Gecc 106 Module 2

MODULE 2
ANALYZING HISTORICAL SOURCES
Lesson 1:
Content and Contextual Analysis
of Selected Primary Sources
Lesson 2:
Controversies and Conflicting
Views in Philippine History
Module I
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ANALYZING HISTORICAL SOURCES
INTRODUCTION
According to Louis Gottschalk (1950), only a part of what was

observed in the past was remembered by those who observed it; only
a part of what was remembered was recorded; only a part of what
was recorded has survived; only a part of what has survived has come
to the historians’ attention; only a part of what has come to their
attention is credible; only a part of what is credible has been grasped
and can be expounded or narrated by the historian… Before the past
is set forth by the historian, it is likely to have gone through eight
separate steps at each of which some of it has been lost; and there is
no guarantee that what remains is the most important, the largest,
the most valuable, the most representative, or the most enduring
part. In other words, the “object” that the historian studies are not
only incomplete, it is markedly variable as records are lost or
recovered. Hence in this module, you will embark the journey of
understanding history in the perspective of a historian.
OBJECTIVES
After studying the module, you should be able to:
1. analyze the different historical sources based on its authenticity

and credibility
2. review different accounts of authors and repositories in
Philippine history.
3. present claim and premise on the historical account presented
4. examine the conflicting views on Philippine history
5. develop sense of critical evaluation on some controversies in
Philippine history
There are four lessons in the module. Read each lesson carefully then
answer the exercises/activities to find out how much you have benefited
from it. Work on these exercises carefully and submit your output to your
instructor.
Good luck and happy reading!!!
GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

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Lesson 1

CONTENT AND CONTEXTUAL
ANALYSIS OF SELECTED PRIMARY
SOURCES
Historians need to really look on details but that doesn’t end there
because they also need to study the appearance of such. They don’t rely to
what is written or the details of what they see but they also look into its
state which makes their study or writing more reliable. And that is how
hard it is to write a history book that conveys information that no one has
witnessed or no person who witnessed is still alive.
Most often than not, we proceed to reading without really looking
into who is the author and his background thus, we read regardless of it
being a reliable one or not. That is the focus of question number one where
we need to look into the details of the author also for us to gain more
credible information. It also implies that we care about what we read.
The second question on the hand focuses on the judgments that we
do basing on the appearance and on the inner one – the content. To people,
we often base our judgments on their appearance and same is through with
those which we read where we opt not read those rugged books because we
think they are obsolete already which is wrong since everything can be a
source of information which may be reliable and may be not. Thus, if we
want a very reliable one, we take into a look at its physical and inner
appearance.
The next lesson will make you understand why we need to conduct
an investigation of the outer and the inner appearance of a source of
information. You will understand also what is being done before a source is
considered to be factual or not.
CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS
A contextual analysis is simply an analysis of a
text (in whatever medium, including multi-media)
that helps us to assess that text within the context
of its historical and cultural setting, but also in terms
of its textuality – or the qualities that characterize
the text as a text. A contextual analysis combines
features of formal analysis with features of “cultural

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archeology,” or the systematic study of social,

political,
economic, philosophical, religious, and aesthetic conditions that were (or
can be assumed to have been) in place at the time and place when the text
was created. While this may sound complicated, it is in reality deceptively
simple: it means “situating” the text within the milieu of its times and
assessing the roles of author, readers (intended and actual), and
“commentators” (critics, both professional and otherwise) in the reception
of the text.
A contextual analysis can proceed along many lines, depending upon

how complex one wishes to make the analysis. But it generally includes
several key questions:
1. What does the text reveal about itself as a text?

- Describe (or characterize) the language (the words, or
vocabulary) and the rhetoric (how the words are arranged in order
to achieve some purpose). These are the primary components of
style.
2. What does the text tell us about its apparent intended audience(s)?
– What sort of reader does the author seem to have
envisioned, as demonstrated by the text’s language and
rhetoric?
– What sort of qualifications does the text appear to require
of its intended reader(s)? How can we tell?
– What sort of readers appear to be excluded from the
text’s intended audiences? How can we tell?
– Is there, perhaps, more than one intended audience?
3. What seems to have been the author’s intention? Why did the author
write this text? And why did the author write this text in this particular
way, as opposed to other ways in which the text might have been
written?
– Remember that any text is the result of deliberate
decisions by the author. The author has chosen to write (or
paint, or whatever) with these particular words and has
therefore chosen not to use other words that she or he
might have used.
So we need to consider:
– what the author said (the words that have been selected);
– what the author did not say (the words that were not

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selected); and
– how the author said it (as opposed to other ways it might
or could have been said).
4. What is the occasion for this text? That is, is it written in response to:
– some particular, specific contemporary incident or event?
– some more “general” observation by the author about
human affairs and/or experiences?
– some definable set of cultural circumstances?
5. Is the text intended as some sort of call to – or for – action?

– If so, by whom? And why?
– And also if so, what action(s) does the author want the
reader(s) to take?
6. Is the text intended rather as some sort of call to – or for – reflection or

consideration rather than direct action?
– If so, what does the author seem to wish the reader to
think about and to conclude or decide?
– Why does the author wish the readers to do this? What is
to be gained, and by whom?
7. Can we identify any non-textual circumstances that affected the creation

and reception of the text?
– Such circumstances include historical or political events,
economic factors, cultural practices, and intellectual or
aesthetic issues, as well as the particular circumstances of
the author's own life.
CONTENT ANALYSIS
Content analysis is distinguished from other kinds of social science
research that it does not require the collection of data from people. Like
documentary research, content analysis is the study of recorded
information, or information which has been recorded in texts, media, or
physical items.
1. Select the content you will analyze

Based on your research question, choose the texts that you will analyze.
You need to decide:
 The medium (e.g. newspapers, speeches or websites) and genre (e.g.

opinion pieces, political campaign speeches, or marketing copy)

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 The criteria for inclusion (e.g. newspaper articles that mention a

particular event, speeches by a certain politician, or websites selling
a specific type of product)
 The parameters in terms of date range, location, etc.
2. Define the units and categories of analysis

Next, you need to determine the level at which you will analyze your
chosen texts. This means defining:
 The unit(s) of meaning that will be coded. For example, are you

going to record the frequency of individual words and phrases, the
characteristics of people who produced or appear in the texts, the
presence and positioning of images, or the treatment of themes and
concepts?
 The set of categories that you will use for coding. Categories can be
objective characteristics (e.g. female, aged 40-50, lawyer, mother)
or more conceptual (e.g. trustworthy, corrupt, conservative, family
oriented).
3. Develop a set of rules for coding

Coding involves organizing the units of meaning into the previously
defined categories. Especially with more conceptual categories, it’s
important to clearly define the rules for what will and won’t be included to
ensure that all texts are coded consistently.
Coding rules are especially important if multiple researchers are
involved, but even if you’re coding all of the text by yourself, recording the
rules makes your method more transparent and reliable.
4. Code the text according to the rules

You go through each text and record all relevant data in the appropriate
categories. This can be done manually or aided with computer programs,
such as QSR NVivo, Atlas.ti and Diction, which can help speed up the process
of counting and categorizing words and phrases.
5. Analyze the results and draw conclusions

Once coding is complete, the collected data is examined to find
patterns and draw conclusions in response to your research question. You
might use statistical analysis to find correlations or trends, discuss your
interpretations of what the results mean, and make inferences about the
creators, context and audience of the texts.

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CUSTOMS OF THE TAGALOGS by Juan De Plasencia
After receiving your Lordship's letter, I wished to reply immediately; but I

postponed my answer in order that I might first thoroughly inform myself in regard to your
request, and to avoid discussing the conflicting reports of the Indians, who are wont to tell
what suits their purpose. Therefore, to this end, I collected Indians from different districts
—old men, and those of most capacity, all known to me; and from them I have obtained the
simple truth, after weeding out much foolishness, in regard to their government,
administration of justice, inheritances, slaves, and dowries.1 It is as follows:
CUSTOMS OF THE TAGALOGS
These people always had chiefs, called by them datos, who governed
them and were captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and
reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them, or spoke
but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished.
These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as a

hundred houses, sometimes even less than thirty. This tribal gathering is
called in Tagalog a barangay. It was inferred that the reason for giving
themselves this name arose from the fact (as they are classed, by their
language, among the Malay nations) that when they came to this land, the
head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called—as is discussed at length
in the first chapter of the first ten chapters—became a dato. And so, even
at the present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a
family of parents and children, relations and slaves. There were many of
these barangays in each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they did not
settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to one
another, except in friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in their various
wars, helped one another with their respective barangays.
In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there

were three castes: nobles, commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the
free-born whom they call maharlica. They did not pay tax or tribute to the
dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The chief
offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they divided the spoils.
Moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom he summoned
rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed for
it. The same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands
for tillage. The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole
barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own.
No one belonging to another barangay would cultivate them unless after
purchase or inheritance.
The lands on the tingues, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but

owned in common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice

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harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may have

come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow
it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as,
for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid
annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was that,
at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands,
which the new chief, upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; and
therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable land, and
he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the
advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided.
The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established

limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. At these no one could fish, or
trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege, unless he belonged
to the chief's barangay or village.
The commoners are called alipingnamamahay. They are married, and

serve their master, whether he be a dato or not, with half of their
cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied
him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. They live in
their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold. Their children
inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The children, then, enjoy
the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves (saguiguilir) nor
can either parents or children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance
into the hands of a son of their master who was going to dwell in another
village, they could not be taken from their own village and carried with
him; but they would remain in their native village, doing service there and
cultivating the sowed lands.
The slaves are called aliping saguiguilir. They serve their master in
his house and on his cultivated lands, and may be sold. The master grants
them, should he see fit, and providing that he has profited through their
industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully. For
these reasons, servants who are born in the house of their master are
rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of captives in war, and of those
brought up in the harvest fields.
Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another,
thereby themselves making a profit, and reducing the wretched debtors to
a slavery which was not their natural lot. If any person among those who
were made slaves (saguiguilir)—through war, by the trade of goldsmith, or
otherwise—happened to possess any gold beyond the sum that he had to
give his master, he ransomed himself, becoming thus a namamahay, or
what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom was never less than five
taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave ten or more taels, as they
might agree, he became wholly free. An amusing ceremony accompanied
this custom. After having divided all the trinkets which the slave
possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they divided even the pots
and jars, and if an odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece
of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle.

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The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping

saguiguilir, should be noted; for, by a confusion of the two terms, many
have been classed as slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing that the
alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom of taking
away the children of the aliping namamahay, making use of them as they
would of the aliping saguiguilir, as servants in their households, which is
illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should appeal to justice, it is proved
that he is an aliping as well as his father and mother before him and no
reservation is made as to whether he is aliping namamahay or aliping
saguiguilir. He is at once considered an alipin, without further declaration.
In this way he becomes a saguiguilir, and is even sold. Consequently, the
alcaldes-mayor should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his
alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have the answer put in the
document that they give him.
In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both the

father's and mother's side continue to be so forever; and if it happens that
they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I shall soon explain. If
these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their
mothers became free; if one of them had children by the slave-woman of
another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of a
gold tael, because of her risk of death, and for her inability to labor during
the pregnancy. In such a case half of the child was free—namely, the half
belonging to the father, who supplied the child with food. If he did not do
this, he showed that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case
the latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they
were all free, provided he were not her husband.
If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other
a slave, whether namamahay or saguiguilir, the children were divided: the
first, whether male or female, belonged to the father, as did the third and
fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and so on.
In this manner, if the father were free, all those who belonged to him
were free; if he were a slave, all those who belonged to him were slaves;
and the same applied to the mother. If there should not be more than one
child he was half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the
division, whether the child were male or female. Those who became slaves
fell under the category of servitude which was their parent's, either
namamahay or saguiguilir. If there were an odd number of children, the
odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able to ascertain with
any certainty when or at what age the division of children was made, for
each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the
saguiguilir could be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor
could they be transferred. However, they could be transferred from the
barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the same village.
The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to
another, or from one barangay to another, without paying a certain fine in
gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller according to
the inclination of the different villages, running from one to three taels
and a banquet to the entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result

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in a war between the barangay which the person left and the one which he
entered. This applied equally to men and women, except that when one
married a woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided
equally between the two barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient
to the dato, or chief, which is no longer the case—because, if the dato is
energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon
leave him and go to other villages and other datos, who endure and protect
them and do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that they now
prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need of
reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.
Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take
place in the presence of those of his barangay. If any of the litigants felt
himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from another village
or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since they had for this
purpose some persons, known as fair and just men, who were said to give
true judgment according to their customs. If the controversy lay between
two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to
act as arbiters; they did the same if the disputants belonged to two
different barangays. In this ceremony they always had to drink, the
plaintiff inviting the others.
They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth
who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches, and others
of the same class.
They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death-
penalty. As for the witches, they killed them, and their children and
accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made some
recompense to the injured person. All other offenses were punished by
fines in gold, which, if not paid with promptness, exposed the culprit to
serve, until the payment should be made, the person aggrieved, to whom
the money was to be paid. This was done in the following way: Half the
cultivated lands and all their produce belonged to the master. The master
provided the culprit with food and clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and
his children until such time as he might amass enough money to pay the
fine. If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed
that he had fed and clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In
this way he kept possession of the children if the payment could not be
met. This last was usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit
had some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the
latter half his service until he was paid—not, however, service within the
house as alipingsaguiguilir, but living independently, as alipingnamamahay.
If the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the
double of what was lent him. In this way slaves were made by debt: either
saguiguilir, if they served the master to whom the judgment applied; or
alipingnamamahay, if they served the person who lent them wherewith to
pay.
In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess
of usury, which is a great hindrance to baptism as well as to confession; for
it turns out in the same way as I have showed in the case of the one under
judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits until he pays
the debt. The debtor is condemned to a life of toil; and thus borrowers

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become slaves, and after the death of the father the children pay the
debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. This system should
and can be reformed.
As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother
inherited equally, except in the case where the father and mother showed
a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold teals, or perhaps a
jewel.
When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to
marry him to a chief's daughter, the dowry was greater than the sum given
the other sons, the excess was not counted in the whole property to be
divided. But any other thing that should have been given to any son,
though it might be for some necessity, was taken into consideration at the
time of the partition of the property, unless the parents should declare
that such a bestowal was made outside of the inheritance. If one had had
children by two or more legitimate wives, each child received the
inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its increase, and that share of
his father's estate which fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a child
by one of his slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no
share in the inheritance; but the legitimate children were bound to free
the mother, and to give him something—a tael or a slave, if the father
were a chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the
unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate children, he had also
some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but who
was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as natural
children, although the child by the unmarried woman should have been
begotten after his marriage. Such children did not inherit equally with the
legitimate children, but only the third part. For example, if there were
two children, the legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the
inaasava one part. When there were no children by a legitimate wife, but
only children by an unmarried woman, or inaasava, the latter inherited all.
If he had a child by a slave woman, that child received his share as above
stated. If there were no legitimate or natural child, or a child by an
inaasava, whether there was a son of a slave woman or not, the inheritance
went only to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest relatives of
the deceased, who gave to the slavechild as above stated.
In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was
married, if the husband punished the adulterer this was considered a
dowry; and the child entered with the others into partition in the
inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father, nothing more. If
there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest relatives
inherited equally with him. But if the adulterer were not punished by the
husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was not considered as
his child, nor did he inherit anything. It should be noticed that the
offender was not considered dishonored by the punishment inflicted, nor
did the husband leave the woman. By the punishment of the father the
child was fittingly made legitimate.
Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the
double of what was paid for their adoption. For example, if one gold tael

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was given that he might be adopted when the first father died, the child
was given [in inheritance] two taels. But if this child should die first, his
children do not inherit from the second father, for the arrangement stops
at that point. This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as
his being protected as a child. On this account this manner of adoption
common among them is considered lawful.
Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter
are living, they enjoy the use of it. At their death, provided the dowry has
not been consumed, it is divided like the rest of the estate, equally among
the children, except in case the father should care to bestow something
additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at the time of her marriage, has
neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she enjoys her dowry—which, in
such a case, belongs to no other relative or child. It should be noticed that
unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of
all their labors accrues to their parents.
In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left
the husband for the purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and an
equal additional amount fell to the husband; but if she left him, and did
not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband left his
wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the other half was returned to
him. If he possessed children at the time of his divorce, the whole dowry
and the fine went to the children, and was held for them by their
grandparents or other responsible relatives.
I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon
the death of the wife who in a year's time had borne no children, the
parents returned one-half the dowry to the husband whose wife had died.
In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the dowry was
returned to the relatives of the husband. I have ascertained that this is not
a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that when this is done it is
done through piety, and that all do not do it.
In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their
sons when they are about to be married, and half of which is given
immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great deal more
complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who violates
it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the practice of the
village and the affluence of the individual. The fine was heaviest if, upon
the death of the parents, the son or daughter should be unwilling to marry
because it had been arranged by his or her parents. In this case the dowry
which the parents had received was returned and nothing more. But if the
parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was assumed that it had
been their design to separate the children.
The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning
customs observed among these natives in all this Laguna and the tingues,
and among the entire Tagalog race. The old men say that a dato who did
anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies
which they had committed, some condemned them and adjudged them
wicked.
Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but
leaving aside irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among

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them, a summary of the whole truth is contained in the above. I am

sending the account in this clear and concise form because I had received
no orders to pursue the work further. Whatever may be decided upon, it is
certainly important that it should be given to the alcaldes-mayor,
accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be found
in their opinions are indeed pitiable.
May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that
in every step good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your
Lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be which would be
the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlán, October
21, 1589.
FRAY JUAN DE PLASENCIA
RELATION OF THE WORSHIP OF THE TAGALOGS, THEIR GODS, AND THEIR

BURIALS AND SUPERSTITIONS
In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are
no temples consecrated to the performing of sacrifices, the adoration of
their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It is true that they have the
name simbahan, which means a temple or place of adoration; but this is
because, formerly, when they wished to celebrate a festival, which they
called pandot, or “worship,” they celebrated it in the large house of a
chief. There they constructed, for the purpose of sheltering the assembled
people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with a roof, called sibi,
to protect the people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the
house that it might contain many people—dividing it, after the fashion of
ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they set small
lamps, called sorihile; in the center of the house they placed one large
lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought into many designs.
They also brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat
successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days. During this
time the whole barangay, or family, united and joined in the worship which
they call nagaanitos. The house, for the above-mentioned period of time,
was called a temple.
Among their many idols there was one called. Badhala, whom they
especially worshiped. The title seems to signify “all powerful,” or “maker of
all things.” They also worshiped the sun, which, on account of its beauty, is
almost universally respected and honored by heathens. They worshiped,
too, the moon, especially when it was new, at which time they held great
rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it welcome. Some of them also adored the
stars, although they did not know them by their names, as the Spaniards and
other nations know the planets—with the one exception of the morning star,
which they called Tala. They knew, too, the “seven little goats” [the
Pleiades]—as we call them—and, consequently, the change of seasons, which
they call Mapolon; and Balatic, which is our Greater Bear. They possessed
many idols called lic-ha, which were images with different shapes; and at
times they worshiped any little trifle, in which they adored, as did the
Romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed with
special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection in

26
their tribulations. They had another idol called Dian masalanta, who was the
patron of lovers and of generation. The idols called Lacapati and Idianale
were the patrons of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. They paid
reverence to water-lizards called by them buaya, or crocodiles, from fear of
being harmed by them. They were even in the habit of offering these
animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it into the
water, or placing it upon the bank.
They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they
witnessed. For example, if they left their house and met on the way a
serpent or rat, or a bird called Tigmamanuguin which was singing in the
tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to
their house, considering the incident as an augury that some evil might
befall them if they should continue their journey— especially when the
above-mentioned bird sang.
This song had two different forms: in the one case it was considered
as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued
their journey. They also practiced divination, to see whether weapons, such
as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky for their possessor
whenever occasion should offer.
These natives had no established division of years, months, and days;

these are determined by the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons, and
the different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, fruits,
and leaves: all this helps them in making up the year. The winter and
summer are distinguished as suntime and water-time—the latter term
designating winter in those regions, where there is no cold, snow, or ice.
It seems, however, that now since they have become Christians, the seasons
are not quite the same, for at Christmas it gets somewhat cooler. The years,
since the advent of the Spaniards, have been determined by the latter, and
the seasons have been given their proper names, and they have been
divided into weeks.
Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer
to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of the idol, which
they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet, or gum of the
storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs sung
by the officiating priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The
participants made responses to the song, beseeching the idol to favor them
with those things of which they were in need, and generally, by offering
repeated healths, they all became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries
they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the
idol, and over the cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil
without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into
the body of the catolonan, and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled
her with so great arrogance—he being the cause of it—that she seemed to
shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those
beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some
districts, especially in the mountains, when in those idolatries the devil
incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had to be
tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury
from destroying him. This, however, happened but rarely. The objects of

27
sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and
laid before the idol.
They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the

water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left
as an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at
intervals, were placed a few buyos—which is a small fruit3 wrapped in a leaf
with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions—as well as fried
food and fruits. All the abovementioned articles were eaten by the guests at
the feast; the heads [of the animals], after being “offered,” as they
expressed it, were cooked and eaten also.
The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition
to whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person,
the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the
sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth,
and a happy outcome in married life. If this took place among people of
rank, the festivities lasted thirty days.
In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their
eyes were blindfolded four days and four nights; and, in the meantime, the
friends and relatives were all invited to partake of food and drink. At the
end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water, bathed
her and washed her head, and removed the bandage from her eyes. The old
men said that they did this in order that the girls might bear children, and
have fortune in finding husbands to their taste, who would not leave them
widows in their youth.
The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows:
The first, called catolonan, as above stated, was either a man or a woman.
This office was an honorable one among the natives, and was held ordinarily
by people of rank, this rule being general in all the islands.
The second they called mangagauay, or witches, who deceived by

pretending to heal the sick. These priests even induced maladies by their
charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the witchcraft,
are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at once they
did so; or they could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live
serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or at least his substance. This
office was general throughout the land. The third they called manyisalat,
which is the same as magagauay. These priests had the power of applying
such remedies to lovers that they would abandon and despise their own
wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse with the
latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it
would bring sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would
discharge blood and matter. This office was also general throughout the
land.
The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty it was to emit fire
from himself at night, once or oftener each month. This fire could not be
extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as the priest wallowed in

28
the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who lived in the
house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from
himself, fell ill and died. This office was general.
The fifth was called hocloban, which is another kind of witch, of
greater efficacy than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by
simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom they chose. But if they
desired to heal those whom they had made ill by their charms, they did so
by using other charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of
some Indian hostile to them, they were able to do so without instruments.
This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of Luzon.
The sixth was called silagan, whose office it was, if they saw anyone
clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it, thus causing his death.
This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let no one,
moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calavan, they tore out in this
way through the anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried
in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Mérida.
The seventh was called magtatangal, and his purpose was to show
himself at night to many persons, without his head or entrails. In such wise
the devil walked about and carried, or pretended to carry, his head to
different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his body—remaining, as
before, alive. This seems to me to be a fable, although the natives affirm
that they have seen it, because the devil probably caused them so to
believe. This occurred in Catanduanes
The eighth they called osuang, which is equivalent to “sorcerer;”
they say that they have seen him fly, and that he murdered men and ate
their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among the Tagalos these did
not exist.
The ninth was another class of witches called mangagayoma. They
made charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood, which would infuse
the heart with love. Thus did they deceive the people, although sometimes,
through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends.
The tenth was known as sonat, which is equivalent to “preacher.” It
was his office to help one to die, at which time he predicted the salvation
or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the functions of this
office to be fulfilled by others than people of high standing, on account of
the esteem in which it was held. This office was general throughout the
islands.
The eleventh, pangatahojan, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future.
This office was general in all the islands.
The twelfth, bayoguin, signified a “cotquean,” a man whose nature
inclined toward that of a woman.
Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was
buried beside his house; and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath a
little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose. Before
interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him on a
boat which served as a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where
guard was kept over him by a slave. In place of rowers, various animals were
placed within the boat, each one being assigned a place at the oar by twos—
male and female of each species being together—as for example two goats,
two deer, or two fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If

29
the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body
until in this wretched way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay;
and for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing
dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until finally they wearied of it. This
grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This was a custom of the
Tagalos.
The Aetas,4 or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had also

a form of burial, but different. They dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and
placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with head or crown
unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him
as a shield. Then they went in pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in
retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To this end they conspired
together, hanging a certain token on their necks until some one of them
procured the death of the innocent one.
These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest
which they called maca, just as if we should say “paradise,” or, in other
words, “village of rest.” They say that those who go to this place are the
just, and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who
possessed other moral virtues. They said also that in the other life and
mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction, called
casanaan, which was “a place of anguish;” they also maintained that no one
would go to heaven, where there dwelt only Bathala, “the maker of all
things,” who governed from above. There were also other pagans who
confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said,
casanaan; they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt
the demons, whom they called sitan.
All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has

been stated: catolonan; sonat (who was a sort of bishop who ordained
priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt before him as
before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him);
mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal,
osuan, mangagayoma, pangatahoan.5
There were also ghosts, which they called vibit; and phantoms, which
they called Tigbalaang. They had another deception—namely, that if any
woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered punishment; and that,
at night, she could be heard lamenting. This was called patianac. May the
honor and glory be God our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos not a trace of
this is left; and that those who are now marrying do not even know what it
is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it.
Juan de Plasencia, who entered the Franciscan order in early youth,

came to the Philippine Islands as one of the first missionaries of that order,
in 1577. He was distinguished, in his labors among the natives, for gathering
the converts into reductions (villages in which they dwelt apart from the
heathen, and under the special care of the missionaries), for establishing
numerous primary schools, for his linguistic abilities—being one of the first
to form a grammar and vocabulary of the Tagal language—and for the

30
ethnological researches embodied in the memoir which is presented in our

text. He died at Lilio, in the province of La Laguna, in 1590. See account of
his life in Santa Inés's Crónica, i, pp. 512–522; and of his writings, Id., ii, pp.
590, 591.
2. SPEECH OF PRESIDENT CORAZON AQUINO DURING THE JOINT

SESSION OF THE U.S. CONGRESS, SEPTEMBER 18, 1986
September 18, 1986

VIDEO:
YOUTUBE LINK: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ZnnvbKyNCQ/youtube
TRANSCRIPT:
Speech of Her Excellency Corazon C. Aquino
President of the Philippines
______________________
https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1986/09/18/speech-of-president-
corazon-aquino-during-the-joint-session-of-the-u-s-congress-september-18-
1986/
3. JOURNAL OF ANTONIO PIGAFETTA ON THE FIRST VOYAGE
The Portuguese navigator Ferdinand Magellan led the first voyage

around the world, beginning in 1519. Sailing southward along the
coast of South America, Magellan discovered the strait that today
bears his name and became the first European to enter the Pacific
Ocean from the east. Magellan died while exploring the
Philippines, but his ships continued west to complete the
circumnavigation of the globe. The following account of the
difficult passage through the Strait of Magellan was written by a
member of the crew, Antonio Pigafetta.

The captain came to a cape, which he named the Cape of the
Eleven Thousand Virgins. Then he came to the Cape de la Baya.
Two ships sentto find the way out from the said Cape. Of an
opening which they found for leaving the cape, and into which

31
they threw themselves perforce. Then having discovered the strait

they returned to the captain.

These are the chapters from the travelogue that are worth
mentioning and discussing:

1. CHAPTER X
After going and setting course to the fifty-second degree toward
the saidAntarctic Pole, on the festival of the eleven thousand
virgins, we found bymiracle a strait which we called the Cape of
the Eleven Thousand Virgins.Which strait is in length one hundred
and ten leagues, which are four hundred and forty miles, and in
width somewhat less than half a league. And it falls into another
sea called the Pacific Sea. And it is surrounded by very great and
high mountains covered with snow. In this place it was not
possible to anchor, because no bottom was found. Wherefore it
was necessary to put cables ashore of twenty-five or thirty cubits
in length. This strait was a circular place surrounded by
mountains (as I have said), and to most of those in the ships it
seemed that there was no way out from it to enter the said
Pacific Sea. But the captain-general said that there was another
strait which led out, saying that he knew it well and had seen it in
a marine chart of the King of Portugal, which a great pilot and
sailor named Martin of Bohemia had made. The said captain sent
forward two of his ships, one named Santo Antonio and the other
Concepción, to seek and discover the outlet of the said strait,
which was called the Cape de la Baya. And we with the other two
ships (namely the capitana, named Trinidade, and the other
Victoria) remained awaiting them in the
Baya. And in the night we had a great storm, which lasted until
noon of the next day. Wherefore we were compelled to raise the
anchors, and to let the ships ply hither and thither in the Baya.
The other two ships had such a passage that they could not round
a cape forming the Baya, and trying to return to us they were
hard put not to run aground. But approaching the end of the Baya
(thinking themselves lost) they saw a small opening, which did not
seem an opening but a creek. And like desperate men they threw
themselves into it, so that perforce they discovered the strait.
Then seeing that it was not a creek but a strait with land, they
went on, and found a bay. Then going further they found another
strait, and another bay larger than the first two. Very joyful at
this, they at once turned back to inform the captain-general. We
thought indeed that they had perished, first because of the great
storm, and then we had not seen them for two days. And while in
suspense we saw the two ships approaching under full sail and
flying their banners, coming towardus. When near us, they
suddenly discharged their ordnance, at which we very joyously
greeted them in the same way. And then we all together,
thanking God and the Virgin Mary, went forward.

32
Two ships, the Santo Antonio and Concepción, sent to see the two
openings found. The ship Santo Antonio returned to Spain. The
river of the Sardines found. The sea found. Of the Cape of Desire.
Of the ship Concepción. Of the products of this Pacific Sea. And of
the catching of fish.
2. CHAPTER XI
After entering within this strait, we found that there were two
openings, oneof them to the southeast, and the other to the
southwest. Wherefore the captain sent back the two aforesaid ships
Santo Antonio and Concepción to see whether the opening toward
the southeast issued forth into the said Pacific Sea. And the one of
these two ships named Santo Antonio would not await the other
ship, because those on board her wished to return to Spain, which
they did. And the principal reason was that the pilot of the said ship
had before been displeased with the said captain-general, because,
before this fleet was fitted out, this pilot had gone to the Emperor
to arrange to have some ships for discovering land. But by the
coming of the said captain-general the Emperor did not give them to
the said pilot. Wherefore he conspired with certain Spaniards. And
the following night they seized the captain of his ship, who was the
captain-general's brother, and named Alvaro de Mesquita, whom
they wounded and put in irons. And so they took it back to Spain. In
this ship which went away was one of the aforesaid two giants whom
we had taken, but when he felt the heat he died. And the other ship
Concepción (because she could not keep up with the former)
continued to wait for her, plying hither and thither. For the other
took the night course (as they say) in order to return. When this
happened by night, the captain's ship and the other ship went
together to discover the other opening to the southwest, and
continuing on we found the same strait. But at length we came to a
river which we called the River of Sardines, because we found great
quantity of them. And so we remained there four days awaiting the
other two ships. Soon after we sent a boat well furnished with men
and provisions to discover the cape of the other sea. They spent
three days going and returning, and told us that they had found the
cape and the great and wide sea. Wherefore the captain, for the joy
that he had, began to weep and gave this cape the name Cape of
Desire, as a thing much desired and long sought. This done, we
turned back to find the two ships which had gone to the other side,
but we found only Concepción, of whom we demanded what had
become of the other, her consort. To which the captain of the said
ship, named JoãoSerrão (who was pilot of the first ship that was
lost, as has been told), replied that he knew nothing and that he had
never seen her since she entered the opening. But we sought for her
throughout the strait as far as the said opening by which she set her
course for return. And besides this, the captain general sent back
the ship named Victoria to the very entrance of the strait to see
whether the said ship was not there. And he told the men of this

33
ship, if they did not find the other ship that was missing, to put a
flag on the summit of a small mountain, with a letter in a pot buried
at the foot of the staff, to the end that if the said ship perchance
returned she would see this flag and also find the letter, which
would inform her of the course taken by the captain. This
arrangement had from the beginning been ordered by the captain, to
cause any ship which was separated to rejoin the others. So the
people of the said ship did what the captain had ordered, and more.
For they set up two flags with letters. One of the flags was set up on
a small mountain at the first bay, the second on an islet in the third
bay, where there were many sea wolves and large birds. The captain
general waited for her with the other ship near the river named
Isleo. And he caused a cross to be erected on a small island near that
river. The river flowed between high mountains covered with snow,
and it fell into the sea near the other River ofSardines.
If we had not found this strait, the captain-general had decided to

go as faras seventy-five degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. Now in
such a latitude, inthe summertime, there is no night, or very little.
And likewise in winter thereis no day, or very little. And that all
may believe that this is so, when we were in the said strait, the
night lasted only three hours in the month of October.
The land on the left in the said strait faced toward the Siroco, which
is the wind between east and south. And we called it the
Pathagonico strait. In it we found at every half league a good port,
and anchorage, good water, and wood all of cedar, and fish also like
sardines, Missiglioni, and a very sweet herb called Appio, of which
there is also some of the same sort that is bitter. And this herb
grows near springs, and (because we found nothing else) we ate of it
for several days. And I think there is in the world no more beautiful
country or better place than that. In that Ocean Sea there is seen a
very amusing hunt of fishes, which are of three sorts, a cubit or
more in length, named Dorades, Albacores, and Boniti. They follow
and hunt another kind of fish which flies and is called Colondriny, a
foot or more in length and very good to eat. And when these
threekinds of fish find in the water some of these flying fish,
forthwith they makethem leave the water and fly more than a
crossbow’s flight as long as their wings are wet. And while these fish
fly, the other three run after them in the water seeing and following
the shadow of those that fly. And no sooner have they fallen than
they are seized and eaten by those which hunt them. Which is a
marvelous and merry thing to see. And this chase we saw several
times.…
The captain in the Pacific Sea. The troubles which he and his men
suffered there. Of the malady in their gums. Of the dead and the
sick men. Of the Isles of Misfortune, and in what degree they lie.


34
Features of the travelogue:

1. Characterization of the pre-colonial Philippine terrain
2. Description of pre-colonial Filipinos and their exotic culture
3. Discriminatory perspective of the European writer on the natives’
amazement and illiteracy to the European artillery, merchandise
and other goods
4. Narration of the Battle in Mactantha led to the death of Ferdinand
Magellan
4. KARTILYA NG KATIPUNAN
b. Kartilya ng Katipunan
The Kartilya ng Katipunan is Katipunan’s code of conduct. It

contains 14 rules that instruct the way a Katipunero should
behave, and which specific values should be upheld. The first
group contains the rules that will make the member an upright
individual and the second group contains the rules that will guide
the way he treats his fellowmen.

Features of the Kartilya:
1. Reaction and response to certain value systems that the
Katipuneros found despicable in the state of things they are
struggling with.
2. Upheld rational and liberal ideas in the 18th and 19th century
3. Emphasis of equality, tolerance, freedom and liberty in the
making of rules
4. Emphasis on teaching of how women and children should be
treated
5. Instruction on Katipunan’s conduct toward other people but
also for their members’ development as individuals on their
own right.
Additional Reading:
- http://malacanang.gov.ph/7013-andres-bonifacios-decalogue-and-
the-kartilya-ng-katipunan/
THINK!
1. Make a timeline of what happened on 27 April 1521

from the point of view of the Spaniards and from the
point of view of the natives. Then present your
timelines in class. Together, compare the two timelines
35

36
Lesson 2

CONTROVERSIES AND CONFLICTING
VIEWS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY
Primary sources are very important in the process of sculpting

history. It is important in social history and it reveals aspects of working
class life and other experiences. Oral history empowers the inarticulate in
history and it gives us what preliterate societies think. However oral
evidence requires critical evaluation and must be deployed in conjunction
with the canons of historical method. Transcriptions of oral history are not
history themselves but raw materials for writing history. It needs
corroboration and cross-referencing. In this module, you will explore some
of the controversial debates in the context of Philippine history.
SITE OF THE FIRST MASS
FIRST ROMAN CATHOLIC MASS
 A law was passed by Congress on June 19, l960 (RA No. 2733) which
declared the site of Magallanes on Limasawa Island as the national
shrine to commemorate the first Mass ever held in the country that
gave birth to Christianity in this now predominantly Catholic nation.
 In 1996, the congress directed the National Historical Institute to

recommend a historical finding. The panel was composed of several
historians. The panel and the NHI reaffirmed in 1998 that the place is
Limasawa.
Primary Sources:
1. The log of Francisco Albo.
-He described a certain place named Mazava which fits the
location of the Limasawa Island.
2. The account of Antonio Pigafetta (First Voyage Around the
World)
-Described Mazava with complete details.
(Read the narrative of Antonio Pigafetta about the events that

occurred on that fateful day of April 27, 1521.)
On Friday, April 26, Zula, a chief of the island of Mactan, sent

one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to
say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he
had not been able to send it to him because of the other chief
Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of Spagnia. He requested
the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night,
so that they might help him and fight against the other chief. The

37
captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We

begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd,
refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, 60 men of us set out
armed with corselets and helmets, together with . . .some of the
chief men. . .We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The
captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to the
natives. . .to the effect that if they would obey the king of Spagnia,
recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our
tribute, he would be their friend; but if they wish otherwise, they
should wait to see our lances wounded. They replied that if we had
our lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire.
[They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once; but to wait
until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in
order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain
pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them.
When morning came, 49 of us leaped into the water up to our thighs
and walked through water for more that two crossbow flights before
we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach thereafter
because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men
remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those
men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than 1500
persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with
exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on
our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two
divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and
crossbowmen shot from a distance for about half-hour, but uselessly,
for the shots only passed through the shields which were made of
thin wood and the arms (of the bearers.) The captain cried to
them,”Cease firing! Cease firing! But his order was not at all
heeded. When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to
no purpose, crying out they determined to stand firm, but they
redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the
natives would never stand still, but leaped hither and thither,
covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many arrows at
us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with
iron) at the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened with
fire, stones and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves.
Seeing that, the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses
in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they
were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the
houses, while we burned 20 or 30 houses. So many of them charged
down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a
poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but
the men took to flight, except 6 or 8 of us who remained with the
captain. The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were bare;
and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us, that
we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid
us as they were too far away. . .The natives continued to pursue us,
and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again
and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that

38
they knocked his helmet off his head twice, but he always stood
firmly like a good knight, together with some others. . .An Indian
hurled a bamboo spear into the captain’s face, but the latter
immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian’s
body. Then, trying to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but
halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo
spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon
him. One of them wounded him on the leg with a large
cutlass. . .That caused the captain to fall face downward, when
immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and
with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our
comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned
back many times to see whether we were all in the boats.
Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we
could, to the boats, which were already pulling off.
Source:Pigafetta, Antonio. “First Voyage Around the World.” In the

Philippine Islands, Vol. 33, edited by E. Blair and J. Robertson, 175,
177, 179, 181. Cleveland: A.H. Clark, 1909. Reprinted by
CachoHermanos, 1973.
THE CAVITE MUTINY
1.CAVITE MUTINY (1872)
THE TWO FACES OF THE 1872 CAVITE MUTINY

By Chris Antonette Piedad-Pugay
The 12th of June of every year since 1898 is a very important event for
all the Filipinos. In this particular day, the entire Filipino nation as well as
Filipino communities all over the world gathers to celebrate the Philippines’
Independence Day. 1898 came to be a very significant year for all of us— it
is as equally important as 1896—the year when the Philippine Revolution
broke out owing to the Filipinos’ desire to be free from the abuses of the
Spanish colonial regime. But we should be reminded that another year is as
historic as the two—1872.
Two major events happened in 1872, first was the 1872 Cavite Mutiny
and the other was the martyrdom of the three martyr priests in the persons
of Fathers Mariano Gomes, Jose Burgos and Jacinto Zamora (GOMBURZA).
However, not all of us knew that there were different accounts in reference
to the said event. All Filipinos must know the different sides of the story—
since this event led to another tragic yet meaningful part of our history—the
execution of GOMBURZA which in effect a major factor in the awakening of
nationalism among the Filipinos.
1872 Cavite Mutiny: Spanish Perspective

39
Jose Montero y Vidal, a prolific Spanish historian documented the event

and highlighted it as an attempt of the Indios to overthrow the Spanish
government in the Philippines. Meanwhile, Gov. Gen. Rafael Izquierdo’s
official report magnified the event and made use of it to implicate the
native clergy, which was then active in the call for secularization. The two
accounts complimented and corroborated with one other, only that the
general’s report was more spiteful. Initially, both Montero and Izquierdo
scored out that the abolition of privileges enjoyed by the workers of Cavite
arsenal such as non-payment of tributes and exemption from force labor
were the main reasons of the “revolution” as how they called it, however,
other causes were enumerated by them including the Spanish Revolution
which overthrew the secular throne, dirty propagandas proliferated by
unrestrained press, democratic, liberal and republican books and pamphlets
reaching the Philippines, and most importantly, the presence of the native
clergy who out of animosity against the Spanish friars, “conspired and
supported” the rebels and enemies of Spain. In particular, Izquierdo
blamed the unruly Spanish Press for “stockpiling” malicious propagandas
grasped by the Filipinos. He reported to the King of Spain that the “rebels”
wanted to overthrow the Spanish government to install a new “hari” in the
likes of Fathers Burgos and Zamora. The general even added that the native
clergy enticed other participants by giving them charismatic assurance that
their fight will not fail because God is with them coupled with handsome
promises of rewards such as employment, wealth, and ranks in the army.
Izquierdo, in his report lambasted the Indios as gullible and possessed an
innate propensity for stealing.
The two Spaniards deemed that the event of 1872 was planned earlier
and was thought of it as a big conspiracy among educated leaders, mestizos,
abogadillos or native lawyers, residents of Manila and Cavite and the native
clergy. They insinuated that the conspirators of Manila and Cavite planned
to liquidate high-ranking Spanish officers to be followed by the massacre of
the friars. The alleged pre-concerted signal among the conspirators of
Manila and Cavite was the firing of rockets from the walls of Intramuros.
According to the accounts of the two, on 20 January 1872, the district of

Sampaloc celebrated the feast of the Virgin of Loreto, unfortunately
participants to the feast celebrated the occasion with the usual fireworks
displays. Allegedly, those in Cavite mistook the fireworks as the sign for the
attack, and just like what was agreed upon, the 200-men contingent headed
by Sergeant Lamadrid launched an attack targeting Spanish officers at sight
and seized the arsenal.
When the news reached the iron-fisted Gov. Izquierdo, he readily

ordered the reinforcement of the Spanish forces in Cavite to quell the
revolt. The “revolution” was easily crushed when the expected
reinforcement from Manila did not come ashore. Major instigators including
Sergeant Lamadrid were killed in the skirmish, while the GOMBURZA were
tried by a court-martial and were sentenced to die by strangulation.
Patriots like Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Antonio Ma. Regidor, Jose and Pio
Basa and other abogadillos were suspended by the Audencia (High Court)

40
from the practice of law, arrested and were sentenced with life
imprisonment at the Marianas Island. Furthermore, Gov. Izquierdo dissolved
the native regiments of artillery and ordered the creation of artillery force
to be composed exclusively of the Peninsulares.
On 17 February 1872 in an attempt of the Spanish government and

Frailocracia to instill fear among the Filipinos so that they may never
commit such daring act again, the GOMBURZA were executed. This event
was tragic but served as one of the moving forces that shaped Filipino
nationalism.
A Response to Injustice: The Filipino Version of the Incident
Dr. Trinidad Hermenigildo Pardo de Tavera, a Filipino scholar and

researcher, wrote the Filipino version of the bloody incident in Cavite. In
his point of view, the incident was a mere mutiny by the native Filipino
soldiers and laborers of the Cavite arsenal who turned out to be dissatisfied
with the abolition of their privileges. Indirectly, Tavera blamed Gov.
Izquierdo’s cold-blooded policies such as the abolition of privileges of the
workers and native army members of the arsenal and the prohibition of the
founding of school of arts and trades for the Filipinos, which the general
believed as a cover-up for the organization of a political club.
On 20 January 1872, about 200 men comprised of soldiers, laborers of

the arsenal, and residents of Cavite headed by Sergeant Lamadrid rose in
arms and assassinated the commanding officer and Spanish officers in sight.
The insurgents were expecting support from the bulk of the army
unfortunately, that didn’t happen. The news about the mutiny reached
authorities in Manila and Gen. Izquierdo immediately ordered the
reinforcement of Spanish troops in Cavite. After two days, the mutiny was
officially declared subdued.
Tavera believed that the Spanish friars and Izquierdo used the Cavite
Mutiny as a powerful lever by magnifying it as a full-blown conspiracy
involving not only the native army but also included residents of Cavite and
Manila, and more importantly the native clergy to overthrow the Spanish
government in the Philippines. It is noteworthy that during the time, the
Central Government in Madrid announced its intention to deprive the friars
of all the powers of intervention in matters of civil government and the
direction and management of educational institutions. This turnout of
events was believed by Tavera, prompted the friars to do something drastic
in their dire sedire to maintain power in the Philippines.
Meanwhile, in the intention of installing reforms, the Central

Government of Spain welcomed an educational decree authored by
Segismundo Moret promoted the fusion of sectarian schools run by the friars
into a school called Philippine Institute. The decree proposed to improve
the standard of education in the Philippines by requiring teaching positions
in such schools to be filled by competitive examinations. This improvement

41
was warmly received by most Filipinos in spite of the native clergy’s zest for
secularization.
The friars, fearing that their influence in the Philippines would be a

thing of the past, took advantage of the incident and presented it to the
Spanish Government as a vast conspiracy organized throughout the
archipelago with the object of destroying Spanish sovereignty. Tavera sadly
confirmed that the Madrid government came to believe that the scheme was
true without any attempt to investigate the real facts or extent of the
alleged “revolution” reported by Izquierdo and the friars.
Convicted educated men who participated in the mutiny were

sentenced life imprisonment while members of the native clergy headed by
the GOMBURZA were tried and executed by garrote. This episode leads to
the awakening of nationalism and eventually to the outbreak of Philippine
Revolution of 1896. The French writer Edmund Plauchut’s account
complimented Tavera’s account by confirming that the event happened due
to discontentment of the arsenal workers and soldiers in Cavite fort. The
Frenchman, however, dwelt more on the execution of the three martyr
priests which he actually witnessed.
Unraveling the Truth
Considering the four accounts of the 1872 Mutiny, there were some
basic facts that remained to be unvarying: First, there was dissatisfaction
among the workers of the arsenal as well as the members of the native army
after their privileges were drawn back by Gen. Izquierdo; Second, Gen.
Izquierdo introduced rigid and strict policies that made the Filipinos move
and turn away from Spanish government out of disgust; Third, the Central
Government failed to conduct an investigation on what truly transpired but
relied on reports of Izquierdo and the friars and the opinion of the public;
Fourth, the happy days of the friars were already numbered in 1872 when
the Central Government in Spain decided to deprive them of the power to
intervene in government affairs as well as in the direction and management
of schools prompting them to commit frantic moves to extend their stay and
power; Fifth, the Filipino clergy members actively participated in the
secularization movement in order to allow Filipino priests to take hold of
the parishes in the country making them prey to the rage of the friars;
Sixth, Filipinos during the time were active participants, and responded to
what they deemed as injustices; and Lastly, the execution of GOMBURZA
was a blunder on the part of the Spanish government, for the action severed
the ill-feelings of the Filipinos and the event inspired Filipino patriots to call
for reforms and eventually independence. There may be different versions
of the event, but one thing is certain, the 1872 Cavite Mutiny paved way for
a momentous 1898.
The road to independence was rough and tough to toddle, many

patriots named and unnamed shed their bloods to attain reforms and
achieve independence. 12 June 1898 may be a glorious event for us, but we
should not forget that before we came across to victory, our forefathers

42
suffered enough. As weenjoy our freeedom, may we be more historically

aware of our past to have a better future ahead of us. And just like what
Elias said in Noli me Tangere, may we “not forget those who fell during the
night.”
2.RETRACTION OF JOSE RIZAL
Primary Sources:
a. Document found by Fr. Manuel Garcia
“I declare myself a catholic and in this Religion in which I was

born and educated I wish to live and die. I retract with all my heart
whatever my words, writings, publications and conduct has been contrary
to my character as son of the Catholic Church.
I believe and I confess whatever she teaches and I submit to

whatever she demands. I abominate Masonry, as the enemy which is of the
church, and as a society prohibited by the church. The Diocesan Prelate
may, as the Superior Ecclesiastical Authority. Make public this spontaneous
manifestation of mine in order to repair the scandal which my acts may
have caused and so that God and people may pardon me.”
Manila 29 of December 1896

Jose Rizal
b. Father Vicente Balaguer Testimony

According to him, Rizal woke up several times; confessed four times;
attended a mass; received communion; and prayed the rosary.
c. The Testimony of Cuerpo de Vigilancia

According to him, Jesuit priests, March and Vilaclara presented a
prepared retraction on the life and deeds of Rizal that he refused to sign.
 Ricardo Pascual concluded that the retraction document, said to

have been discovered in 1935, was not in Rizal's handwriting.
3.CRY OF BALINTAWAK/ PUGADLAWIN
DATES AND PLACES OF THE CRY
Claims:
1. Teodoro Kalaw (historian)– Kangkong, Balintawak on the last week of
August, 1896.
2. Santiago Alvarez (katipunero) – Bahay Toro in Quezon City on August
24, 1896.
3. Pio Valenzuela (katipunero) – PugadLawin on August 23, 1896.
4. Gregorio Zaide (historian) – Balintawak in August 26, 1896.

43
5. Guerrero, Encarnacion, Villegas – TandangSora’s barn on August 24,

1896.
 They were to meet at Balintawak to discuss the steps to be taken to

meet the crisis. That same night of August 19, Bonifacio,
accompanied by his brother Procopio, Emilio Jacinto, Teodoro Plata,
and Aguedo del Rosario, slipped through the cordon of Spanish
sentries and reached Balintawak before midnight. Pio Valenzuela
followed them the next day.
 On the 21st, Bonifacio changed the Katipunan code because the

Spanish authorities had already deciphered it. In the afternoon of the
same day, the rebels, numbering about 500, left Balintawak for
Kangkong, where Apolonio Samson, a Katipunero, gave them food and
shelter
 In the afternoon of August 22, they proceeded to PugadLawin.

 The following day, in the yard of Juan A. Ramos, the son of Melchora
Aquino who was later called the "Mother of the Katipunan", Bonifacio
asked his men whether they were prepared to fight to the bitter end.
Despite the objection of his brother-in-law, Teodoro Plata, all
assembled agreed to fight to the last. "That being the case,
" Bonifacio said, "bring out your cedulas and tear them to pieces to
symbolize our determination to take up arms!"
 The men obediently tore up their cedulas, shouting "Long live the

Philippines!" This event marked the so-called "Cry of Balintawak,"
which actually happened in PugadLawin.
Bonifacio's Manifesto of August 28
“This manifesto is for all of you. It is absolutely necessary for us to

stop at the earliest possible time the nameless oppressions being
perpetrated on the sons of the people who are now suffering the brutal
punishment and tortures in jails, and because of this please let all the
brethren know that on Saturday, the revolution shall commence according
to our agreement. For this purpose, it is necessary for all town to rise
simultaneously and attack Manila at the same time. Anybody who obstructs
this sacred ideal of the people will be considered a traitor and an enemy,
except if he is ill or is not physically fit, in which case he shall be tried
according to the regulation we have put in force.”
Congratulations! You have just studied Module II. This module helped
you analyze the importance of primary sources in studying history. Lesson 1
showed the contrasting perception of the accounts on the actual place
where the first catholic mass occurred. In lesson 2, you are reminded of the
bravery of the Filipinos at the same time the martyrdom of GomBurZa. In
lesson 3, you have been torn between Rizal’s love for the country or his love

44
for Bracken. Lastly, you have been presented with the dangling account on
the actual account of the events on the first cry of the katipuneros as they
torn off their cedulas. Now you are ready to evaluate how much you have
benefited from your reading by answering the summative test. Good Luck!!!
 MODULE SUMMARY
Content and contextual analysis is an indispensable approach to

strengthen the students critical and analytical thinking skills and their
ability to articulate their own ideas, views and perspectives on a certain
primary data or source. In order to achieve this, primary sources will be
used and utilized for analysis such as The Customs of the Tagalogs, Speech
of Pres. Corazon Aquino during the joint session of the U.S Congress,
September 18, 1986, Journal of Antonio Pigafetta on the First Voyage and
The Kartilya ng Katipunan.
Primary sources are very important in the process of sculpting

history. It is important in social history and it reveals aspects of working
class life and other experiences. Oral history empowers the inarticulate in
history and it gives us what preliterate societies think. However oral
evidence requires critical evaluation and must be deployed in conjunction
with the canons of historical method. Transcriptions of oral history are not
history themselves but raw materials for writing history. It needs
corroboration and cross-referencing. This module, you explored some of the
controversial debates in the context of Philippine history, such as The site
of the first mass, The Cavite Mutiny, Retraction of Rizal and The Cry of
Balintawak/ Pugadlawin.

45
SUMMATIVE ACTIVITY
ENUMERATION: Provide the desired answer to the question/ statement.

1. Provide the ways on how to conduct a content analysis.
2. Give 3 Primary sources based on the Module.
3. Give 2 Controversies in the Philippines.
ESSAY. Answer the following questions/ statements.

1. Among the different accounts as to the true site of the first mass, which
do you believe holds true? Give the factual basis based on the account that
you are going to use. Explain in a brief and concise manner.
2. Choose between intrinsic and extrinsic criticism and defend the validity
and usefulness of such in the study of historical matters. Answer in less than
10 sentences.
3. Define History and what makes it important in the study of humanity.
Give some real life application of history to the modern world/ society.
4. The Customs of the Tagalogs is a colorful rhetoric about the Philippines
and was written by a Spaniard. What was the reason of the author for
making such historical account despite his lineage? Justify.
5. What are the advantages of the of Antonio Pigafetta’s "First Voyage
Around the World in the development of Philippine history and the world as
a whole? Justify your answers with factual basis.

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MODULE 2

ANALYZING HISTORICAL SOURCES

ANALYZING HISTORICAL SOURCES

According to Louis Gottschalk (1950), only a part of what was

After studying the module, you should be able to:

1. analyze the different historical sources based on its authenticity

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

archeology,” or the systematic study of social,

A contextual analysis can proceed along many lines, depending upon

1. What does the text reveal about itself as a text?

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

5. Is the text intended as some sort of call to – or for – action?

6. Is the text intended rather as some sort of call to – or for – reflection or

7. Can we identify any non-textual circumstances that affected the creation

1. Select the content you will analyze

 The medium (e.g. newspapers, speeches or websites) and genre (e.g.

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

 The criteria for inclusion (e.g. newspaper articles that mention a

2. Define the units and categories of analysis

 The unit(s) of meaning that will be coded. For example, are you

3. Develop a set of rules for coding

4. Code the text according to the rules

5. Analyze the results and draw conclusions

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

CUSTOMS OF THE TAGALOGS by Juan De Plasencia

After receiving your Lordship's letter, I wished to reply immediately; but I

CUSTOMS OF THE TAGALOGS

These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as a

In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there

The lands on the tingues, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may have

The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established

The commoners are called alipingnamamahay. They are married, and

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping

In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both the

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

them, a summary of the whole truth is contained in the above. I am

RELATION OF THE WORSHIP OF THE TAGALOGS, THEIR GODS, AND THEIR

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

These natives had no established division of years, months, and days;

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the

The second they called mangagauay, or witches, who deceived by

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

The Aetas,4 or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had also

All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has

Juan de Plasencia, who entered the Franciscan order in early youth,

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

ethnological researches embodied in the memoir which is presented in our

2. SPEECH OF PRESIDENT CORAZON AQUINO DURING THE JOINT

September 18, 1986

3. JOURNAL OF ANTONIO PIGAFETTA ON THE FIRST VOYAGE

The Portuguese navigator Ferdinand Magellan led the first voyage

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2

they threw themselves perforce. Then having discovered the strait

GECC 106 Readings in Philippine History Module 2