Aksumite peri-
ods, a feature which has been suggested for Aksum-Yeha
and Matara (Anfray 1966; D. Phillipson 2000; Manzo
2003; Michels 2005). Gulo-Makeda sites retained signifi-
cant regional features in Aksumite times, as evidenced by
the continued presence of scraped-wiped ceramic surfaces
and by the rarity of decorated vessels in Early and Classic
Aksumite assemblages. In addition, the presence of elite
groups is indicated by the recovery of complete ceramic,
metal, and glass vessels, imported glazed vessels, and iron
weapons from a possible tomb context at Fekada. Deco-
rated vessels are quite rare, however, and this contrasts
with funerary/ceremonial assemblages in Aksum (Phillips
2000a-e; Manzo 2003).
The richness of the ClassicAksumite period grave goods
at Fekada, in terms of quality and quantity, suggests that
Gulo-Makeda did not playa peripheral role in Aksumite
economic and political systems. Elite groups at Fekada
clearly had access to foreign goods, pointing to their in-
volvement at least in the royal redistributive network, if not
in long-distance trade. The ceramic assemblage at Fekada
lacks vessels with grooved and impressed decoration typi-
cal of elite funerary assemblages in the Aksum region, and
this may indicate the presence of culturally distinct local
centers of power in Gulo-Makeda as early as Classic Ak-
sumite times (A.D. 150-350). The presence of autonomous
or semi-autonomous regional centers of power has been
suggested as a model for the Aksumite state, and the pro-
gressive unification of these regional centers may also ex-
plain its origins (Conti Rossini 1928; Michels 1994,
2005). In his survey of the Aksum-Yeha region, Michels
was able to define three Pre-Aksumite and three Aksumite
phases of settlement which he attempted to correlate with
shifts in political economy. Given that the Gulo-Makeda
survey area was limited to 100 sq km, compared to 714 sq
km available to Michels (2005), we are as yet unable to de-
tect the presence oflocal chiefdoms or offer suggestions re-
garding the presence of Aksumite regional polities. It may
be possible to do so with the expansion of our survey area
and excavations planned in a future project. It is clear, how-
ever, that there is no evidence for significant depopulation
or changes in settlement pattern through time in Gulo-
Makeda. As such, the degree of continuity observed is in
contrast to findings from surveys completed in the Aksum-
Yeha region (Michels 2005).
Regional features are less evident in Middle to Late Ak-
sumite ceramic assemblages. During these phases Gulo-
Makeda ceramics are more closely related to those of
Matara than Aksum. The continuing economic and politi-
cal importance of the region is suggested by access to
goods such as high quality painted pottery (which is quite
rare in Tigrai) and imported materials from the Mediter-
ranean, such as ribbed amphorae of the Ayla-Aksum type
(Hayes 1996), which are usually discovered at larger set-
tlements that tend to have a greater diversity of artifacts.
While Gulo-Makeda lacks the density of monumental
architecture and stelae found in western Tigrai, the area
was undoubtedly an important regional center that con-
nected the AksumjYeha region to the Red Sea and beyond.
The G-MAP survey has produced important baseline data
that constitute a significant beginning in the understand-
ing of the culture history of NE Tigrai and its connections
with the rise and success of Aksum. The work also has con-

tributed more broadly to our knowledge of early Mrican
states and factors leading to the rise of social complexity.
Future work planned in the region will focus on the Pre-
Aksumite period and examine the role of internal versus ex-
ternal cultural elements in the origin of the Pre-Aksumite
Kingdom. The G-MAP survey area will be enlarged to in-
clude an additional 100 sq km directly to the east, and ex-
cavations are planned for several sites to test some of the
ideas presented in this study.
Acknowledgments
This paper is dedicated to the memory of our friend and
colleague Dr. Laurence Pavlish. Archaeological and eth-
no archaeological research in Gulo-Makeda was supported
by grants from the Social Science and Humanities Re-
search Council of Canada (No. 410-2002-0846) and the
National Geographic Society. We express our sincere
thanks to Jara Hailemariam and Dr. Jonas Beyene (Au-
thority for Research and Conservation of Cultural Her-
itage, Addis Ababa) for their assistance with all phases of
this project. In particular, we thank Dr. Jonas who initially
suggested Gulo-Makeda as a study locale. We are also
grateful for the enthusiastic support of Kabede Amare
(Tigrai Bureau of Tourism, Mekelle). The G-MAP project
represents the most recent phase of a long-term research
collaboration between Simon Fraser University and
Mekelle University, Ethiopia, and we acknowledge inter-
actions over the years with Dr. Mitiku Haile and Dr.
Melaku Tefera which have been critical to the success of our
work. We are extremely grateful for active participation
and invaluable support provided by our ARCCH repre-
sentatives: Habtamu Mekonin, Bereket Gabre-Tsadik, and
Tsehai Eshetie. Additional G-MAP team members includ-
ed: Dr. Laurence Pavlish, Dr. Diane Lyons, Dr. Stephen
Batiuk, Dr. Graham Wilson, Tsegu Hadgu, Shannon
Wood, Michaele Atsbeha, Nick Weber, Clement Apaak,
Amanda Logan, Michael Seboka, Daniel Tsegu, Tesfaye
Berhane, Berhane Gebru, Zelalem Tesfaye, and Omar Mo-
hammed. We are indebted to Dr. Francis Anfray, who in
the 1960s and 1970s documented many sites investigated
by G-MAP. We thanlc Dr. Laurence Pavlish (University of
Toronto) and Professor Rodolfo Fattovich (University of
Naples "eOrientale") for many constructive comments
provided on previous versions of this paper. Shannon
Wood (Simon Fraser University) completed all map digiti-
zation and aerial photography rectification and prepared
Figures 6, 7, 8, and 9. Dr. Stephen Batiuk (University of
Toronto) completed the ceramic profile drawings and arti-
fact photography. A very special thanks goes to our Logis-
tical Coordinator, Tsegu Hadgu, who assisted our field-
work in countless ways.
Journal ofFieldArchaeologyjVol. 33) 2008 171
A. Catherine DJAndrea (Ph.D. 1992) University of Toronto)
is a Proftssor in the Department ofArchaeology) Simon Fraser
University. She has directed palaeoethnobotanical) ethnoar-
chaeological)and archaeological research in Ethiopia) Ghana)
Sudan) Egypt) and Japan. Her current research interests are
earlyAfrican agriculture and the origin of complex societiesin
the Ethiopian highlands. Mailing address: Department ofAr-
chaeology)Simon Fraser University) 8888 University Drive)
Burnaby) British Columbia) Canada) V5A 1S6. E-mail:
adandrea@sfu·ca
AndreaManzo (Ph.D. 1997) University of Naples ((IJOri-
entale)~ is a Lecturer in Nubian and Ethiopian Archaeology
in the Department ofAfrican and Arabian Studies) Universi-
ty of Naples (TOrientale.)) He is involved in researchprojects
in Egypt) Sudan) and Ethiopia. His research interests are ce-
ramic technologies and production in these areas) the origins of
social hierarchy in NE Africa) as well as trade and cultural
contacts in the Nile and Red Sea basins. Mailing address: De-
partment ofAfrican and Arabian Studies) University of
Naples (TOrientale/ Piazza S. Domenico Maggiore 12)
80134) Naples) Italy. E-mail: amanzo@unior.it
Michael J Harrower (Ph.D. 2006) Ohio State University))
a post-doctoralftllow in the Department ofAnthropology)
University of Toronto) has participated in field research in
Hungary) Jordan) North America) Ethiopia) and Yemen. His
interests concentrate on Geographic Information Systems)
transitions to agriculture) and long-term changes in agricul-
turalland use including irrigation) particularly along the
southern Red Sea. Mailing address: Department ofAnthro-
pology) University of Toronto) 100 St. Ge01:geSt.) Toronto) On-
tario) Canada) M5S 3G3. E-mail: m.harrmver@utoronto.ca
Alicia L. Hawkins (Ph.D. 2001) University of Toronto) is
an Assistant Proftssor in the Anthropology Department at
Laurentian University. She has participated in field projects in
Egypt) Ghana) Ethiopia) Syria) and Canada. Her research
interests include detection functions in archaeological survey)
lithic technology) and behavior during the Middle Stone Age.
Mailing address: Department ofAnthropology) Laurentian
University) 935 Ramsey Lake Road) Sudbury) Ontario)
Canada) P3E 2C6. E-mail: ahawkins@laurentain.ca
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