CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND AND THE CONTEXT OF THE PROBLEM OF FANGAMU TAEGO FEASTING

IN WEST GAO, ISABEL.

1.1 Ethnography of the Context West Gao in Isabel.

Geographic.

West Gao district communities’ lays along a lengthy sandy beach with a long reef at the sea forefront
that provide a safe wall from the daily breaking of big waves, and potion of mangrove and black
rocky cliff on both sides of the coastal shores sheltered by few hills with the sharp spine of an almost
impenetrable range of mountains. West Gao district rest between two big rivers, namely Laena
sourced from an old shrine in land called Titiligama, and Jarihana, Jari(stream), hana(8) sourced by 8
small streams). West Gao district bridged East Gao district and Gama district. West Gao compromise
of Khourea, Putukora, Sidu/Khuchira, Poro, O, oroba, Roghasi, Tasoe, Lingo, and Ghurumei and small
settlements lay in between the villages.

People.

In West Gao, all persons belong to one of the three extant matriclans, which early commentators
described as ‘totemic,’ each being associated with a species of bird: Posamogho (red parrot);
T’havea (white cockatoo); and Namerufunei (eagle) (Bogesi 1948; Allan 1988: 12). As White (1991:
33) has argued for the adjacent district of Maringe, kokolo means, ‘literally “type” or “kind”,
connoting common origins or substance.’ In West Gao, kokolo identity is received from the mother
at birth, remains unaltered through life, and is carried forward into post-mortem existence. Whilst
throughout this thesis I use the term kokolo interchangeably with the term matriclan.

Language.

The inhabitants of West Gao speak both the ‘Gao’ language that is indigenous to West Gao District
and the language of the independent nation of the Solomon Islands, Solomon Islands Pijin. Isaiah
Newton a Gao translator confirmed that Gao is a Melanesian Austrnesian language. It also used in
church worship and other meetings. Gao is a Melanesian ‘Austronesian’ language, one of six
language-groups reported to have been spoken on the island in the 1970s: Bugotu; Gao-Reirei-A’ara;
A’ara-Blabla; Blabla-kilokaka-Kokota; Laghu; and Zabana (White 1978: 51). As can be seen in this list,
linguistically, Gao language is closely related to the A’ara (or Cheke Holo as it is now most commonly
known) language that indigenous to Maringe District (White 1978: 44-53). However, Gao speakers
repeatedly asserted during fieldwork that their language is distinct from Cheke Holo and often
commented to me on the inability of Cheke Holo speakers to speak Gao language proficiently.

Politics.

The Island of Isabel comprised of three political constituency, Gao Bugotu, Maringe Kokota, Hograno
Kia Havulei, with 16 provincial wards merged from the three constituencies. West Gao district
content under Kaloka ward of Gao Bugotu Constituency. The Isabel Provincial Government and its
people adopt the democratic system of government.

Social.

West Gao people are influenced by their culture and the lifestyle of the modern standard of living.
People
Religion.

The West Gao communities are all belongs to the Anglican faith.

Economic.

1.1.1 The West Gao people of Isabel.

1.1.2 The culture of Gao in Isabel

1.1.3 Feastings and Celebrations in Isabel and its importance.

Custom Feasts in Isabel Island have different types which can be organized on different occasions
and ceremonies depending on the scale and the processes it involves. These feastings range from
Transfer of Land, Land Purchasing, Right to Land Accessibility, and Family Appreciation which
“Fangamu taego Traditional Feasting” is the focus of my study. Most of these traditional or custom
feastings involve different parties, tribes, and traditional leaders to determine their justifications to
organize them within any community according to its customary laws

1.1.3. 1 Dokulu.Transfering of a Father land.

In Isabel as a whole, descent and inheritance are matrilineal. All properties should go to a man
through his mother. This to be term as real ownership, if the father dies without anyone from his
clans claim, all properties are to fall to the son. This refers to land and private belongings, example,
coconuts and other fruit trees. Land and properties from the father to the children. In cases where
there are children to his wife and her rations. In common practice with other Melanesian cultures
Isabel is matrilineal, children have to follow the mother.

1.1.3.2 Dokulu Huia, Customary Sale

Customary sale was known as Dokulu huia. A man having thought to buy an area of land, would
consult his relatives, and, assuming that support was promised, would begin negotiations with the
vunagi of the sub-clan owning the land; the latter would, of course, consult all members. Assuming
agreement, the prospective buyer would call on his relatives to assist in the provision of a feast for
the vunagi (land owning) and members of the sub-clan. The feast would consist of pigs, puddings,
cooked taro and fish. Indigenous money would also be given. The money might or might not be
shared among the members by the Vunagi.

1.1.3.3 Diklo

1.1.3.4 Fatakle

In Ysabel custom feasts were done by the mother, her brothers, and children to their father. For this
feast, the father or the husband give to his wife. The husband acknowledges her wife for her
faithfulness and obedience. This means the wife never failed to do her duties as a wife. When the
father is out doing gardening, fishing, and hunting or after a hard day work, catering is already done
by his wife at home. Most of all for the respect and patience that the wife upheld during their
marriage life, she never has ill feeling towards her husband, no jealousy or never using ambushing
words towards her husband. The husband calls his sisters and relatives to help him in preparation for
the feast. Most of the preparation must be done by the husband himself. His relatives may only
assist him in what they can afford. The food prepared for the feast are both raw and cooked. When
the preparation is ready, the husband will call his wife sit in front of the food that has been prepared
and the husband will make a speech. From a personal conversation I had with Selina, it is a time
when husband and wife will share their tears of joy for the true love with good relationship during
their marriage life. In return the wife will also give her husband food she prepares for her husband.
The husband and the wife will share equally to their relatives what each of them received.

1.1.3.5 Faphegra

There are many people who have mass of land of land and others with very small land and those
who own no land to work and live on it. Those who have no land were only access to work and live
on land from the good heart of the chief or others who have land. Those who have no land because
they are not part of the clan, or to some extent, the woman does not bear any female child to
extend the clan. As a matrilineal culture female child is very important to Ysabel culture due to the
fact that women own the land.

This feast is prepared by those who work and live under the care of somebody who owns the land,
particularly to show their thanks for those who care for them. The foods were prepared and given to
the land owners. From a personal interview with Paul Maedia, the feast is smaller feast with a very
significant value because people who works on other people’s land enjoy what they deserve to do
and survive on the land. They work on it but not to own the land. According to Chief Willie Feitei,
this kind of feast is said to be the first part of feast mention earlier Dokulu huia feast. If the land
owners grant another similar feast this will qualify them to make the Dokulu Huia feast to pay the
land from the land owners and register it and become the land owners.

In the past these feasts based on their own distinct criteria as have been said earlier. Today people
in certain villages in Ysabel misinterpretation of these feast with wrong significance. For example,
Dokulu Huia is a feast to transfer land title to the next owner, this feast is dealing with land distinct
from Faphegra a feast of thanksgiving for their permission to use other people’s land. Jason Toni in
an interview with the author he confirmed that, few leaders in Ysabel are misleading people when it
comes to land issues especially in explaining the significant of feasts practiced in Ysabel Island,
further on the same sentiment chief Sari clearly pointed out that people are vested with wrong
interpretation about these cultural feasts.

1.1.3.6 Fangamu Taego

Fangamu taego as in GAO language is a compulsory custom feasting mainly organized by members
of a family to their father to show appreciation to him for his care, protection, efforts to raise the
family, and most importantly to have access to any resources or assets owned by him.

The custom feast must be made so that we can live on the land after our grandparents and parents
die. This understanding that feast making allows us to live, work and do things together with other
tribes in the village and in the Christian church.

In a matrilineal society in which women’s status is highly recognized in any family in terms of
ownership and birth rights, what a man owns belongs to his own family and they have the right to
use, exploit or demand any parties in coercion out of their properties. In other words, his children
only have secondary rights to what their father owns and the children of their father’s sisters or
relatives have the total ownership or rights unless this feasting is organized.

1.2 Feast of Fangamu Taego in West Gao.

In West Gao Fangamu Taego has its significant in which the children become

1.2.1 Fangamu Taego as Feast of Thanksgiving

1.2.2 Fangamu Taego as Feeding the Care-giver

1.2.3 Fangamu Taego as Food for custom feasting.

Sarangaka.

In a case, a cultural feast was held at Poro village in 1979. This cultural ceremony was called
Sarangaka, (basket that contains historical documents about traditional shrines, names of the
ancestors of the clan, spirits of their ancestor and etc). This ceremony was a feast of transferring of
the basket of History to the next spoke-person of the clan appointed by the former. It was argued
later that that feast was Fangamu Taego which is not right. That wrong understanding is still
remained today among the families of that clan who did the ceremony of Sarangaka.

While doing my research I have a conversation with Chief Morris about the issue of
misinterpretation of cultural feasts and its purpose. He stated that people are acquire for land
because it now has a great value in money which it didn’t have before.

Fangamu Taego. To feed the care-giver.

Fangamu taego as in GAO language is a compulsory custom feasting mainly organized by members
of a family to their father to show appreciation to him for his care, protection, efforts to raise the
family, and most importantly to have access to any resources or assets owned by him.

The custom feast must be made so that we can live on the land after our grandparents and parents
die. This understanding that feast making allows us to live, work and do things together with other
tribes in the village and in the Christian church.

In a matrilineal society in which women’s status is highly recognized in any family in terms of
ownership and birth rights, what a man owns belongs to his own family and they have the right to
use, exploit or demand any parties in coercion out of their properties. In other words, his children
only have secondary rights to what their father owns and the children of their father’s sisters or
relatives have the total ownership or rights unless this feasting is organized.

Preparation of the Custom feast.

In his product, “Identity through History” Geoffrey White spend sixteen months of his research on
the island of Santa Isabel in the Solomon Islands began in 1975 and 1976 and continued during
shorter two-month visits in 1984, 1987, and 1988. 1975 stated that “the interval between custom
feast was necessary for feast organizers to have enough time to plant sufficient gardens, raise or
purchase mature pigs, and conduct hunting and fishing expeditions in preparation.”

The followings are different stages and processes involved before this feasting is organized;

I. Internal discussions and consultations within the family to propose this idea and often the
outcome of the discussions are made on consensus.
II. The father consults his relatives about this proposed feasting to inform them and decide on
agreed dates to ensure both parties have sufficient time for preparations and further planning

III. The Chiefs and Tribal leaders are informed about this feasting at least a year before the
actual date of the feasting took place and finally

IV. The Fangamu Taego Feasting is organized with the presence of Chiefs, Tribal and Church
Leaders, and Provincial representatives as legal witnesses to verify the actual presentation of this
feasting.

Food for the Fangamu taego. (Custom Feast).

The most important traditional foods or goods that must be present during the Fangamu taego
feasting includes but are not limited to;

a. Traditional GAO Pudding (Malahu) which will be sliced and shared amongst those who
attend this feasting as witnesses

b. Traditional woven GAO mat

c. Pig (maximum of 4 and minimum of 6)

d. Taro varieties and other prepared foods

In the actual presentation and exchange of goods, it is a tradition that the goods/foods presented by
the children’s relatives to their father must be more than what their father's relatives gave in return.
Normally their father’s sides are required to present only prepared foods in return to the other
parties. This is to validate the original purpose of the feast as an appreciation. All foods and goods
presented by both sides during the actual ceremony are accounted for by assigned members of the
families for record purposes.

In addition to that, the Mat signifies a high reverence for someone with a high status in his/her
community. Jione Havea, David J. Neville, and Elaine M. Wainwright, in their edit work, Bible,
Borders, Belonging: Engaging Readings from Oceania stated that Mats are used to sit and eat, tell
stories, sleep, drink kava, chew betel nut and putting valuable goods on the mat at home, a place to
cover the dead bodies, use for trade and people to sit down and listen to each other’s stories as a
way of interaction.”

Fangamu Taego Feast in West Gao.

People arrive at the feasting ground in the early morning. Usually, tea and bread cakes are served
the participants. On one occasion, however, a more elaborate meal was provided. If available betel
nut is distributed while people wait for the event to begin. The chiefs numbering between three and
six) are already situated behind a table ready to document the proceedings.)Many wear shell
pendants Known as (Bakiha).

Organising of Foods.

As more people arrive, the two participating kokolo begin to amass their respective piles of
exchange goods side by side on the feasting ground. The pile amassed by the mother’s kokolo is
labelled posa (to move downward from a higher elevation inland) whilst that amassed by the
father’s kokolo is labelled t’hutuku (to wait). In both piles, baskets of sweet potato and occasionally
taro form a base around which bags of rice, cartons of noodles, and boxes of taiyo (tinned tuna) are
systematically layered .object recognised for their kastom status- pandanus mats (gnagru) and
pandanus umbrellas’ (taringo) are placed on top of the food piles, alongside huge branches of betel
nut and parcels of stone-oven baked home tobacco (viri naguta). Finally the pigs are carried
screeching into the feasting area and alongside the respective bases of the two completed
structures.

The father now take his position in a decorated chair situated in the centre of the feasting ground.
He often wears a shell pendant (bakiha) and/or a porpoise teeth head-ornament known as ghrade
(bakiha is only wear by the father if he is chief). Two or three of his siblings or classificatory siblings
will take up seats to one side of him. Chairs are also arrayed at the opposite side of his chair for his
wife and children. These remain empty until later in the feast. A pandanus mat (gnagru) or a wooden
table is positioned in front of the father. He sits with his head bowed, looking humble and lost in
thought.

Presentation of Siakakae.

The feast is formally opened with a speech by one of the chief s from the Glave of house of chiefs
what the event is about and why it is important to perform the feast. A prayer will also be said at the
stage. The event proper begins with the ringing sound of a conch shell as a procession of people- the
men often shouting-enters the feast ground. A large structure, covered with plastic or leaves and
decorated with flowers is carried on a bamboo stretcher and laid before the father. This
presentation is called the siakakae. The portable structure contains extra baskets of uncooked food
(taro, sweet potato). Pigs and, occasionally, turtles, may also be carried in as part of the siakakae
presentation. All the items that make up the siakakae are specially for the father to take home and
do with as he please.

Mother and Children Presentation.

The wife then leads the procession forward, carrying the kastom pudding malahu decorated with
flowers, which she lays on the table or mat in front of her husband. Her children follow in birth order
presenting various gifts (mattress, bush knife, an axe, clothes, money, a mobile phone comprise of
the items I saw offered). If clothes are offered, the children may dress the father in the new clothes.
Dressing of the father by his children is an innovation added to the feast which was not practice
before. After making their presentations, the wife and the children take up their seats beside their
father/husband. Behind the children, other relatives of the mother and belonging to the kokolo
approach the father. Each carries a smaller gift (string bags, betel nut, or pandanus umbrella-taringo)
which they place in front of him. All the items given to the father during the procession are, again,
for his personal use and consumption.

Speeches.

Speech of the Family.

When the procession has been completed, the speeches begin. The eldest child speaks first, address
their father and thanking him for all the hard work he has put in to raising and providing for them.
All the children may then address their father in turn if they prepared a speech of their own. The
following is an excerpt taken from the speech undertaken by the eldest child:

In order to empower the kastom of making this feast for you, father, we have placed down [before
you and your matrilineal relatives] a piglet, a small parcel of malahu, torn clothes, a handful of rice
and a watery areca nut. These things should burn in fire, float on the sea, and become covered by
sand. That is how it is my father.
Father’s Speech.

After the speeches of the children, a close relative of the wife will address the father, representing
the wife’s Kokolo at large. The father will then make his own speech in respond. During the speech
he may choose to transfer rights in certain areas of garden land or planted property such as coconut
plantation to his children. The speech lays out these properties in detail. Other members if the
father’s kokolo may also choose to say some words to the children and wife. If such property
transfer occur, the chiefs formally documented the content of the transfer.

Upon the completion of the speeches, the kastom pudding malahu is cut. Its striking black colour is
achieved by the careful toasting of the canarium nuts, individually threaded onto a coconut palm
midrib and placed in open flames. The nuts are then pounded and added to cook and pounded taro.
The mixture is then placed into a kastom wooden bowl (daho) with two handles which allow the
bowl to be shaken vigorously until the mixture attains a dome like shape that follows the contours of
the interior of the daho.

Slicing of the Kastom Pudding.

One of the chiefs step forward and slices the pudding. As he does so he utters an-splitting shut of
KASTOM. The chief cutting the pudding is the first man to consume it. He does this with exaggerated
flair, taking up the piece and shouting “Rei kofiza! Rei haboza! Ni rei ngamuza/gnamiza. (I see it! I
hold it! And I eat it),continue., Everyone attending the feast, starting with its main participants and
including even the youngest spectators, must come forward and taste the pudding, each uttering the
accompanying words, which they do at varying levels of audibility. This is often a matter for personal
performance and therefore hilarity. The words (present progressive tense) mark the action, so that
the last of the triplet – ‘I eat it’ - it is often shouted with the food already in the mouth. Older
informants explained that this aspect of the feast had assumed a level of exaggeration not seen in
the past.

Sharing of two piles of food.

After the consumption of malahu, the members of the two kokolo begin to divide up their respective
piles of goods in separate areas of the feasting ground. The ‘posa’ pile - amassed by the mother’s
kokolo - is distributed to the members of the father’s kokolo, whilst the t’hutuku pile - amassed by
the father’s kokolo - is distributed to the members of the mother’s kokolo. The distribution is
orchestrated using the list of persons who contributed items to help each kokolo amass goods in the
months and days leading up to the feast. Each contributor should receive an amount equal to, or
greater than, that which they initially offered. These goods are taken home by the recipients, and as
the participants disperse, the feast comes to an end. Any pigs included in the posa and t’hutuku piles
are slaughtered away from the feasting ground and are distributed to senior members of the
corresponding kokolo after the event.
Chapter 2.

Impact of Globalization

Globalization have brought wonders to our shores but they have also exposed the vulnerability of
our small island developing states. They have threatened our family and community bonds and
values, weakened our ability to live off the land and sea, and upset our harmony with the natural
environment. Nevertheless we shall stand strong to preserve our region, our heritage and the best
aspects of our traditions, and enhance them for the benefit of future generations.’ Source
(Globalization and Government Glob. Lisation and Governance in the Pacific Islands, Editor: Stewart
Firth, Published by ANU E Press, Canberra, 2006 Page 43,)

Globalization has influenced certain rituals of many GAO traditional feastings and practices over the
years which poses a threat to their authenticity. This influence of globalization becoming a major
issue that degrades the natural value of this custom ceremony. To date, manufactured goods,
materials, and equipment have dominated over the traditional foods/goods, for example; bags of
rice, cartons of Taiyo, knives, axe, and other valuable items. Church leaders, Chiefs and Clergy,
Women leaders, Government officers, and Youth leaders have been part of the representatives to be
present during the feastings which traditionally was not the case. The Christianity principle of
sharing and caring for one another has often left parties involved through understanding to lessen
the number of goods or do away with certain goods and the feasting can be organized. The effect of
globalization sometimes affects our culture and shuts the native culture, overpowering our culture
and finding its way and creeping into our culture. As a result of globalization, there is no pure culture
that one has to claim and every place that one could not escape from.

Effects of Globalization.

Globalization continues to colonize the ceremony from the late 80s until now. This dominance of
modern materials and goods at the ceremony devalues the cultural identity and the significant
meaning of the so-called Fangamu Taego. The influence of globalization continues to penetrate for
the increasing amount of modern food during the ceremony rather than the increase of local foods.
We can tell from such influences of globalization regards Fangamu Taego is, “Fangamu Taego been
undercoat by the Globalization.”

Families who have made this custom ceremony happen over the past years also raised their
frustrations over the increase of modern food for the custom ceremony. They have to save a lot of
money to purchase the required items for the custom ceremony. According to Harold Norman, “he
had to save up money from his salary for three years, particularly for the Fangamu Taego feast.”

One of the unsolved scenes during this cultural ceremony was, that the chiefs who asked to witness
the ceremony never made any comments on the increase of modern food at the custom ceremony.
This surprising the people of Gao about the leadership roles of our chiefs. In an interview by the
author of this paper, Casper Super stated that “the chiefs hardly disputed the increase of modern
food at the ceremony as they will lessen their shares received from the host family. On a similar
sentiment, uninvited chiefs were also part of the guest chiefs invited who also received large shares
from the host family.” The point here is, that the host family must well prepared with modern
foods, and cultural food and secure enough funds for the custom feast. “Chiefs were expected to be
generous in their apportionment of land to their people. They were also expected to redistribute to
their people the products and gifts that came to them. Failure to do so could lead to massive
desertion by their people. If such a walk-out happened during the time of warfare, it could lead to
the loss of life of the chief in battle.”

The Chiefs and Leaders in Gao communities ignore their roles to educate the cultural identities of
Gao society and the evidence that indicates the failures of the leaders was the influence of
globalization in preparation for the Fangamu Taego (custom feast).

Claiming of Rights on the use of the land,

One of the current issues affecting the people of Gao today is the claim of rights over the particular
area or land after the Fangamu Taego. Families who secured their rights over their fathers’ rights
through the Fangamu Taego ceremonies raised complaints to the chiefs, expressing their
disappointment towards the close relatives of the father for their claiming over the foods trees
planted by the father and other people who claim to be the primary owner of the area or land. This
issue caused a lot of problems among close relatives and people in Gao society. This paper
understands and closely figures out the reasons for the cause of such complaints, these reasons
might be treated as a joke but there is a meaning beyond the lines. Those who still claim the
properties are those who knew nothing about the meaning of Fangamu Taego or knew nothing
about the culture of Gao, for those who claim the primary rights of the area are those who never
own the land. To some extent, those who have the primary rights have the respect for those who
secured the secondary rights through Fangamu taego feast and they hardly say negative statements
to those who secure the rights but to safeguard the family from intruders.

Competition of Wealth.

One of the current issues practice of Fangamu Taego Feasting by the GAO peoples has been seen as
an avenue to challenge each party’s wealth and cultural domination in the society, therefore losing
its cultural significance. To some extent, such practice is seen as devaluing the value and the honour
of the custom ceremony. Several Fangamu Taego (Custom Feasts) witnessed by the author of this
study in GAO society have been extremely seen as disrespectful to this cultural ceremony. In other
words, it is a shame for Gao people to use Fangamu Taego as a Stage for Competition and Challenges
on wealth. If such attitudes and behaviours continue to develop in Gao society, there will be no
honour for the custom ceremony. During the research period, Manoah Suka, a secondary teacher
shared his views about the current practise of Fangamu taego in West Gao. He stated that, “for
other families who yet to appreciate their father’s work is a pressure for them and demanding”.
Taking on his comment, the pressure other families in West Gao have is the amount of the modern
goods purchase from the shops in Honiara. To further

The amount of modern goods at the ceremony influences others to think more globally rather than
concentrated on local foods for the ceremony that will reflect cultural ceremony. Traditionally, the
hosts of the fangamu taego feast provide more goods and materials to the receivers, however, there
are several incidences that the family who received the foods now provides more than the hosts. At
a Neigano ceremony held last year at the home of this study, a church leader, Fr Amos Vilia made a
speech on behalf of the church leaders of Gao society that, “the piles of modern foods we placed
with the local foods are only decorations of this ceremony, these modern foods have no value to this
ceremony.” Though the speech discourages the inclusion of modern food for the custom feast,
those modern goods cost time, strength, and money to meet the end product.
Innovations

Dressing the Father.

One of the latest initiations into the feast was dressing the father. Often the eldest child will dress
their father in new clothes and shoes procured from Chinese stores in Honiara. Other gifts often
include new mattresses, money, axes or bush knives, and in one case a mobile phone. As the
children finish their tearful presentations they join their mother in assuming seats alongside their
father. As he sits in his central position his family members radiate out on either side according to
their distinct matrilineal affiliation: sisters on one side, wife and children on the other. This inclusion
of dressing the father by the children is not part of the ceremony or process of the ceremony. As
mentioned earlier in this paper such inclusion is just decorations of the ceremony. This extra
innovation should not be included during the feast but can be done by the family at their own time
as it had no value during the custom feast.

Presentation to the Mother.

Another an innovative ‘extra’ presentation to the mother of the family by the clan of the father. The
reason for this innovation as explained by Joel Neusia, “was that the father shared his Siakakae gifts
with his wife and children after the feast, an act that reversed the direction of the initial transaction.
If the mother had her pool of gifts, the father would not feel the need to enact this reversal.”

Although highlighting and maintaining the central opposition of fangamu taego - that between the
mother/children and their father - this innovation was heavily criticized. In the speeches that
accompanied the presentation to the mother, the ‘hard work’ of the mother in raising the children
was emphasized. Critics complained that the presentation was, therefore ‘not kastom’ because it
deviated from the established purpose of the feast, that is, to acknowledge the care delivered solely
by the father.

Devaluation.

As have alluded, fangamu taego is a appreciation and customary transfer mechanism to have the
rights to use transacted with goods(food) attach with their statistical strength and food types in
general to have this said feast fulfil its purpose of practise meaningfully.

However, the current trend on how the fangamu taego feast carried out to date is impacted
inclusively and heavily as the idea of globalization which now overturn its traditional determination
with substantive acceptance. Let’s take some glimpse on some scenario that eventually expose this
significant custom event to be devalue from its standing;

Staple food and items

In our societal perspective today, globalisation create a tangible swift in which we repute the staple
food are as that of rice, biscuits, flours and other house hold necessities such as pots, axes and
mattress which had apparently most seen in such a feast and further still profoundly regard as more
value than customs food such as pig, Malahu ( custom pudding)bags of taro and items as mats etc
which knowingly possess the identified high value of traditional recognition in any form of custom
feast in GAO in general. This perpetual regardless of process food stuff and manufactured items had
driven away understand of what had traditionally known to us as custom feast. Thus, this part of
itemizing the feast with globalisation notions had over-run or devalue the originality of fangamu
taego in GAO tradition devastatively.
Misrepresentation

Another interchange in which globalisation emerged to slump the importance of fangamu taego is
personal interest over the said land. This scenario has some concrete evident, example when our
biological father died and a family representative was asked to talk on his behalf to say on our rights
and inheritance. Some of the rights and will which family members expect will repressed wilfully. For
instance, a size of portion of land will be lessen, not as expected and a will over a reef boundary at
times hijacked intentionally. As this had been a practise, definitely the hefty cost of the fangamu
taego (goods) which shouldered by the family as equivalent to these expected rights and will then be
shattered. Consequently, such malpractice which rooted by the globalisation perspective will then
devalued the practise of Fangamu taego or the members disregarded the feast as waste of time and
effort.

Sub-culture

Sub-culture is nurtured and to be sprouted as a fruition of intermarriage. Needless to say, different

cultures interplay in the holistic development of a family(s). Eventually the cultures bonded and
continuously entangled cooperatively. Sadly we experience that certain individuals from different
backgrounds and islands shows little or no respect to such feast that we regard as important.
Similarly further on , either to undertake such responsibilities is far from near. Such influencial trend
in life and culture are serious impeded factor of globalisation. Though, as a matter of fact, the event
is compulsory and due to occur for the immeasurable effort the father or the caregiver done to the
family and immediate in-laws or who not, globalisation runs at its peak to devalue traditional
phenomena.

Wealthy

Wealthiness is one of the enormous impact that harshly play a role in non-complaince to the
executing of fangamu taego practise. Surprisingly, these included the people whom we adopt and
adapt to this traditional system. However, surrounding its positivity’s, the wealthiness acceptably
dispersed outwardly to the entire families in which they satisfactorily shared and cared for each for
decades. The embracement of such sound living and sharing amongst families through westernise
living concept wildly brush aside some underline custom as that of fangamu taego. As a matter of
these facts, each and every one in turn do have very little option to undertake the fangamu taego.
This prestigious, luxuries and sound living now tarnish the potential value of the norms and practise.
Notably, the essence of globalisation or westernisation is clearly partake in this devaluation rumble.

All these issues pose future challenges to the rituals and cultural practices of Fangamu Taego
feasting and its authenticity.