B.A.

(Programme) Semester-III HISTORY

DISCIPLINE SPECIFIC CORE COURSE

History of India, c. 1200-1700

STUDY MATERIAL : Unit I-VII

SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING

University of Delhi

Department of History
 Content Writers

Dr. Meera Khare Dr. Madhu Trivedi

Associate Professor (Retired) Associate Professor (Retired)
Department of History, School of Open Learning,
PGDAV College (M), University of Delhi
University of Delhi, Delhi

Dr. Rakesh Kumar Dr. Shubhra Sinha

Associate Professor Associate Professor,
Ram Lal Anand College, Department of History,
University of Delhi Kamla Nehru College,
University of Delhi

Dr. Sarbani Kumar Dr. Parul Lau Gaur

Associate Professor Assistant Professor
P G D A V College (Morning) Ram Lal Anand College
University of Delhi University of Delhi
 Undergraduate Course

DISCIPLINE SPECIFIC CORE COURSE

History of India, c. 1200-1700

Contents

Unit I : Foundation, Expansion and Consolidation of the Sultanates of Delhi c. 13th to 15th
century
Unit II : Regional Political Formation: Vijayanagara
Unit III : Foundation, Expansion and Consolidation of The Mughal State, c.16th to 17th
Century
Unit IV : 17th Century Transitions: Marathas
Unit V : Art and Architecture In Medieval India
Unit VI : Society, Culture and Religion
Unit VII : Economy and Integrated Patterns of Exchange

SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING

University of Delhi
5, Cavalry Lane, Delhi-110007
 Unit I

FOUNDATION, EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION OF THE SULTANATES OF

DELHI C. 13TH TO 15TH CENTURY

1.1 Foundation and Expansion of the Delhi Sultanate (1206 – 1236)

The Foundation of Delhi Sultanate

The sudden death of Muhammad Ghuri in 1206 by an assasin created a difficult situation
for the Turks in Northern India. He left behind an extensive empire that stretched from Ghuri
in Central Asia to Nadia in Bengal, and from the Himalayan Tarai to the deserts of Rajputana.
However, it is to be noted that in India the Turks were not firmly in control of their
possessions. Rather the Turkish hold was precarious. What prevented the infant Turkish
empire from being sucked into the whirlpool of destruction in India was the wisdom,
boldness and the imagination of Muhammad Ghuri’s trusted lieutenant, Qutubuddin Aibek.
Moreover, the defeated Indian ruling class did not have sufficient military strength to take
advantage of this opportune moment.
Muizzuddin, popularly known as Muhammad Ghuri left no male heir to succeed him but
Aibek was his ablest officer. The foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was laid by Qutbuddin
Aibek, who after his humiliating retreat from Ghazni thought, of confining his energies to the
territories of Northern India.
The Turkish empire in Northern India was unique in some respects. The Delhi Sultanate
saw a number of rulers who did not originally belong to India. Obviously they had different
socio-cultural and religious background. However, the new immigrant ruling class including
the Sultans gradually had become an inseparable part of the Indian society. The most
significant thing to understand is that even when the new government was based on
exploitation the wealth of the country was not drained out as happened under the British rule.
The Turks established essentially a military rule in Northern India, which was based on
centralized despotism.
The Turkish ‘Slave System’
Muhammad Ghuri had no son. His Indian possessions fell into the hands of one of his
slave-officer, Qutubuddin Aibek, who became the first Sultan of the newly established Delhi
Sultanate. That a slave could have attained such a high status seems rather strange. There was
little social stigma attached to slavery among Turks. Often slaves married in the family of
their masters and then succeeded them after their death. As such the phenomenal rise of
Aibek was neither exceptional nor accidental. It was the result of as unique ‘Slave System’
among the Turks where the talented boys were bought as slaves and methodical trained and
carefully groomed for high officers.

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Sultan Qutubuddin Aibek
After the second battle to Tarain in 1192 Qutubuddin Aibek was entrusted with the charge
of his master’s Indian dominion. Much of the credit of the Ghurid conquests in India should
go to Aibek. He saved Ajmer from two uprisings. He played an important role in the defeat of
Jai Chand. Besides, Qutubuddin Aibek captured Koil (Aligarh), Ranthambhor (1195).
Badaun (1197-98) and Kanauj (1198-99). Kalinjar, Mahoba and Khajuraho (1202-03). He
also occupied Delhi and made it capital of the newly established Turkish empire in 1193.
It was Aibek who was formally invested with viceregal powers and promoted to the rank
of a malik in 1206. The death of Muhammad Ghuri marked only a change of status for Aibek.
who lost no time in exploiting the situation in his favour. He marched to Lahore and formally
assumed power as a sovereign of the Ghurid empire on 25 June 1206.
The death of Muhammad Ghuri removed the support of a powerful protector and
involved Qutubuddin Aibek in the intricate web of Central Asian politics. The Ghurid empire
broke up into warring fragments; Ghiyasuddin Mahmud succeeded in establishing his rule in
Ghur. Tajuddin Yalduz, another slave of Muhammad Ghuri, laid claims to his master’s Indian
possessions. The internal situation, in Northern India was also disturbing. Preoccupied with
these affairs, Aibek could not deal effectively with the Rajputs who lately were quite active in
recovering their lost political authority. Kalinjar had been recovered by the Chandellas, the
Gahadwalas under Harishchandra reoccupied Farrukhabad and Badaun, while Gwalior seems
to have been lost to the Prariharas.
In 1210 when Aibek died of injuries sustained from a fall from his horse while playing
chaugan (polo), the Delhi sultanate lacked political stability and had no effective
administration. Yet his contribution is immense as he laid the foundation of the Delhi
Sultanate which had an independent status.
Aibek was a brave soldier and a competent military general, whose contribution in
extending the Turkish empire was unique. Besides it is to be noted that his early training in
Nishapur equipped him with refined literary taste as is evident from his patronage of scholars
like Hasan Nizami and Fakhre Mudabbir. His generosity was proverbial and earned him the
title “lakh bakhsh” (giver of lakhs). As his reign was too short and the difficulties he faced
were too many, he did not seem to have made a significant contribution in evolving a solid
administrative structure of the Delhi Sultanate. But there is no doubt that he managed the
show. Abul Fazl the official historian of Akbar’s reign is all praise for Aibek and sums up his
contribution in the following words : “He achieved things, good and great.”
Sultan Iltutmish
On the death of Aibek, the Turkish faction at Lahore supported Aibek’s son Aram Shah
(there is a good deal of controversy whether he was actually the son of Qutubuddin Aibek or
not).

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 The nobles at Delhi, led by Ismail, who occupied the post of amir-i-dad (an important
functionary of judicial department), invited Iltutmish to ascend the throne. Iltutmish at that
time was the governor of Badaun. He marched towards Delhi. But before entering the capital
he met the army of Aram Shah. He easily defeated Aram Shah, whose rule lasted only for
about eight months (1210-1211) and was of no significance.
Shamsuddin Iltutmish was the son of a noble belonging to the Ilbari (ILBARI) tribe of the
Turks. He was sold as a slave by his jealous brothers to a merchant named Jamaluddin, from
whom he was bought by Qutbuddin Aibek. It is interesting to note that like Aibek, the rise of
Iltutmish was rapid. In due course of time he rose to the post of amir-i akhur (master of
stables). Iltutmish married a daughter of Qutbuddin Aibek, who after sometime appointed
him the muqtai (governor) of Badaun. And finally he succeeded in occupying the throne of
the Delhi Sultanate in 1211.
The Initial Problems
Iltutmish did not find the throne of Delhi a ‘bed of roses’. The death of Aibek had
plunged the Delhi Sultanate into confusion. Iltutmish had to start cautiously. His was a task
fraught with dangers and difficulties which were not only numerous but of a varied character:
internal and external, political and administrative and cultural. However, Iltutmish rose to the
occasion. By showing proper understanding and adopting timely measures he provided a
fresh lease of life to the infant Delhi Sultanate.
The Turkish jandars (guards) of Delhi rose in rebellion and created a difficult situation
before Iltutmish. They were, however, taken to task and were finally suppressed. Yet there
were other problems also. Yalduz and Qubacha claimed of sovereignty. Bengal shook off its
allegiance to the central authority. Ali Mardan assumed royal status at Lakhnauti in Bengal.
Rajput chiefs rose in rebellion and ravaged the country-side Jalor and Ranthambhor were
first to regain independence. Above all, there loomed large over the north-western frontier the
Mongol hurricane that could easily sweep aside the infant Turkish empire in India before it
could stand on its legs. That the new Sultan was able to deal effectively with most of these
problems is the proof of his ability and tactfulness.
Iltutmish was a realist and a shrewd statesman. He followed a policy of caution and
compromise. Unwilling to risk a civil war or provoke his rivals, he even compromised his
sovereign status by accepting the royal insignia (canopy and baton) sent by Yalduz, Iltutmish
bided his time, and followed a defensive policy towards his contenders for the throne of the
Delhi Sultanate. However when Yalduz occupied the Punjab and moved towards Delhi he
came forward to meet the challenge. Yalduz was defeated at the battle field of Tarain in
1215-16. He was imprisoned and sent to Badaun by Iltutmish. This victory certainly
enhanced his prestige in the eyes of the nobles. However Qubacha could be finally eliminated
only in 1228.

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Mongol Threat
The Mongol threat was also averted by Iltutmish’s tact and diplomacy. The Mongols
came in hot pursuit of Jalaluddin Mankbarani, the Crown Prince of Khwarazm, who sought
refuge in India. This placed Iltutmish on the horns of a dilemma. To help Jalaluddin
Mankarani meant to incur the wrath of Chengiz Khan. And this would have been suicidal for
the infant Turkish empire. To refuse aid bluntly to a fugitive, who had become a hero in the
Islamic world, would have alienated the Muslim sentiments but Iltutmish keeping in view
alone the interest of the Turkish empire followed dilatory tactics which discouraged
Jalaluddin Mankbarani who left India in 1224. Close on his heels departed the Mongols who
had no immediate design for the conquest of India. It is also to be noted that Chengiz Khan
died in 1227 which averted the imminent Mangol Threat.
Conquest of Bengal
The Mongols danger having passed away Iltutmish turned his attention towards Bengal,
which had been a constant source of trouble to Delhi. Ali Mardan having been murdered in
1211 was succeeded by Hisamuddin /IWAZ, who assumed full sovereign powers. It took
three campaigns before Bengal could be subjugated and the authority of the central
government reestablished in this rebellious province. In 1225, the Sultan, himself led a
successful expedition and Bihar was subsequently annexed. Iltutmish forced Iwaz to pay an
indemnity and accept the overlordship of Delhi. When Iwaz tried to assert his independence
once again Nasiruddin Mahmud, the son of Iltutmish, was assigned the task to suppress the
rebellious chief. Nasiruddin Mahmud defeated and killed Iwaz. He captured Lakhnauti in
1226. The last campaign was necessitated by a fresh outbreak following the sudden death of
Nasiruddin Mahmud. Iltutmish led an army in person. He decisively defeated the rebels led
by Balka. Thus Iltutmish once again brought the eastern region consisting of the provinces of
Bihar and Bengal under the control of Delhi.
War against the Rajputs

The Rajputs presented another problem with which Iltutmish had to grapple. They were
making a fresh bid to throw off the yoke of Turkish rule. The security of the Turkish political
ascendancy in India demanded the subjugation of the insurgent Rajputs and the recovery of
the territories lost to them. This Iltutmish achieved methodically. Ranthambhor was the first
to be captured in 1226. The victory over Ranthambhor was followed by Nagor next year i.e.,
1227. Gwalior was also brought under the possession of the Delhi Sultanate in 1231. The
campaigns in Rajputana were rounded off by the sack of Bhilsa and Ujjain (1234-35). The
Gangetic valley was also pacified, and the Turkish rule was re-established by force in Awadh
and the Doab.
A review of the military campaigns of Iltutmish establishes beyond doubt that his
achievements, were quite remarkable. When he became the Sultan of the early Turkish
empire it was confronted with enormous problems, external as well as internal. Iltutmish’s

4
authority was questioned even in his own capital. Under such difficult circumstances
Iltutmish displayed “great fortitude, courage and farsight.” Though he did not resort to rapid
conquests, he gradually succeeded in recovering all those territories which were lost since the
death of Muhammad Ghuri.
Iltutmish showed much more interest in their complete surrender of the acquired
territories to the central authority. His military campaigns in Bengal resulted in weakening
the local opposition, may be temporarily. Thus, the military campaigns of Iltutmish were not
plundering raids but aimed at re-affirming the might of the Turkish empire. Whatever success
he achieved enhanced the prestige of his rule and made the Sultanate of Delhi more
formidable and consolidated.
Organization of Administration
Though the Turkish rule was established in North India after the second battle of Tarain
(1192) no concrete steps were taken to gear up the existing administrative machinery.
Muhammad Ghuri had no time to spare for this task, and whatever he initiated was not
sufficient enough to provide stability to his newly founded empire. Personally, he was
available in India only for launching military campaigns. The burden of running the
administration was left to the slave-officers. After his death when Qutubuddin Aibek came at
the helm of the affairs but there was no appreciable change in the situation. It was in the reign
of Iltutmish that for the first time the Turkish state thought of understanding the
administrative problems with some seriousness.
Though, in the beginning, Iltutmish took some time to settle himself, but once he
strengthened his position he was not prepared to lower the authority of his office. He believed
in upholding the status and dignity of the Sultan. Therefore, first of all he cleared from his
path all those opponents who renounced his sovereignty and tried to get rid of him. Once, he
got rid of his archrivals or put some of them on the defence he turned to more concrete
measures.
As a Sultan he knew that single-handedly he could not perform his tasks. Therefore, he
built around him a group of loyal and trustworthy slaves, called the chihalgani (forty). They
were not only used in conquering the new territories but were assigned the administrative
tasks also. It was some sort of a mini but powerful machinery at the personal command of the
Sultan.
We know that with the establishment of the Turkish rule the empire was divided into
many iqtas or the administrative-cum-revenue units. These were not of uniform size. Some
iqtas were quite extensive while the others were small. Those who were assigned the iqtas
were known as the muqtai. The muqtai was entrusted with the task of keeping law and order
and to collect taxes. Though not much is known about the actual working of iqtadari system
during the reign of Iltutmish, but whatever evidence is available indicates that the system
continued to operate more or less smoothly.

5
 The medieval historians have shown great appreciation for Iltutmish’s care for rendering
justice. Long after his death the people remembered his justice. Ibn Battuta, who visited India
in the reign of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, records that Iltutmish fixed two statues of lions on
the gate of imperial place. Hanging chains were attached with them and on the other end of
the chains a bell was fixed. As soon as an aggrieved person reached the spot, he pulled the
chain which made the bell ringing. The act was sufficient to draw the attention of the relevant
authorities to the person concerned. However, this practice of pulling the chain was usually
confined to night clone. But during the daytime aggrieved person used the coloured garment
for catching the attention of the concerned authorities. Besides, Iltutmish saw to it that amir-i-
dads were appointed in almost all the important towns. He passed judgement on the appeals
coming from the lower courts. However, in all important matters relating to justice Iltutmish
could directly intervene and pronounce his judgement.
Iltutmish made a place for himself in monetary system also. It was during his reign that
introduction of the tanka (silver coin) and the jital (copper coin) took place. Commenting on
Iltutmish’s performance in this field Nelson Wright remarks:
“The reign of Iltutmish stands out as a landmark in the coinage of Delhi lltutmish was a
great moneyer. That he established the silver tanka and the jital on a firm footing was in itself
a remarkable achievement.”
Conclusion
Iltutmish occupies a prominent place amongst the Sultans of Delhi. A shrewed, cautious
and far-seeing statesman, he left a permanent mark on the canvas of Indian history. The
history of ‘muslim’ sovereignty in India, rightly observes Dr. R.P. Tripathi, properly
speaking begins with him. While it is true that lltutmish was neither a military genius like
Mahmud of Ghazni nor an outstanding administrator like Alauddin Khalji but significance of
his work can not be underestimated. Overcoming one problem after another he was not only
able to save the disintegration of the Turkish empire but he placed it on a firm ground. It was
he who gave the country a capital, an independent state, a monarchical form of government
and a governing blass. If he is called the real founder of the Sultanate of Delhi it is not an
exaggeration but a befitting appreciation of his work.

1.2 Consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate under Balban (1266-1286)

The struggle for power (1236-1266)

During the three decades that followed Iltutmish’s death in 1236, important changes
occurred in the distribution of power within the Sultanate ruling class. The Chihalgani nobles,
who supported Iltutmish in every possible way, became claimant of power and authority.
This resulted in the declining status of the monarchy. The Sultans played like pawns in the
hands of these ambitious nobles. In case they resisted, they were deposed and killed. The first
ruler who succeeded Iltutmish was Rukruddin Firuz Shah. He was, however, deposed very
soon and Raziya ascended the throne with the help of Wazir Zunaidi and the intervention of

6
prominent Delhi citizens, whom she appealed regarding her claim to authority. She was able
to grab the throne and was subsequently successful in creating schism in the camp of
opposing Turkish nobles (thus prevented them to offer her a united challenge) but this was a
momentary gain. Without a band of powerful supporters she could not ensure a prestigeous
and dominating position for monarchy.
As the chihalgani (forty) or most of them could no longer be relied upon Raziya had no
alternative but to opt for building a non-Turk and non-Tazik group of loyalists. She was able
to rally some and Malik Yaqut, an Abyssinian1 slave, was a prominent figure amongst them.
He was appointed to the post of amir-i-akhur (officer commanding the horse). This was
treated as an open assertion of Raziya’s increasing power and many prominent nobles did not
take it lightly.
Before Raziya could establish herself on a firm support base these nobles chose to strike
first. Malik Kabir Khan, the muqtai of Lahore rebelled. Altunia who was the incharge of the
iqta of Bhatinda also behaved in the same fashion. While these rebellions were quite alarming
the most dangerous development was the erosion of her hold over the nobles stationed in
Delhi itself, who brought Bahram Shah on the throne even when Raziya was alive. Both the
Turk and Tazik groups of nobles became united as observed by Prof. Irfan Habib, in
smashing the newly emerging group of loyalists under Raziya. Though before her end she
could enlist the support of Altunia, but this new combination was not strong enough to defeat
the united opposition of the nobles hostile to her. The result was that a valiant attempt to
maintain the dignity of monarchy ended in a failure.
At the initial stage it appeared that monarchy in Bahram had lost the battle for supremacy
once for all as the nobles tried to enhance their position within the official heirarchy. It is
interesting to note that for the first time in the history of Delhi Sultanate the office of naib
was created and Malik Aitagin was the first to occupy it. It appears that he had the support of
some influential members of nobility. Our contemporary historian Minhaj clearly states that
with the help of Muhazzabuddin, the Wazir and Muhammad Iwaz, the auditor, he took “all
functions” in his hands. Again Minhaj mentions:
“After the appointment as naib Aitagin well organized all the functions of the state.”
The emergence of such a powerful office was a clear cut indication of the intention of
Aitagin, who was bent to reduce the status of monarchy by resorting to a legal step. If naib
continues to be the symbol of concentration of state authority the Sultan would soon become
a political non-entity. It is to the credit of Bahram Shah that he was able to finish off Aitagin
within a month or two. But still he was not able to get rid of powerful nobles like
Muhazzabuddin, the wazir, who finally succeeded in despatching him to the next world.
Muhazzabuddin did not survive for long. The new Sultan, Alauddin Masud (1242-1246)
soon managed to get him murdered. But this action did not curtail the power of its potentials

1
Abeyssinia = modern Ethopia, known as Habsh in medieval times: Habshi is derived from this word.

7
were yet to be exhausted and hence in the power struggle, in spite of their efforts, the
successors of Iltutmish were not successful in saving their skin. Alauddin Masud too was
replaced by Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-1266)

New Phase of Power Struggle

The startling features of the reign of Nasiruddin Mahmud were :
(i) The powerful role of naib,
(ii) Clipping of Sultan’s power,
(iii) Near destruction of Chihalgani (Forty/Shami slaves.)
Ulugh Khan (future Balban) was the key figure to get the throne for Nasiruddin Mahmud.
And in return he wanted to make maximum political gain. However in the first few years of
the Sultan’s reign he could not succeed to achieve what he desired. Perhaps he could not act
tactfully and therefore many Turkish nobles turned their guns against him. At this juncture
Imaduddin Raihan, an Indian noble also appeared on the political scene. Like Malik Yaqut
his elevation also was resented. And finally Ulugh Khan, who was forced to relinquish his
post of naib in the face of mounting opposition of Turkish and Indian nobles under the
patronage of the Sultan, succeeded in convincing the Turkish nobles of the danger posed by
the emerging Indian nobles led by Raihan. Even Nasiruddin Mahmud was bullied to restore
the office of naib to Ulugh Khan once again. The Turkish nobles and the Sultan both erred
and very soon they realized their folly. But then it was too late. No Turk amir cared to
visualize when Raihan was beheaded that same sword was waiting for them also. It did not
take much time for Ulugh Khan (future Balban) to finish them off. Some of them were
physically done away while others were made political dead. Hence such a powerful group of
Turkish nobles (chihalgani) was doomed for ever. And Nasiruddin Mahmud, who was
tolerated for a decade or little more as a puppet, was poisoned by Ulugh Khan (Balban) in
1266.
Ghiyasuddin Balban (1266-1286) Nasiruddin Mahmud died in 1266. Whether he died a
natural death or was a victim of poison administered to him at the instance of Ulugh Khan
(the future Balban), cannot be proved conclusively. But his death definitely cleared the way
for Ulugh Khan to occupy the vacant throne. His succession was smooth as no one dared to
raise his finger amongst the remaining members of the Chihalgani (Forty). They were not
alone in their docility other constituents of the nobility also behaved in an equally submissive
way. On the issue of succession never before such unity or silence was witnessed in the
ruling circle since the establishment of the Sultanate of Delhi. But under the circumstances,
loaded with coercion and ruthless repression this timid and spineless behaviour of the nobility
was not at all surprising. The nobles had to function submissively at the command of the new
Sultan i.e., Ghiyasuddin Balban.
On becoming the Sultan, as reported by Barani, the noted historian of the Sultanate
period, Balban took the following steps:
(i) “High posts and big iqtas were conferred on his sons and nobles”.

8
(ii) “By following the rules of ancient monarchs, like the emperors of Iran he adorned his
court”.
The distribution of high posts and vast iqtas was not done at random. Balban was highly
calculative in his choice. Only those were awarded whom he could rely upon.
Monarchial Despotism
Right from the beginning of his reign Balban opted for monarchial despositm. Instead of
following the Quran, the ‘Holy Book’ of Islam he preferred to adopt the rules, regulations
and norms of the Sassanid rulers of Persia. Even their courtlife was a model for him. The
question arises why he did so. The answer is not difficult to find out. How he could make the
Quran the guide for his governmental work when it does not say much on the problems
connected with governance. The Quran, it must be understood, is not a political treatise and
therefore its instructions were considered to be out of tune with the changing circumstances.
The monarchial system was the order of the day and monarchy as such was not acceptable to
Islam.
Moreover if we examine too well known political injunctions of Islam : (i) Take decision
through consultation and (ii) obey the authority. One thing clearly emerges. Consultation was
the basic principle of the Islamic Polity. In other words whenever any issue arises the
decision is to be arrived at through the consultation in the umma (muslim community), such
decisions taken in this manner alone are to be implemented by the authority that may be.
Authority is to be obeyed because it reflects the verdict of the community. In Islam, authority
reflects collectivity and not the will of an autocrat.
However, ‘consultation’ was not found to be feasible in the governance of an expanding
Islamic empire. Hence in the lifetime of Ali, the fourth ‘pious’ Caliph, Muawiya laid the
foundation of ‘dynastic monarchy’. And then onwards it was the march of monarchy
throughout the Islamic world. In the absence of rules regarding governance the Muslim rulers
were left with no other choice but to borrow extensively from the Byzantine and Sassanid
imperial traditions.
By the time Balban sat on the throne of Delhi the borrowing of Sassanid traditions among
the Turks was a well-established fact. Even a ‘pious’ ruler like lltutmish without any
hesitation adopted monarchial despotism. Barani informs us that Nuruddin Mubarak
Ghaznavi vehemently castigated lltutmish for not following the shariat in the functioning of
his administrative system and also in his life-style. The enforcement of sijda (prostration)
before the Sultan, his costly attires and drinking habits were all deviations and were opposed
to the ‘true path’. These things as observed were considered by the visiting scholar as ‘anti-
God’.
At times the Sultans pretended and tried to project themselves as true defender of Islam,
but it was all farce miles away from their real designs. Balban knew that the circumstances
demanded a non-religious approach towards the state affairs. Barani accuses Balban as he

9
paid no consideration to religion (Islam) at the time of inflicting death sentence and other
penalties to the rebels and to those who violated (imperial) order. Whatever was deemed fit
for the state, whether sanctioned by the shariat or not he enacted immediately.” Whatever
attitude Balban adopted towards the shariat was a logical extention of the approach followed
by the ‘Muslim’ rulers since the time of Mua’wiya-the founder of Ummayid dynasty. Still
Balban behaved in a peculiar way also. For instance he claimed that he belonged to the
family of Afrasiyab—the legendary figure of Turan. Again his newly born grandsons were
named after the ancient rulers of Persia—Kaikhusrau and Kaiqubad.
Balban’s Views of Kingship
Kingship has no place in Islam but Balban did not hesitate to twist religiosity for political
reasons. He claimed :
1 “Kingship is the vice-regency of God.”

2 “The Sultan is the Shadow of God.”

3 “And the heart of the Sultan is the repository of divine guidance and radiance.”
He also regarded kingship next to prophethood. In other words in the mundane affairs the
monarch, according to Balban, occupied the top-most position.
Needless to say that these ideas had no place in the teachings of Quran or Muhammad. To
trace their origin one has to go back to Sassanid Persia. The divine character of monarchy
was an integral part of the thinking of Sassanid emperors.
Commenting on Balban’s theory of kingship K.A. Nizami opines :
“The actual implication of this concept was that the source of a king’s power lay, not with
the nobles or the people, but with God only, and consequently his actions could not be the
subject of public scrutiny. This was a subtle religious device to sanctify the exercise of his
despotic authority.”2
Thus in protecting the interests of monarchial despotism religion was used in a most
unreligious way.
Barani’s ideas on monarchy get full expression in Fatwa-i Jahandari and whatever Balban
utters in Barani’s Tarikh-i Firozshahi is nothing new. Still one thing is certain that these ideas
were not alien to the ruling class.
Balban did not stop here. He not only made court dazzling but saw to it that it functions
according to strict code of conduct. He himself behaved in a most disciplined way and forced
his nobles and other functionaries to pay due respect to the decorum of the imperial court.
None was allowed to laugh loudly or to crack cheap jokes. Moreover, as soon as any noble or
chief entered the court he had to kiss the feet of the Sultan (paibos) and to offer sijda

2
A Comprehensive History of India, Vol. V, Part I, Peoples’ Publishing House, Second Edition, P. 281.

10
(prostration). The open manifestations of these acts meant the recognition of the supreme
stature and status of the Sultan, who was no more a figure-head or a model but a real despot.
After physically getting rid of Iltutmish’s family Balban was keen to shatter the power of
chihalgani once for all. He himself was one of them and obviously the most distinguished and
fortunate one. Whatever was enacted by the chihalgani during the reign of Iltutmish’s
successors Balban not only was a first hand witness but also a key operator, particularly in
the reigns of Alauddin Masud and Nasiruddin Mahmud. This association made Balban more
suspicious of the role of the remaining members of the Chihalgani. Barani informs us that
many Shamsi nobles, suspected to be a potential danger to his throne, were done to death by
mixing poison in the syrup or wine, this method was adopted by Balban, because naked
killing of these nobles, according to Barani, “would have damaged his reputation and
credibility.”
In this way Balban completely sealed the fate of the chihalgani, and other nobles who
were a suspect in his eyes. Those who somehow survived remained servile. As mute
spectators they saw the emergence of a powerful despot, who gave them no option but to
obey his orders strictly.
However the eclipse of the old nobles created a vaccum in the nobility. New recruitment
was bound to take place. Apart from the Khalji nobles we do get the scanty information
regarding the Afghans in our contemporary sources. In other words racial base of the nobility
was further expanded. But still it remained foreign or central Asian in character. Whatever
earlier inroads were made by the nobles of Indian origin became a thing of the past. Of
course, exceptions are there. This racial exclusiveness of the nobility proved detrimental to
the very survival of Balban’s dynasty.
Yet Balban succeeded in infusing through discipline in the nobility. The nobles had to act
as desired or directed by the Sultan. Particularly till 1275 his grip over the nobility was
absolutely tight but then he had to suffer a jolt when Tughril, the governor of Bengal, defied
him and assumed independence. This was just unthinkable for Balban to witness the rebellion
of a slave-officer but then it was a hard reality, which he had to face.
Suppresstion of Tughril’s Rebellion
Balban failed to guage the real strength of Tughril’s rebellion. He mistakenly thought that
despach of the governor (muqtai) of Awadh, Amin Khan, would accomplish the desirable
result. To his surprise Tughril inflicted a humiliating defeat on the army headed by Amin
Khan. Helplessly he ran away from the battlefield and reached Awadh after sometime. But he
never knew that his end was so near. Balban did not hesitate to pass an urgent order for his
physical elimination by gibbeting him on the gate.
Balban sent another military General for restoring the authority of the Delhi Sultanate
over Bengal. Tughril confidently met the advancing army led by Bahadur, who in spite of his
personal valour, could not avert defeat.

11
 Balban’s prestige thus received one blow after another. Now he was left with no other
option but to lead the military campaign against Tughril personally. Camouflaging his real
plan he suddenly appeared in Awadh. Realising that the army which accompanied him from
Delhi was not sufficient in number to achieve its target Balban ordered a general recruitment
at Awadh. Soon he succeeded in raising an army of two lakhs. Such a massive conscription
was done because by this time Balban had learnt enough from the two successive defeats of
his generals that Tughril’ s military strength had to be taken seriously.
Tughril also realised that direct confrontation with the advancing imperial army meant
nothing but inviting total destruction of his military power. Perhaps he believed in a
protracted war. Consequently, he left Lakhnauti which was’ subsequently occupied by
Balban’s army. Unfortunately after some time the whereabouts of Tughril’s army became
known to a search party. With a view to escaping arrest Tughril ran away on the back of his
horse but then he was successfully chased and done to death.
The occupation of Lakhnauti and death of Tughril did not satisfy Balban. All these years
he was following policy of ruthless repression. In his scheme of things rebels had to be given
an exemplary punishment. Accordingly the followers, supporters and relative of Tughril
deserved same treatment. At Lakhnauti Balban ordered a row of gibbets to be created on both
side of the market for more than two miles and all “friends, supporters and relative of Tughril
were impaled on them.” This punishment was shocking to Barani but it was in line with the
general policy adopted by Balban towards the rebels. To set things right he used his sword
ruthlessly and consistently. With the result that by 1281-82 from Lahore to Lakhnauti his rule
was well established.
The sinking prestige of monarchy and political position acquired by the Chihalgani in the
power structure could not be ignored by Balban. But equally important task before him was
to restore order in the surrounding areas of Delhi. In these adjoining territories the Mewatis
and the local chiefs were on the offensive. Even the capital i.e. Delhi was not safe from the
inroads of the Mewatis. Besides other factors they took advantage of the jungles adjoining
Delhi. With a view to depriving them of making use of these jungles for shelter or hiding
purposes right in the first year of his reign he, according to Barani, saw to it that “all the
jungles were totally cut down”.
The clearance of the jungles was followed by an immediate military campaign against the
Mewatis. In the open terrain it became extremely difficult for them to fight back successful.
Subsequently their losses were heavy and soon the imperial army was able to achieve its
target.
The annihilation of the Mewatis was followed by some solid steps too. In their territory a
fort was built and numerous thanas (posts) were established which were manned by the newly
recruited Afghans. Thus having consolidated his position vis-a-vis the Mewatis Balban turned
his attention to other rebellious regions. He gave first priority to the rebels of Doab.

12
The Doab Rebellion
In the Doab region also Balban started with the order of clearance of the jungles. It is also
to be noted that the rebellion in the Doab region was of a bigger magnitude. To reduce this
region to submission was not left to one or two nobles. Barani informs us that the resourceful
nobles with their enormous armies were deployed to wipe out the rebels and to destroy their
villages. The local chiefs of the Doab could not withstand this combined onslaught of the
armies of the nobles. Consequently their power was soon shattered and the rule of Delhi
Sultanate was effectively established.
Rebellions at other places
The situation at other places little further from Delhi was also very precarious. One
cannot fail to make mention of Kampil [situated in the district of Farrukhabad, Uttar
Pradesh], Patiali [district Etah U.P.] Katihar [the region of Rohelkhand, U.P.]
Such was the grave situation in the above-mentioned territories that Balban had to lead
these campaigns against the rebels personally. We are told that Balban had to stay for five or
six months in Kampil and Patiali. The stay of the Sultan in these regions for such a longer
duration shows that the task of curbing the rebels was not an easy one. However the power of
the rebels was completely shattered. With the result that the route to Awadh was cleared and
movement of caravans and merchants on this trade route became smooth without the fear of
the ‘robbers.’ It appears that one of result the Balban’s military campaign in Kampil and
Patiali was the opening of trade routes passing through this region.
The rebellion at Katihar was mainly of agrarian nature, and, therefore, it was considered
to be more dangerous. Consequently Balban ordered full military preparation before
launching an attack on the rebels of Katihar. Not only that the ‘Central army’ was thrown into
action it was further strengthened by the company of ‘5000 archers’.
Since the rebels at Katihar had a wider social base, this campaign proved to be bloodiest
of all the previous military exercises. The destruction of human life and property was
unprecedented. However, Balban succeeded in smashing the rebellion. With the result that
the emerging urban centres like Badaun, Amroha and Sambhal became safe from the attacks
of the ‘natives’ of Katihar.
The next target was the Salt-range (the Jud hills) and here too the Sultan’s army
succeeded in its mission. Why this attack was launched it is difficult to ascertain. But Barani
remarks that Balban ‘got so many horses that their price went down in the market and a horse
could be purchased for 30 to 40 tankas’, suggests that this campaign aimed at procuring
horses for maintaining or enhancing the strength of his cavalry.
Whatever the heavy cost the rebels paid in terms of life and property Balban succeeded in
establishing his rules in these troubled areas. This was certainly a big boost to his emerging
monarchial despotism. Besides strengthening its position in political terms these successful
military operation cleared the way for accumulation of finances by the state. The firm hold in
these disturbed areas meant the smooth flow of land tax from the rural areas to the imperial

13
treasury and fillip to trade and commerce. Therefore pacification of these regions not only
provided the Delhi Sultanate political stability but also put it on a better financial footing.
Measures against the Mongols
After the death of Chengiz Khan (1163-1227) the Mongols did not have a single united
empire. In fact according to the will of Changiz Khan his vast empire was sliced amongst his
sons and grandson. His descendants who ruled over Turkestan and Transoxiana were called
Chaghtai. And those of the Halaku’s descendants who ruled over Persia were called Il Khans.
The Mongols under Chaghtai rulers adopted an aggressive policy towards the Delhi
Sultanate and since they had sufficient military strength their inroads posed a real threat.
To meet the Mongol menace Balban shunned the policy of expansion and devoted his
energies to consolidate his internal position. While dealing with the internal problems
simultaneously he had to chalk out a suitable plan to frustrate the designs of the Mongols. To
begin with Balban deputed his eldest son Prince Muhammad to take charge of the northwest
frontier. He made Multan his headquarter. In other words the first line of defence was
entrusted to Prince Muhammad.
This arrangement was followed by putting Sunam, and Samana under the command of
Bughra Khan, who happens to be the second son of Balban. Malik Barbek was also kept
ready in Delhi. However, all these commanders had to operate jointly if the situation
demanded so. Perhaps each of them was supplied 17,000 to 18,000 horsemen.
Besides taking these steps Balban ordered building of new forts and repair of old forts. He
established thanas (military posts) also. All these steps were quite meaningful. But still the
vast border could not escape occasional inroads of the Mongols.
Sealing off the entire border was a gigantic task. The military and financial resources at
the disposal of the Delhi Sultanate were too inadequate to meet the requirement of the
situation. However thanks to Balban’s measures a large part of his empire remained safe. But
in the process he had to sacrifice his eldest son Prince Muhammad, who died in the battlefield
while facing the sudden attack of the Mongols in 1285. This was a terrible blow and soon in
1286 Balban died. And by 1290 his dynasty also came to a sudden eclipse when Qaiqubad
was done to death.
Lastly it is to be observed that in spite of the fact that Balban could not ensure the
continuity of his dynasty for a longer period yet his contribution to the consolidation of the
Delhi Sultanate was significant and provided a firm political base to the continuation of
despotic monarchy under the Khaljis and the Tughluqs.

14
1.3 The Khalji Rule (1290-1320)

Balban’s dynasty, after his death in 1286, stayed for a short period. Those who wanted to
retain the house of Balban in power were no match ‘to the more powerful group led by
Jalaluddin Khalji. He outmaneuvered his rivals. However, Jalaluddin Khalji preferred to keep
Kaimurs, son of Kaiqubad, ‘on the throne for a little over three month’. Nonetheless after
consolidating his position further he ascended the throne of Delhi Sultanate under the title of
Jalaluddin Firuz Shah Khalji. The Khaljis ruled over the Delhi Sultanate for the next thirty
year (1290- 1320).
Jalaluddin Khalji (1290-1296)
At the time of his accession Jalaluddin Khalji was seventy years of age. In his days of
youth he earned the reputation of a valiant warrior. He had successfully fought the Mongol
invaders on many occasions, but then old age had sapped much of his strength. Moreover, he
inherited many problems. The first task before Jalaluddin Khalji was to consolidate his newly
established rule. Particularly he paid proper attention to overcome the opposition led by a
section of old nobles. He was not vindictive and followed a conciliatory policy towards them
with a view to winning them over to his side. He succeeded in this effort but in the process
the young nobles of his stock i.e. the Khaljis were disillusioned and this ultimately led to a
crisis well exploited by his nephew, Ali Gurshasp (later on he is known as Alauddin Khalji).
He was also Jalaluddin’s son-in-law. Subsequently he was made the governor of Awadh.
After some time Ali Gurshasp conceived the bold plan of making a raid into the distant
territory of Devagiri. He had heard about the wealth of Devagiri, the capital of the Yadava
kingdom (modern Maharashtra), when undertook a campaign to Bhilsa (Vidisha). He eagerly
longed to obtain its wealth for furthering his future political design. In fact, it was a well-
designed scheme and Ali Gurshasp was prepared to take any risk for its implementation.
Early in the counter of 1295 Ali Gurshasp (Alauddin) secretly moved out of Kara and
marching via Chanderi, Bhilsa and Elichpur arrived at Devagiri. He defeated its ruler Rama
Chandra Deva (1271-1310). Ali Gurshasp was able to obtain immense treasures from him.
Laden with this wealth he was sure to consolidate his political position and to clear the way
for capturing the throne of Delhi. After some time he returned to Kara. He persuaded his
unsuspecting uncle, Jalaluddin Khalji, to visit him at Kara. This journey proved fatal to the
reigning Sultan who never knew that assassins were waiting for him. He was murdered in
broad day light. Ali Gurshasp ascended the throne of Delhi in 1296. Nowonwards he is
known as Alauddin Khalji.
Allauddin Khalji (1296-1316)
Alauddin Khalji was the most outstanding Sultan of the Khalji dynasty. He was a great
warrior and a versatile administrator.

15
 In the military sphere Alauddin Khalji not only succeeded in repulsing the invasions of
the Mongols but added vast territories to his empire. With his accession a new chapter of
conquests was opened in the history of the Sultanate.
1.3.1 Military Achievements of the Khaljis
Capture of Multan (1296) : No sooner had Alauddin Khalji ascended the throne he sent
his two generals Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan to capture Multan where the two sons of the
late Sultan, Arkali Khan and Ruknuddin Ibrahim, had established themselves. Ultimately they
had to submit. Alauddin’s army succeeded in taking over Multan in 1296. Arkali Khan and
Ruknuddin Ibrahim were captured and were blinded. Thus, Alauddin’s authority was firmly
established in Multan. Nowonwards Alauddin Khalji was keen to expand the boundaries of
his empire. He was a thorough expansionist but for the time being his ambitious designs
could not be translated into practice at once as he came to know about the invasion of the
Mongols in 1297.
Mongol Invasion (1297-98) : Kadar Khan, a Mongol commander, was sent by Daud
Khan-the ruler of Transoxiana, with 1,00,000 Mongols to conquer Multan, Sindh and the
Punjab. The Sultan despatched Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan to deal with the invader. Kadar
Khan was defeated on 5 February 1298 at Jaran-Manjur on the bank of the river Sutlej. The
Mongols suffered heavy losses and were pushed out of the country.
Invasion of Gujarat (1299) : As the Mongols were driven out Alauddin Khalji
immediately planned to attack the rich and prosperous kingdom of Gujarat. Its land was
fertile and it was a great centre of trade and manufacture. Perhaps more for economic reasons
Alauddin wanted to annex it to his empire.
Early in 1299, he deputed Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan for the conquest of Gujarat
placing a large force at their command. When the Khalji army arrived in Gujarat, its ruler Rai
Karan Vaghela was taken by complete surprise. He was unprepared for meeting the challenge
and was easily defeated. The Khalji army also succeeded in capturing his treasures and also
his chief queen Kamla Devi. Besides, Nusrat Khan’s incursion into Cambay resulted in the
capture of Kafur. Kamla Devi and Kafur were sent to Delhi.
Most of the towns in Gujarat were sacked and plundered by the Khalji soldiers. With rich
spoils of war, the victorious army returned to Delhi. The Kingdom of Gujarat was annexed to
the Delhi Sultanate and Alp Khan was appointed to govern it.
According to the contemporary historian, Ziauddin Barani,3 these early successes of
Alauddin made him very proud and arrogant. He began to entertain fantastic scheme. He
declared that he wanted to lay foundation of a new religion and also to conquer the whole
world. But on the advice of Malik Alaul Mulk, an important noble of the state, and also the

3
Ziauddin Barani composed his famous work Traikh-i - Firuzshahi in 1357. It is one of the most importan
sources of history of this period.

16
kotwal of Delhi the Sultan gave up his schemes. He now decided to concentrate his attention
on conquering the remaining independent kingdoms within Indian territory and fighting the
Mongols who used to invade the country now and then.
Invasion of Qutlugh Khwaja (1299) : Towards the close of the year (1299, Qutlugh
Khwaja, son of Dawa of Transoxiana, entered the country with 20 tumans4 (2,00,000)
soldiers. The aim of Qutlugh Khwaja was to conquer Delhi with a view to dislodging the
Khalji rule. He crossed the river Indus and his forces arrived near Delhi. The people in the
capital and its environs became very panicky. They flocked into the streets, markets and
mosques of Delhi. Such was the terror due to this invasion that Alaul Mulk Kotwal, one of
the most trusted nobles of Alauddin, advised him to postpone the battle and retreat to a safer
place. But the Sultan, Alauddin Khalji, was made of a stern stuff. He boldly accepted the
challenge.
Alauddin Khalji assembled his forces to face the Mongols with a view to offering them a
determined fight. With this object in view Alauddin moved with his army from Siri to Kili
where the Mongols were encamped. At Kili both armies faced each other, but none took
initiative. Alauddin did not want to strike first. However, Zafar Khan had different ideas. He
could not resist the temptation of attacking the Mongols. But in the process he was ambushed
and killed. This was a terrible blow for the Khalji army but then the Mongols fled. Thus the
determination of the Sultan had saved his empire.
Conquest of Ranthambhor (1299-1300): For the time being the Mongol danger was
over, which prompted Alauddin Khalji to embark upon the conquest of Rajputana. The em-
peror sent his two generals Ulugh Khan, governor of Bayana, and Nusrat Khan, governor of
Awadh, to invade Ranthambhor. At that time Ranthambhor was ruled by the Chauhan Raja
Hamir Deva, a direct descendant of the renowned Prithvi Raj. The Khalji generals converged
on the kingdom, but Raja Hamir Deva was not to be cowed down. He spurned the offer of
surrendering some royal refugees who had taken shelter with him and prepared to stand the
siege. While the siege was on, Nusrat Khan was killed by a missile (sang-i-maghrabi) from
the fort.
The death of Nusrat Khan deprived the Khalji army of one of its most capable military
leaders, and it was bound to have a demoralizing effect on the invading army. Alauddin
Khalji, on receiving news of the sudden demise of Nusrat Khan, was convinced that without
his presence the victory was not possible. Therefore, he decided to march from Delhi to
Ranthambhor in person. During his absence from Delhi, his nephews revolted at Kara and
Haji Maula rose in insurrection at Delhi. But Alauddin Khalji remained undisturbed and
pressed on the siege of Ranthambhor with still greater vigour. At last Ranthambhor was
captured in July 1301. Ulugh Khan was appointed as its governor, but he died after some
time.

4
One tuman = 10,000 (ten thousand).

17
 Conquest of Chitor (1303) : Success at Ranthambhor served as an additional spur to the
territorial ambitions of Alauddin Khalji to undertake further conquests in Rajputana. In
January 1303, the Sultan marched at the head of a large army for the conquest of Chitor.
Amir Khusrau, historian and poet, who accompanied the Sultan in this expedition gives a
detailed’account of the Chitor campaign. The fort was built on a rock and was deemed
impregnable. Besides, the Rajputs were valiant warriors and were renowned for their chivalry
throughout India. Chitor’s Rana Ratan Singh put up a heroic resistance for full eight months.
In the end three women performed jauhar (Jivahar-self-immolation) and the brave Rajputs
dashed out of the fort to fight to the bitter end. However, Prof. Banarasi Prasad Saxena is of
the opinion that Ratan Singh surrendered and his life was spared. But Ratan Singh’s chiefs
(maqaddams) and soldiers were not shown any mercy and three thousand of them were put to
sword. After appointing his son, Khizr Khan, as the governor of Chitor, the Sultan returned to
Delhi on hearing the news of the Mongol invasion led by Targhi.5
Invasion of Targhi (1303)
On coming to know about the involvement of Alauddin in Rajputana the Mongols
perhaps thought of attacking Delhi in his absence. Under Targhi an army of 30,000 to 40,000
horsemen was despatched. But to their surprise Alauddin was first to reach Delhi. On hearing
about the plans of Mongols the situation in the capital again assumed a critical turn. Khalji
army had not yet recouped from the losses it had suffered at Chitor. Besides, this time the
Mongols were determined on capturing Delhi itself. They had marched straight to Delhi
without disturbing the country through which they passed. But nothing could frighten
Alauddin Khalji. He arrayed his forces in the plains of Siri and strengthened its defenses by
digging trenches and constructing palisades, fence of strong pointed wooden stakes). The
Mongols attacked the environs of the capital and even looted the royal granaries, but they
could not pierce the defences set up by the Sultan. The patience of Targhi, who had come
prepared only for a quick and open action, was exhausted in two month’s time, and he
decided to order a retreat with a clear intention of reaching his country by forced marches.
The invasion of Targhi opened the eyes of Alauddin as pointed out by Barani. He had
learnt a lesson from this menacing Mongol invasion, and he now took definite measures to
combat the Mongols effectively.
Alauddin’s Security Measures
(i) Alauddin Khalji shifted his head-quarters to the newly built city fort of Siri.
(ii) Old forts were repaired, new forts were constructed.
(iii) Experienced officers and well-equipped soldiers were appointed to garrison these
forts.

5
These royal refugees were those soldiers who had rebelled at Jalor after the conquest of Gujarat in 1299,
and had been provided shelter by Raja Hamir Deva of Ranthambhor.

18
 (iv) The army too was reorganised and new enlistment were made. The strength of the
standing army was raised to 4,75,000.
(v) The soldiers were kept satisfied by fixing the prices of commodities in the market.
Government granaries were kept well-stocked with foodstuffs throughout the year
so that in times of war there could neither be fear of scarcity of provision nor of any
rise in prices.
Invasions of Ali Beg, Tartag, and Targhi (1305-06) : Targhi could not reconcile with
his retreat. He therefore, marched into India once again in 1305. This time two other Mongol
generals, Ali Beg and Tartaq, accompanied him. But the supreme commander of this
campaign was Ali Beg. This invasion was in no way less formidable than that of 1299 and
1303. It seems that Targhi retreated after some time but Ali Beg and Tartaq, however,
continued to advance. They bypassed Delhi and entered the Doab inflicting numerous
cruelties. On hearing about the advances of the Mongols, Alauddin Khalji immediately
deputed Malik Nayak. He was a Hindu officer of Alauddin Khalji and enjoyed his
confidence. It is also to be noted that the governorship of Samana and Sunam was entrusted
to Malik Nayak. With thirty thousand horsemen Malik Nayak swiftly moved into action and
inflicted a crushing defeat on the Mongols near Amroha on 20 December, 1305.
Invasions of Taibu Iqbal and Kabk (1306-07) : The following year (1306), the
Mongols appeared again but now Alauddin was well prepared to meet their challenge. This
time the Mongols were under the leadership of three generals: “One was Tai Bu, the other
was Iqbal and the third was Kabk.” Each of them had a separate contingent under him. The
Mongols attacked Sindh and the Punjab simultaneously and carried fire and sword wherever
they went. Alauddin Khalji appointed Malik Izzuddin Kafur Sultani to deal with the invaders
one by one. The Khalji commander routed the army of Kabk, who was taken into custody
along with his numerous soldiers. Others fled into the desert of Sindh where the (Mongols)
“with their fingers in their mouths” begged for water. Many of them were killed, many others
were made prisoners and the rest were chased out of the country.
The capture of Kabk and the complete rout of his army created panic in the camps of
Iqbal and Kabk, who thought it wise to save their skin and swiftly returned to their country.
However, it did not prove an easy task for them. Many of their soldiers were either killed or
captured by the Khalji army. Some had the consolation of saving their life, but Kabk lost it
shortly after he reached Delhi. With Kabk’s expedition the last spark of Mongol aggression
died out. They dared not invade India again.
The defeats of the Mongols encouraged Alauddin to take further steps. He initiated
aggressive policy with a view to crushing the power of the Mongols further Ghazi Tughlaq,
who had been appointed to guard the north-western frontier, could march every year into the
Mongol territories. These repeated inroads of his struck terror in the heart of the Mongols.
Thus the tables had been completely turned and for this the credit goes to Alauddin’s bold
imaginative and realistic appreciation of the situation and the timely remedial measures taken
by him. Consequently, the Mongol menace, which had made his predecessors tremble on the

19
throne, was put to an end. Alauddin’s bold measures (which will be discussed in length in the
next lesson), including the maintenance of a formidable standing army, and above all, his
firm resolve to arrest the Mongol encroachments relieved the Delhi Sultanate of a calamity
that had been constantly haunting the minds both of the rulers and the peoples of India for
many decades.
Conquests of Malwa (1305) : Alauddin Khalji was truly a great conqueror. The recurring
Mongol invasions did not deter him from launching a new scheme of conquests. Capitulation
of Ranthambhor and Chitor had opened the eyes of the Rajput princes to the irresistibility of
the Turkish arms. Many of them readily submitted to Alauddin, but others who did not
submit before him were taken to task.
One such defiant Rajput ruler was Rai Mahlak Deva of Malwa, who possessed 30,000 or
40,000 cavalry and a still larger infantry. Annoyed at his recalcitrance, the Sultan sent Malik
Ainul Mulk Multani with a large force (10,000 horsemen) to conquer Malwa in 1305. Ainul
Mulk entered Malwa carrying fire and sword. When his commander-in-chief, Koka Pradhan,
was defeated, Mahlak Deva flew from Dhar to Mandu. Even Mandu was besieged. Mahlak
Deva was killed and the kingdom was incorporated in the Sultanate. Ainul Mulk was
appointed Malwa’s governor and he administered the country well. He was also able to
capture Ujjain, Dhar and Chanderi.
Conquest of Siwana and Jalor (1309) : In 1308, Malik Kafur was sent on an expedition
to the south, while Sultan himself left with a large army to attack Siwana in Rajputana. Its
ruler Sital Deva defended the fort stoutly but was defeated and killed in September 1309. His
kingdom was placed under Malik Kamaluddin Gurg.
In the same year the Chauhan Raja of Jalor, Kanher Deva who too had refused to submit
to Alauddin was attacked. The Rajputs met the royalists in a number of engagements, but
ultimately they were defeated. And Kanher Deva was killed in a close combat. Maldeva, a
brother of Kanher, survived the massacre of Jalor. He secured the goods will of the Sultan
and was appointed to govern Jalor.
With the capitulation of almost all the leading states of Rajputana like Ranthambhor,
Chitor, Siwana and Jalor the remaining states -like Bundi, Mandor, Tonk and Marwar were
made to surrender to the Delhi Sultanate. Thus by the end of the first decade of the 14th
century the whole of Rajputana lay at the feet of the Sultan of Delhi.
Causes of the Failure of Rajput Rulers : Why the Rajput rulers suffered defeat against
Alauddin? The reasons for their defeat are numerous and may be discussed as follows :
Firstly, the Rajputs failed to build a strong centralized political structure. In the absence
of a centralized administrative set up every unit was working without a definite aim with the
result that administrative cohesiveness was completely lacking. On the other hand the Turks
established a centralized machinery which was further perfected by rules like Balban and
Alauddin.

20
 Another reason of Rajput defeat was their excessive reliance on the forts. They were
usually constructed on the tops of some hillocks as a measure of defence. But once the citadel
was subjected to a siege, it was cut off from the plains, and provisions could not reach the fort
the plains below. Sanitary conditions inside the forts were not satisfactory, more so during a
siege, when these became over-crowded and epidemics often took a heavy toll of lives.
Moreover, the Rajputs were steeped in their age long traditions of warfare. They had little
contact with the Central Asian countries and were unacquainted with the change the Mongols
had introduced in the art of war. The army of the Delhi Sultanate had learnt much from
Mongol tactics of warfare, as it was continually poised against the latter. Besides, it
possessed engines of war like Iradas (stone throwing machine) and also gargajes. It knew the
art of constructing pashebs (an earthen mound built so high that it reaches the top a besieged
fort for escalating the fort walls.) The Rajputs fought with elephants in open engagements.
They failed to learn ambushes, camouflaging and feigning retreats, in which the Turks were
adept.
Lastly, the resources of the Rajput Rajas were limited. Their country was hilly and barren,
both crops and water were scarce. How could the Rajput Rajas hope to win against the
Sultans of Delhi? The Sultans of Delhi possessed the Punjab and Awadh-like Bengal and
Gujarat these were the most fertile regions of the country, and could bank upon an unlimited
supply of provisions and reinforcements.

Alauddin Khalji and the Deccan

By 1307 the tide of Mongol aggression had been fully checked and almost the whole of
Northern India had been conquered. These were great military achievements but Alauddin
was still keen to expand his empire further. In 1295 Alauddin marched beyond Vindhayas
and succeeded in defeating the ruler of Devagiri. His Short lived stay in the Deccan helped
him to make the assessment of the situation prevailing in this new region, Alauddin was
convinced that before the well-trained army of Delhi the Deccan rulers could not stand. The
Deccan was ripe for invasion. Therefore after becoming the Sultan of Delhi Alauddin could
not ignore the conquest of the Deccan. There were four prominent kingdoms in the Deccan at
this time:
1) The Maratha kingdom of Devagiri, ruled by the Yadavas, lay to the south of the
Vindhyas.
2) To its south-east was situated the kingdom of Telingana which was ruled by the
Kakatiyas from their capital at Warangal.
3) To the south of Devagiri and South-west of Telingana was the kingdom of
Dwarsamudra ruled by the Hoyasalas.
4) To the extreme south was situated the kingdom of the Pandyas known to Persian his
torians as the country of Maa’bar.

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 All these kingdoms were known for their wealth. For Alauddin Khalji the Deccan
provided the best prospects of obtaining both wealth and glory. Alauddin Khalji needed
wealth to maintain his standing army and at the same time he was a thorough expansionist.
Hence he could not resist the temptation of embarking upon a plan of conquest of the Deccan
as soon as he found himself reassured that the security of his northern dominion was no
longer exposed to any threat, internal or external.
Expeditions of Devagiri (1308) : It may be recalled that even when Alauddin Khalji was
a prince, “he had invaded Devagiri, and forced its ruler Rama Chandra to submit to him. For
many years, Rama Chandra continued sending the yearly tribute but then taking advantage of
the long distance between Delhi and Devagiri, he stopped it. Alauddin could hardly tolerate
this, but immediately he was not in a position to retaliate. However, in 1308 he deputed
Malik Kafur to march against Devagiri in order to realise the areas of tribute. Malik Kafur
had been captured in the sack of Gujarat in 1299 and since then, had risen from one position
of trust and responsibility to another position of greater responsibility.
With 30,000 horses, Malik Kafur started for the Deccan. On the way, he was joined by
the forces of Ainul Mulk Multani, governor of Malwa, and Alp Khan, governor of Gujarat.
Plundering and ravaging the country-side, Malik Kafur arrived at Devagiri, Rama Chandra
was hardly prepared for an invasion. However, he hurriedly collected his army but the battle
that followed resulted in his defeat. He sued for peace and presented a large amount of
treasure and a number of elephant to Kafur. When Malik Kafur returned to Delhi Rama
Chandra accompanied him. The sultan received the Yadava ruler honorably and gave him the
title of Rai Rayan. It was a great diplomatic move of Alauddin. Thus Rama Chandra was
befriended and he later on helped Malik Kafur in the subjugation of the southern states.
Campaign of Warangal (1309-10) : The success at Devagiri encouraged Alauddin to
send Malik Kafur against the kingdom of Warangal. Alauddin instructed Malik Kafur to force
Pratap Rudra Deva, the ruler of Warangal, to submit. The latter was permitted to retain his
kingdom provided he gave up his treasures and accepted the suzerainty of Alauddin Khalji.
In October, 1309 Malik Kafur, the supreme commander of the Khalji army in the Deccan,
invaded Warangal. As Malik Kafur was already acquainted with the road the Deccan, he
marched via Devagiri. Rama Chandra, the ruler of Devagiri, provided every facility to the
Khalji army by establishing markets for their soldiers. He even reinforced the Delhi army
with some of his Maratha troops. Helped by the guides of Rama Chandra, Malik Kafur
reached Warangal without wasting any time.
On his arrival at Warangal Malik Kafur laid siege to the fort. Partap Rudra Deva was
taken unaware, but stood the siege as long as he could. When he found his task hopeless, he
sued for peace. Malik Kafur, in accordance with the instruction of the Sultan, demanded from
the Raja most of his treasures as well as promise of a yearly tribute. When these conditions
were accepted by Pratap Rudra Deva the siege of the fort was raised by Malik Kafur. With
the captured wealth, which perhaps included the famous diamond, koh-i-noor, he started back
for Delhi, where Sultan Alauddin Khalji was overjoyed to receive him.

22
 Expeditions of Dwarsamudra and Ma’abar (1310-11) : On his return from Warangal,
Malik Kafur told Sultan Alauddin Khalji that he had learnt at Warangal that the kingdom of
Ma’ abar possessed large number of elephants and immense wealth. He therefore, expressed
a desire to lead an expedition into that far-off kingdom of the Southern India. Alauddin Khalji
was no less keen to get us as much wealth from the Deccan as possible. He ordered Malik
Kafur to lead an expedition into farther south which was reported to be a distance of about
one year’s journey from Delhi. Malik Kafur started on his expedition in November, 1310.
At Devagiri, Rama Chandra once again rendered all possible help to the Khalji army on
its south-ward march. After crossing many difficult rivers and high hills, Malik Kafur
reached the borders of Dwarsamudra. Luckily for him, the Hoyasala ruler, Vir Ballala III, at
this time had gone farther south with his army on an expedition. On hearing of Malik Kafur’s
arrival in his kingdom, he returned in haste. But he was so frightened at the turn of event that
he gave up resistance after a few minor skirmishes. He made his submission. Vir Ballala III
gave a good amount of his treasure to Malik Kafur and promised to send a yearly tribute.
Malik Kafur asked Vir Ballala III to lead on the way towards Ma’abar. The Hoyasala,
ruler had no option but to agree. From Dwarsamudra he Khalji army started in March 1311
towards Ma’abar. After five laborious marches, it reached the frontier of Ma’abar. Inci-
dentally a war of succession was raging in Ma’ abar. Two Pandya princes were contesting for
their ancestral throne. Sundar Pandya invited Malik Kafur to help him in defeating his
brother, Vir Pandya. This gave Malik Kafur a welcome opportunity to fish in the troubled
waters of Ma’ abar’s politics. He went from place to place in pursuit of Vir Pandya, destroy-
ing many ancient temples and collecting a large booty in gold weighing approximately
96,000 man (maunds) jewels. 20,000 horses and 612 elephants Malik Kafur arrived back in
Delhi in October 1311. The Sultan had grand darbar to honour this valiant general and
profusely rewarded his officers and soldiers. However, it is pointed out than in spite of ob-
taining enormous wealth from Ma’abar Malik Kafur failed to subdue it completely.
Causes of Malik Kafur’s Success in the Deccan : The various invasions of Malik Kafur
gave a big blow to the rulers of the Deccan peninsula. However, the causes of his success in
the Deccan are not far to seek. Like the Rajput states of the north, the southern kingdoms
were constantly fighting against one another. When Alauddin had marched into Devagiri in
1296, Rama Chandra’s son Sankara Deva, had gone towards the Hoyasala country with his
forces. When Kafur marched against the Hoyasala country, its king Vir Ballala III was absent
in farther south trying to snatch a portion of the Pandya country, and the two Pandya brothers
were constantly fighting with each other. Not only that, in place of uniting and helping one
another in face of a common foreign foe, they used to assist the invaders against their neigh-
bors.Thus Rama Chandra helped Malik Kafur in the conquest of Telingana and Dwarsamudra
and Vir Ballala escorted the imperial army farther south to Ma’ abar. Sundar Pandya even
sought Malik Kafur’s help against his own brother. What better conditions he could obtain
for.the Turkish arms in the South?
The defeat of the southern princes was not due wholly to their disunity. The army of
Alauddin on account of his various reforms was efficient, well-equipped and well-organized.

23
In discipline, strategy and tactics, the Khalji army was far superior to those of the southern
armies under various rulers of the South. The intelligence services of the south Indian rulers
seem to have been out of gear, and this is proved by the fact that to each state, the invasion of
Malik Kafur came as a surprise.
After achieving stupendous military successes Alauddin Khalji was not destined to enjoy
the fruits of his victory for more than a decade. He expired in the night of 4 January 1316.
Qutubuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-20) : After some difficulty Alauddin’s son
Qutbuddin succeeded him under the title of Mubarak Shah Khalji. Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah
Khalji was hardly a match to his father, Alauddin. Many of Alauddin’s administrative
measures fell into disuse, but somehow Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji was able to retain
the territories which he inherited from his father.
When in 1316 Gujarat revolted, Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji deputed Ainul-Mulk
Multani to deal with the rebels. Ainul Mulk marched to Gujarat. He quelled the rebellion and
brought the countryside under control.
In 1318 Harpal Deva, son-in-law of Rama Chandra of Devagiri, unfurled the standard of
revolt. Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah marched to Devagiri in person. He defeated and killed
Harpal Deva. Leaving his favorite Khusrau Khan in the Deccan, he himself returned to Delhi.
After a short stay in the Deccan, Khusrau Khan returned to Delhi. His ambitions soared high
and the intrigued against the Sultan. Ultimately Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji was killed in
1320. Thus the rule of the Khalji dynasty came to an end.
Conclusion : Of all the monarchs of the Khalji dynasty Alauddin was the most able
ruler. During his reign of twenty years he had conquered almost the whole of India, both
north and the south. His empire extended from the river Indus in the west to the borders of
Bengal in the east. Gujarat and Rajputana were also under his control. In the Deccan, all the
leading rulers were his vassals. Such an extensive empire was neither held by his
predecessors nor even by his successors during the Sultanate period. And what is more
remarkable is that Alauddin Khalji had initiated the process of expansion at a time when the
Mongols were constantly invading the territories of the Delhi Sultanate. Indeed the conquests
of Alauddin Khalji are unique in the annals of Medieval Indian history.
1.3.2 Reforms of Alauddin Khalji
In the preceding section we had discussed the brilliant military achievements of Alauddin
Khalji, the most outstanding military leader of the Sultanat period, who not only built up an
extensive empire but also successfully repelled the Mongol attacks. In the field of
administration too his accomplishments were of the high order. From the inception of the
Turkish rule in India upto the time of Jalaluddin Khalji, most of the Sultans of Delhi were
mainly preoccupied with conquests only, or to defend whatever they had acquired from their
predecessors. Alauddin Khalji not only carried the expansionist policy of the earlier Sultans
to its logical culmination, but at the same time initiated concrete steps to gear up

24
administrative machinery, to reoganize army and to evolve a new economic policy. It was left
to Alauddin Khalji to overhaul the administrative machinery and introduce steps of far-
reaching consequence in the land revenue system. Equally important were his market
regulations.

Alauddin’s Approach towards Administration

Alauddin Khalji’s approach towards the business of the state was not guided by religious
law. In the formulation of his policies he took into account the mundane considerations. He
kept the sufis and the ulama at a distance, and never allowed them to meddle in politics. His
attitude may be best summed up in his own words: “I know not whether my laws are
sanctioned by our faith (i.e. Islam) or not, but whatever I conceive to be for the good of the
state, that I decree.” In this way he struck a new note in the conception of medieval kingship.
Under him the temporal power eclipsed the ecclesiastical. He emphatically warned the
orthodox Muslim Ulama (religious scholars) that the business of the Sultan was to administer
the state, and in this sphere he was absolutely free to act according to his own judgement
irrespective of their opinion or advice. Only in matters related with the personal laws of the
Muslim community the position of the Qazis and Muftis was more or less left untouched.
However, this was not his theoretical position, he meant what he said. Alauddin Khalji
possessed the required iron will to enforce his command. He made the clergy to submit to his
wishes and refused to tolerate any interference from the side of religious leaders in matters of
administration.
Suppression of the Nobility
The nobility posed more often a problem to the Sultans of Delhi. The nobles mainly
consisted of Turks, Pathans, few of them were Indian. During the early Turkish period many
of them started their careers as slaves and achieved great eminence and some even had
ascended the throne because of their personal merit. (Can you cite some examples?)
Theoretically there was no limit to the acquisition of the highest position by a nobleman or a
slave. Consequently throughout the Turkish period of medieval Indian history a struggle for
the possession of actual power was a recurring phenomenon. Under strong Sultans the nobles
usually served loyally. However at an opportunate moment they did not hesitate to raise the
banner of revolt, but under the weak kings they became a real threat to the very existence of
the Sultanat of Delhi.
Alauddin Khalji was aware of the dangers of powerful nobility. The various revolts of
nobles like Ikat Khan, Umar Khan and Mangu Khan and the episode of Haji Maula at Delhi,
had alarmed the Sultan. He thought over this problem, and finally came to the conclusion
according to Barani, that there were four chief reasons behind these revolts :
• the ignorance of the Sultan regarding the acts of the Subjects.
• the drinking parties of the nobles.
• sense of unity amongst the nobles.
• wealth of the people.

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 Therefore, after his return from Ranthambhor in 1301, Alauddin Khalji issued certain
regulations which struck at the power of the nobles.
The nobles were ordered to refrain from visiting one another or holding drink-parties.
They were prohibited from contracting marriages without the permission of the Sultan. On
the death of a noble, his property lapsed to the crown. All these regulations were rigidly
enforced. Noncompliance was sternly punished. An efficient system of intelligence and
espionage was established. All the activities of the nobles were kept under close and strict
surveillances, this scared the nobles. They began to behave most cautiously and carefully.
According the contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani because of the fear of the spies, the
Amirs and Maliks dared not speak aloud with each other in the their private lodges, and
expressed themselves only through gestures. Further the nobles were asked to handover their
jagirs. Whether all of them or some of them were deprived of their jagirs is a matter of
dispute among the scholars but certainly they had to undergo a tough time so long Alauddin
Khalji lived. All these measures affected the power, pocket and position of the nobility to a
large extent.
The suppression of the clergy and the nobility facilitated the Sultan’s work of
administration in which he occupied the key position. However Prof. Satish Chandra is of the
view that by suppressing the nobility Alauddin Khalji destroyed the very basis of support to
his dynasty. With a view tip asserting his authority he inflicted severe punishments as
deterrent to crimes. Police administration was streamlined.
Fiscal and Revenue Reforms
Alauddin Khalji was the first sovereign of the Delhi Sultanat who took a keen interest in
fiscal and revenue administration. His predecessors, from Qutbuddin Aibek to Jalalauddin
Khalji, did not possess the initiative to devote their attention to these complicated problems
of administration.
The first major step which Alaudin Khalji took was connected with land question, which
occupied a pivotal position in the medieval economy. It was impossible to run the stupendous
state machinery without properly tackling this vital economic question. Generally it is
believed that Alauddin Khalji began by reclaiming as much land as possible. He ordered that
all estates held as milk (proprietary) inam (reward or remuneration) and waqf (endowment)
were to be turned into the khalisa or crown lands and their management was taken over by
the government. Contrary to this view Prof. Banarsi Prasad Saksena opines:
“No one was plundered on account of his wealth. At his accession Alauddin had not only
confirmed but increased charitable endowments and state grants of all types. Now he issued
an order cancelling them.” Wherever there was a village held by state-grant (milk), state-gift
(inam) or charitable endowment (waqf), it was by a stroke of the pen to be brought back
(bazarand) into the Khalisa” Nothing was taken into the Khalisa, which did not originally
belong to it.”

26
 It is also to be understood that Alauddin Khalji strictly supervised the working of the
representatives i.e. khuts, muquddams and chaudharis. They were no more allowed to act
according to their whims in the rural areas under their jurisdiction. Contrary to earlier
practice of not paying any tax ‘from their own lands’ and their refusal to ‘come to the
revenue office’ the representatives were not onward forced to behave obediently. And no
difference was permitted in the payment of taxes. In this regard they were treated as ordinary
peasants. They were also prevented from shifting their economic burden to the common
peasanty.
By another ordinance Alauddin Khalji fixed the governments’s share of the produce of
the land and laid down the method of assessment. He was the first Sultan of medieval India
who fixed the revenue on the basis the actual measurement of land. The unit of measurement
was the biswah which is known and used even to this day. Under the system all cultivable
land was brought under assessment at the uniform rate of fifty per cent. The demand of 50%
on the gross produce was undoubtedly a very harsh imposition. But it was done to meet the
financial requirements of a strong and expanding state structure including its enlarged
military apparatus.

Besides the land tax, Alauddin Khalji also levied a house-tax (ghari) and a grazing-taxs
(chari). All milk-yielding animals like cows, buffaloes and goats that went for grazing were
to be taxed. Jizya (‘Properly “Jiziya” poll tax levied on non-Muslims or “Zimmis”) was also
a source of income. However, it was not taken from those who paid Kharaj or land tax.
Women, children and the insance were exempted from it. Another tax was Khums. This word
means ‘one-fifth’ and was the share of the state in the loot of war. Alauddin however,
collected from his soldiers 4/5 th of the loot seized in a military campaign. Another tax was
zakat which was levied in the shape of import duties. All these taxes combined, left the
people very little money over and above that was necessary for bare livelihood. But the
fixation or revence on the basis of measurement as well as the new regulations pertaining to
the jagirs were bold measures which strengthened the position of Sultan in tackling the
problems of administration more effectively.
Revenue Officials
The credit of the success with which the orders of the Sultan pertaining to revenue
matters were enforced and the revenue realized goes to the naib wazir, i.e. deputy prime
minister, Sharaf Qaini. He was successful in introducing the system of measurement in the
regions around Delhi, the Doab, Rohilkhand, the Punjab with exception of Multan and parts
of Malwa and Rajputana. Obviously assessment on the basis of measurement could not be
effected throughout the empire. In Awadh or Bihar and Gujarat the new revenue regulations
regarding measurement and produce per biswa were not introduced. Nevertheless, all that had
been accomplished was a great achievement.
A large number of officials were appointed to carry on the revenue administration. There
were : accountants (mutasarrifs) demanders of tributes (muhassils), clerks (nawisandas) etc.
The patwaris kept land-records of the village. : amils (revenue collectors) collected the
revenue and karkuns helped the amil in his duties. But as the revenue system now introduced

27
by Alauddin was new, and the machinery for assessment and collection still underdeveloped,
large arrears of revenue were bound to remain unrealized. Moreover the lower grade revenue
staff, whose number had very much increased with the increase in the area of the khalisa
(crown lands), were corrupt and often resorted to extortion and coercion. Alauddin was
determined to set them right.
Sharaf Qaini, the naib wazir, took steps to enquire into the arrears which stood in the
name of amis or revenue collectors, and to punish them if the arrears were not paid by them
in full. To meet the other evils he fixed salaries for the revenue staff so that they may not
resort to corruption and extort money from the poor peasants. Sharaf Qaini, the naib wazir,
freely punished the amils and karkun for neglect of duty. Corrupt officials were severely
dealth with. Falsification of accounts or resort to bribery, which were common practices,
were severely checked. The punishments seem to have been severe, for thousands of clerks
and revenue collectors were removed from service or had to suffer imprisonment. Service in
the revenue department thereby seems to have got a bad name, and Barani says that nobody
would give his daughter in marriage to a revenue official. In many ways the tone of
administration was improved and corruption was arrested. Barani thus remarks :
“It was impossible for any one to obtain even a tanka dishonestly or take anything in
bribe from the Hindus or the Muslmans”.
Market Regulations
Alauddin khalji did not confine his activities to the land revenue sphere only. Being
realist he devoted himself to frame the market regulations with the purpose of regularizing
the prices of various commodities. Military considerations forced him to take bold steps in
this direction. Alauddin had to repel a number of Mongol invasions as well as to conquer
many independent kingdoms. For this he needed a large army. It is said that the standing
army totalled about five lakhs. Through a number of reforms like direct recruitment, branding
of horses, and periodical inspections and review, the Sultan had made his army very efficient.
But this huge army had to be kept satisfied if the Sultan desired success in his schemes of
conquest and of defence. He could not pay as high a salary to his soldiers as the situation
demanded. In any case it could not be tagged to the price rise. Had he done it, that would
have drained his treasury. Therefore he offered a rational solution to make the soldiery
contented with the salary to be paid by the central treasury.

Aluddin Khalji fixed a soldier’s salary at 234 tankas a year. This salary was not much, but
the soldiers had to be kept contented. To realise this end, the Sultan hit upon the plan of
fixing prices of almost all the essential commodities in the market of Delhi so that every
soldier could live well within his fixed salary. Incidentally, the people of Delhi also gained by
this measure though it was primarily intended for the benefit of the soldier.
Price Fixation : As you know the prime necessity of man is food. People are happy if
food can be had without costing them much. Alauddin Khalji who had to keep a large army
contented, felt it necessary that the price of foodgrains must be regulated and kept at a
reasonable level.

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 Alauddin Khalji began by regulating the price of foodgrains and fixed it at a reasonable
level. However, it should be kept in mind that man (maund) of Alauddin Khalji’s period
would be, according to Irfan Habib, equivalent to ‘12.235 present-day sirs’. Coming to Alai
tanka, we are told by Prof. Banarsi Prasad Saksena, it was “equal in weight but higher in
silver content than the rupee of the British Indian empire.” Jital was a small copper coin. The
contemporary historians of the Sultanat period point one very important fact the prices of
essential commodities in Delhi remained fixed whether it was a period or of plenty or of
scarcity. “So long as Alauddin lived, monsoon no monsoon, there was not the slightest rise in
these prices. The regulation of prices in the grain market was a wonder of the age.” -Barani
Prices
1. Barely 4 Jitals 1 man
2. Gram 4 Jitals 1 man
3. Rice 5 Jitals 1 man
4. Pulse 5 Jitals 1 man
5. Wheat 7.5 Jitals 1 man
According to Prof. Satish Chandra “a citizen of Delhi could buy for a tanka (almost
equivalent to a silver rupees) 96 kilos of wheat, 144 Kilos of rice, and 180 kilos of barley”.
Supply of Foodgrains Assured : after the regulations of price control were brought into
operation, grain was sold in the market at the fixed rates only. In the grain market, there were
two types of merchants, viz., those who had permanent shops in Delhi, and the travelling
merchants who brought grain into the city and sold it to the shopkeepers as well as to the
people. The enforcement of the market regulations and the fixing of the prices of grains at
low rates discouraged the travelling merchants from coming to the city. But Malik Qubul, the
Superintendent of the Grain Market, forced the leaders of the travelling merchants to take up
residence in Delhi and compelled them to bring grain regularly to the market. To obviate the
difficulties of these travelling merchants in obtaining grain at a reasonable price- Alauddin
issued orders to the officials and collectors in the Doab to obtain as much grain as possible
from the cultivators as soon as the crop was ready for harvest at a fixed rate, leaving to them
(i.e. the peasants) only that much which was essential for their bare needs. Consequently, all
available grain flowed into the market which remained well-stocked.
The system no doubt did impose some hardships on the merchants and traders. But
keeping in view the compulsion of the market system as deviced by Alauddin it was
unavoidable.
In times of drought there was danger of this supply being cut off or reduced. As a guard
against the uncertainty of nature, the Sultan established government stores. There were
godowns where grain was stored in reserve to be released in times of emergency. When the
country suffered from a drought grain was rationed and it could not be sold freely. In
abnormal times each household was given half a man (i.e. 6.175 seers) of grain per day which
was sufficient for a normal family.

29
 At least in Delhi people lived a life of contentment, undisturbed by any fear of scarcity.
The system of rationing was a novel idea of Alauddin Khalji and does credit to his
administrative imagination and skill.
Cloth-Trade Regulated : next to food, the other important item brought under price con-
trol was cloth. Barani gives a long list of different varieties of silk and cotton fabrics, the
prices of which were fixed by Alauddin Khalji. From the list appears that in medieval times
Delhi Sultanat, cloth was not so cheap as grain. Price of silk was even higher. The control of
prices of cloth confronted the government with almost the same problem which it had to face
when it controlled the prices of the food grains. The merchants, who came from far-off places
like Multan and Devagiri were reluctant to sell their goods in Delhi, since they could not
make much profit. To induce the cloth merchants not to abondon transaction business in the
capital, Alauddin advanced to them large sums of money and provided them even with
residential accommodation. There was yet another problem for the Sultan to tackle. People
used to buy costly merchandise, especially silk cloth, at Delhi and sell it at a higher price
outside the city. To put a stop to this type of black-marketing, the Sultan ordered that permits
should be issued only to bonafide purchasers like high class nobles. All the purchasers of
such like merchandise were required to give a written receipt for the articles thus bought by
them. In this way any possibility of profiteering was eliminated.
Rules were also framed to regulate the sale of horses, cattle and slaves, their prices were
also fixed. Broker or dalals who tried to make undue profits were severely punished. In short,
prices for almost all the essential commodities needed by the inhabitants of Delhi whether
civilian or military were fixed. What is more interesting is that the government even fixed
prices of such articles of daily use as shoes, combs, needles, etc.
Market Officials : Such an elaborate system of market control under which prices of a
large number of articles of common use were fixed, the merchants registered, and profiting
and speculation strictly forbidden, could not be worked without a large and efficient staff.
Two trustworthy nobles Malik Qubul and Malik Yaqub, were appointed in charge of the
Grain and Cloth Markets respectively. They were designated as shuhnas (superintendents of
controllers). Besides them a number of barids (intelligence officers) and munhis (spies) were
appointed. Individually and separately they used to send reports about happening in the
markets to the Sultan, who used to compare these reports. And if there was any discrepany in
the reports and inquiry was ordered and the culprits punished. Even as high an officer as
Malik Qubul was once punished for suggesting the rising of the price of wheat in a time of
scarcity. Naturally, all the officials were terribly afraid of the Sultans wrath and most of them
tried to work honestly. With a view to keeping the shopkeepers on the right track Alauddin
used to send small boys to the market with a few copper coins and when they returned with
their articles, he got these weighed. If any shopkeeper was found to have weighed less he was
severely punished. Such was the fear of the Sultan’s reprisals that sometimes the shopkeepers
gave to their customers even more than the actual weight. Whipping and other punishments
were very commonly used for the enforcement of these market regulations.
Review of price control Policy
Some scholars of medieval Indian history (like Dr. P. Saran) criticize Alauddin Khalji’s
price-control policy on account of its adverse effects on the traders and merchants. While not

30
denying the fact that the traders and merchants were subjected to strict regulations and at time
were harshly treated too. It will be wrong to think that they were denied any incentive to
carry on their business. At no time Alauddin thought of getting rid of the merchants and
traders. Rather huge amount of money was advanced to them to make purchases. However,
Alauddin Khalji was not prepared to allow them a free hand to indulge in hoarding or to a
mass profits at the cost of his price scheme. Moderate profits and incentives were not denied
to them but they had to operate within limits laid down by Alauddin. Unlike the price system
of the modern age, his government’s scheme was a success.
In regard to the peasants, the tyranny of the intermediaries was curbed and better law and
order conditions prevailed for them. But their economic condition could not improve as land
revenue was raised to 50%.
It must, however be remembered that the welfare of the people was not the motive of
Alauddin-Khalji’s economic policy. To him the prime necessity was the maintenance of large
army, which was raised to repel Mongol invasions, to suppress nobility and the defiant chiefs
of India and to capture new territories. Alauddin succeed in accomplishing these objectives. It
can also not to be denied that the benefits of market regulations certainly provided-welcome
relief to the bulk of the people of Delhi whether civilian or military.
It is also to be kept in mind as remarked by Irfan Habib : “......the entire basis of the new
taxation was the consumption of a large part of the agricultural surplus in the towns. In turn,
as Barani logically explains, the new system of taxation enabled ‘Alauddin Khalji to lower
prices in Delhi and presumably, in the neighbouring cities.”
Conclusion
The reign of Alauddin Khalji rightly occupies an important place in the history of
medieval India. Alauddin was indeed an administrator of a very high calibre and many of the
rulers who succeeded him have benefited from his wisdom and experiments. The Afghan
ruler Sher Shah Suri adopted Alauddin system of measurement of land for assessment. This
great Afghan ruler also resorted to the principle of direct recruitment of soldiers who at other
time were enrolled by provincial governors and sent for imperial service when required.
Branding of horses and cash payment to the soldiers (and not giving land in lieu of pay) were
two other reforms of Alauddin which were also adopted by Sher Shah. Even otherwise, the
reforms of Alauddin were unique. Price control, rationing, establishment of government
grains-stores, the system of permits etc., were indeed novel and original innovations in
medieval India.
Alauddin’s marked regulations ended with his death. His son and successor
Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji did not possess his father’s ability nor did he have the inclination
to enforce these regulation with same strictness. Moreover, the Mongol storm had by them
subsided and perhaps he thought there was no longer any need for continuing these strict
administrative measures.

31
1.4 The Tughluq Dynasty

Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq (1320-24)

The founder of the dynasty was Ghazi Malik who assumed the title of Ghiyasuddin
Tughluq Shah in 1320. The death of Alauddin Khalji had plunged the Delhi Sultanat into
confusion. Ghazi Malik who has previously held the office of the Warden of Marches6
skilfully exploited the chaotic political situation and succeeded to be the new ruler of the
Delhi Sultanate. The origin of Ghazi Malik is a subject of controversy among the historians.
Amir Khusrau, a literary genius and a historian of the contemporary medieval period, in his
work Tughluq Nama mentions that Ghazi Malik joined the imperial guard in the reign of
Jalaluddin Khalji. The next ruler of the Khalji dynasty, Alauddin Khalji recognized the merits
of Ghazi Malik and he was elevated to the key post of the Warden of Marches.
When Khusrau Khan captured the throne after killing Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-20),
Fakhruddin Jauna Khan (later Mohammad bin Tughluq) was appointed by the new Sultan to
the post of amir-i-akhur (master of the stables) but Jauna Khan secretly planned to overthrow
Khusrau Khan and communicated all that was happening at Delhi to his father Ghazi Malik,
who was stationed on the western frontier at Dipalpur. Ghazi Malik secretly advised his son
to avoid confrontation with Khusrau Khan. After a short time, along with some of his
companions, he succeeded in running way from the capital and joined his father. Soon after
the father and son were together. Ghazi Malik began to make preparations to overthrow
Khusarau Khan. He invited all the leading nobles to come to his assistance. Many of them
responded to his appeal and joined him with their forces. There were, however, among them
some nobles who adopted an attitude of neutrality on the ground that they must pay homage
to any person who happened to be in possession of the throne of Delhi. Ain-ul-Mulk Multani
was the most prominent among such nobles. Another was Malik Lakhi of Samana.
Ghazi Malik, however, proceeded towards Delhi. After a hardfought battle he gained
victory over Khusrau Khan, who was captured and put to death. Khusrau Khan behaved like
a brave warrior in the presence of his captor, the victorious Ghazi Malik, asking him to be
treated as his royal position deserved. His manly behaviour shows clearly that Khusrau Khan
was not a coward. He died with grace.
The Administrative Measures of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq
Ghazi Malik ascended the throne by the common consent and approval of the nobles, who
had helped him to victory against Khusrau Khan. But he had a crop of problems to face.
During the later part of Alauddin’s reign and that of his successors the prestige of Delhi
sultanate suffered a lot. This encouraged the various Rajas and chieftains who had begun to
assert their independence. The second problem faced by the new sultan was that of restoring
the financial stability of the empire. Though much was done in the reign of Alauddin Khalji

6
Warden of Marches : officir responsible for guarding the North-Western region of the Delhi Sultanate.

32
to contain the Mongols there was some possibility of their invasion as the political situation
was deteriorating.
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq restored security and stability in the empire by reconciling even
those noble warriors who had supported the cause of Khusrau Khan. But those who persisted
in their hostility were severely dealt with. Their lands were confiscated and they were
deprived of their posts. The Sultan did not spare even those to whom Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya has distributed five lakh of tankas which he had received from Khusrau Khan. He
asked Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia to return the money, and on his refusing to comply. Ghazi
Malik ran into a rage. The strained relations thus developed between the two men continued
for long and have given rise to much speculations as regards the hand of Shaikh Nizamuddin
Aulia hastening the end of the Sultan. When the Sultan was unable to compel him to disgorge
the money he had received he forced all other who had been similarly benefitted to surrender
their shares to the State treasury.

Because of the chaotic conditions, which developed during the last days of Mubarak
Khalji, the revenue system of the Delhi Sultanate was seriously affectd. Without adopting a
realistic approach it was difficult to gear up the revenue system. In the absence of adequate
realization of the land revenue, which was the key sources of income to maintain the state
structure, nothing concrete could be achieved. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq followed the policy of
encouraging agriculture and ‘protecting’ the cultivators. He ordered that the land revenue
should not be enhanced beyond one-tenth and one-eleventh in a year. His instructions were
that the enhancement should be gradual and should be spread over a number of years.
Further, Ghiyasuddin abandoned the Alai system of assessment by measurement and
yield per biswa and resorted to the old method of batai (sharing). Regarding the share of the
state in the produce there is a lot of confusion among the historians. However Prof. Banarsi
Prasad Saksena opines :
“In all probability he reduced its incidence to some figure lower than that fixed by
Alauddin and it may safely be presumed that this rule must have been the traditional one-fifth
of the produce.”
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq paid special attention to the problems of cultivation and cultivator.
The officers were instructed to see the increase in cultivation ‘from year to year.’ At the same
time he warned them not to increase tax or to harass the peasantry. Nonetheless Ghiyasuddin
Tughluq once again gave due status to the village headman, and he ordered the restoration of
their perquisites, he exempted their cultivation and pasturage from assessment. Still he was
careful to see that they did not become too affluent, thus to cause rebellion. He also caused
lands lying uncultivated to be brought under the plough in order to increase the state income.
To encourage and promote agriculture Ghiyasuddin Tughluq is said to have constructed
canals for irrigation and planted a number of gardens-an example which was followed with
much greater energy and vigour by his nephew, Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq.
To promote the country’s economy, Ghiyasuddin Tughluq improved old roads,
constructed new ones and organised an efficient postal (dak) system. Dak was carried either
by foot runners or on horses. These carriers easily covered a hundred miles in 12 hours. It

33
may also be mentioned that in order to improve the general administration, Ghiyasuddin
Tughluq tried to make criminal law milder and improved the working of the judiciary.
Among other administrative measures mention may be made of his efforts to suppress
brigandage and lawlessness which stalked the land consequent upon the political chaos
during the reign of Allaudin’s successors. Public works such as construction of forts and
frontier outposts, were undertaken to help maintain internal peace and defence of the fron-
tiers. The Sultan also forbade the manufacture and sale of liquor.
Defence of the north-western frontiers : the problem of defence of the north-western
frontier became urgent on account of the invasion of Delhi by the Mongol hordes. But the
veteran sultan had no difficulty in defeating them and they had to sacrifice two of their great
leaders who were made captives. It was at this time that the sultan built his massive fort of
Tughluqabad ruled only for four years and during this brief span what he accomplished by
way of securing peace and stability and promoting the economic conditions, speaks much for
his vigour, practical sense and administrative ability, he met his death in a tragic manner as is
well known. His son, Jauna Khan (also known as Ulugh Khan) had caused a wooden pavilion
to be erected for the Sultan’s reception when he returned after settling the affairs of Bengal.
As the Sultan and his younger son were dining, the pavilions collapsed and both the father
and the son were killed under the debris.
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq was a realist, who neither desired nor perhaps had the faculty of
formulating ingenious schemes and unprecedented projects. Nevertheless, he showed great
vigour and keenness in recovering the lost territories of the Decane and also in suppressing
the rebellious governors of the provinces like those of Bengal and Warrangal. He himself
undertook an expedition in 1324 against the governor of Bengal who had declared himself
independent and compelled him to offer his submission. Against Warrangal he sent his son
Jauna Khan, who proceeded via Devagiri on the mission in 1321, It is stated by contemporary
writers including Ibn battuta that while at Warrangal, Jauna Khan attempted rebellion against
his father. But finding that his cause was not supported by the majority of the army and also
that the matter has been reported to the Sultan, he immediately returned to the capital in order
to pacify and conciliate his father. The sultan did not take serious notice of his son’s
disloyalty and sent him back again to Warrangal to complete the conquest of that kingdom in
1323. On his way, Jauna Khan captured Vidharba and marching forward laid siege to the fort
of Warrangal. The garrison put up a strong resistance but could not hold out long enough and
had to give way eventually. The fort was captured and the Kakatiya ruler, Partap rudra Deva
with his family as well as all the treasures of the palace is said to have fallen into the hands of
the victor. Telingana was annexed and for the first time brought under direct central rule. It
was divided into ‘several administrative units’.

However, Jauna Khan “retained the old Hindu officers at their posts and accorded
generous treatment to some of the former ministers.”
The Tughluqs thus pursued an annexationist policy in Deccan. Ghiyasuddin’s policy was
directed towards reducing to submission those states which had renounced their allegiance to
Delhi during the reign of his predecessor. But he did not rest contented merely by the

34
reconquest of these territories. He wanted to annex them as well as to bring them under the
direct rule of Delhi. Khalijis on the other hand earlier pursued a quite different policy.
Alauddin wanted to annex and rule directly the territories of northern India. But he rightly
realised that it was impossible in those days to establish his direct rule in the remote and also
extensive region of the Deccan. He only desired to compel the rulers of Southern India to
acknowledge his supremacy and to send him annual tributes.
Muhammad bin Tughlaq (1324-1351)
After the sudden death of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq Juana Khan ascended the throne
with Muhammad bin Tughluq is known for his unique personality all in the entire period of
Indian History. Indeed it would be difficult to find a man like him among the other rulers of
any period. He had a stupendous memory, a keen intellect and in-stable thirst for knowledge.
For his range and depth of learning, Muhammad bin Tughluq was looked upon even by his
contemporaries who were not at all sympathetic to him, as an intellectual gian. He was a
profound scholar of Mathematics, Astronomy, History, Geography and the Science of
Medicines. In the knowledge of the Islamic Law and its various branches, he was
unparalleled amongst his contemporaries. He was also a poet and a writer as well as a superb
orator. Although he was very particular about the performance of his daily religious duties,
but so far as his state policy was concerned he did not like to bind himself by the narrow
injunctions and teachings of the conservative preachers of Islam. He was accentuated by a
strong urge of social reform and wanted to stop sati and other evil customs and practices of
Hindus and the Muslims.
In his administrative policy Muhammad Tughluq did what he thought best without ever
caring for the religious leaders of Islam. He treated his subjects equally irrespective of their
creed or faith. In making the appointments he took into consideration merit of the person and
not his caste or creed. He appointed a Hindu as the governor of the province of Sindh. His
behaviour as a free thinker and a philosopher naturally antagonised and offended the
conservative Muslim divines. Ziauddin Barani is also critical of his liberal attitude. But
Muhammad Tughluq greatness as an intellectual and as a liberal-minded person could not
help him to check the emergence of the forces pf decline.

Muhammad bin Tughluq failed because in the first place he could not patch up with the
orthodox ulama (religious scholars) and the professional sufis. Rather he treated them harshly
which placed them in the hostile camp.
Secondly, while making use of his powerful intellect and imagination he devised certain
new and original schemes to be enforced in the empire, but he failed to realise that the
common people were not capable of properly appreciating the value of those schemes.
Thirdly, in spite of his efforts he failed to collect around him a team of bureaucrats who
could consistently stand by his side. Higher or lower ranks of bureaucracy failed him again
and again. Lastly, he was so impatient with tardiness of the officials who failed to
comprehend his extraordinary measures and to cooperate with him in implementing them, he
would often run into rage and ruthlessly, punish them.

35
 Thus while Muhummad bin Tugluq possessed most extraordinary intellectual powers and
an original mind and a burning desire to introduce new measures in the administration, he
lacked realism and vision of a realist and statesman. Therefore, Muhammad bin Tughluq
failed to gauge the capacities of the persons around him and his schemes and projects went
over their head.
The First Phase of Muhammad bin Tughluq’s Reign (1324-42)
During 1324 and 1342 Muhammad bin Tughluq started vigorously. And from the very
start he tried to improve upon the revenue system of his father. He caused the entire
cultivable land to be properly surveyed and its produce to be estimated. For this purpose, he
established a large and elaborate department known as diwan-i-kohi and with its help, he
fixed the revenue of each province and made its governor responsible for its collection.
But at this time he had to divert his attention from administrative activities. His nephew
Gurshasp became a rebel and raised on army. If Ibn Battuta is to be believed Muhammad bin
Tughluq not only captured and killed Gurshasp but had him flayed alive and ordered his flesh
to be cooked and then distributed amongst his relatives. This, however, seems to be a bazar
gossip. It is difficult to believe it. Muhammad bin Tughluq then fell upon the Raja of Kampil
who had given shelter to Gurshasp. The Raja fought bravely and died like a warrior.
The projects of Muhammad bin Tuglaq
Transfer of the Capital or Establishment of Second Capital : In 1327, Muhammad bin
Tughluq worked out a scheme of “transferring” the capital from Delhi to Devagiri in the
Decan, 800 miles away. It may be noted that the fury and frequency of the Mongol raids
which were such a conspicuously recurring feature of the Khalji period, had abated to such an
extent that in the time of Ghiyasuddin, as there was only one abortive raid that met with a
complete rout at the hands of the Ghazi Malik. The situation in Central Asia was no more
favourable for the Mongols to carry out their raids into India. Beside those few who had cast
longing eyes on the Indian plains had realised the strength and powers of the Delhi Sultans. It
was this consciousness of freedom from risk from the north-west frontier which encouraged
Muhammad bin Tughluq to hazard the bold project of a second capital in the making Deccan
by which he sought to fulfil certain definite objects.
Muhammad bin Tughluq had been in the Deccan a number of times and had realised that
a strong and well-ordered administration of the southern provinces of the empire was only
possible from a centre within the region itself and Devagiri as he saw, occupied in every re-
spect a suitable location for such purpose. Enclosed within the esteem output of the Sahiyadri
range, perched upon a formidable and invicible rock, that old capital of the Yadavas
commanded the surrounding regions as no other place in the south could or did. Furthermore,
that city could also serve as the most suitable centre for the spread of Muslim religion, culture
and learning in the Deccan Peninsula. Ibn Battuta who came to India in 1335 (6 years after
the so-called transfer) and wrote from hearsay asserts that the capital was transferred twice.
This does not seem to be correct. There was no occasion for such a step because when the
entire government with all its functionaries were transferred. It was but natural that the bulk
of the population consisting of merchants and traders would have also been obliged to follow

36
the government staff as they must have largely depended on them for their daily business and
maintenance.

It is also clear that Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq did not order the transfer of the entire
population as a punitive measure because he made all possible arrangements for the comfort
of the people during their long journey from Delhi to Daulatabadi i.e. Devagiri. It is not true
that Delhi was completely deserted of population and left desolate as we know that when Ibn
Battutasited it in 1335 the city was quite populous and there were ample signs of its
prosperity. The real truth seems to be that only a substantial part of the government staff as
was necessary for the intended plan in the south, was transferred with the result that there
were two capitals of the empire at least for some time. There was nothing extraordinary or
whimsical about it. In those days of slow means of communication, political and ad-
ministrative necessities quite often obliged monarchs to:create more than one administrative
centre. The purpose which was sought to be achieved by creating a second capital was
misunderstood by many of his contemporaries. Thus there was nothing wrong or unusual in
the empire having two capitals one for the north and the other for the south. Unfortunately
this scheme of his misfired. Geographic climate, political and other considerations ultimately
forced him to converge once again upon Delhi which are long acquired its old status.
Token Currency 1330-32 : Another scheme which Muhammad bin Tughluq launched
was token currency, which has provoked a great deal of speculation and controversy among
modern scholars as to the causes which persuaded him to undertake such an extraordinary
and novel measure. It has been suggested that on account of the famine in the Doab which
had occurred almost immediately after his accession to the throne, as also on account of the
enormous expenditure incurred on the transfer of the capital coupled with the fact that the
Sultan was over-generous in distributing gifts to foreign envoys and visitors, had left the
treasury depleted.
However, this view can not stand a close examination of the facts. If the treasury had
been depleted, Muhammad bin Tughluq would not have found it possible to give away gold
and silver coins in exchange of the token coins which were brought in millions to the imperial
treasury when the project was withdrawn on account of its failure. Indeed Muhammad bin
Tughluq wanted only to set at rest all the wild speculations of the people who were
thoroughly unable to understand and appreciate such a novel measure but also to prove his
integrity and good intentions, because the people had begun to suspect that the Sultan by that
device wanted to cheat them of their wealth.
In the opinion of some scholars the token currency was introduced because of the
shortage of silver as this phase in history is noted for the shortage of silver in camparision to
gold. It has also been opined that the main reason which led the Sultan to try this measure
was that he wanted to multiply the currency of the country for the sake of the promotion of
trade and commerce and not to replenish an empty treasury. The measure of introducing the
token currency may be summerised in the following way that this experiment was by no
means all together new or strange. It had been tried earlier in China as well as in Persia. In
China, the Mongol Emperor, Qublai Khan (1260-94) had introduced paper currency. It had
also been tried in Persia by about 1293. Muhammad bin Tughluq was fully aware of the

37
success of the paper currency in China also which naturally encouraged him to give a trial to
it in his empire in the hope that it would contribute towards the betterment of the economic
life of the country. But his fault was that he did not take necessary precaution to prevent
misuse of the currency by the people, Hence, the project failed.
The measure of introducing the token currency may be summerised in the following way
that the token currency was intended to replace silver coins of different denominations. The
token coins were made both of copper and brass. Muhammad bin Tughluq, however,
depended rather too much on the honesty and cooperation of the people around him. He did
not use government machinery to enforce measure rigidly. He failed to prevent the
manufacture of counterfeit coins by private individuals and their circulation in the market.
This meant disaster to this novel scheme.
Reform of Coinage : Muhammad bin Tughluq was a man of artistic tastes. He could not
tolerate the degenerate type of coins which had been issued from the royal mints during the
chaotic reigns of the later Khaljis. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq had too little time and too many
problems on hand to be able to pay any attention to the improvement of the currency, even if
he had any inclination for it. But Muhammad bin Tughluq from the very outset, made great
improvements in the coinage system. All his coins were properly milled and as he was a
callgraphist himself, the legends of the coins were written in beautiful letters, Besides this he
introduced further subdivisions of the coins in order to facilitate small business transactions.
He also improved the purity of the material from which the coins were made. For all these
measures, the renowned British numismatist. Edward Thomas was perfectly justified in
giving to the Sultan the well deserved title of “the Prince of Moneyers.”
Project of Conquering Foreign Lands
Muhammad bin Tughluq had lately become the master of practically the whole country.
He could, therefore, very well think of conquering neighouring countries and expand his
empire. There was nothing unusual or fantastic about this ambition in the circumstances
which made him feel strong enough to add to his empire by the conquest of other lands.
Conquest of Khurasan : Muhammad bin Tugnluq had come to known that owing to cer-
tain personal differences there was an acute quarrel going on between the king of Khurasan
and his Wazir. He had also been posted with the information about the critical conditions of
Khurasan. The Chaghtai ruler Tarmashirin of Central Asia as well as the ruler of Egypt, were
making preparations to invade Khurasan. Taking advantage of this situation Muhammad bin
Tughluq also thought of carrying an expedition into Khurrasan. For this purpose he raised a
special army which, according to Ziauddin Barani, consisted of nearly four lakhs of soldiers.
But as Muhammad bin Tughluq was then much involved in the affairs of his country, he had
to wait for a suitable opportunity before he could launch his attack on Khurasan. The whole
army was fed and maintained for a whole year without doing anything. This meant a terrible
strain on the state treasury. On the other hand, the ruler of Egypt made a treaty with the ruler
of Persia. But Tarmashirin moved out with his army and waited on the border of Khursan for

38
about a year. But when he saw that the others were not coming he felt so disappointed that he
broke the camp and returned to his country. Muhammad bin Tughluq releasing the difficulties
of the projected plan and disbanded the army that he had recruited for the purpose.

Qarachil Campaign : The second project of the same type in which he is accused by
some modern historians of attempting to conquer China was actually by way of a reprisal or a
punitive campaign against the Raja of Qarachil, because the latter had descended from the
hilly kingdom into the plains and occupied some regions belonging to the Delhi Sultanat.
Muhammad bin Tughlug therefore sent an expedition against the Raja of Qarachil but here he
made a grave miscalculation as he did not take proper precautions for a campaign in the hilly
regions. The result was that much of his army was lost or destroyed because it lost its way in
the hills. The Raja of Qarachil was, however, so much frightened of the might of the Sultan
that he readily signed a treaty with Muhammad bin Tughluq.
Expedition against Nagarkot : In 1337, the Sultan made an attack on the fort of
Nagarkot in the district of Kangra. Sultan was completely successful and the Raja of
Nagarkot was ‘compelled to accept the suzerainty of Sultan.”
Diplomatic Relations with Foreign Countries : Muhammad bin Tughluq exchanged
embassies and established friendly relations with some neighbouring countries. The ruler of
China sent an envoy to Muhammad bin Tughluq in 1341 requesting him to repair all those
Budhist temples which had been demolished by the Sultan’s army in the hill of Qarachil
during its campaign. The Sultan deputed Ibn Battuta, the Moorish African traveller, as his
envoy to the Mongol Emperor of China in 1342.
Reception of the Envoy of Caliph : Muhammud bin Tughluq regarded himself as the
shadow of God. The inscriptions of some of his coin also indicate that the Sultan entertained
this idea about himself. For the same reason he gave up the practice of inscribing the names
of the Caliphs on his coins. The result of all his new projects combined with his freedom of
thought and action was that the Sultan became extremely unpopular with the Muslim elite.
But when he realised this, he made rather an awkward attempt to remedy the situation by
making a display of his great faith in the Caliphs. He, however, found there was no Caliph at
that time who could be universally recognised by the Islamic world. There was a Caliph in
Egypt but his claim was not recognised by many. Nevertheless Muhammad bin Tughluq
entreated this Caliph to confirm his legitimate claim to the throne by means of a
proclamation. He also got the Caliph name inscribed on his coins and issued a number of
decrees in the name of the Caliph. In 1340 the Sultan invited a representative of this helpless
and norminal Caliph of Egypt. This representative named Haji Said Satsari was received by
the Sultan with extraordinary honours and the Sultan himself served him like a slave.

Some other events of the reign of Muhammad bin Tugluq

In 1335 the governor of Madura in the Far South declared himself independent and the
Sultan moved down personally to suppress the revolt. But misfortune everywhere dogged his
steps. Cholera broke out & in his camp and took a heavy toll of life. Consequently, the Sultan

39
was compelled to return, leaving the governor of Madura to establish an independent
kingdom in the Far Sourth.
At this time Muhammad bin Tughluq was detained at Daulatabad (Devagiri) due to
serious illness and when the news reached Delhi, it naturally created a great stir there. As if
this was not bad enough, when the Sultan returned to Delhi he found the country in the grip
of a severe famine. We are told that to relieve the city and its surroundings from this
prolonged calamity the Sultan distributed cooked food to the people for six months and
encouraged the farmers to cultivate their lands by giving them loans and every other kind of
assistance, including digging wells for irrigation and providing them with seeds. Further,
when he found that procurement of foodgrains in and around the capital had become
impossible, he took the bold step of building up a new city near Kanauj where foodgrains
were available in plenty- he is said to have given it the name Swaragdvari (Swargdwar : Gate
of Paradise), and asked the people of Delhi to go and settle there. During this crisis, Ain-ul-
Mulk, the governor of Awadh, helped the Sultan and the people very liberally because
Awadh was free from famine. The Sultan with the people of Delhi passed six months in the
temporary, abode of Swaragdvari.
When Muhammad bin Tughluq was busy in experimenting with his novel projects his
empire was gradually, beginning to crumble. The revolt of the governor of Madura in 1335,
had given him a fair taste of the way the wind was blowing. At the same time, in other
regions more successful revolts had taken place. As early as 1336, the whole country south of
the river Krishna had become independent where the empire of Vijyanagar was founded by
the Sangama brothers. Ten years later in the area between the Nabada and the Krishna
another kingdom which came to be known later as the Bahamani Kingdom came into
existence. This was the result of a successful revolt on the part of certain Muslim chiefs and
nobles who had become thoroughly disgusted with the ‘oppression’ of the sultan. Even the
loyal Ain ul Mulk, the governor of Awadh, who had served and helped the Sultan so much
during the famine, grew suspicious of the Sultan’s intention and revolted. The Sultan,
however, succeeded in crushing this uprising. All the rebels and their supporters were
severely dealt with, many being put to sword. However, his efforts proved futile in the long
run and the Sultanat long lost practically the whole of the south in Muhammad bin Tughluq’s
life time.
Conclusion
From all that we know of Muhammad bin Tughluq, there can be no denying the fact that
he was a man of most extraordinary qualities. His vast learning had greatly liberalised his
outlook which was amply reflected in many of his political activities. In his sober moments,
he tried to conform to the ideals but his overweening ambition and his inability to
comprehend the limitations of the situation marred his otherwise distinguished political
career. His several ingenious schemes and projects and his fertile imagination would have
undoubetdly yielded better results, only if he had gone a little slow not carried his projects
too far. His great intellect and speculative imagination in a way were responsible for his
misfortunes.

40
 It will be interesting to note that Alauddin Khalji was, in many respects, the very
opposite of Muhammad bin Tughluq, because the former was unlettered and in many ways a
man of average intellectual or cultural calibre. But Alauddin Khalji was successful in the
fulfilment of his ambition because he possessed not only imagination but also realism.
Muhammad bin Tughluq had plenty of imagination on but he at times ignored the realities of
the situation. His planning was excellent, but he executed his plans in a faulty manner.
Moreover he abandoned these in a haste which was fatal to the interest of his vast empire.

1.5 Central Administration : Iqta System

Introduction
The iqta was a territorial assignment and its holder was designated muqti. A saljuqiar
statesman of the eleventh century, Nizamu Mulk Tusi, gives us a classical view of the iqta as
it developed just before the Ghorian conquests of northern India:
Muqtis who hold iqta should know that they have no claim on the subject/ peasants
(ri’aya) other than that collecting from them in a proper manner the due tax mal (land
tax)....if any muqti does any thing other than this they [the king ] should take away his power
and resume his iqta’.... They [the muqti should in truth realize that the country and the
peasantry (ra’iyat), all belong to the Sultan, with the muqtis simply placed on their head.
Nizamu’7 Mulk Tusi here emphasizes the fact that muqti’s right is to collect and
appropriate taxes especially land revenue, and there were certain obligations on the part of
the muqtis to the sultan. The revenues he collected from the iqta were meant to provide him
resources for fulfilling his obligations. The muqti was thus tax collector, army paymaster, and
also commander rolled in to one. The area that the sultan did not give in iqta1 was called
khalisa; here the sultan’s officials (amils) collected the land revenue directly for the royal
treasury.

Introduction of Iqta System in India (13th century)

When the Ghorians conquered India, the conquests were initially divided up among
commanders who maintained themselves and their troops by plunder and collection of
tribute. It shows that Ghorian conquerors were familiar with the practice of iqta‘ assignments.
The areas conquered by these commanders were later on designated as their iqtas, and their
holders were called the muqtis; they were also called walis and their territorial assignments
were called wilayats. After the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, conditions largely
remained the same.
The Sultanate in its earlier phase has had yet to stabilize its monetary system. The only
means of distributing salary to the officers was the assignment of land revenue. Land grants

7
Irfan Habib Economic History of the Delhi Sultanete : An Essay in Interpretation Indian Historical Review,
vol. IV, No. 3, 1978-295

41
to collect revenue therefore became the order of the day. The other important reason for
introducing iqta in India was to enable the sultans to demand a vast share of the surplus
produce of the society. In iqta their assignees (Designated muqtis or wali) collected the
kharaj and other taxes and maintained themselves and their troopers out of this sending the
surplus to the centre. The sultans assigned iqtas to their nobles for their maintenance instead
of cash salaries.
Iqta system under Iltumish (1210-1236)
With the accession of Iltutmish in 1210, the iqta system seems to have become the main
stary of administrative organization of the Delhi Sultanate. During the 26 years of this reign
(1210-36) the entire Sultanate from Multan to Lakhnauti was divided into big and small tracts
of land called iqtas and were placed under the charge of officers designated as muqtai. Thus
there were two categoies of iqtas, the iqta of provincial level and small iqtas in the form of
certain villages. Iqtas at the provincial level were given to important nobles. They carried
both revenue and administrative responsibilities. Small iqtas in the form of certain villages
were given to ordinary soldiers directly employed by the Sultan in lieu of their salaries, In
such iqtas the holders were not entrusted any administrative or financial responsibilities.
These small iqta-holders were generally called the iqtadars Barani mentions two thousand
such iqtadars during the reign of Iltutnish. Thus during the thirteenth century, the Sultans
assigned different regions, large as well as small, to different nobles, who were required to
perform administrative, fiscal and military functions. The sultan saught to enlarge their own
Khalisa. He is said to have appointed a slove of his as the Shahna of the Khalisa of
Tabarhind (Bhatinda). Apparently Delhi and its surrounding distincts also were included in
the Khalisa lead.
Iqta system under Balban
During the larger part of the thirteenth century the muqt is semm to have depended on
tribute extorted from local potentates or plunder (in the form of cattle and slaves) from the
mawasat or unsubjugated areas. Balban’s expedition in the Doab and Katehr was essentially
raids of the kind organized on a very large scale. He instituted an inquiry into the terms and
tenure of the iqtas given to the Turkish soldiers in Doab which were given during Iltutmish’s
time. It was discovered that many of the original grantees were dead by this time; those who
survived were too old and infirm to render any military service. They retained their hold on
the iqta‘ and claimed heredity rights over them.
Balban held the other view. These iqta’s he said, were given in lieu of military service.
When the grantees discountinued to perform their part of obligations, the contract on the
basis of which they held these iqta’ became null and void. The occupants of the iqta’
however argued that these lands were given to their ancestors by way of reward by the stale
in the past and carried no obligation for the future. Balban refused to be guided by this logic.
Though he made certain concessions in favour of these iqtadars at the intercession of
Fnkhniddin, the kotwal of Delhi. The principle of hereditary iqta was definitely rejected by
him and khwaja was appointed to watch and control the activities of the iqtadars.

42
Iqta system under the Khaljis and Early Tughluqs
The iqta underwent certain changes under these rulers. Prior to the last decade of the
thirteenth century, the muqtis enjoyed all executive powers in the civil, military and
financial’ administration. But afterwards they no longer remained in the absolute control of
the iqta administration. In fiscal matters they were brought under the increasing control of the
central government. They had to submit the account of revenue collection and expenditure.
They could take only an agreed amount for themselves and their troops, and send the balance
to, the sultan’s treasur. The mode of payment of soldiers underwent a change at the hands of
Alauddin Khalji. He abolished the small iqtas by which soliders of the sultan’s army used to
be paid and subsituted cash salaries. But as noted by Moreland, he left the large iqtas
assigned to the commanders unaffected. Alauddin annexed the areas near capital in the
Khalisa land. It now covered the whole of the middle Doab and parts of modern Rohilkhand.
A fundamental alteration in the position of the iqta-holders took place during the period
of the early Tughluqs. Ghiyasuddine Tughluq drew a line between the allotment of the
revenues within an iqta for the personal income of the muqti and that for the payment of
troops placed under his charge.
The following pictures emerge from the instructions issued by him to the muqtis and
walls as reparted by Barani.
(i) A particular iqta was estimated officially to yield a minimum income, which was
assumed to be appropriated in two portions:
(a) the pay of the troops placed under the muqti and
(b) The personal salary or income of the muqi.
(ii) Apparently, if more revenue was collected from the iqta than the minimum
allowed for it was normally to be sent to the royal exchequer.

(iii) The muqti could, however appropriate out of this excess upto 4 to 10 percent of
the total amount of annual revenue at which his iqta was ‘valued’. This would be
allowable, but not more than this.
(iv) The muqti was not to appropriate any amount of the iqta income allotted to the
troops.
The next step was to separate the revenue and fiscal charge from the military charge
altogether. This significant change seems to have come after the succession of Muhammad
Tughluq. These fiscal responsibilities were now withdrawn from the muqti or wali and put
under different officers. According to Ibn Battuta the iqta of Amroha was under two officers,
one designated as amir, presumably the incharge of the army and the civil administration and
the other was Revenue collector. The farming out of iqta on estimated fixed amount annually
also began under Muhammad bin Tughluq and could only have been possible if the two
charges were separated. He gave the iqta of Kara to Nizam Mian Bhangari in lieu of a few
lakh tankas. Shihab Sultani was another person who had the iqta of Bidar and the adjoining
areas from Muhammad bin Tughluq in muqti for one crore of tankas to be paid in the three
years.

43
 The contract of the centre over the iqta appears to have receded under Firozshah
Tughluq. He was compelled to grant concessions to his nobles, allowing for inheritance as
well as non-transfer of assignments. He restored the system of payment of soldiers by land
assignments now called Wajh. It is possible that when applied to muqti’s troops it encouraged
sub-assignment by the muqitis and made central intervention in the administration of iqta to
protect the interest of the troops very difficult. Thus the double government (central
intervention and muqtis administration) in the iqta which is noticed under Muhammad bin
Tughluq no longer appears under Firozshah Tughluq.
Some traits of the Iqta system as it developed under the Delhi Sultans
1. The geographical distribution of iqta during the period under study seems to be of
peculiar nature. We find that the smaller iqta were generally concentrated in region
around Delhi and bigger ones tended to spread towards the peripheral areas. Since
number of small iqta were concentrated around Delhi and very few extending over
the larger zones, they were unevenly spread throughtout the Sultanate.
2. Some idea of the manner in which the muqtis were selected during the thirteenth
century could be found in the biographical sketches of the twenty five important
muqt is mentioned by Minhaj of the reign Iltutmish. These sketches reveal that
almost all the muqtis started their career as royal slaves. Before assignment of iqtas
they were first put to different kind of jobs at the court. They were appointed to the
responsible position of muqtis only after the Sultan had fully satisfied himself
about their abilities and efficiency. This has been more or less normal practice
throughout the Sultanate.
3. Here it will not be out of place to mention that most of the discussions about the
distinction between the terms iqtadar, muqtis and wall, are speculative in nature
because the contemporary evidence is not only meagre but conflicting on these
points. For our general under standing the holders of small iqtq called iqtadars
while those holding big ones were generally known as muqtis or walis. Their
accounts were settled at the department of Wazarat. By the lime of the Lodis the
muqtfis seems to have been officially called wajahdars. But the land assignments
were still called iqta. The terms muqti, hakim and amir were also used by people for
the assignees.
4. The Wajahdar, muqti or hakim had no right over the landgrants. Sultan Sikandar
Lodi specifically mentioned in the farmans out it very clearly. If any noble was
reported to have disobeyed the royal forman by oppressing anyone who held wajah-
i-maash, he was severally punished and he was dismissed by Sikandar Lodi from
the state service. Similarly, no noble could occupy any land which was not
specifically mentioned in the farman of assignment.
5. The tenure of the office of muqtis, according to Nizamul Mulk Tusi was three years.
He emphasises that the muqtis should be transferred after every two or three years,
lest they might grow too powerful! Apparently this practice was followed with

44
 slight modification by the early sultans of Delhi. A closer study of the appointments
and transfers in some of the important iqtas, like Awadh, Badayun, Baran and
Lahore indicates that during this time, the average tenure of the office of muqtas
was between four to five years. In the case of a distant iqta Lakhnauti, the policy
was still more rigorous. In such cases the average tenure comes to only three years.
On perusal of some of the important iqta like Awadh, Badayun, Baran, Lahore and
Multan, it comes to light that the frequency of transfer in the iqta located closer to
Delhi was much less than what it would be in aplace like Lakhnauti. After Iltutmish
had annexed Bengal in A.D. 1225 the policy with regards to the transfer of the
muqtis appears to have undergone a change in so far as the muqtis of the newly
annexed province of Bengal were concerned. They were transferred quite
frequently.
Both the Lodis and the Sur kings exercised their royal prerogative and authority by
transferring or dismissing the nobles from their iqta whenever they desired. But is also
noteworthy that muqtis of a Afghan period were not subject to frequent transfers like the
Mughal nobles under Akbar and his successors. The muqtis or wajahdars were not
transferred from their iqta unless they lost the royal confidence.
A detailed study of the evidence relating of iqta assignments made by the sultans of
Delhi during the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries indicates that the
muqtis performed the following main functions :
(i) to wage wars against the local chiefs and foreign invaders,
(ii) to appoint their own deputies over important towns and out posts,
(iii) to assign lands and make free grant of land to their favourites and men of learning
and
(iv) to maintain a considerable number of soldiers out of the revenues assigned to
them.
The muqti or wajahdar took keen interest in the progress of agriculture in his iqta. The
peasants were encouraged to bring new land under cultivation and also got loans from him
whenever necessary. If he was posted somewhere outside his iqta his representative
administered it on his behalf. He exercised full military and executive powers inside the iqta
quite independent of the hakim of the sarkar or the province. For example, Sultan Bahlul Lodi
appointed Masnad-i-ali Umar Khan Sarwani as the hakim of the Lahore sarkar while he was
given iqta in the sarkar of Sirhind.
Iqta system under Shershah
The traditional iqta system continued unchanged under Shershah also he did not usher
in any change in it. The Sur rulers also assigned their nobles the revenue of parganas and
sarkars according to their rank and position in lieu of cash salary. These parganas and
sarkars were called the wajahdari-iqta. The Sur kings also assigned iqta to their nobles
excluding the tax free land grants given to the scholars, saiyids and pious persons for their

45
maintenance. Though Islam Shah is reported to have abolished the iqta system and
established the system of cash payment instead by bringing the whole kingdom under
Khalisa, a careful study recals that it continued even during his reign.

1.6 The Administrative System under the Delhi Sultans (1206-1526)

Introduction
Some historians are of the view that the Delhi Sultanat was an Islamic State. However, a
careful examination of the development of the Delhi Sultanat, its working and its policies
clearly shows that it was a monarchical system based on military despotism. According to
Prof. Muhammad Habib the Delhi Sultanat was un-Islamic because Islam neither recognizes
nor sanctions a despotic form of government. Not only the Sufis but even some of the
orthodox theologians make a sharp distinction between “duniyadari” (of which kingship was
a highest form) and ‘dindari’ It is said :
“The meaning of kingship is power (istila) whether obtained by lawful means or by force;
even the older pagan law of dynastic legitimacy finds no place in the present kingship”. In
substance the Delhi Sultanat was not a state based on the teachings of Quran or the Prophet
Muhammad.
In substance the Delhi Sultanat was not a state based on the teachings of Quran or the
Prophet Muhammad.
In spite of lip service paid to Islam by the rulers of the Delhi Sultanat its laws, far from
being observed and enforced, were often flagrantly violated. In the case of wine; drinking, the
law of inheritance, and the taking and giving of interest etc.; the Sultans never cared to
take a religious view. Whatever suited to their interests and whims they decree. The concept
of government, the organisation of the imperial court with all the court ceremonies and
etiquetes like sijda (touching the ground with forehead) and paibos (kissing the feet), are
obviously anti-Islamic. In Islam such reverence is exclusively reserved for God and not for
any human being (whatsoever may be his status in the society). But the Sultans ignored Islam
completely for the sake of naked despotism.

Morever, they did not make Arabic, the language of Quran the official language. Persian
was made the court language Dress ad diet, customs and manners of the ruling elite all were
largely borrowed from Persia and Central Asia and had little to do with Arabia, the original
land of Islam.
In this connection we should also try to examine the teachings of Prophet Muhammad.
The Quran is a religious book and not a political treatise and consequently it has little to say
about state and government. There is a reference to Mulsim brotherhood, umma, i.e., to a
community in contrast to mutually fighting tribes and clans in which the Arabs were then
divided. In the Quran there are two ‘political’ injunctions : One, to decide their affairs by
mutual consultation (mashward) and the other, to obey the authority that be. That is all. One
is bound to observe how simple but at the same time vague and inadequate these injunctions

46
are to serve as a treatise of political instructions. However, it is true that at times the Sultans
exploited religion and tried to create a religious facade (i.e. exterior front) to hide their naked
despotism and used it to further their vested interests. This was done in a shameless way and
they readily got the support of the ulama, who allowed them to exploit religion for earthly
gains.
With the connivance of ulama Islam was used as a tool for achieving the political and
economic objectives by different rulers of the Delhi sultanat.
Composition of the Ruling Class
When the term “Muslim Rule in India” is used it is presumed that all Muslims,
irrespective of their position and status in society, formed the ruling group because they
professed the same faith (Islam) as that of the reigning Sultan. This is not correct. Not only a
distinction was made between Indian Muslims, and foreign-born Muslims, but it should be
noted that the common Mussalmans-the peasants, the weavers and the artisans etc. were
completely kept out of the ruling class.
The basis of the ruling class was not religion. Those who lived on the exploitation of
others and wielded political power constituted the ruling class. This was true in the case of
the Delhi Sultanat ‘The exploiters consisted of the Sultan, his family, the Turks and the
Afghan nobles, the Rajas, and the rural Chieftains. The Rajas were Hindus and most of the
rural chiefs were also Hindu. Hence, the economic power was not in the hand of one religious
group. The common people i.e., peasants and artisans, (whether they were Hindus or the
Muslims) were exploited fully by those who composed the ruling class.
A despotic form of government whether of the Mauryans or the Guptas, or that of the
Khaljis and the Tughluqs was based on the exploitation of the masses by the ruling minority.
Evolution of Political Concepts and Institutions
The establishment of Delhi Sultanat saw the evolution of political concepts which were
opposed to the teachings of Quran and Prophet Mohammad. Offering service to Islam the
Sultans adopted those political concepts which suited the circumstances.
In his work, Fatwa-i Jaijandari, Ziauddin Barani rightly points out :
“....The Caliphs and kings of Islam were faced with two irreconcilable alternatives, both
necessary for the religion and the state. If they follow the traditions of the Prophet and his
mode of life, kingship and government would be impossible for them.”.
Taking a realistic view the ruling class during the Sultanat period evolved those political
concepts which strengthened its despotic institutions. Rulers like Alauddin Khalji were frank
enough to declare that whatever was suited to the circumstances they decreed irrespective of
the fact whether their utterances or acts were in conformity with the teachings of Islam or not.

47
Administrative Organisation of Delhi Sultanat
The administrative structure of Delhi Sultanat was the product of many factors, viz., the
customs and conventions of the Turks and the Persians, and the well established
administrative traditions and institutions of India. It will not be incorrect to describe the Delhi
Sultanat as a “Turko-Persian system in an Indian setting.”
The vastness of the area to be conquered and administered required the ruler to accept and
utilize the existence and service of local. Long distances combined with the vastness of the
country and the rich resources of various regions within it tended to facilitate the break up of
the transfer empire into independent kingdoms. It is said that the history of Northern India
has been the struggle between centripetal and centrifugal forces.
In the words of Ghoshal :
“The unifying idea has struggled with the deeply rooted tendency towards disruption, and
hence empires of greater or smaller duration and extent have alternated with a bewildering
move of petty states.”
The emergence of monarchy has also been determined by many socio-economic factors.
The ever increasing hostility among the members of the ruling class with a view to assuming
more power and thus creating instability in functioning of the state resulted in throwing up a
despotic system of monarchy. The Sultans thought that only by concentrating absolute power
in a single hand they could keep harmony in the ruling class, Monarchy being a political
necessity had to be supported by the Indian social and political institutions and even Muslim
political thinkers had to build up theories and change the social structure of Muslims to
support it. According to Ibn Hasan:

“The vastness of country, the problem of distance, the dispersal of population in rural
areas, left no scope for representative institutions or for that spirit and activity which creates
demand for them.”
Thus monarchy became the general rule irrespective of the fact whether the ruler was a
believer of Islam or Hindusism.
(i) Sultan
In the despotic form of government the central government occupies a key position. In
short time, the Sultans were able to build a strong central structure. In this set-up the Sultan
was at the top. He was the creator and sustainer of the entire administrative system. He was
the head of the State, the supreme executive authority. He was also the supreme military
authority. He was also the fountain-head of justice, title and honour.
The Sultans were constantly faced with a difficult situation. The strong and ambitious
members of the nobility and the powerful local chiefs were always eager to weaken the
concentration of power in their hands. The rulers like Balban, Alauddin Khalji and
Muhammad bin Tughluq refused to submit to their whims and made the position of the

48
Sultan untenable. However despotism has a logic of its own. It can not be sustained for a
pretty long time. Again and again it faced crisis and consequently those who were enjoying
the status of nobles created the situation that threw only weak Sultans. But still the traditions
of monarchial despotism survived and helped to prevent complete anarchy.
(ii) The Ministers
No doubt the Sultan was all in all in conducting the business of the government but
whatever might be the capacity of a Sultan or his competence it was next to impossible for
him to manage the affairs single-handedly. The Sultan thus shared his burden of running the
administration by “delegating to his subordinate officers such powers as might conveniently
be exercised by them on his behalf.” (Dr. Muhammad Aziz Ahmed). Therefore, the Sultan
had a certain number of ministers to aid and assist him. They enjoyed a higher rank in
comparison to other imperial officers
The institution of the ministers developed quite late in Arab polity, and it took proper
shape with the establishment of the Abbasside Calihate. There were two types of ministers,
those with limited powers, and others with unlimited powers—the latter were also called
naib-i mumalik. Balban under Nasiruddin Mahmud was elevated to the position of naib-i
mumalik and enjoyed unlimited powers. In fact, he completely overshadowed the reigning
Sultan.
Unfortunately the contemporary historians of the Sultanat period pay scant attention to
the administrative structure that worked under the Sultans. Particularly about the ministries,
ministers and other departments they pass on to us little information. Obviously it becomes
very difficult to provide exact working of the various central as well provincial
Administrative institutions.
There was no fixed number for ministers but generally it became the practice to have four
ministers, each in charge of a separate ministry.
The Wazir was the most important and powerful minister. He was the head of the
ministry of finance and revenue. He was responsible for the general supervision of the
administration. Sometimes, he also had a naib Wazir (deputy prime minister who looked after
the revenue department. He was also assisted by mushrif-i mumalik (The accountant general)
and mustaufi-i mumalik (the auditor-general).
The ministry under the Wazir was called Diwan-i wazarat. The other three major
ministries were :
(i) Diwan-i Arz
(ii) Diwan-i Insha
(iii) Diwan-i Riyasat/Diwan-i rasalat
Diwan-i Arz was kept under Ariz-i Mumalik, or controller general of the military. He was
not the Commander-in Chief nor was he required to lead the army but he was “the inspector
general of the forces.” He was, however, responsible for the maintenance, equipment and the

49
general organisation of the army, it was his duty to see that the descriptive roll of the horses
and soldiers were properly maintained in his department.
While discussing about the four ministries Prof. Mohammad Habib does not mention
Diwan-i Risalat, but another distinguished scholar Dr. Habibullah opines that “the fourth
ministry is called Diwan-i rasalat.” He further adds: “Its functions are not outlined but the
term rasalat suggests foreign and diplomatic correspondence and as such must have been a
kind of foreign office, in close touch with ambassadors and envoys sent to and received from
foreign potentates. According to Dr. U.N. Day Diwan-i rasalat “was the ministry where
complaints from the people were received.” He further adds: “It is only during the reign of
Firuz Shah Tughluq that it seems to have assumed some importance when it received appeals
and tried to redress the grievances of the people, in the capacity of Sultan’s rasul (Agent)”.
Thus regarding functioning and jurisdiction of Diwan-i Rasalat one can not say with
certainty.
Another ministry which sprang up in the reign of Alauddin Kahlji (1296-1316) was
Diwan-i Riyasat. The need for creating this ministry was felt because of the increasing
responsibilities of the government in view of implementing the market policy of Alauddin
Khalji. With a view to keeping a firm grip on the supply and sell of commodities on the fixed
prices Alauddin Khalji ordered that “the merchants, whether Musalmans or Hindus should be
registered in the book of the Diwan (Diwan-i Riyasat)”. Also it was ordered that the
merchants should sign agreements to bring commodities regularly and observe fixed rates for
making his market policy a success Alauddin entrusted the task of Diwan-i rasalat to Yaqub.
Our contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani thinks very high of this minister and says that
such a person “conferred indeed every honour on the office”. He further says that because of
the strict measures adopted by Yaqub “everyone of them stood in awe of him and sold his
things cheap.” Yaqub also appointed for every market a shuhna (Superintendent). These
shuhnas (Superintendents) enforced the pricelist and took the dishonest shopkeepers to task.
Diwan-i Insha worked under the Dabir-i Mamalik who dealt with all the correspondence
of the Government including the personal and confidential corespondence of the Sultan.
According to Prof D. Mohammad Habib: “He had to convey the wishes of the emperor to the
governors and local officers and place their petitions befor the emperor .......He was the usual
channel for all correspondence between the central and local government, though questions
referring the particular ministries were sent to them direct”
(iii) Revenue System
India being primarily an agricultural country land revenue provided the bulk of the
income of the state. Till the reign of Alauddin Khalji there is no specific mention of the
method of revenue assessment. It appears that there was no proper land revenue settlement
and the government generally depended on sharing of the crops in which the state’s share
varied between one-third and one-fourth. There was also no adequate machinery for the
collection of revenue. The Iqtadars (Aqtadars) performed this function as a part of law and
order problem with the actual job of collection of the revenue being done by local headmen.

50
 It was under Alauddin Khalji that for the first time the revenue settlement was made on a
systematic basis. The land was measured biswa by biswa and in accordance with the fertility
of the land. After measurement was enacted the land tax was fixed on the actual holding
rather than varying from year to year with the actual harvest. However this system, as
introduced by Alauddin Khalji, was confined to a significantly large portion of the empire. As
far as other places were concerned the old system continued.
The reign of Alauddin Khalji saw the expansion of revenue administrative machinery.
Besides the wazir Barani mentions the name of Sharaf Qaini (or Qai) who acted as his deputy
and worked efficiently but with aheavy hand. Obviously the entire working of Alauddin
Khalji’s revenue policy required the deployment of’ an enormous staff.’ These various
officers and officials were termed as follows:
Muhasil — Demander of tribute
Amil — Revenue Collector
Gumashta — Agent
Mutasarrif— Accountant or Auditor
Nawasinda — Writer or Clerks
Patwari—Village-accountant
The act of measurement of land and realiszing 50% of the produce as land tax brought the
state into direct contact with the peasantry. Being a realist Alauddin Khalji must have thought
that with such a heavy state demand the peasants were bound to be completely broken if other
taxes continued, besides he had to see that the privileges of the representatives of the villages
i.e. Khuts, Muqaddams and Choudharies could not go together with his new measures. Hence
they were immediately deprived of their privileges and he ordered so that they could not shift
their burden to the peasantry.
While on the one hand Alauddin Khalji’s (and revenue policy, which saw the increase of
land tax to 50% of the produce, had its own repercussions on the paying capacity of the
peasants, on the other hand his naib-wazir, Sharaf Qaini saw to it that the revenue officers
and officials do not pounce on the remaining meagre income of the peasants. Barani informs
us:
“It was impossible for any one to obtain even a tanka dishonestly or take anything in
bribe from the Hindus or the Musalmans.”
The Tughluqs inherited such an extensive administrative machinery but they did make
changes in the revenue policy. For instance Ghiyasuddin Tughluq reduced the land tax; and it
appears that in the reign of Firuz Tughluq the land tax was not heavy. It is interesting to note
that Muhammad bin Tughluq started advancing loans to peasants so that they could bring
waste or uncultivated land under cultivation. Barani informs us that a ministry for extending

51
cultivation was formed. He calls it Diwan-i-Kohi. He also mentions the employment of
nearly 100 Shiqdars for making this experiment a success.
Firuz Tughluq did not follow many aspects of Alauddin Khalji’s revenue policy. He
remitted various imports or taxes and lowered the rate of land tax. It appears that he
encouraged the practice of assigning faejagirs to the nobles and his attitude towards the
officers and officials was quite different. Firstly, he increased their salary and they were no
more subject to physical coercion and humiliation. Even he had withdrawn “spies and
informers appointed to watch their activities.” This was all done to win the confidence of the
officers and officials. But this does not mean that Firuz Tughluq had no idea of running the
administration. His appointment of Khwaja Husamuddin (who laboured for six years to fix
the income of the empire, which was calculated at six crores and seventy five lakhs of
tankas). The digging of canals and plantation of gardens show that he never wanted the state
to suffer financially. However, he continued with the practice of farming i.e. to parcel the
land to the highest bidder. With a view to getting the revenue in advance his predecessor
Muhammad Tughluq gave a free hand to the practice of farming. Prof. R.P. Tripathi says that
Firuz “placed at the disposal of the farmers the entire local machinery of government”
During Saiyid—Afghan period some changes are noticeable. As far the land tax was
concerned none of the Sultan of this period enhanced it to 50%. Besides we find the
emergence of “one uniform yard of forty-one digits as a standard unit of measurement” in the
reign of Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517). He also abolished cess on grain. Further it is interesting
to note that land tax was remitted not in cash but in kind in the reign of Ibrahim Lodi (1517-
1526). Why he passed such an order it is difficult to say. Prof. R.P. Tripathi is not sure
whether such a step was taken “due to shortage of silver” or the cause was some thing else.
The remarks of Prof. Irfan Habib on the Lodi period deserve our attention. He writes:
Under the Lodis (1451-1526), the system remained essentially similar, but a
reorganization occurred. The term iqta now disappears from view, replaced simply by sarkars
and parganas. These were territotial divisions each sarkar comprising a number of parganas.
Each sarkar was assigned a jama, or estimated revenue, whose purpose could only be to lay
down, to some extent, the military and other obligations of the noble holding the sarkar-
assignment.”
Whatever the limitations and compulsions the Sultans did try to evolve a revenue policy
with a view to meeting the expenditures of the state. Some of them took really bold steps and
reorganization of the revenue departments owes much to them. However the land-tax even
though the major source of income for the Sultanat there were numbers of other taxes or
cesses also. But regarding the exact application of such taxes there is good deal of confusion.
And this confusion increases because of the faulty understanding of certain scholars who mix
up the application of such taxes to the place of their origin. For instance take the example of
Zakat. Prophet Muhammad annually levied it on the Muslims at he rate of 2.5%. But in
Sultanat period it was used in varied way. We certainly know that Sikandar Lodi abolished

52
Zakat on grain. There is an evidence that Zakat is used as equivalent to custom duty in the
reign of Muhammad Tughluq.
Prof. K.A. Nizami rightly points out: “The taxation system had all the terms of the
classical period-Kharaj, ‘ushr, zakat, jiziy ah, khums, but their connotation had undergone
great change.” (State and Culture in Medieval India, pp.86-87)
Barring the reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq the jiziya was not exacted as a separate tax. Prof.
Irfan Habib opines:
“Before this time (the reign of Firuz Tughlaq-Editor) the land tax was indifferently called
jiziya or Kharaj-yiziya; and it seems that no separate tax under the name of jiziya was levied
in addition to the land tax.”
As quoted by Dr. U.N, Day it appears the sale tax on betel leaves was termed as Jaziyah
Tanbul.
Barani says even Hindu chiefs exacted poll tax (jiziya) and tribute (kharaj) from the
subjects in their territories. In the same way we find the mention of the term khums. This was
the tax distributed between the state and its soldiers. Firuz Tughluq claimed that he gave 4/5
of the total share of loot to the soldiers and retained only 1/5 for the imperial treasury
contrary to earlier practice. Most of the time entire loot was usurped by the Sultans.
We now close our discussion on this topic by producing below the views of Prof. B. R.
Grover :
“Though the Delhi Sultanat laid considerable emphasis on the organisation of the
military-cum-revenue machinery for the collection of the revenues from the conquered
territories in India. It may really be wondered if at all the theoretical Islamic fiscal ideas
relating to state demand, methods of assessment and the nature of land tenures were really
enforced in actual practice even in the such regions of North India which were under the
direct control of the Sultanate. It could not have been enforced in India, a primarily
agricultural country which possessed its own agrarian pattern based on its practices evolved
in accordance with the regional geographical features and the clannish customs of the peoples
settled in different parts of the country. During the medieval age even in the West Asian
countries the shariat priniciples of agrarian administration pure and simple, were never
rigidly enforced.” (Presidential Address, Medieval India Section, 37th Session, Calicut, 29-31
December, 1976, p.3).

(iv) The Army

Under the direct control of the Sultan the army was managed by the Diwan-i Arz which
performed all the functions, such as recruitment, keeping the descriptive roll, payment of
salaries, inspection of troops, etc. All salaries were disbursed through the Diwan-i Arz. The
distribution of the army was made according to the needs of different localities. For the sake

53
of defence from foreign invasions and internal trouble, forts were kept in a good repair and
stocked with war provisions, especially in the reigns of Balban and Alauddin Khalji.
The main branch of the army was the cavalry. To keep the efficiency of the cavalry the
Sultans encouraged import of horses from outside India. According to Prof. Nizami the Turks
are referred to as ‘ashvapatis’ (Lord of the Horse) in the contemporary Sanskrit literature.
The dagh (branding) and chera (description) system was introduced by Alauddin Khalji.
Thanks to Barani we have a detailed information regarding certain aspects of military
administration in the reign of Alauddin Khalji. With a view to keeping the soldiers contended
he introduced market control system.
There was also an elephant corp. The elephants were generally used for transport of
heavy baggage and mounts for the royalty.
The infantry also was a part of the army, which consisted of all sorts of retainers and
attendants attached to the army.
There is mention also of some firearms being used in the time of the Khaljis.
Combustibles like naphta and rockets were used especially in seiges. Certain indigenous
devices were used for hurling heavy stonebals, et., into the beseiged fortresses.
The army was organised on the Turkish model and divided into units of 10,000 and sub-
divisions of 1,000 down to a hundred.
(v) Justice
Whatever the thinking level of the contemporary historians of the Sultanat period they
expected the monarch to be just and firmly uphold justice. Ziauddin Barani in his Fatwa-i
Jahandari writes:
“Consequently there can be no stability in the affairs of men without justice. No religion,
which is founded on Divine Commandments (ahkam), can do without justice. Both ancient
and modern thinkers have said that, ‘Religion and justice are twins.”
He further adds:
“Justice is the basis of the social organisation and the civil order, and it is administered by
the strong ruler among the people. The real justification for the supremacy of kings and their
power and dignity is the need for enforcing justice.”
However this is interesting to note that Ziauddin Barani does not shun his class outlook
while commenting on Justice. He warns the monarchs that it they deviate from discharging
justice there would be complete community of women and property (ibahat); The distinction
between one man’s property and another’s would vanish”. According to Ziauddin Barani
sharing property on a common basis is an open invitation to anarchy. He remarks: “no time or
place would be free from disorder.” For the interest of social organization he is prepared to
shun the difference between “Muslims and non-Muslims, wise or foolish, learned or
illiterate” but he is out and out defender of a system based on property relationship.

54
 In actual practice the Sultan was the highest judicial court. Barani says that Balban used
to hear and decide cases himself. It was the highest judicial authority in deciding appeals.
Prof. Habibullah informs us: In cases arising out of the violation or application of the
religious side of the Shariat, he was assisted by the mufti and the sadrus-sadur while in cases
of a secular nature he sat with the qaziul-quzat (chiefjustice). However, there is an instance of
Muhammad bin Tughlaq appearing in the court of the Qazi.
Besides Chief justice (Qaziul-quzat) we find the mention of the amir-i-dad.
However the bulk of the population i.e. peasantry looked towards of the local panchayats
for getting justice.
Besides the judicial department, which occupied a prominent place in the list of other
departments, there were members of other departments. Some departments and offices
continued with all the Sultans while some were the creation of this or that Sultan. One of the
continued office was of Kotwal. Particularly the Kotwal of the capital i.e. Delhi was an
important office. And if Delhi’s kotwal is endowed to aperson like Ala-ul Mulk Kotwal, the
maternal uncle of Barani, his role was bound to be crucial. He had a direct access to the
Sultan and used to visit Alauddin Khalji on the first of every month. Normally the Kotwal
was assigned the duty of guarding the city and maintaining law and order. He also kept the
keys of the city gates.
(vi) Political Divisions of the Empire
Because of lack of material it is not possible to throw sufficient light on the political
divisions of the empire under the Sultans. However, it seems that in the initial stage of the
establishment of Delhi Sultanat the conquered territory was divided into administrative units,
(Usually written as Iqta in the modern works). However, Dr. K.M. Ashraf writes this word as
Aqta ‘and the holder of this administrative unit was termed as Muqta,) which was assigned to
military commanders who were called Muqta. The Muqta was responsible for the
maintenance of law and order and for the collection of revenue. He would deduct from the
amount collected, his personal salary and the expenses of his administration and send the
balance (fazilat) to the central government. However, it may be noticed the Iqtadari
(Aqtadari) system was not a carbon copy of the European feudalism. The post of Muqta was
not hereditary; he could not be transferred from one iqta (Aqta) to another. Above all, the
Iqtadar (Aqtadar) had no proprietary right in the iqta (Aqta). He could not sell or mortgage it;
he had no inherent legal right; he was only a sort of contractor for collection of revenue on
behalf of the government. The system was unsatisfactory and led to the weakening of the
centre. Some of the powerful Muqtas became independent rulers. Later on one finds clear cut
evidence of the emergence of provinces in the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq.
The provinces were divided into Shiqs and a shiq into paraganahs and each had a staff for
purposes of maintaining peace and security and collection of revenue.

55
Conclusion
Thus our discussion on the Delhi sultanat clearly establishes the fact that it was not a
government which based itself on the teachings of Islam. On the contrary, the Sultanat made
vigorous efforts to keep the Ulama and Sufis in their proper place. Even in the beginning
Iltutmish rejected the plea of a delegation of Ulama to govern his kingdom according to their
wishes. Balban also kept himself above them.
During the reigns of Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad bin Tughluq many concessions,
extended to the religious class in the earlier period, were taken away from them. At times
Ulama and Sufis were harshly treated too. In fact, the Delhi Sultanat was neither keen to
spread Islam nor to suppress Hinduism. Its main goal was to serve the interests of the military
despots, who at times made use of religion to achieve their political goal, and even indulged
in acts of fanaticism. But these acts of fanaticism were not enacted for the glory of Islam. In
running their state machinery the Sultans had evolved their own state laws. Barani explicitly
says :
“...all the customs and ways of kingship are violations of the traditions of the Prophet and
that in this violation they and their followers and their servants are involved.”
Essential Readins :
➢ Jackson, P. (2003). The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
➢ Ray Chaudhuri, T and I. Habib (Ed.). (1982). The Cambridge Economic History of
India, Vol.1: c1200-1750. Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 45-101.
➢ Kumar, Sunil. (2014). “Bandagi and Naukari: Studying Transitions in Political
Culture and Service under the North Indian Sultanates, 13th-16th centuries” in
Francesca Orsini and Samira Sheikh, (Eds.), After Timur Left: Culture and
Circulation in fifteenth century North India. Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 60-
108.

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 Unit II

REGIONAL POLITICAL FORMATION: VIJAYANAGARA

Dr. Parul Lau Gaur

Ram Lal Anand College
University of Delhi
STRUCTURE

2.1 Objectives
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Geography and physical layout of capital
2.4 Sources
2.5 Political and dynastic history
2.6 Articulation and organization of political authority
2.6.1 Vijayanagara as capital city: meaning and interpretation
2.6.2 Mahanavmi festival
2.6.3 Political culture: Islamicization
2.7 Vijayanagara state: Historiographical debate
2.8 Vijayanagara polity
2.9 Vijayanagara society and religion
2.10 Vijayanagaraecomomy
2.11 Conclusion
2.12 Let us sum up
2.13 Key words
2.14 Long Questions
2.15 References

2.1 Objectives

Over the past many decades Vijayanagara kingdom has been the focus of research among
scholars and historians. After studying this unit the students would be able to deal with the
following issues:

• The historiographical debate regarding the nature of Vijayanagara state.

• The multiple meanings manifested by the imperial capital.
• The role of rituals in the representation of political power.
• The concept of Islamicate and its influence on Vijayanagara Empire.
• Key features of Vijayanagara polity, society and economy.

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2.2 Introduction

Towards the close of the thirteenth century A.D. four kingdoms flourished in India, south of
Vindhyas, the Yadavas in the north–west, the Kakatiyas in the north-east, the Hoysalas in the
centre, and the Pandyas in the extreme South. So the centuries before the establishment of
Vijaynagar, South India was divided into numerous regional kingdoms. These kingdoms
were often at war with each other. They also had to face the powerful invasion from the Delhi
Sultanate established in North India. The areas of resistance to the Sultanate persisted
throughout the South particularly in the Tungabhadra region where later on the Vijayanagara
kingdom was established. Soon Delhi Sultanate started weakening towards the end of 1320
and they started to withdraw from that area. The earlier kingdoms which ruled did not survive
and started to collapse. Therefore the kingdom of Vijayanagara emerged after the withdrawal
of Delhi Sultanate and the collapse of the Deccani states. To the south of Tungabhadra river
emerged the Vijayanagara empire and within few decades it was recognized as South India’s
largest empire. Vijayanagara at the zenith of its power displayed imperial grandeur.

2.3 Geography and physical layout of capital

The region comprising the Vijayanagara kingdom included the areas of Andhra Pradesh,
Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. This vast extent of the empire consisted of several topographic
and ecological zones which included “the dry, upland regions of interior; mountainous,
forested areas; and also coastal areas”. The Vijayanagara empire emerged in semi-arid upland
which made the agrarian expansion difficult. Due to region’s aridity and rugged topography
agriculture in this area relied primarily on reservoir irrigation and seasonal rainfall.
Therefore the rulers made efforts to expand more towards fertile river valley and sea- coasts
and deltas. “Forested regions were transformed into zones of agricultural production through
construction of irrigation facilities and resettlement of agricultural communities.” There was
a narrow alluvial strip along Tungabhadra river extending to the Krishna river. This area was
the Raichur Doab (meaning land between two rivers), a zone of confrontation throughout the
Vijayanagara period.
On the basis of physical features and the types of visible remains in each area the city was
divided into sacred centre and urban core. The area known as “sacredcentre” houses the
Virupaksha, Krishna, Vithala and Tiruvengalanatha temples and are located in the northern
portion of the city along with the associated bazars, shrinesand residential areas. Another area
known as “urban core”was surrounded by fortification walls, and has many remains of
gateways, roads, halls, residential areas and also the royal centre.There was also an Islamic
quarter with mosque and cemetery of its own.

2.4 Sources

The sources for the reconstruction of Vijayanagara history are both literary and
archaeological. The literary sources include religious treatise, legendary stories and royal
biographies. Some works were attributed to kings like Devaraya II (SobaginaSone), the

58
Vijayanagara queen Gangadevi (Madhuravijayam) and Krishnadevaraya (Amuktamalyada
and JambavatiParinayam).
There were also accounts of foreign travelers who visited Vijayanagara court from areas as
far as Europe, Central Asia and East Asia.The traveler IbnBatuta who visited during the reign
of Harihara I documents the foundation of the kingdom of Vijayanagara. AbdurRazzak
visited Vijayanagaraduring the reign of Deva Raya II of the Sangama dynasty. Duarte
Barbosa (a Portuguese) came here during the early years of Krishnadevaraya and gives a
vivid description of the social conditions of the people, their customs and traditions. Another
Portuguese traveler who visited the Vijayanagara Empire was Domingo Paes. He visited
during the time of Krishnadevaraya and describes the glory of Vijayanagara. Alfonso de
Albuquerque, a Portuguese statesman, also gave an accountof the times of Viranarasimha
Raya of the Tuluva dynasty. Fernao Nuniz visited the empire during the reign of Achyuta
Raya and wrote his chronicle. All these travelers display the grandeur and numerous riches of
Vijayanagara in their writings.
Besides the above mentioned, we also have accounts of the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth century British colonial officials such as Buchanan, Colin Mackenzie and Thomas
Munro.
It is impossible to reconstruct the history of Vijayanagara period without analyzing some
thousands of available inscriptions. Many of them refer to the gifts or donations made to
Hindu temples. The architectural remains of residences, fortification and surface artifacts
comprise a significant archaeological data along with ceramics.

2.5 Political and dynastic history

The origins of the first rulers of Vijayanagara Harihara I and Bukka RayaI belonging to the
Sangama (C.E.1486-1505) dynasty is a matter of debate although it is well established that
they were the founders of the “city of victory”. Bukka Raya I (also known as Bukka I) shifted
the capital from Anegondi to Vijayanagara. The struggle between Bahmani- Vijayanagara
started during the reign of Bukka I. The Krishna-Tunghabhadra doab region remained the
bone of contention between Vijayanagara and Bahmani. Bukka I’s son Harihara II
consolidated the authority of Vijayanagara all over Southern India. “The early Sangamas
endowed temples throughout their expanding territories and encouraged the expansion of
reservoir based agriculture in the semi- arid upland regions around the capital.” After the
death of Harihara II, Devaraya I became the king who was coronated in 1406. Devaraya I and
Devaraya II undertook the task of consolidating control over extensive territories. The
Sangama dynasty fell in C.E.1485 when SaluvaNarasimha a chief under Virupaksha II,
seized the throne from a military weakened king. The Saluvasruled Vijayanagara from C.E.
1486-1505.Another king of this lineViranarasimha improvedthe efficiency of his army by
introducing changes in the methods of recruitment and training of his forces. He also
maintained friendly relations with Portuguese. The Tuluvas (C.E.1505- 1569) marked the
apex of imperial extent and authority. Under TuluvasVijayanagara witnessed urban

59
expansion at the capital and throughout the empire with large scale construction of temples,
irrigation works, fortifications and other facilities. Krishnadevaraya was one of the ablest
kings of Tuluvasand was a great warrior. He constructed new townships and took keen
interest in art, architecture and literature. The final dynasty was that of Aravidu (C.E. 1569-
1654) whose kings ruled from the capitals of Penukonda, Chandragiri and Vellore.
Check your progress 1
Q.1. Which of the following statement is /are true?
(i) Ramraya was the founder of the Vijayanagara kingdom.
(ii) Ruler Bukka I shifted the capital from Anegondi to Vijayanagara.
(iii) Krishadevaraya belonged to the Saluva dynasty.
Q.2 Match the following:
Traveler Ruler
a) AbdurRazzak (i) Krishnadevaraya
b) Alfonso de Albuquerque (ii) Achyuta Raya
c) Durate Barbosa (iii) Devaraya II
d) FernaoNuniz (iv) ViraNarasimha
Q.3 Match the following:
Ruler Dynasty
(i) Harihara I (a)Tuluva
(ii) ViraNarasimha (b)Saluva
(iii) Krishnadevaraya (c)Sangama
2.6 Articulation and Organization of Political Authority

2.6.1 Vijayanagara as a capital city: meaning and interpretation

The urban morphology and architectural remains of the Vijayanagara are highly visible
expressions of royal ideology and imperial ambitions. John Fritz expounds the meaning of
Vijayanagara, South Indian imperial capital. The varied images of king and his royal
behaviour are reflected in both sacred and secular buildings. The king is depicted as a warrior
(Battle scenes), hunter (scene of royal hunting also projecting royal leadership), promoter of
prosperity (initiating construction, projects for welfare of people) and redistributor of wealth
(performance of rituals and giving gifts).
Several carved panels in the royal centre portray foreigners in front of royal figures. The
scenes of royal hunting were displayed on the sides of the platform associated with the
mahanavmi festival.“There were also scenes related to athletics, wrestling, acrobats and other
contests which displayed the strength, skill and combativeness of those who served the king.”
By redistributing his wealth the king enhanced his royal power. The royalty displayed his

60
wealth through possessions, monumental buildings and richly furnished quarters where the
king enacted his public and private roles. The conduct of various entertainment acts was also
a means by which king displayed and distributed wealth. The numerous panels on
mahanavmi platform, Ramachandra temple and stone basements of several palace structures
depict dancing women, musicians and acrobats performing in front of seated royal figures.
The kings contributed to the wealth of the temples and land by financing hydraulic works.
The kings also performed many Brahmanical and Jain rituals which is attested by numerous
stone temples of the sacred centre, urban core and the suburbs of Vijayanagara.
The overall structure of the city manifest that Vijayanagara’s kings were actively drawing
homology between themselves and the ideal God King – Lord Rama. The comparison was
made even between the capital and Ayodhya. The area around Vijayanagara contains many
sites that are associated with the epic Ramayana. The city of Vijayanagara and its immediate
surroundings were closely associated with Rama’s meeting with Hanuman and his alliance
with Sugriva. The Rama cult in Vijayanagara was not very ancient and it has been patronized
by royal families from fifteenth century onwards.
The nucleus of the kings’ activities was the royal center where Lord Ramchandra temple was
located. Fritz suggests “Ramchandra was conceived as being within the king, empowering or
generating his activities”. The elaborate Ramayana carving in the Ramchandra’s temple
complex “represents the symbolic importance of the temple in the context of the city and
empire”. The structures led Fritz to conclude that Vijayanagara was laid out as a cosmic city.
He further opines that “in the interior of the enclosure ensure, the emphasis on the Rama, on
the exterior it is the King and his activities which were celebrated.”
This nexus of gifts, honour created a link between the King and the recipient and thereby
became helpful in legitimating status hierarchy. The temple is aligned with various land
marks and structures, all the roads from outside converge on the plaza in front of the temple.
The temples inner shrine is aligned directly South of Matanga hills. BothMatanga and
Malyavanta hills (hills associated with mythical events of Ramayana) can be seen from
within the temple complex.
2.6.2 Mahanavmi festival
The most significant ritual which gives visibility to this association of terrestrial King and
celestial Gods was the Mahanavami festival which consisted of nine days of celebration
followed by a tenth final day, the Dasmi. The earliest eye witness report of the festival
inVijayanagarawas provided by Nicolo Conti in C. 1420 followed by AbdurRazzak in
C.E.1442 A.D and the Paes and Nuniz in the sixteenth century. In the word of Stein “The
elaborate festival was a celebration of the reigning King and of the institution of the kingship
and empire”. Further, he suggested that “local rulers and lords from throughout the empire
were required to come to the capital during the festival and demonstrate their loyalty to King
and empire.” The annual tributes were paid to the king and the king presented during the
Mahanavmicelebration, return gifts in the form of honours to lower rank elites. So in the

61
words of Stein the mahanavmi rites reconstituted the “centralized and hierarchic” phase of
state during which “territorial chiefs, subordinate kings, revenue officials and companies
assemble at the royal city”. The most important monument used in the festival was the house
of victory (Mahanavmidibba/ Mahanavmi platform) from where the king performed his
prayers and also witnessed the various processions. In the words of Norobu Karashima “the
festival symbolized the Vijayanagara kings sovereignty which combined its ritualistic,
administrative and military aspects.”
2.6.3 Political Culture: Islamicization
It is also necessary to consider the role of political culture which helped in the creation of
Vijayanagara’s imperial identity. Political culture is a useful theoretical category which refers
to meaning embedded in a set of symbols, practices and beliefs which defines a political
system and is often used for political legitimation. In the context of Vijayanagara kingdom it
was Islamicate political culture which was acknowledged by its rulers in an attempt to
participate in a cosmopolitan culture that extended beyond South India. Scholars like Philip
Wagoner drew attention to this political strategy termed as Islamicization by which
“indigenous elites attempt to enhance their political status and authority through participation
in the more “universal “culture of Islam through the adoption of certain Islamic cultural
forms and practices”. The political culture is also manifested in particular domain of material
culture –elite dress and costume of Vijayanagara. Wagoner points that Vijayanagara kings
and their followers adopted in court, Islamic inspired long sleeved tunics called” kubayi” and
the high conical caps of brocaded fabric called “kullai” which was prevalent both within and
outside Indian subcontinent.It differed from earlier wrapped style of royal dress. This style of
dress was opted for formal public audience. The court was a place where the Vijayanagara
elite met and interacted with Muslim visitors and so Islamic normswere stressed in covering
the body.
It was also evident through travelers account documents, literary sources and paintings that
the ‘robes of honor’ ceremony (distribution of high- quality silk and cotton cloth) was
common in Vijayanagara court. According to Carla Sinopoli “this ceremony of bestowal of
royal robes had its origin in the courts of the Islamic polities of Northern India. It fulfilled the
same function of representing and acknowledging political authority that it did in
contemporary Islamic courts”.
Vijayanagara rulers not only adopted Islamic inspired court dress but also Islamicate political
language evident in the adoption of title ‘’Hindu- raya-Suratrana” or Sultan among Hindu
kings. It was first inscribed in an inscription of Bukka I, the first Vijayanagara rulerin C.E.
1352.
Islamicate culture also shaped methods of warfare. They assimilated Turkic cavalry and
archery techniques. Devaraya II started the practice of employing Muslims in Vijayanagara
army. The Muslim presence can be attested not only from literary and epigraphic sources but
also from monumental evidence in the form of Muslim quarter in the city containing mosques

62
and tombs. Even the grant of nayankara assignments in return for military service may also
have been modeled on medieval Islamic practice of giving iqtas which was introduced to
India by the Delhi Sultanate.
The Vijayanagara courtly architecture also had elements of north like domes and arches and
also Hindu temple architecture like stepped roofs, curved eaves and plaster decoration.So
there was a fusion of both Southern “Hindu” architectural traditions and the Northern
“Islamic” tradition. In the words of Michell “the style of courtly monuments may be
considered as a manifestation of the cosmopolitan nature of the capital; it is a visible
expression of the city’s social and cultural complexity.”
The Vijayanagara kings assimilated many aspects of Islamicate material culture, techniques
in warfare and vocabulary making them quite distinct when compared to the earlier cultural
patterns in South India.
In the words of Stein, ‘Vijayanagara was a city of diverse foci–markets, palaces, temples,
mosque- a city in which power was more secular than sacred.
CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 2
Q.1 How did the urban lay-out and architectural remains of Vijayanagara city serve as
expression of imperial political authority?
Q.2. How did the adoption and assimilation of Islamicate culture helpVijayanagara rulers to
participate in cosmopolitan political culture?
Q.3 Write short notes on the following:
a) Mahanavmi festival.
b) Foreign travelers accounts

2.7 Vijayanagara State: Historiographical debate

There are various approaches to the study of Vijayanagara state. Certain historians like N.
Sastri regarded Vijayanagara as a strong military state that was heavily centralized under
effective rulers. According to Sastri, the Vijayanagara state emerged as a reaction against the
Muslim threat and this influenced the growth of administrative institutions in the state. The
Vijayanagararayas were devoted in the upholding of the Hindu Dharma and tried to
established administrative institutions on the basis of Hindu dharmashastras. He also defined
the empire as a confederacy of many chieftains operating under the leadership of biggest
among them, that is, the King. The centralization was effective only under strong rulers but
under weak kings the warrior chiefs on whom the King were dependent showed resistance
and posed challenges to the imperial authorities. The above notion of Vijayanagara as a
Hindu state does not portray an accurate picture of Vijayanagara state.

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Scholars like Richard Eaton point out that the military troops of Vijayanagara had been
recruited from the Sultanate ranks and also that the state adopted/borrowed features from the
Turko-Persian iqta land revenue system in its own amaram system Historians like Satish
Chanda pointed out distinction between Amaram and iqtadari system. In his opinion it is
difficult to equate amaram with the iqta system of Delhi Sultanate That the King also adopted
many aspects of Islamicate culture was quite visible in Islamic style of dresses and the choice
of Islamic buildings for secular ceremony.
Burton Stein questioned Sastri’s view and puts forward his own theory regarding the nature
of Vijayanagara state, that is, the segmentary state. Stein defined the segmentary as a polity in
which there were several political domains among which power and sovereignty are
distributed. The king may not have excessive political and economic powers than other
rulers, but has a ritual or symbolic dominance over them. There is ritual dominance of the
Kings political center over the other center which also holds together the state as a single
unit. The relationship of the segments in relation to the central authority was pyramidally
arranged. These segments were largely autonomous economically and resources did flow
between the hierarchical level of the segmentary state in the form of taxes and tributes but at
the same time such flows were limited and mediated by temples. These segments also
included domains ruled by military elites, which had been created by the state to attain
centralization.
For Vijayanagara, feudal interpretation is most explicit in the writings of Norobu Karashima.
After studying the Tamil epigraphic sources of Vijayanagara Empire in Tamil Nadu, he
observed that Nayankara system can be characterized as feudal. The feudal relations were
hierarchical in nature, descending from the King to the Nayaka and then to landlords in the
village. The Nayakas were able to cede territories to sub-Nayakas who acknowledged both
the rulers and the Nayakas as their lord. He finds Vijayanagara feudalism very similar to the
Tokugawa feudalism of Japan.
Stein’s segmentary model has been criticized on various grounds as it was basically a
borrowed concept from African ethnologist Adian South Hall and didn’t apply well to the
Vijayanagara state. Although he discusses the broad trends of Vijayanagara political
economy he ignores the relation of economy and political status. In Stein’s opinion the feudal
model ascribed to Vijayanagara state is inappropriate. Many local elites and their competing
interests of temple and high level of commodity production and exchange would cross cut the
administrative segments.
The above historiographical discussion on the nature of Vijayanagara state brings out the
many layered complexity of Vijayanagara polity and the role played by many participants in
the economic structure and practices. But the issue of craft production and political economy
was not taken in the various historiographical interpretations.

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Morrison and Lycett recognize the importance of considering multiple sources of power-
military, political, economic and ideological. “The capital was both a sacred place and a
fortified imperial centre. Vijayanagara rulers also recognized the utility of local chiefs in the
armies and incorporated the regional deities”.
Carla Sinopoli’s research particularly insists that the study of craft production can refine our
understanding of Vijayanagara state. There is meagre evidence to suggest that Vijayanagara
rulers exerted direct control over economic production. They utilized existing institutional
structures such as temples, caste and merchant groups as main investors and involved them in
decision making process over economic production and distribution. However, it is
noticeable that direct control was exerted on goods which were essential for maintaining their
centres and institutions of power especially weapons and warfare animals like horses. The
rulers were keen in the distribution of exotic goods like Chinese porcelain. Earthenware
vessels were most abundantly found in many Vijayanagara sites which must not have been
under the imperial control.
CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 3
Q.1 Discuss the various approaches to the study of Vijayanagara state?
Q.2 “The Vijayanagara empire was the nearest approach to a war state ever made by a
Hindu kingdom.” Elucidate?
Q.3 How has the study of Vijayanagara craft production refined our understanding of
Vijayanagara imperial control?

2.8 Vijayanagara Polity

The Rayas divided their empire into a number of provinces called Rajyas and mandalams.
The largest administrative division was the rajya also called the chavadi and uchachavadi.
The high ranking officers were in charge of the rajayams and administeredstate with the help
of subordinate officers called adhikaris who were military officers.According to
N.Karashima, the Saluva period marked the transition of Vijayanagara polity from the early
system to the Nayakasystem that brought a new social formation to South India. Many
significant developments in the social and political organization can be witnessed after the
establishment of Vijayanagara. The Nayankara system was an important characteristic of
Vijayanagara political organization. Nayakarefers to a person of dominance in Sanskrit
language. This was a general term till it acquired a specific meaning in the Vijayanagara
period that is military chief. Nayakaswere endowed with land for their maintenance and the
villages under their control were designated as ‘amaram’. The holders of Amarams were
called Amaramnayaka. The institution of Nayakas was studied in detail by two Portuguese
travellers namely Paesand Nuniz who visited India during the reign of Krishna Deva Raya
and Achyut Raya of Tuluva dynasty respectively during sixteenth century.

65
The Nayakas performed a significant task of collecting revenue from the land assigned to
them and also maintained an army to provide military services to the state whenever required.
They also administrated civil as well as criminal justice. They had no proprietary right on the
land they held and King assured that there were frequent transfers of Nayakas from one
territory to another.
Contemporary Portuguese chroniclers Paes and Nuniz revealed that these Nayakas had to pay
fixed contribution to the rajas. This brings up the question of feudal obligation. Scholars like
D.C. Sarkar and Aiyengar, who base their views on the account of foreigntravellers, believe
that this system was based on feudal relations. They characterized the relation between the
Vijayanagara King and the Nayaka as being feudal in nature. The above view has been
criticized on the grounds that though certain similarities may exist, there were certain basic
differences between Nayaka system and the European feudal system.
T.V.Mahalingam believes that it would be inappropriate to identify the relationship between
the Vijayanagara Rayas and the Nayaka with the feudal relation that existed between lord and
vassal.
Burton Stein refuses to accept the feudal interpretation pointing out that most of the binding
ties of allegiance which characterized the lord-vassal relationship of feudal Europe were
missing. He prefers the term ‘tributary’ over lordship because the amaram was not a military
estate.
Norobu Karashima brings to light traces of sub-infeudation among Nayakas. The element of
hereditary worship was absent as the Nayaka was tenant-at-will. The granting and re-granting
of amarams and changes and transfers of Nayakas were recorded in epigraphs. The
amaranayaka lacked the essential feudal element of a landlord-peasant relationship.
Philip Wagoner located the origins of Nayaka system in theiqtadari system which had been
practiced in the Islamic world.
The Nayakas were engaged in various duties in the administration of his territorial unit. He
performed several civil and military functions. Apart from collecting revenue they also
promoted trade and industry.
Besides the amaram, the Vijayanagara inscriptions refer to other land tenures, Bhandarvada
(Crown) and Manya (Tax free) grants. Bhandarvada villages were owned by the Kings who
received a major share of the produce, leaving the minor share to the cultivators, Manya
included three kinds of assignments Brahmadeya (assigned to Brahmins as charity),
Devadana (assigned to temple for the maintenance of temple rituals and performance of
temple rituals), and mathas. Mathas was land given to Saiva and Vaishnavasects for their
maintenance and study of their respective theologies. There was also growth of Ayagar
system at the village level. The Ayagars were the village servants who were appointed by the
state to conduct the affairs of the village. These Ayagars included the accountant, headman,
watchman, waterman, magistrate etc.

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Certain Vijayanagara inscriptions refer to Poligars or dependent warriors of the Nayaka and
Poliyami or military contingent of these warriors. The poligars and poliyami were definitely
new elements noted in the Vijayanagara administration.
CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 4
Q.1 Discuss the nature of Vijayanagara state with special reference to Nayaka chiefdoms?
Q.2 Asses the nature and significance of Nayankara system?

2.9 Vijayanagara Society and Religion

The rulers of Vijayanagara kingdom assumed titles describing them as supporters of four
caste and orders, protector of varnashramadhara, upholder of the duties of all castes.
Brahmans enjoyed a respectable position in the society. They were also appointed as
durgapatis (fortress commanders) and governors. Kshatriya appears to be absent in South
India in general.
There was also existence of broad social categories based primarily on occupation. There was
rise of many occupational groups which led to the formation of new sub-castes or jatis. There
was division ofsudras into vadangai- idangai group or right hand group and left hand group.
Agricultural jatis or castes were grouped under vadangaiand the marginalized castes, artisans
and traders under idangai. In the words of Sinopoli “these groups acted as corporate unitsin
coordinating tax payments, regulating production and behavior, settling disputes
andorganizing religious festivals among other activities.”
The vertical and horizontal social mobility were striking characteristics of this period.
Horizontal mobility refers to the territorial distribution of people and there is no alteration of
social status. Vertical mobility indicates a change in the social or economic status of an
individual. We do have evidences of inter-professional mobility. Many lower caste people
belonging to varied occupations like artisans, craftsman and weavers moved upward on the
social ladder.
Norobu Karashima draws attention to “the emergence of new landed groups, those who had
no previous standing as landlords; Chettis or merchants; Reddis or soldiers; Kaikkolars or
weavers and Manradis or shepherds”. The emergence of these new groups to a position of
local dominance also undertook irrigation improvements with wealth acquired from trade,
production and even office.
The Sudras practiced different professions and included carpenters, goldsmiths, blacksmiths,
weavers and barbers. The weavers, oil-pressers and metal workers appear to have become
economically and socially prominent during this period. In modern Karnataka and Andhra
Pradesh the weaving community included theDevanga, Saliyar, Jedaand Saniyarcastes. In
Tamil speaking region, Kaikkolar came to be the most important weaving community.
During Vijayanagara several Kaikkolarindividuals emerged as master weavers, individuals
who owned or supervised many looms. The enhanced social status of the Kaikkolar

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community throughout the period is perhaps best evident in their expanded role in temple
administration and references to them in inscriptions.
The position of craft producer in social hierarchy also varied and this could be attributed to
the type of craft production done by them. The artisans who produced significant textiles and
metal objects were able to improve their status while those products which had low value
produced by potters were subjected to low social and economic status.
The religious policy of Vijayanagara reflects a tolerant spirit. There was patronage to temples
and institutions belonging to Hinduism, Jains and Muslims. Vijayanagara rulers also
integrated regional deities and religious symbols of their religious pantheon. They were
elevated to the status of Lord Vishnu and Siva.Vijayanagara kings belonging to different
dynasties indicate different affiliation of kings to particular temples. The Sangamas were
Saivites. The Saluvas and Tuluvaswere Vaisnavites and under later Tuluva kings there was
investment in Vaisnavite institutions. There also exist evidences of religious differences in
religious texts and inscriptions. When a dispute arose between Srivaishnavas and Jains
Vijayanagara king Bukka declared “Jains were entitled to same privileges as the
Vaishnavas.” Devaraya also built a mosque in his capital for the benefit of Muslim soldiers.
Temples were the prime instruments for Vijayanagara political purposes. They also were
significant centres of agricultural investment and land control. The donations were made not
only by kings and royal households but also by local elites, temple employees, merchant
guilds and small investors. The donor received religious as well as material benefits. Burton
Stein points out that land was given with an intention that it should be improved through the
construction of irrigation facilities. People were entitled to a share of the increase in
production. The share went to the templewhich offered the food to the deity. The produce or
cooked food was returned as prasadam, sacred foodstuffs.

2.10 Vijayanagara Economy

The Vijayanagara state derived most of its income from land revenue and trade. The arable
land was classified into three categories-dry, wet and garden land. The Vijayanagara Kings
made attempts at the cultivation and expansion of agricultural land and yields. Agricultural
facility was provided for the production of a range of crops. The irrigated wet crops included
rice, sugarcane crops and vegetables while dry crops included millet, pulses, oil seeds and
cotton.
Taxes were collected according to return on the field in cash or kind. We have already noted
the development of the tenure system in the above unit. These assignments were further
assigned to the peasants or kudi for the purpose of cultivation. The land was called Kudige.
The Kudikept the share of the income and rest went to the holders. The responsibility of tax
collection was given to Nayakas who collected these taxes by their own servants or by giving
out to others. There were taxes on settlements or villages. Beside agricultural taxes the state

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collected commercial, police and military taxes. It is also noticeable that the rulers, landlords
and investors were entitled to shares. The non-agricultural taxes were collected in cash.
A significant feature of Vijayanagara economy was investment in small scale irrigation. This
involved providing substantial facilities such as canals and large reservoirs. Perennial water
was required for wet and garden crop. According to Morrison and Sinopoli “the material
benefit to Vijayanagara Kings from these investments was significant. The areas watered by
canals and large reservoir were very productive and the donors share was also sizeable”.
The Vijayanagara period also saw the increase in use of currency. There were many reasons
for this like expansion of internal and international commerce and also the growth of temple
towns. There was also a transition from an economy based largely on payment in kind to one
based on goods and coinage. The coins included gold, silver and copper varieties. Coins were
minted by state, regional centers and merchant guilds. Indian merchant received currency in
exchange of various commodities. Gold gadyanas and varahashad the highest value. Silver
coins were called Tara andcopper denomination included panaand jitals. The lower
denominations were in copper which was used for day to day transactions.
The Vijayanagara period also saw steady increase in internal and external trade culminating
in the Portuguese intervention of early sixteenth century. Trade route connected different
mercantile towns and places of political and cultural importance. The capital city was
connected by a route which passed through Chandragiri, Tirupati and Pulicat. Another route
connected Vijayanagara with Udayagiri, Kondavidu (place of military importance) as well as
places of religious importance, of which Srisalam,Vijaywada, Simhachalam deserve mention.
There were a number of articles of inland trade including pulses, millets, wheat, spices, ghee
and oil, to name a few. These commodities were sold in bazar or fairs or santas, established
by rulers or local chieftain in order to encourage trade and to cater to the needs of village.
Vijayanagara was also a participant in global economy. In 1400, the maritime trade was
divided in three trading zones, the Mediterranean and costal Atlantic, Arab maritime zone in
the Indian Ocean and the Chinese trade of the China’s seas and Japan.
The South Indian commodities involved in International commerce included rice and other
food stuff, timber, textile, iron ore, pearls and semi-precious stones. From China came silk,
from Sri Lanka elephants and gems, from Sumatra came camphor trees and from Persia came
horses. Many commodities like cotton textile, copper, quick silver and vermilion along with
other dies, velvets and rose water were exported to distant land.
The Vijayanagara Empire, except for the Malabar Coast, claimed hegemony over many
surplusregions. The Coromandel coast consisted of two separate sub-regions or areas namely
the Northern Coromandel (trade around Masulipatnam) and the Southern and Central
Coromandel (ports extending from Pulicat to Nagapattinam). Both had different mercantile
groups which operated here. The Vijayanagara ruler established links with small mercantile
townships of the coast like Basrur (dominated by Saraswat Brahmins). The major

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metropolitan port of the area was Bhatkal (dominated by cosmopolitan mercantile
communities). It had long distance trade and was exclusively oriented to the west mainly the
Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. Pulicat and Bhatkal had the distinction of being the eastern and
western outlets for Vijayanagara and enjoyed the prosperity. The Portuguese also established
trade at Pulicat.
Temple towns were also sites for financial and trade transactions. The town of Tirupati at the
base of Vengadam hill abode of Venkateshwara at Tirumalai enjoyed numerous donations.
These centres created urban facilities and led to the growth of prominent commercial and
artisanal production. They were major consumers of goods and served as stimulus to trade.
The increased donation to the temples show that merchants and skilled artisans benefitted
from the growing prosperity of Vijayanagara.
CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 5
Q.1 Discuss the salient features of the Vijayanagara society?
Q.2 Discuss the Salient features of the Vijayanagara economy? Did this period witness a rise
in monetisation?

2.11 Conclusion

South India was divided under a number of competing states and empires from A.D. 900-
1300. After the collapse of earlier dynasties, the South Indian imperial capital of Vijaynagar
became the political and economic centre of a vast empire. It differed from the earlier South
Indian dynasties in both scale and diversity. Vijayanagara was the conceptual, and not
geographic, centre of the empire. The success of the rulers lay in the fact that while they
incorporated local traditions, the imperial court also tried to establish a distinctive identity by
adopting cultural and military elements from larger subcontinent. The city also had important
sacred association with ideal God-hero king of Ramayana, Lord Rama. The Ramchandra
temple remained the nucleus of the royal centre and it had its own significance in the urban
context and symbolic lay out of the capital. The king celebrated mahanavmi festival, a public
ritual that served to incorporate the entire realm. The kings adopted an extremely broad
spatial and cultural array to give shape to a distinctive representation of the empire.
Islamicate culture became a factor that shaped styles of prestige and matters of power
manifested in clothing, vocabulary and warfare methods. The kings attempted to exert control
over certain luxury goods and those related to warfare. Thus imperial ideology was expressed
materially in monuments, luxury goods and ritual practices.
The growth of the Nayakas resulted in many significant changes in the organization of social
and political order by introducing the Nayankara system. It became the mainstay of the
Vijaynagar power. This system has often been compared to the iqtadari system and feudal
system. The Ayagar system was crucial in Vijayanagara administration as the ayagars or
village administrators acted as link between the villagers and imperial representations at
different levels. Society in this period also witnessed significant changes and there was

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emergence of divergent social occupational groups. The community belonging to left-hand
division (idangai) were primarily non-agriculturalists and the right hand division (vadangai)
were involved in agriculture. Agriculture witnessed the introduction of complex features in
the land tenure system. The long distance trade and internal trade and commerce flourished
enabling the mercantile communities to play a crucial role in society and economy.
In the words of Stein, “the significance of Vijayanagara lies in the fact that it saw
transition of South Indian society from its medieval past.”

2.12 Let us Sum Up

• The Vijayanagara emerged after the withdrawal of Delhi Sultanate and the collapse of
Deccani states.
• For the purpose of study historians and archaeologists have divided the city into two
broad zones, sacred centre and urban core.
• The sources for the study of Vijayanagara include literary texts, accounts of foreign
travellers, records of British colonial officials, inscriptions and other archaeological
remains.
• There were four dynasties which ruled the VijayanagaraEmpire, the
Sangama(C.E.1486-1505), theSaluva (C.E. 1505-1569), the Tuluva (C.E.1505- 1569)
and the Aravidu (C.E.1569-1654).
• The urban lay out of the capital citypoints out that there was a conscious effort to link
the terrestrial king with the divine God Lord Rama. The Ramachandra temple
remained the nucleus of the royal centre.
• Public rituals like Mahanavmiwere important in ideological control and
legitimization. The large structure associated with this festival was
mahanavmiplatform upon which the king displayed himself to his land lords andin
exchange was paid homage by them.
• There was also evidence of influence of Islamicate culture manifested in the domain
of material culture like costume and dresses (” kubayi”and “kullai”), adoption of
titles (‘’Hindu- raya-Suratrana”), warfare techniques and courtly architecture. This
helped the kings to participate in cosmopolitan culture quite distinct from earlier
cultural patterns of South India.
• There are various theoretical models to explain the nature of the Vijayanagara Empire
namely “war- state”, feudal model and segmentarystate. Besides these the study of
craft production was an effective tool through which the extent of state
andinstitutional organisation and control can be studied.
• The Vijayanagara structure and administration differed from the earlier Indian polity.
A system of local administration based on land tenure and military service was
rendered to the king known as the Nayankarasystem. Other land tenure consisted of
bhandarvadaand manya. The holders of ayagar status provided services and in return
received taxes and shares of agricultural produce.
• There was also rise of many occupational groups which became an important
component of castes. Agricultural jatis or castes were grouped under vadangai and
the marginalized castes, artisans and traders under idangai. This was also a period of
increased social mobility. Religious institutions served as centres of socio-economic

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 exchange. They legitimised the king’s rule and also led to the development of
agricultural tracts through reallocation of gifted cash and land improvement projects.
• The empire participated in both internal and external trade.The Vijayanagara period
saw increasing monetization and taxes on agriculturalists were collected both in cash
and in kind.
2.13 Key Words

1. Amara- land grant for giving military services

2. Amara Nayaka- holder of amara grant.
3. Ayagar- village servants.
4. Bhandarvada- crown land.
5. Brahmadeya- tax free land given to Brahmans.
6. Chavadi- administrative division in the VijaynagaraEmpire.
7. Chetti- merchant.
8. Devadana- land given to temples.
9. Gadyana- a gold coin.
10. ’Hindu- raya- Suratrana- Sultan among Hindu kings.
11. Idangai-left hand group.
12. Iqta- revenue from land given in lieu of military service.
13. Jital- copper coin.
14. Kaikkolar- weavers
15. Kasu- copper coin
16. Kubayi- long sleeved tunics
17. Kudi-peasant.
18. Kullai- high conical caps
19. Manya- tax free grant.
20. Poligars- dependent warrior of Nayaka.
21. Poliyami- military contingent of the warriors.
22. Santa- fair.
23. Vadangai- right hand group.
24. Varahas- gold coin.
25. Tara- silver coin.
ANSWER TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 1
1 (ii)
2. A (iii);B (iv);C (i);D (ii).
3. (i) c; (ii) b; (iii) a.

2.14 Long Questions

Q.1 Explain the politico-military and agrarian structure of the Vijayanagara state?
Q.2 Discuss the nature of Vijayanagara state with special reference to Nayaka chieftains?

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2.15 References

Essential Readings :
➢ Fritz, John M. (1986). “Vijayanagara: Authority and Meaning of a South Indian
Imperial Capital”. American Anthropologist, New Series, vol.88 no.1,pp.44-55.
➢ Sinopoli, Carla (2003). Political Economy of Craft Production: Crafting Empire
in South India, C.1350-1650. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
➢ Stein, Burton (1989). The New Cambridge History of India 1.2, Vijayanagara,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Suggested Readings :
➢ Karashima, Norobu (2014). The Concise History of South India: Issues and
interpretation, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
➢ Sinopoli, C.M. and K.D.Morrison (1995) Dimensions of Imperial Control: The
Vijayanagara Capital. American Anthropologist 97(1):83-96.
➢ Sinopoli, C.M. and K.D.Morrison (1992) Economic diversity and integration in a
pre-colonial Indian empire World Archaeology 23(3):335-352
➢ Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. (1990) The Political Economy of Commerce: Southern
India, 1500-1650. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
➢ Talbot, Cynthia and Asher, Catherine (2006) India before Europe. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
➢ Wagoner, P.B. (2006) “Sultan among Hindu Kings”: Dress, Titles and the
Islamicization of Hindu Culture at Vijaynagara.” Journal of Asian Studies 55(4)
851-880.

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 Unit III

FOUNDATION, EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION OF THE MUGHAL STATE,

C.16th TO 17th CENTURY

3.1 Expansion and Consolidation

The Mughal Afghan Conflict

The First Afghan Empire
The first Afghan Empire was established in North India by the Lodis. The territorial
possesion, which they acquired was a mere fragrant of the sultanate. However, Delhi was still
the pivot of authority and the symbol of sovereignty. The neighbouring kingdoms of Jaunpur
and Malwa were mighty and resourceful. Still they rivalled each other for acquiring Delhi as
who possessed Delhi possessed the entire Hindustan. Delhi in fact enjoyed the same status
which was achieved during the early medieval times.

Bahlul Lodi coped with the situation intelligently. He was determined to restore the
power and prestige of the Delhi sultanate. In order to suppress the internal dissentions he
invited his own clan fellows from Afghanistan. He imprisoned the old Wazir Hamid Khan
and also frustrated the attempt of Mahmud Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur to get possession of Delhi.
He also reduced the provincial governors and local chieftains who had strengthened
themselves following the decline of the power of the central government and they virtually
started ruling like an independent potentates: Ahmad Khan of Mewat, Dariya Khan of
Sambhal, Isa Khan of Koil, Raja Pratap Singh of Mainpari and Bhogaon, Qutb Khan of
Rewari and several other chieftains of Doab were subjected to the Central authority.
However, sultan treated them with kindness so that they might be reconciled to his rule. This
measure made him free from internal problems.
Bahlul Lodi’s next move was to subjugate the power of the Sharqi ruler who was a
Claimant to the Throne of Delhi. He invaded the Sharqi Kingdom and forced its ruler to quit
the country. The capital was put under charge of his son Barbak Shah. He also defeated Kirat
Singh the Raja of Gwalior.
Bahlul Lodi restored the power and prestige of sultan and tried to improve the
administrative machinery. He enjoyed the love and confidence of his relatives and fellow
tribesmen who were given high posts in the administration. They were rather sharing his
power and authroity. Sultan did everything to appease them. Contemporary sources reveal
that he never used to sit on the throne. Instead, he preferred a masnad where he sat with his
fellow tribesmen. Due to this measure the Afghans tribal chiefs became very ambitious and
this ultimately led to a struggle with crown during the reign of Ibrahim Lodi.
Bahlul Lodi was succeeded by his son Sikandar Shah Lodi in the year 1489. He was
endowed with considerable energy and vigour and made earnest efforts to increase the
strength and resources of the state. He tried to check and audit the accounts of even the
leading Afghan nobles, much against their will. He asserted his authority upto Tirhut and

74
Bihar : appointed Dariya Khan the hakim of Bihar and reduced Tirhut to a tributary state. He
also conducted a treaty with Sultan Nusrat Shah of Bengal by which both agreed not to
encroach on each others’ domains. The chiefs of Chanderi, Dholpur and adjacent territories
also extended their submission to him. In order to have an effective control on the chiefs of
Malwa as well as Rajasthan and also to control the trade routes of the region he founded the
city of Agra in 1504. Later on Babur realised the importance of this place and he also selected
this site as the capital of the Mughal Empire. The city had a rich hinterland and commenced
the vast resources of the region. Agra emerged as one of the greatest trading centre of north
India.
Sikandar Lodi has been highly praised by the contemporary historians as a firm, vigilant
and upright ruler. He dispensed justice with strict impartiality and personally attended the
complaints of the poorer section of the society. He took every step to supress disorder and
lawlessness. He was equally concerned about the prevalence of peace and prosperity in his
kingdom. Contemporary records show that the prices of essential commodities were
exceeding low during his reign.
Sikandar Lodi also tried to censure the power of the nobility and tried to enhance the
prestige of the crown. He was thus not reconciled to Bahlul Lodi’s concept of sovereignty i.e.
he did not want to share power with his nobles. He adopted several methods to impress the
superiority of the crown to which his Afgan nobles were not accustomed. Thus he initiated a
process of the centralisation of authority in the hands of the sultan. There was a
discontentment among the nobles which manifested itself during the reign of his successor
Ibrahim Lodi.
The new sultan possessed military skill but lack tact and moderation. He adopted a
policy of repression towards the powerful Afgan nobles especially the Lohani and the Lodi
tribes who constituted the official class of the state. This led to the alination of their
sympathies with the crown which manifested itself in absolute defiance of his authority. A
gap was thus created between the sultan and his nobles. The Lohani clan became independent
in Bihar under the leadership of Dariya Khan Lihani, Daulat Khan Lodi also started acting
independently in Punjab. Which the sultan was trying to impose his absolute authority, the
Afgan ruling class was also asserting its power. Some of these even tried to intrigue against
the sultan. Daulat Khan Lodi, for instance, invited Babar to invade the Lodi state. Babar was
at this time located at Lahore and closely watching the activities in Northern India. He
defeated Sultan Ibrahim Lodi in the battle of Panipat in 1526, and established the Mughal
empire.
Thus at the opening of the sixteenth century the Afgan power was distracted by
internecine disorders had gone extremely feeble.
The second Afghan Empire
The newly established Mughal empire faced numerous problems especially after hardly
recovered from the sudden death of its founder, Babur. This situation was thoroughly

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exploited by the Afghans under the leadership of Sher Khan, who ultimately succeeded in
laying the foundation of the second Afgan Empire known as the Sur empire in northern India.
Sher Shah (1540-45)
Sher Shah’s victory over Humayun at Kanauj in May 1540, paved the way for him to
capture the throne of Delhi. He soon had to march to the Punjab to reduce the Gakkar
tribesmen — living between the upper courses of the rivers Jhelum and Indus — to
submission. In 1541 he was forced to travel all the way east to Bengal to suppress a rebellion
there. To make his inheritance safer, Sher Shah then marched against the Rajputs. Malwa was
subdued in 1542. Puran Mal of Raisin was crushed by treachery and deceit in 1543. Sind and
Multan were annexed to the Afghan Empire by the Governor of Punjab. The defeat of
Maldeva, the Rajput ruler of Marwar, in 1544 by means of a trick, extended Sher Shah’s
empire further to the west. In the campaign against Kalinjar that followed, the great Afghan
ruler’s career was brought to an end by sudden blast of gunpowder on 22 May 1545 at the
mature age of seventy-two.
Thus ended so abruptly the meteoric career of a soldier of fortune who has left a
permanent mark on the pages of Indian History not so much as a military commander, but as
an administrator of outstanding merit. Sher Shah initiated many bold innovations and
experiments, some of which were adopted by Akbar also.
Sher Shah’s Administration
In a short span of five years (1540-45), during which he extended his rule over the large
part of the Northern India, he has left a name which the later generations have honoured as
that of a great administrator and a just ruler.
The administration of Sher Shah was on the same pattern as was established by the
Sultans of Delhi. All powers were vested in the kind. He was the chief executive, the chief
legislator, the chief judge and the commander-in-chief of the army rolled into one.
Besides, Sher Shah was a firm ruler and took keen interest in day to day affairs of the
state. He is reported to have said : “It behoves the great to be always active, and they should
not consider on account of the greatness of their own dignity and loftiness of their own rank,
the affairs and business of the kingdom small or petty and should place no undue reliance on
their ministers.”
Administrative Heads
Sher Shah was assisted by the heads of the civil, military and ecclesiastical departments.
The Vakil seems to have functioned as the chief secretary; the Vazir was in-charge of public
finance and accounts; and a ‘private secretary’ looked after records, received reports from
newswriters and spies and drafted royal orders. A military secretary headed the army
department whereas the artillery was headed mir-i-atish.

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 Sher Shah instructed his administrator and commanders of expeditions to keep him
regularly informed about the progress of their work. Not content with this he posted his own
independent agents and spies all over his kingdom. Their duty was to keep him posted with
whatever they found affected Imperial interests.
Sher Shah also organised an efficient system of postal messengers. The horses were
provided to them in most cases. Change of horses was also provided to them at convenient
posts throughout his empire. When one messenger got tired, his reliever took over from him,
allowing the relieved runner to rest and be ready for duty in his own turn. At posts, free meals
were provided for Hindus and Muslims alike as a part of royal charities.
Units of Administration
The empire was divided first into 47 and later on into 50 large units of administration.
These administrative units were smaller than provinces but larger than districts, somewhat
like the Commissioner’s Divisions of today. These administrators conducted all civil and
military functions in their persons. They had large garrison forces under their command, very
often distributed in various important places under their charge. The units of administration in
Sher Shah’s time may be said to be, in ascending order, the village, pargana, sarkar, (shiq),
and may be subah.
Revenue Administration
The administrators, their staff and the forces under their command seem to have been
paid by assignment of the revenue of parts of the areas administered by them.
Land revenue formed of the chief source of the state-income. But custom duties, sales
tax, excise tax, additional cesses on land, cattle-tax, grazing tax, professional tax on some
industries and ferry dues also added to the state’s revenues. Some income was also derived
from some of the industrial and commercial undertakings of the state. Collection of the dues
at ferries seem to have been framed out. In addition to all these dues, Hindus paid the jazia
(poll tax) also. This was levied on all the able-bodied adult male Hindus.
Assessment of Land Revenue : Sher Shah made a substantial change in the assessment
of land revenue and introduced some improvements in the method of its collection.
According to the traditional system of land revenue assessment, the state claimed a
substantial share of the produce. This required detailed supervision all over the country.
Alauddin had earlier tried to collect land revenue in cash, calculated according to the area of
the land under the cultivator, but it does not seem to have worked effectively and we hear no
more about it later on. Sher Shah aimed at introducing a system of land revenue where the
cultivator (ryot) was asked to pay, primarily in kind, one-third of the expected produce of the
crop from the land under cultivation.
Under Sher Shah’s rule land was measured and records were maintained. The unit of
measurement was the yard of Sikandar Lodi, gaz-i Sikander-i. An average of produce per

77
bigha for every crop was struck by taking into account the produce of the best, the middle and
the worst land for every crop. A per bigha schedule of rates in kind was then prepared for
every crop and the cultivator was assessed to pay according to the area he had under various
crops. Every season the extent of area under every crop was entered in the records for every
cultivator against his name. This area was supposed to be measured in every season. But it is
quite likely that the primary measurment, was made when the system was first introduced,
and served the purpose subsequently. The records of the holdings of every cultivator were
detailed and specified not only the entire area cultivated by him but its sub-division also.
Subsequently, it was considered sufficient to record the sub-unit under cultivation, their area
could be recorded from the earlier records.

This was the land revenue system which Sher Shah would have liked to introduce
throughout his territories; But the detailed Measurement of land and the preparation of
primary records for every cultivator is a lengthy process and it is not likely that Sher Shah
was able to introduce it even over the larger part of his newly established empire. At many
places, the old system continued where by the state claimed one-third of the actual produce
(not the estimated and expected) of every cultivator. Sometimes concessions in rates were
made to the local custom, as in Multan, where only one-fourth of the produce was claimed.
Sher Shah might have preferred to collect some of the land revenue in cash. Since no definite
information is available on how the demand was assessed in cash, it is fair to suppose that the
conversion was done at the current market rates.
Collection of Land Revenue : The land revenue was collected by the village headman
(muqaddam or mukhiya) who charged an additional 5% for performing this task. Another 5%
seems to have been collected for the expenses incurred on visiting officials. In other words, it
means the burden on land remained quite heavy and the peasents in spite of some relief
because of the better law and order situation, continued are to be exploited by those who
controlled the state power.
The amount of revenue varied according to the extent of area under cultivation and types
of crops cultivated. An increase in area meant higher collection; cultivation of more valuable
crops also increased the state’s share. The state, therefore, encourage not only the bringing of
new land under the plough but also the introduction of crops with a higher cash yield.
Interest-free loans were given to the cultivators for both the purposes.
An interesting innovation in the system of collection was also introduced. The revenue
officials supplied the village headman demandships indicating what every cultivator had to
pay. The dues were vigorously collected as the headman was buond to pay the exact amount
due every season. The cultivators were granted receipts for what they had paid so that there
could be no undue exaction.
The Patwari kept the land records for one or more villages. He was the lowest of the
officials but stiil occupied a vital role in the land administration.
Revenue Officials : The pargana was the main unit for revenue collection. It consisted
of a large number of villages, some what a tehsil taluqa of today. Here the ‘shiqdar’

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(collector; literally administrator of a unit) was the presiding officer, responsible for the
collection of land revenue. He had one clerk to help him in keeping local records in the local
language; another clerk would prepare records in Persian for submission to the capital,
Shiqdar was responsible for transmitting the collection to the centre in cash or in kind, as per
orders. The treasury received the money thus collected. We hear of a coliector-in-chief or
amil also who stood at the head of the revenue establishment.
Administration of Justice
Sher Shah was known for his even-handed justice and capacity for examining
thoroughly all disputes brought before him. Dr. Ishwari Prasad remarks :
“Sher Shah was very strict in administering justice in one of his farmans he defines
justice in these words : justice does not consist in abstaining from oppression, but in fair and
honest dealings with men”.
Of course, all types of cases seem to have come up to the royal court. They came not so
much in appeal against the decisions of the lower courts as direct demands for justice from
the highest in the realm when the complaint had failed to get it elsewhere. Investigation of
crimes as well as adjudication of cases was a royal function in cases that were brought upto
the court.
Besides the traditional Qazi’s courts and revenue courts, Sher Shah “seems to have set
up regular courts under mir-i-adl, (judge) in every Pargana. Revenue officials decided
revenue disputes. Qazis, mostly stationed in towns and cities decided civil and criminal cases
among Muslims and criminal cases against Hindus. The Qazis decided cases between the
Muslims only, for, to take notice of any other type of law or of local customs would have
been a matter of disgrace for them. Cases among the Hindus, and such case among converts
to Islam as depended on local customs must have been decided by the Panchayats of various
types. In the villages the panchs were sure to be conversant with local affairs and customs
and could be expected to decide cases fairly. As oaths carried much greater weight than they
do today, they probably settled many quarrels. Muslim criminal law did not take circums-
tantial evidence into consideration; cases were decided by the statements of at least two eye
witnesses, or upon the confession of the accused. On the whole, he followed a liberal police
with regard to the Hindus and he did not interfere in their day-to-day religious practices. In
the opinion of Dr. Ishwari Prasad “the Hindus were treated with justice and toleration.”
The Army
In army organization, Sher Shah revived Alauddin Khilji’s system of branding the
horses of every royal trooper. He also raised a full-fledged royal standing army. All soldiers
were recruited as royal soldiers and their horses were so branded. Their salaries were paid by
the state rather than by the commanders of the garrisons under whom they served. Sher Shah
had a very large standing army, under his own command and another distributed all over his
dominions. The garrison commanders were granted separate jagirs for their own use and the

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land revenue from some other specified area was set apart for the maintenance of the royal
troops serving under them. In case of any attempt at diverting the income from the portion
assigned for the troops, punishment followed swiftly and surely.
Encouragement to Trade and Industry
Sher Shah took every care for encouraging trade and industry. The worst obstacle in the
movement of goods from one place to another was levying of transit duties on goods by all
those who were stronger enough to collect them. Sher Shah abolished this levy entirely
except a few places. Free movement of goods needed good roads. Sher Shah repaired old
roads and opened new roadways so that Agra, the capital, stood connected with Bengal on
one side, and Rohtas on another. Burhanpur on the third and Ajmer on the fourth. A fifth road
connected Lahore with Multan.
Serais or rest houses at suitable distance were dotted all along the highways constructed
by Sher Shah. The serais were enclosed buildings with Chowkidars. Here goods could be
stored; men and mounts found shelter and provision. Safety of life and goods was assured.
These serais must have been places of some pretension; every important serai was even
provided with a separate lodge for the king, and aristocratic people. There must have been
rooms for his officers, and stables for the royal horses in postal service and free kitchens all
in addition to the necessary quarters for the weary travellers and their goods.
Trade and commerce benefitted greatly as Sher Shah riforouily enforced the
responsibility of keeping peace and order on every locality itself.
Sher Shah reformed the coinage as well. Coins of copper, silver and gold, species of
uniform weight and fineness, were introduced to make commercial dealings easier and
streamlined. Sher Shah’s achievements are numerous : for bringing large territory under his
sway; setting up successfully a strong centralized government in making a break with the
prevalent faulty methods of land revenue assessment and collection, and in evolving fairly
and reasonably a new method which was adopted by his successors. He encouraged trade and
industry, kept peace and order in his dominions and was just to his subjects, at least by his
own conception of justice. His regin was a fitting prelude to that of Akbar whose innovations
in the machinery of government covered a much larger area and survived long after his death.
Prof. Kaikaranjan Qanungo says : “His reign was short but its importance was almost as
great and far-reaching as Akbar’s rule of half a century. His dynasty survived him barely a
decade but the Indian empire carved with his sword moulded by his statesmanship, evolved
institutions. Sher Shah’s memory did not fade as long as the Rupaiya and the Paisa remained
the Indian currency and so long as the revenue system of the country was not affected by later
experiments.”8

8
Sher Shah and His Times, pp 433-34.

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 In the opinion of Dr. R.P. Tripathi, Sher Shah was undoubtedly the builder of the second
Afghan Empire. During his lifetime, he united the Afghan tribes into a strong force and
recovered for them their lost empire.
The successors of Sher Shah
Jalal Khan, the second son of Sher Shah, succeeded his father within five days of his
death on 27 May, 1545. The new ruler, entitled Islam Shah’ proceeded to crush all opposition
to his rule. He was able to keep the turbulent Afghan nobility in check for a surprisingly long
time.
In fact, Islam Shah generally maintained the high standards of efficiency both in the
army as well as in the civil administration set by Sher Shah. His death in November 1554,
however, brought latent disruptive tendencies to the surface. His minor son, Firuz was
murdered by Mubariz Khan, who ascended the throne as Muhammad Adil Shah whose brief
reign saw the rise to chief ministership of Hemu, a bania of Rewari, which aroused the
jealously of the Afghan chiefs. The standard of revolt was soon raised against Adil Shah by
many Afghan nobles and by his nephew Sikandar and cousin Ibrahim. It was this discord that
facilicated Humayun’s successful return to Agra. The Surs, however, continued to trouble
Akbar until the last of them died in 1568. Their greatest challenge had, of course been met
and hurled back at Panipat in November, 1556.
Expansion and Consolidation of Mughal State under Akbar (1556-1605)
Akbar is regarded as one of the most outstanding monarchs of India. He understood his
age and accordingly rose to the occasion and not only succeeded in bringing extensive
territories under his rule but was able to provide a strong foundation to the Mughal empire.

The Second Battle of Panipat (1556)

Hardly had Akbar ascended the throne, when the disturbing news came that Sulaiman
Mirza of Badakhshan had besieged Kabul with a large army. At the same time Hemu, the
Commander-in-Chief of Adil Shah Sur (1554-55), captured Gwalior and Agra and was
proceeding towards Delhi, which was not well projected. Again Sikandar Sur was threatening
to overrun the Punjab. The situation was further worsened by the fact that Agra and Delhi
were badly affected by famine and pestilence.
The danger posed by Hemu was considered to be the most serious and accordingly Pir
Muhammad Shirwani (a Mulla and a favourite of Bairam Khan, the regent of Akbar) was sent
immediately to assist Tardi Beg Khan, the Mughal governor of Delhi. Before the Mughals
could decide their plan of action Hemu reached the environs of Delhi. Tardi Beg Khan
offered him strong resistance but was defeated. Consequently he had to retreat to Sirhind.
Bairam Khan got him murdered (1556) on the charge of deserting Delhi.
Bairam Khan did not want to wait since the fall of Delhi was a serious blow to the
prestige of the Mughals. In order to recapture it a Mughal army.under Bairam Khan’s
command hastened towards Delhi. Immediately it met with a success when Hemu’s artillary

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was captured in the unguarded moments. Undeterred by this loss Hemu arrayed his forces in
the historic field of Panipat, where Lodis’ fate had been decided earlier also in 1526. A
desparate battle was fought on 5 November 1556. Hemu’s apparent success was accidentally
turned into a, positive defeat when he was struck by an arrow ih his eye and fell in his
howdah. Rumour spread that he was killed. His soldiers deserted him. Hemu was arrested and
killed. Thus the last bid of the Afghans to recapture political authority failed.
Soon after, the victory at Panipat Sikandar Sur surrendered and Akbar heaved a sigh of
relief. The defeat of Sikandar Sur was followed by the conquests of Gwalior and Jaunpur.
Bairam Khan took vigorous measures to consolidate Ajmer.
The situation in Kabul also took a favourable turn for Akbar. Sulaiman Mirza was
getting tired of the long siege. The advent of winter, the movements of Uzbeks in Central
Asia and the rumour of reinforcement arriving from Delhi forced him to sue for peace. He
promised to withdraw if his name was read in the Khutba just for a day. This was done and he
withdrew his forces from Kabul.
During the four years regency of Bairam Khan, Akbar succeeded not only in
overcoming many formidable dangers but also in extending his possessions from Kabul to
Jaunpur and from the Punjab to Ajmer.
The Assumption of Power by Akbar
The success and growing influence of Bairam Khan created jealously among the Turani
nobles of the Mughal court. The main opponents of Bairam Khan were the Turani nobles and
the fosterrelations of Akbar. They tried to create a gulf between him and Akbar. Akbar also
used this opposition to get rid of him. The opportunity came when Bairam Khan dismissed
Pir Mohammad, the tutor of Akbar and once favourite of Bairam Khan and exiled him. Akbar
moved out from Agra to Delhi and dismissed Bairam Khan in March 1560 from the office of
Vakil. Bairam Khan was not prepared to take his removal from the office of Vakil lightly and
opted for confrontation. Finally, he surrendered and Akbar treated him gracefully and
allowed him to go to Mecca. But on his way he was murdered at Patny (Anhilwara) on 31
January 1560, by an Afghan, Mubarak Khan who had some personal enmity towards him.
Bairam Khan’s wife and his son, Abdur Rahim Khan-i Khana the celeberated Hindi poet,
were sent to Akbar.
Conquest of Malwa
Akbar now decided to embark upon a policy of expansion and sent Adham Khan (son of
Maham Anaga, the foster mother of Akbar i.e., head nurse but who had not actually suckled
him) was sent against Baz Bahadur, son of Shujat Khan of Malwa, where he earned a very
quick success (1561). This easy conquest of Malwa turned his head and he started acting in a
very high handed manner. His ruthless cruelty and misappropriation of booty of Malwa made
Akbar furious. He marched in person to punish him, but on the intercession of Maham
Anaga, he pardoned him. Adham Khan, however, did not improve. Shamsuddin Muhammad
Atka, the husband of Jiji Anaga (who actually suckled Akbar) and who was now the Prime

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Minister, was regarded by Adham Khan as his chief enemy. Adham Khan taking advantage
of an opportunity attacked Shamsuddin Muhammad Atka in his office who died of injuries.
Akbar could not tolerate such things and he ordered him to be thrown down from the terrace
of the fort and thus he was killed in May 1562. Akbar himself conveyed this news to Maham;
who could not bear this shock for long. She died, after 40 days, in June 1562.
In Malwa (1562) Adham Khan was succeeded by Pir Muhammad Khan as subedar
(Governor). But he was defeated by the ruler of Khandesh and Baz Bahadur and was killed
while crossing the Narmada. Baz Bahadur was back on the throne of Malwa. Akbar now sent
Abdulla Khan to re-establish imperial authority over Malwa by driving out Baz Bahadur. He
not only did this, but also succeeded in capturing Mandu, the capital of Malwa.
Conquest of Gondwana
The conquest of Malwa extended the boundaries of the Mughal Empire upto those of the
Gond Kingdom of Girha-Katanga or Gondwana, which included the regions of Sagar,
Damoh; Mandla, Sivni, Narmada Valley and possibly a portion of Bhopal. It included 53
forts. Its ruler, Dalpat Shah, died, leaving his widow Durgawati and his infant son Veer
Narayan, Durgawati managed the administration as the regent of her son who was only three
years old at the time of the death of his father, Dalpat Shah. The kingdom of Gondwana was a
fairly rich kingdom and Asaf Khan, the Mughal Governor of Kara (Allahabad), was tempted
by its wealth. Occassionally he revaged the border of his neighbouring kingdom. Rani
Durgawati wanted to avoid confrontation with the Mughals, and therefore, she started
negotiations with Akbar for a peaceful settlement. Nothing came out of these negotiations.
And she decided to attack Bhilsa. The Mughals were bent to confront her and Asaf Khan
marched with his army. In spite of stiff resistance Rani Durgawati could not escape defeat.
Rani Durgawati, who was already wounded and ended her life by killing herself. Kamlawati,
sister of Durgawati, was sent to the court along with 200 elephants. Asaf Khan captured large
amount of gold, silver and jewels over and above 1600 elephants of which only 1200 were
sent to the Emperor, the rest having been appropriated by Asaf Khan himself. Three years
later, in 1567, Akbar restored the kingdom of Garha-Katanga (Gondwana) to Chandra Shah a
brother of Dalpat Shah after taking ten forts from it.
Suppression of Rebellions
The rebellion of the Uzbek nobles (1564-67)
The conquest of Garha Katange (Gondwana) was not yet complete, when Akbar was
faced with another series of internal rebellions. There was a tribe of Seistani Uzbeks who had
done some valuable services to the Empire, but whose loyalty was not unquestionable. The
crisis started with the rebellion of Abdulla Khan Uzbek, the Governor of Malwa. Akbar went
to punish him, but he fled away. There were a number of Uzbek nobles, like Khan Zaman (or
Ali Quli Khan), Bahadur Khan Alam (or Iskandar Khan), and Ibrahim Khan who were
suspected of conspiring with Afghans. Akbar marched with Munim Khan towards the east

83
and encamped at Jaunpur to deal with them one by one. Khan Zaman attempted to foment a
rebellion. Akbar immediately despatched Munim Khan (or Khan Khanan) to suppress him.
Later on, he pardoned the rebels at the request of Munim Khan. He was quite convinced that
Munim Khan was favourable inclined towards the Uzbeks, but as the time was not opportune
for a stronger action against them, he accepted Munim Khan’s advice.
Rebellion of Mirza Hakim
But more serious than the Uzbek uprising was the rebellion of Mirza Hakim (a step-
brother of Akbar and the governor of Kabul) who took advantage of the situation and attac-
ked the Punjab. Akbar moved out from Agra in November 1566 to punish him. Hearing the
news of the march of the Mughal army under Akbar with a view to toppling him. Mirza
Hakim was shaken and he returned to Kabul.
Rebellion Mirza brothers
A third rebellion was stirred up by the Mirza brothers who belonged to the family of
Babur. They had been, given jagirs, but this had not satisfied them. When Khan Zaman, the
Uzbek leader of Jaunpur, acknowledged the claims of Mirza Hakim to the throne of
Hindustan the Mirzas felt encouraged and went to him to get support for their claims. Finding
him unenthusiastic they proceeded towards Delhi which they found well protected, then
turned to Malwa and captured it. Akbar went to suppress them in a week’s time and thus
ended the venture of Mirza brothers.
The action of Khan Zaman of letting the Khutba being read in the name of Mirza Hakim
enraged Akbar, and he marched against Khan Zaman in May 1567, fully determined to crush
him. His efforts bore fruit. Khan Zaman was killed and his brother Bahadur was arrested and
put to death. This ended the Uzbek rebellion and the long struggle between the Emperor and
the turbulent nobility. Akbar faced this period of trial with unbounded energy and undaunted
courage.

3.2 Akbar’s Relation with the Rajputs

When Akbar ascended the throne he was too young to formulate any definite state-
policy. For about four years, the affairs of the Mughal Empire were managed by Bairam
Khan. The activities of Sher Shah’s Afghan general Haji Khan were bound to attract the
attention of the Mughals. Taking advantage of the chaotic conditions following Humayun’s
death, he had become the independent ruler of Mewat. What was more, he had captured
Ajmer also with the help of Raja Maldeo of Marwar. The Mughal forces were sent against
him in April 1557 but he continued to threaten Hissar and reached Sirhind. This rapid
advance of Haji Khan forced Akbar and Bairam Khan to march against him. Not prepared to
risk a conflict with the Mughal army, Haji Khan fled towards Gujarat and the Mughal forces
captured Ajmer and Setarana (March 1558). The newly acquired territories were put under
the charge of Mirza Sharafuddin.

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Matrimonal Relations with Amber, Jodhpur and Bikaner
The tiny state of Amber was ruled by Raja Bharmal of Kachhwaha dynasty. Sharafuddin
Husain, the governor of Mewat, wanted to acquire Amber for his friend, the nephew of Raja
Bharmal. Akbar, going for his first pilgrimage to the shrine of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti at
Ajmer, camped at Sanganir1 near Amber in January 1562. Raja Bharmal Kachhwaha took
advantage of this opportunity to pay his respects to the Mughal Emperor and sought
protection from the designs of Sharafuddin and the Raja of Marwar. Amber was also
threatened by internal quarrels. Akbar received Bharmal with kindness and promised to help
him, “Either of his own accord or in compliance with a suggestion of someone else; Raja
Bharmal gave his daughter in marriage to Akbar.” This marriage took place on 6 February
1562. This matrimonial alliance was based on mutual faith and goodwill. Incidentally,
Jahangir was born of this wedlock. Raja Bharmal’s son Bhagwan Dass and his grandson Man
Singh were taken into the imperial service and were given high positions. This special
patronage extended to the Kachhawahas not only helped this family to rise into promisence
but also helped the Mughals in getting unflinching loyalty and distinguished military service
of this family for the consolidation and expansion of the Mughal Empire.
This matrimonial relation between the Mughals and the Kachhwahas, the consequent
rise to political power of the Kachhwaha family and the enhanced prestige of the state of
Amber ruled by this family, seem to have created a feeling of jealousy and keen rivalry
among the other Rajput families. Gradually the rulers of such Rajput states of Jodhpur,
Bikaner and Jaisalmer also vied with each other in marrying their daughters to the Mughal
Emperor or Mughal Princes. Akbar himself married a number of Rajput princesses and
arranged similar marriages for his son and grandsons. They secured a mansab for them at the
Mughal Court and protection for their states.
Akbar’s visit to Ajmer for pilgrimage was closely connected with his future plan of the
conquest of Rajputana. Merta was occupied by him in the same year (1562). Soon after the
death of Maldeo of Jodhpur on 7 November 1562, started the struggle for succession in this
extensive Rajput state. Taking advantage of the situation, Akbar set Husain Quli as the head
of an army and he succeeded in occupying it without much difficulty in 1564. Till 1583 it
remained with the Mughals after which it was returned to Udai Singh, who acknowledged the
Mughal suzerainty. Akbar had by now succeeded in establishing friendly relations with
Amber, Jodhpur and Bikaner. The minor states could be forced to surrender any time.
Relations with Mewar : Conquest of Chittor
Mewar played an important role in the struggle for power in North India. It did not
succeed in it yet it was not prepared to yield before Akbar, who had recently launched an
expansionist policy. Its conquest was necessary for Akbar for the protection of Malwa which
lay south of it. The ruler of Mewar, Rana Udai Singh, was determined to stop Akbar’s
expansionism.

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 The main target of Akbar was the strategic fort of Chittor. He appointed Asaf Khan,
who bad been prominent in the Garha-Katanga compaign, to collect an army and provisions
for the invasion. Akbar himself, marching at the head of a large army, succeeded in capturing
the forts of Sivi, Supar and Kota, before moving towards Chittor in 1567.
Rana Udai Singh after knowing these moves of Akbar moved out of the fort with his
family to a safer place. The fort was left under the care of Merta who tried to defend it with
5,000 Rajput soldiers. Akbar after reaching near Chittor fort on 20 October 1567 laid a
systematic siege. A request for peace was turned down by the Mughal Emperor as it did not
come from the Rana. He considered it below his dignity to withdraw conquering a fort which
had earlier been captured by Bahadur Shah of Gujarat and Sher Shab. A life and death
struggle ensured. The Rajputs started losing heart. After their expert musketeer, Ismiil Khan
who was in the service of the Rajputs, was killed, and Jai Mal was wounded, the defeat of the
Rajputs became inevitable. There upon the Rajput women immolated themselves in the mass
rite known of jauhar and the men came forth to make a desperate attack on the Mughals, but
they were defeated. This resulted in the capture of the fort of Chittor on 25 February 1568.
Akbar then resolved to make an example of Chittor and ordered a general massacre. Thirty
thousand people of Chittor lost their lives. The aim of this general massacre was to terrorize
the Rajputs in general with a view to forcing them to yield.

Conquest of Ranthambhor
After constituting Chittor into a sarkar and placing it under Asaf Khan the victorious
army of the Mughals under Akbar moved towards the fort of Ranthambhor. The siege of the
fort started on 10 February, 1569. In spite of spirited resistance of Rao Surjan Hada resisted
the Mughal force, but he was soon convinced of the of the futility of continuing the policy of
confrontation. Therefore, he accepted the advice of Raja Bhagwan Das and Man Singh and
agreed to pay his respects to Akbar. The fort of Ranthambhor was occupied on 22 March
1569. In return Surjan Singh Hada was admitted to imperial service and was appointed as
governor of the territory of Benaras and the incharge of the fort attention of the Chunar. Next
Akbar turned his attention to Kalinjir in Bundelkhand, but personally he did not lead his
army. Instead he instructed Majnu Khan to attack Kalinjar. The ruler of Kalinjar, Raja
Ramchand surrendered the fort to Magnu Khan in August 1569. He was immediately
admitted in the imperial service and the fort of Allahabad was put under his charge. These
successes of Akbar demoralized other Rajput rulers. And when Akbar was at Nagor on his
way back to Agra from Ajmer, the rulers of Marwar, Falaudi, Bikaner and Jaisalmer
surrendered to him. Dungarpur and Sirohi also gradually came under his authority.
On 28 February 1572 Rana Udai Singh of Mewar died, and he was succeeded by Rana
Pratap Singh. Kunwar Man Singh Kachhwaha pursuaded him to go to the imperial court but
he refused to comply with his request. For some time the relations between the Mughals and
Mewar remained apparently friendly, but the refusal of the Rana to accept the suzerainty of
the Mughal Emperor lead to series of invasions against him. Right up to his death in 1597,
Rana Pratap Singh, in spite of his disasterous defeat at Haldi Ghati did not accept Mughal.
His seezreinty successor, Rana Amar Singh, also continued the struggle during Akbar’s life
time.

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The Rationale of Akbar’s Rajput Policy
Akbar’s conquest of Rajputana and the terms of the treaty he finalised with various
Rajput rulers stand on a different footing from his other conquests and treaties. With the
Rajputs he appears to have followed a policy of coercion for the sake of conciliation.
Generally speaking Akbar’s aim was not to denude the Rajput rulers of their powers if they
agree to surrender before him. He was satisfied if they acknowledged his suzerainty and
entered into alliance with him. According to the general terms of his treaties with the Rajputs:
Firstly, he allowed them complete internal autonomy.
Secondly, he desired that either the ruler or the heir-apparent must always attend the
Mughal court.
Thirdly, he had the final say in the matter succession in the states (through he usually
did not interfere with the local tradition).
By the first clause he satisfied the Rajputs in their desire to rule their own states; by the
second he managed to keep them under constant watch and by the third he controlled the
succession in these states.
Even then the question arises as to why he did not annex those Rajput states which he
had conquered. For the answer to this question, it is necessary to remember the political
condition at the time when Akbar ascended the throne. It has already been mentioned that
during the early period of his administration, Akbar faced the opposition both of the Afghan
and Turani nobles, Particularly during the rebellions of the Turainis the Rajputs showed
unflinching loyalty and firmly stood behind Akbar. This convinced Akbar of their utility in
strengthening his position against his enemies. From then onwards Akbar did his best to
make the Rajputs his permanent ally.
Akbar was a wise man and he took lessons from history. He knew that since the advent
of Turkish power in India the Raiputs had been making incessant efforts to push them out and
regain the political supremacy which they had enjoyed for about five centuries. It was this
Rajput resistance which did not allow any Turk or Afghan rule a peaceful time to consolidate
and expand his Empire. He must have heard about the firm resistance offered by Rana Sanga
to his grandfather. Sometimes their spirit of defiance remained dormant, but it was never
completely killed. When Akbar ascended the throne, they appear to have been at their lowest
ebb. After the failure of their last concerted effort under Rana Sanga to regain the political
supremacy of Northern India, they were disheartened.
Akbar was shrewd enough to realise the difficulties of his opponents and in exploiting
them to his utmost advantage, and to create a loyal and subservient nobility out of this
indgenous element. The grant of high mansabs at the court, the prospects of promotions in
future and sufficient scope for the display of their valour were enough to attract the Rajputs in
the prevailing circumstances. They played an important role in Akbar’s plan to counter
balance the Afghan and the Turani nobles and formed a new force in the form of Rajput

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nobility which suppotted him and his successors also in establishing and consolidating an
Empire unprecedented in Indian history.
Conquest of Gujarat (1572-73)
After the conquest of Chittor, Ranthambhor and Kalinjar Akbar decided to conquer
Gujarat. The Kingdom of Gujarat had already been conquered by Humayun, but later on had
slipped out of his hands. Naturally Akbar had a strong desire to re-conquer it. In addition, the
wealth of Gujarat and its political and commercial importance were other factors for
conquering it. The revolt of Mirza brothers, who were located in that region, was the
immediate cause of the invasion. At this juncture the kingdom of Gujarat was ruled by
Mazaffar Shah II. He marched towards Ahmedabad reaching there on 20 November, 1572.
After an inconclusive campaign against the Mirzas who had captured the region from Fuladi
to Patan, Akbar besieged Surat on 11 January, 1573. Akbar succeeded in capturing Surat in
February 1573. Soon after, the rulers of Baglana and Khandesh surrendererd to him. The
Portuguese also entered into a treaty with him. Akbar appointed Mirza Aziz Koka as the
Subedar of Gujarat and returned to north India.
But soon after his departure the rebels in Gujarat became active. Akbar rushed again
with Man Singh and made a surprise attack upon the enemy. Muhammad Hussain Mirza, who
attempted to resist the Mughal forces, was defeated. He was arrested and put to death.
Ahmedabad was captured and the rebellion was fully crushed. Akbar then returned to Agra.
Conquest of Bengal (1575)
Bengal had always posed a problem to the Sultans of Delhi. The Afghans occupied it in
the time of Sher Shah; and in 1564 Sulaiman Karrani occupied the province. In order to retain
the favour of the Mughal Emperor, he accepted his suzerainty, but continued to pursue his
ambitions by capturing the fort of Zamania and by conquering Orissa. Akbar did not
appreciate this move but could not take action as he was busy elsewhere.
In 1572, Sulaiman Karrani died. He was succeeded by this eldest son Bayazid who was
murdered by Daud Khan, who declared himself an independent ruler. Akbar sent Munim
Khan with a large army to attack him and later on he marked himself to punish Daud Khan
who fled. Patna was occupied by the Mughal forces and Munim Khan was appointed as
governor of Bengal.
On Munim Khan’s death in October 1575, Daud Khan again started trouble, and
ultimately succeeding in re-occupying the entire country. Akbar immediately sent another
army under Khan Jehan. He was accompanied by Todar Mal. Both were determined to punish
Daud Khan. The Afghans were routed in a battle rear Raj Mahal on 12 July, 1575. Daud
Khan was imprisoned and killed, and thus Bengal was re-occupied. Thus ended the trouble in
the east, and Bengal Bihar became integral parts of the Mughal Empire.

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Problem of North-Western Region (1580-1595)
Akbar had left his brother Mirza Hakim as the governor of Kabul. But Mirza Hakim
with the help of his mother had become practically independent. Akbar had overlooked this
act and had allowed Kabul to continue as a buffer state, because he was sure that surrounded
with hostile states at the region of Kabul, Mirza Hakim would always depend upon him for
support. But in 1580 Mirza Hakim began invading the suba of the Punjab. Man Singh who
was then posted as governor of Lahore repulsed the initial attacks but he discovered some
letters which indicated that the offensive of Mirza Hakim was the outcome of an
understanding with some of the high officials of the state. Man Singh sent those letters to
Akbar. In the meantime, Mirza Hakim directed another successful attack under his personal
command.
The action of Mirza Hakim led Akbar to immediate action. He at once started with a
force comprising of 50,000 cavalry and 500 elephants, besides infantry, and other
equipments. Akbar took with him Prince Salim and Prince Murad and also Khawaja Mansur.
It was during this march that Akbar became sure of Khawaja Mansur’s treachery and while
halting at Shahabad ordered the execution of Khawaja Mansur on the charge of treason.
Akbar then proceeded in all haste and entered Kabul, which had been evacuated by Mirza
Hakim. From Ghurband where Mirza Hakim had taken shelter, he sent his submission and
promised his loyalty to Akbar. Formally Mirza Hakim was allowed to return Kabul, but the
charge of administration was given to the sister of Mirza Hakim.
In July 1585 the news arrived of the death of Mirza Hakim. This forced Akbar again to
move to the Punjab. Prior to his own movement he had already asked Man Singh to take up
the administration of Kabul in his own hand. The situation was quite alarming since Akbar
had been receiving the distressing news of the rise of Abdulah Khan Uzbeg who had
conquered Bukhara, Balkh, Tashkant, and even Badakhshan in 1584. This resulted in the
expulsion of Sulaiman Mirza and his grandson in Kabul which was source of anxiety, and
was made grave by the death of Mirza Hakim. Man Singh, however, had succeeded in
occupying Kabul and restoring order and had also sent to the imperial court the two sons of
Mirza Hakim, who were minors. By the time Akbar reached Attack, matters in Kabul had
already been fairly settled. But the rise of Abdullah Khan was considered a menace, because
with the various parts of the boundary of India not properly under control of the Mughals he
could at any time attack through these regions. Akbar made Attock as the Imperial
headquarters and directed operations for bringing the bordering states under Imprrial control.
From Attock Akbar again appointed Man Singh as the governor of Kabul and he directed
expedition for the conquest of Kashmir, Swat, Bajaur Valley and Baluchistan.
From Attock the Mughal army under Akbar had undertaken the subjugation of the tribes
of Yusufzais which under the inspiration of Roshnia movement (i.e., a religious revivalist
movement among the tribes of the north-wertern region) bad taken a serious turn. The

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expedition in Swat and Bajaur valley was however not successful in the beginning but in one
expedition Birbal lost his life.
Annexation of Kashmir (1586)
Yusuf Khan, Sultan of Kashmir, had accepted Mughal suzerainty in 1581, and had sent
his third son to Akbar’s court and had again sent another son Yaqub Khan in 1584-85. But
these sons bad left the Mughal court without permission which was considered a hostile
action. Akbar had also asked the ruler of Kashmir to attend the Mughal court at Attock
personally but he had been evading all time. Thus his loyalty towards the Mughals was
doubtful.
In December 1585 Akbar deputed Raja Bhagwan Das and Qasim Khan, with whom
Shahrukh was attached to the task of subjugation of Kashmir. The Mughal forces marched
through Pukhli Pass and at Buliya Pass an indecisive battle was fought. Yusuf Khan,
however, was impressed by the Mughal forces and agreed to recognise Akbar as his overlord
handing over the finance and trade of country to the Emperor. Akbar did not accept the terms
of treaty offered and directed the Mughal generals to go ahead. This time Qasim Khan was
sent. After many difficulties Qasim Khan succeeded in reducing Kashmir. Yusuf Khan and
his son Yaqub Khan were sent to Bihar, where according to Abul Fazl, a small jagir was
given to them; but according to another contemporary historian Baruni, both father and son
perished in a prision in Bihar. Kashmir was annexed and was made sarkar of the province of
Kabul. Akbar thrice visited Kashmir. The first visit took place in 1589.
Sindh (1591
In 1590 Akbar appointed Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khana the son of Bairam Kuan, as
governor of Multan with instructions to capture Sindh. Bhakhar had already been conquered
in 1574. And now Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khana pushed forward against Mirza Jani Beg, the
ruler of Thatla in 1591. After some resistance Mirza Jani Beg submitted. Sindh was annexed
with its fortress of Thatta and Sehwan in 1591, and the region was made a sarkar of the
province of the Multan Mirza Jani Beg, however, was treated kindly. He was given a mansab
which was ultimately raised to 3,000 and he also became one of the disciples of Akbar’s Din-
i-Ilahi.
Orissa (1592)
Akbar had recalled Man Singh from Kabul some time in 1587 and had appointed him as
the governor of Bihar. On reaching Bihar the energetic Man Singh had subdued Raja Puran
Mal of Gidhaur. Sangram Singh of Kharakpur, Anant Cheru of Gaya. He also had cleared the
districts of Purnea, Tajour and Darbhanga of turbulent Afghan chiefs, who being driven out
from place to place had taken shelter in Orissa. Man Singh, who was recongnised as Raja
afrer the death of Raja Bhagwan Das, succeeded in defeating most of their chiefs and
occupied Cuttak and Sarangarh. Orissa was incorporated as a sarkar of the suba of Bengal.

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He was appointed as the governor of Bengal and he remained in office almost up to the
closing year of Akbar’s reign.

Acquistion of Baluchistan and Qandhar (1595)

After the annexation of Kabul and Singh, Akbar felt it necessary to acquire Baluchistan
and Qandhar for proper defence of the border territories. Therefore he deputed Mir Masum to
subjugate and conquer Baluchistan in 1595. Mir Masum attacked the fort of Sibi and
compelled the petty chiefs, (Baluchis) to surrender entire Baluchistan including Makran
region up to the sea coast. The Baluchis were pacified by distribution of wealth and jagirs.
In the matter of Qandhar, Akbar was rather lucky. The Persian governor Muzaffar
Husain was not having good relations with the Shah of Persia and was apprehensive of some
action from him. He, therefore, negotiated with the governor of Kabul and handed over the
fort of his own accord (1595). Muzaffar Husain was received by Akbar at the Imperial court
with great honour. He was bestowed with a mansab of 5,000 and the jagir of Samoral was
allotted to him for his maintenance. It will be worth keeping in mind that Qandhar remained
with the Mughals up to 1622 when Jahangir lost it. (Shah Jahan again acquired it, and held it
from 1638 to 1649, when it was conquered by the Persians and remained with them till the
end of Mughal rule.)
In the matter of Qandhar, Akbar was rather lucky. The Persian governor Muzaffar
Husain was not having good relations with the Shah of Persia and was apprehensive of some
action from him. Hs, therefore, negotiated with the governor of Kabul and handed over the
fort of his own accord (1595). Muzaffar Husain was received by Akbar at the Imperial court
with great honour. He was bestowed with a mansab of 5,000 and the jagir of Samoral was
allotted to him for his maintenance It will be worth keeping in mind that Qandhar remained
with the Mughals up to 1622 when Jahangir lost it. (Shah Jahan again acquired it, and held it
from 1638 to 1649, when it was conquered by the Persians and remained with them till the
end of Mughal rule.)
With the acquisition of Qandhar, Akbar had every reason to be quite satisfied with his
frontier arrangements, but he immediately did not return to Agra. He was not sure of the
attitude of the Persians. Abdullah Khan Uzbeg of Turan, though on friendly terms, was
another cause of anxiety. Akbar, therefore, stayed at Lahore up to 1598, and moved towards
Agra in the month of March 1598, After Abdullah Khan’s death.
Conquest of the Deccan (1598-1601)
Akbar, as discussed earlier, had a desire to establish his supremacy over the entire Sub-
continent of India and he had been working hard to fulfil this ambition. The Vindhya ranges
were an obstacle to the movement towards the Deccan, but in reality culture commerce and
politics had easily transcended these barriers. The Sullans of Delhi, such as Alauddin and
Muhammad bin Tughlaq, had already infiltrated into the south. It was but obvious that Akbar
was also attracted towards the Deccan. Fortunately for him the political condition of Deccan
was also very favourable. After the battle of Talikota, in 1505, and the severe blow to the
Empire of Vijayanagar disintegrated, the other kingdoms of the Deccan began to quarrel
amongst themselves once again. Ahmadnagar soughfto advance to the north. Murtaza Nizam

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Shah annexed Berar, plundered Burhanpur and besieged Asirgarh. The advance of his army
to the Mughal frontier attracted the Akbar.
Conquest of Ahmadnagar
The first to face up to the Mughal army was therefore, Ahmadnagar. Taking advantage
of internal dissensions in the ranks of the Nizzam Shahis, the imperialists laid seige to the fort
of Ahmadnagar (1995). They countered formidable resistance. The famous queen Chand
Bibi, sister of Durban Nizam Shah, organized the defence and supervised the battle
personally. She displayed military skill and generalship of a high order. Finding it difficult to
succeed in the seige, the Mughals were forced to withdraw (1596). A treaty was signed
whereby Berar was ceded to ihs Mughals by Ahmadnagar, which recognized Mughal
suzerainty. This peace was not destined to last long, for Chand Bibi’s advice was disregarded
by the Ahmand-nagar nobles who began a war to recover Berar. In this the Nizam Miahis
suffered reverses against the Mughals who now achieved a diplomatic success. Chand Bibi
was treacherously murdered and the town was taken by assault in 1600. Though Ahmadnagar
was conquered and annexed, the heroic resistance offered by Chand Bibi lingered long in
memory of both the Mughals and the Deccanis.

Conquest of Khandesh (1593-1601)

The Kingdom of Khandesh formed a sort of link between Gujarat and the kingdoms of
Deccan. Thus from the point of view of defence of Gujarat and Malwa and the conquest of
the Deccan, its occupation was very necessary. After the death of Muhammad Shah II in
1577, the country was ruled by Raja Ali Khan. Frightened by the aggressive designs of
Ahmadnagar and Bijapur, he established friendly relations with the Mughals. But his son
Miran Bahadur was not favourably inclined towards the Mughals. He threatened to, take off
the Mughal yoke and retired to Asirgarh relying upon the invincibility of this fort.
The Mughals captured Burhanpur and laid siege to the fort of Asirgarh in 1599. The fan
of Ahmadnagar Akbar’s determination to capture the fort of Asirgarh by deploying a huge
army had a demoralizing effect on the defenders but ultimately it was Mughal diplomacy and
use of gold that made the difference. The commander of the fort, Malik Yaqut tried to defend
it till the last moment, but failed. On the persuasion of his son Maqarrab Khan Bahadur Khan
went to the camp of Akbar where he was detained. Yaqut persuaded some of the prince in the
fort to accept the crown and continue the war. But none agreed. The noble, refused to support
him. In utter frustration he commuted suicide. The fort of Asirgarh was finally surrendered to
the Mughals in January 1601.
The conquest of the forts of Ahmadnagar and Asirgarh opened the gates to the Deccan
and the successors of Akbar carried the policy of conquest to its logical conclusion.
Assessment of Akbar’s Deccan Policy
Akbar was an expansionist. In the beginning he concentrated on the conquest of entire
region of northern India but once this task was more or less completed his desire to conquer
more territories further grew. He looked towards the Deccan. The kingdoms of the Deccan

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were in a bad shape, and there was no unity amongst them even when there was an outside
threat. The political instability of these kingdoms of the Deccan encouraged Akbar to take
initiative. Ahmadnagar was his first target, which subdued after the tough resistance under
the heroic resistance put forth by Chand Bibi. Next came the turn of Khandesh Asirgarh was
also captured. But it is significant to note that in spite of their military superiority the
Mughals failed to move very swiftly in the Deccan. It is also to be noted that Akbar was firm
to annex the territories of the Deccan and he was not satisfied with the mere
acknowledgement of his sovereignty, as he had done in the case of the Rajput kingdoms. And
since his intentions were quite clear, the Deccan kingdoms also took the threat to their
survival seriously, as shown by the resistance put by Ahmadnagar and Asirgarh. Akbar’s
achievements in the Deccan were modest.
Expansion and Consolidation of the Mughal Empire under Jahangir and Shahjahan
Jahangir (1605-1627)
Prince Salim, Akbar’s eldest son by the daughter of Raja Bharmal Kachwaha of Amber,
became the Emperor of India on 3 November 1605 with title of Jahangir (Holder of the
world). He started his reign as a liberal and benevolent administrator. Soon after his
accession, he issued a code of regulations, i.e. dastur-ul-amal to be observed by all the
officers and officials of the Mughal empire. He abolished a number of cesses and ordered the
construction of the serias, hospitals, schools and wells etc. Special instructions were issued to
jagirdars and revenue officials not to encroach upon the lands of the ryots. According to his
memories, he got installed a “Chain of Justice” which linked the Shahburj in the fort at Agra
to a stone pillar placed on the bank of the Jamuna. This was put up on the orders of the
Emperor so that he could be easily accessible to his subjects at odd times too.
Jahangir wanted to start his carrier as the sovereign of India with a clean state. In order
to win over the confidence of his opponents, he granted a general amnesty to all of them.
Many of them were reinstated on their old posts; on some even generous rewards were
showered and one such beneficiary was Mirza Aziz Koka, father-in law of Khusrau.9

9
In 1606, he fled from Agra towards the Punjab and raised the standard of revolt against his father. He even
succeeded in capturing a part of the Royal treasure which was being conveyed from Lahore to Agra.
Realising the danger, Jahangir marched swiftly towards Lahore and within nine days caught up with
Khusrau. A battle followed at Bhairowal (April, 1606) in which Khusrau was defeated. He tried to escape
by fleering towards Kabul but was captured while crossing the river Chenab and brought back to Lahore.
This difficult task was accomplished by the alertness of Shaikh Farid who was given the title of Nawab
Murtaza Khan and was appointed Governor of Gujarat. On the other hand, Khusrau and all his associates
were severely punished. Khusrau had to undergo numerous hardships, and innumerable humiliations and
insults were piled on him. He was even blinded when some of his followers made another abortive attempt
to place him on the Imperial throne. The Sikh Guru Arjan Dev (1581-1606) who had given financial and
moral support to Khusrau, was fined very heavily, and when the refused to pay the required amount he was
tortured to death. The incident marked the beginning of the Mughal-Sikh confrontation. The Sikhs till his
time essentially a religious community, deeply devoted to their faith were forced by the religious bigotry of
Jahangir to strike a military aim political posture. The transformation of the Sikh Guru from Sacha Guru to
Sacha Padshah was now a reality.

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Subjugation of Mewar
Shortly after his accession, Jahangir decided to take up unfinished task of conquering
the remaining territories of Mewar. Mewar was the only major Rajput State which had not
accepted Mughal sovereignty. The various attempts made by Akbar to subdue the house of
Mewar did not meet with much success. As a first step in this direction Jahangir sent his
second son, Parviz, assisted by able officers like jafar Beg and Raja Jagannath of Amber to
reduce Mewar. Rana Sanga, a brother the late Maharana Pratap, was also sent with a view of
creating dissensions within the Rajput ranks. Rana Amar Singh, the son of late Rana Pratap
and the ruler of Mewar, offered resistance. An indecisive engagement took place. The
Mughals were not able to bring him to his knees.
In 1608, again Jahangir sent Mahabat Khan, one of the ablest generals of the time, to
conquer Mewar. Even he could not make much headway in the rocky terrain of the state.
After one year, Khwaja Abdullah Khan, another distinguished general, replaced Mahabat
Khan. In 1611 he succeeded in defeating Karan Singh, the son of Rana Amar Singh. This,
however, did not reduce the strength of Mewar to any great extent and soon afterwards a new
commander Raja Basa was sent to carry on the operations against Mewar. He could not
achieve anything substantial, and was replaced by Khan Azam Aziz Koka in 1613. Prince
Khurram was also sent to assist him. They failed to function as a team. Subsequently, Khan
Azam Aziz Koka was called back by Jahangir and sent to Gwalior.
Prince Khurram now in full and unfettered command pursued the fight against Mewar
most ruthlessly and played havoc with the villages and towns of Mewar. This furious assault
and the utter devastation of the territory of Mewar demoralised Rana Amar Singh and his
forces. Most of his followers deserted him and ultimately in 1615 Rana Amar Singh was
obliged to conclude a treaty with prince Khurram. He was treated very courteously by the
Mughal Prince. A treaty was concluded and Rani Amar Singh was exempted from personal
appearance at the Mughal court. Prince Karan Singh was given the mansab (rank) of 5,000
Zat and 5,000 Sawar. This was a rank in the Mughal bureaucracy and was given to the
distinguished officers only. Rana Amar Singh paid a visit to the Royal court at Ajmer and
was treated with great regard and affection by Jahangir. A substantial jagir was also given to
him. All the territory taken from Mewar was restored to Ram Amar Singh. Jahangir’s
generous treatment of the Mewar family thereafter revealed that he possessed a high sense of
practical statemanship. He realised that there was no need to humiliate or degrade Mewar.
The rulers of Mewar, who had stubbornly defied Mughal authority so far, now decided to
accept Mughal paramountcy. The long drawn out conflict between the Mughals and the
Sisodias thus Came to a mutually satisfactory end. The Chief of Mewar looked at the issue
from a practical point of view and realised that any further resistance to the immensely
powerful Mughal Government was not irurely futile but was also likely to threaten the very
existence of his principality. Now onwards they also fell in line with the policy being pursued
by other Rajput princes, viz., recognition of Mughal sovereignty and acceptance of high
mansabs in the imperial court. The Mughal Empire now acquired a position of predominance

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in Northern India which was virtually unchallengable. The gains to the Rajputs were also not
insignificant. They now had wider opportunities for their talents—military and
administrative. Furthermore they were to become far more deeply involved in the expansion
of the Mughal Empire. They were becoming partners in a common mission of bringing the
whole of India under a unified political control.
Consolidation of Mughal Power in Bengal and Kangra Hills
On the political side, another major achievements of Jabangir’s reign were the
consolidation of the Mughal Empire in the territories of Rajasthan, Bengal and the Kangra
Hills. Though conquered by Akbar in 1575 Bengal had continued to remain politically
disturbed and administiatively unstable. Towards the close of Akbar’s reign (1599). Raja
Man Singh had forced the old independent Afghan chiefs and Hindu zamindars to submit.
Still the Bengali chiefs like Musa Khan of Sonaraon with the illustrious brotherhood known
as Twelve Bhaiyash—among whom some of the famous names are Usman Khan and Bayazid
Karrani along with some powerful Hindu Rajas like Pratapaditya of Jessore, Pratap Singh of
Assam etc., continued to be a menace to the Mughal authority in Bengal. During Jahangir’s
reign, effective steps were taken by the central authority to bring under control all
independent zamindars and to impose a uniform administrative system over the entire
territory of Bengal. A deadly blow was stiuck by the forces when in a fierce engagement
between the followers of Twelve Bhaiyas and the local zamindars resulted in the death of
their leader Usman Khan in 1612. In this venture Islam Khan, the governor of Bengal (1608-
1613) played a notable role. He also annexed the territories of Cooch-Bihar (1009) and
Kamrup (1610). Another strong Governor of Bengal was Ibrahim Khan Fareh-i-Jung (1617-
1623). He pursued the policy of conciliation and this helped him to consolidate Mughal
authority in Bengal.

The fort of Kangra because of its excellent geographic and strategic location and of its
feligious importance due to its proximity to the Jwalamukhi temple had so offen attracted the
attention of the Muslims. During Akbar’s reign the Raja of Nagarkot (Kangra) had been
reduced to submission. But the Rajas of Nagarkot had, at heart, remained recalcitrant, they
generally did not observe the Mughal regulations concerning the jagirdari system in their
territory. They had not even paid the revenue to the Mughals. In 1620, Jahangir sent Raja
Bikramajit Baghela to head an expedition against Raja Tirlok Chand and after a long siege
conquered Nagarkot. A small territory was given to the Raja as jagir end the rest was
annexed to the Mughal Empire.
Jahangir and the Deccan
Jahangir inherited an aggressive policy towards the kingdoms of the Deccan from his
father Akbar, who wanted to conquer the whole of the Deccan, but he succeeded only
partially in this ambitious plan. Jahangir was not in a position to follow an aggressive policy
vigorously but still he was keen to achieve a face saving victory carefully watched the plans
of Malik Amber who succeeded in recovering the territory of Ahmadnagar lost to the
Mughals. This forced Jahangir to turn his immediate attention to the Deccan.

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 Malik Ambar was originally an Abyssinian slave but had risen to a very high position in
Ahmadnagar. He was a man of great energy, organising power and military talent.
Undoubtedly in warfare, “in command, in sound judgement and administrative skill he has no
rival or equal”. So effectively did he threaten the weak Mughal government in the Deccan
which had not vet struck deep roots in that peninsula that Jahangir was compelled to send
Khan-i-Khana Ahdur Rahim son of Bairam Khan in 1608, with a powerful army to check
Malik Ambars growing power. However the newly appointed general failed to control his
subordinates. The result was obvious. Therefore in 1610 prince Parwez was sent to take over
the supreme command of the Mughal forces in the Deccan with the rank of Governor. He
failed to achieve anything. On the other hand Malik Ambar, who had collected a large army,
defeated the Khan-i-Khana severely. The Mughals had to surrender Ahmadnagar.
The task of recapturing the Deccan was then entrusted in 1611 to Pir Khan Lodi Khan-i
Jahan who was to be assisted by Raja Man Singh and Abdullah Khan. The later marched
forward too rapidly and was isolated from the main army by the quick moving Ahmadnager
cavalry. He suffered terrible losses. The command of the Mughal army was once again
handed over to the Khan-i-Khana Abdur Rahim in 1612.
The Khan-i-Khana showed his mettle both as a diplomat and as a watrior. He not only
succeeded in turning away some of Ambar’s close associates to his side but also able to
inflict a crushing defeat on the combined forces of Bijapur, Golkonda aod Ahmadnagar under
Malik Ambar at Roshangaon in 1515. Malik Ambar saved himself by fleeing to Daulatabad.
But so long as this remarkable military leader was alive there could be no peace for the
Mughals in the Deccan.
Following some court intrigues, Parwez was replaced by Prince Khurram. He was to be
joined by Karan Singh of Mewar. Jahangir himself came up to Mandu and established his
Court there (1617). The Khan-i-Khana’s diplomacy had paved the way. The Bijapur ruler
Ibrahim Adil Shah II, offered to act as an intermediary and to pay tribute to the Mughals
Malik Ambar also agreed to restore Balaghat, which he had recently captured, and
Ahmadnagar. This so called victory did not advance the Mughal power any further than what
it stood during the last days of Akbar. Khurram was given the title of Shah Jahan (Ruler of
the World). He was also granted the mansab of 30,000 Zat with 20,000 Sawar.
Malik Ambar was an energetic man. In 1620 he re-captured large portions of
Ahmadnagar and Berar. Khurram (Shah Jahan) was sent again and this time he took up the
task in real earnest. Aided by Raja Vikramajit, he captured Khadki, the new capital of
Ahmadnagar. His advance was so swift that Malik Ambar had to sue for peace. Malik Ambar
restored to the Mughals their territory and evacuated Ahmadnagar (1621). Five years later
Malik Ambar died in May 1626. Thus passed away one of the most resourceful and
competent adversaries that the Mughals had to face in the Deccan.
Hamid Khan another Abyssinian, succeeded Ambar. In the meantime, Prince Khurram
(Shah Jahan) had revolted against his father in 1622. Jahangir was thus forced to take
immediate notice of the rebellion of Khurram and Mahabat Khan was sent to the Deccan. It
has been alleged that the Mughal Imperial Commander Khan-i-Jahan accepted a huge bribe

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from Hamid Khan, and handed over to him the whole territory of Balaghat as well as the fort
of Ahmadnagar. The Deccan problem thus remained as unsolved as before.
Assessment of Jahangir’s Deccan Policy
Jahangir failed to achieve any success in the Deccan and the Mughal boundaries had not
advanced a single mile beyond the limits of 1605. This was a clean proof that Jahangir’s
Deccan policy had ended in failure. What is more Jahangir’s failure indirectly helped the
Marathas also. They had become expert guerilla fighters and were soon to grow powerful
enough so as to alarm Shah Jahan and menance his successor, Aurangzeb. the Marathas
“getting used to fighting and frustrating the Mughals—emerged afterwards the most
dangerous enemies of the empire”. The Deccan problem seems to have been pushed into that
background because other emergent matters.
Ascendancy of the NurJahan Junta
Nur Jahan, the queen of Jahangir and her relations have been accused of having
dominated Jahangir and of virtually ruling the Empire. No doubt Nur Jahan was powerful but
the charge often made that Jahangir was completely eclipsed is rather exaggerated. Though
Nur Jahan and her relations did play a conspicuous part in the affairs of the state, Jahangir
was far from being a non-entity until he fell seriously ill in 1622. Then only did Nur Jahan
gain full control over the affairs of the Mughal empire. Thereafter Nur Jahan played a
prominent role in the affairs of the state. Her relations, specially her father and brother were
capable persons. Their influence attracted a large number of warriors, scholars, poets and
civil servants from far-off places like Tehran. This had a notable effect on the administration
as well as on the cultural life of Mughal India.
Nur Jahan and Khurram
In the earlier years, Nur Jahan was on good terms with Prince Khurram, but soon it
became clear to Nur Jahan that Khurram was not one who would willingly play second fiddle
to her. So she now took up the cause of Prince Shahriyar, who had married Ladli Begum, the
daughter of Nur Jahan and Sher Afghan, and who was the youngest surviving son of
Jahangir. This led Nur Jahan into a conflict with Khurram and her brother Asaf Khan, who
was Khurram’s father-in law. In 1622, the Persian king Shah Abbas invaded Qandhar and
captured it. Nur Jahan decided to kill two birds with one stone sending Khurram against him.
But Khurram was a shrewd man. The growing power of his step-mother had made him wary.
At that juncture, Jahangir was so seriously ill that he could have expired any day. Khurram
was naturally disinclined to leave Agra. Ultimately Prince Parvez had to go alone to seek the
restoration of Qandhar. Though Qandhar fell to the Mughals in 1625, the whole episode very
adversely affected the efficiency of the Mughal administration.
Rebellion of Mahabat Khan (1626)
Nur Jahan and her relatives elevated position and increasing influence also led to revolt
on the part of Mahabat Khan (1626), one of the most influential nobles of Jahangir. In March
1626, he took Jahangir his prisoner when the Emperor encamped on the banks of the river
Jehlum. It was at this stage that Nur Jahan showed her coolness and presence of mind.

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Mahabat Khan was essentially a warrior and not a diplomat, gradually lost the confidence of
his supporters. The tactful Empress fully exploited the situation and soon won over to her
side many of his Rajput allies. Finally Mahabat Khan realised that his position had become
hopeless and he fled away and joined hands with Khurram. Mahabat’s coup thus ended
ignobly. Sir Wolessley Haigh’s following observation seems quite appropriate. “He stands in
the roll of Indian monarch as a man with generous instincts, fond of sport, art and good
living, aiming to do well to all and failing by the lack of the finer intellectual qualities to
attain the rank of great administrator”.
Lastly it can be pointed out that under Jahangir industry and commerce progressed,
architecture acquired new excellence, “painting reached its high water mark”, and literature
flourished. The most notable illustration of this literary outburst is the in inimitable
Ramayana composed by Tulsi Das—One of the most distinguished saint-scholar poet of
India. As aptly remarked by Dr. Beni Prasad this Ramayana is “at once the Homer and the
Bible, the Shakespeare and the Milton of the teeming millions of Northern India”. The power
of the Junta declined after the draw of Jahangir in 1627. Shah Jahan ascended the throne in
1628 with the help of Asaf Khan and Nur Jahan retired from worldly affairs thereafter.
Shah Jahan (1628-1658)
The rule of Shah Jahan is a period of comparative calm in the otherwise stormy Mughal
politics. The number of rebellions was restricted. Among the most notable of these
insurrections were those of Khan Jahan Lodhi, an able officer of the time of Jahangir and
Jujhar Singh of Bundelkhand in 1628. Unlike Akbar, Shah Jahan did not have to undertake
any challenging task of conquering new provinces and of consolidating what he had. Shah
Jahan dealt with the Deccan and the north-western region but the events which took place in
these regions hardly exerted any great influence on the fortunes of the Empire. Qandhar was
lost to the Mughal empire for ever, but Ahmadnagar was fully annexed. After many moves
and manoeuvres for ever a quarter of a century, no significant change occured which could be
considered as substantially altering the Empire’s political configuration.
Policy Towards the Deccan States
The territories of Ahmadnagar, which were conquered by Akbar were almost lost due to
the counter-attacks of Malik Ambar and the rebellion of Khurram (future Shah Jahan) in the
Deccan. Malik Ambar’s death in 1626 undoubtedly gave the Mughal armies the much needed
time to recover most of the lost territory what stood in 1609. But nothing substantial was
done in this opportunate period.
After his accession, Shah Jahan turned his attention towards the Deccan. The rebellion
of Shan Jahan Lodi who had fled to Ahmadnagar was forced him to take active part in the
Deccan affairs. 1631 Mughal armed forced were engaged once more in the Ahmadnagar
region. Then onwards, the steamroller of Mughal imperialism moved swifty.

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 Ahmadnagar : At this Juncture the two Deccan states of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur were
found closely co-operating with each other against the Mughals. However, as Ahmadnagar
was torn internally by party strife Shah Jahan thrust his first blow on the kingdom. He
himself proceeded towards the Deccan and concentrated large imperial forces in that area to
attain his objective. He instigated some of the Maratha officer in the service of the Nizam
Shah to desert to the Mughals. Under his personal direction, Nasik Khandhar (near Balaghat),
Dharwar and Poona were occupied by the Mughals.
The internal squabbles of Ahmadnagar continued. Muqarrab Khan, the Wazir and Fateh
Khan the son of Malik Ambar were at daggers drawn. Murtaza Nizam Shah II, under the
influence of Muqarrab Khan, imprisoned Fateh Khan. After some time, when he was forgiven
and once more restored to favour, his old rival Muqarrab Khan deserted to the Mughals.
Meanwhile, Mughal diplomacy achieved success when Fateh Khan succeeded easily in
removing Murtaza. On the throne, a ten year old lad named Hussain Shah was installed. Fateh
Khan even read the khutba and struck coins in Shah Jahan’s name (1632). The same year,
Shah Jahan returned to north.
Within a year of Shah Jahan’s departure, trouble again started in the Deccan, Shahji, the
father of Shivaji, who was nursing a genuine grudge against the Mughals for the loss of his
jagir, now instigated the anti-Fateh Khan group against Fateh Khan. The Sultan of Bijapur
interferred in the internal quarrels of Ahmadnagar. These events invited Mughal intervention.
Hostilities began once more. The Mughals under Mahabat Khan captured Daulatabad without
any serious difficulty even when the fort had been adequately fortified. This might not have
happened but for a conjunction of various incidents of which the explosion of a mine,
desertion by the Bijapuri allies and the outbreak of an epidermic within the fort deserve
special mention. Hussain Nizam Shah was imprisoned in the fort of Gwalior and the whole of
Ahmadnagar was annexed to the Mughal empire in 1633. Though for all apparent purposes,
an independent Ahmadnagar had disappeared, yet the fight was carried on by Shahji with
active help of the Bijapuries. During the last stage of the struggle, the chief aim of Mughal
strategy was to split between the Ahmadnagar freedom-fighters and the Bijapuries. The
imperialists succeeded in their efforts remarkably well. Thus after forty years of strife, the
affairs of Ahmadnagar were at last settled in favour of the Mughals. Ahmadnagar was not a
part of the Mughal Empire. Thus in the first stage Shah Jahan’s Deccan policy was crowned
with success.
Golconda : Golconda (Hyderabad) was the only Deccan state which benefitted much
from the existence of the Nizam Shabir kingdom of Ahmadnagar, as the latter separated the
Mughals from the territories of the Qutb Shah of Golconda.
The sympathies of this dynasty lay with Ahmadnagaris who were encouraged to fight
the Mughals. After the dessolution of the Nizam Shahi kingdom in 1633, the Qutb Shahi
dynasty could not avoid entanglement with the Mughals. They (Qutb Shahis) accepted the
Shah of Persia as their nominal sovereign, and read the khutba not only in their own name but

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also in the name of Persian king. In short, they recognised Shah of Persia as their overlord.
This the Mughals were not prepared to tolerate. In addition they had even helped the Nizam
Shahis and Jujhar Singh Bundela against the Mughals. Now that the Mughals were nearer to
them they (Mughals) could force their demand at the point of the sword. The Mughals put
forward the following proposals :
(1) The Qutb Shahi dynasty should accept the Mughal Emperor as its suzerain, by
taking an oath on the holy Quran to faithful to him.
(2) the name of the three Caliphs, and of Shah Jahan in place of the Persian king be
included in the Khutba.
(3) the name of Mughal Emperor also must be embossed on the coins to Golconda.
(4) that Abdullah Qutab Shah should pay a tribute of two lakhs of hunts equivalent to
eight lakh of rupees.
(5) in case of a conflict with Bijapur, the Mughal Emperor would protect Golconda.
Abdullah Qutb Shah was forced to accept the terms presented to him for fear of inviting
an invasion into his territory, and in 1636. Golconda became a vassal state of the Mughals.
In July 1636, Shah Jahan appointed his third son Aurangzeb as Viceory of the Deccan.
At the time of his appointment Aurangzeb was only eighteen years old. However he resigned
in May, 1644. His first viceroyalty lasted from 1636 to 1644. Again in the year 1653
Aurangzeb was appointed viceroy of the Deccan for the second time. He was specifically
instructed to improve the financial condition of the Deccan provinces to increase cultivation
and to put the Deccan administration in order. Aurangzeb was fully aware of the hostility of
his brother Dara and the obstacles placed in his way by the nobles who were the partisans of
his elder brother. Aurangzeb however was determined to remain in the Deccan until the
succession issue came to the fore. He appreciated full well the fact that the Deccan could
provide him with the material resources needed in any conflict for the throne. It was also an
excellent base for any military operations which may become necessary in that connection.
The non-payment of tribute together with the harsh treatment meted out to the family of
Mir Muhammad Saiyyid popularly known as Mir Jumla, the minister of Golconda, who had
shifted his allegiance from Qutab Shah to Shah Jahan, gave a pretext to Aurangzeb to invade
Golconda. In November 1655, Aurangzeb mobilised his forces for an attack on the Qutab
Shahi territories. The firman of the Mughal Emperor demanding the release of Mir Jumla’s
family was forwarded to the Sultan of Golconda. It ordered him to release the family of Mir
Jumla immediately and not to hinder their progress to Aurangzeb’s camp. The delay in the
compliance of the imperial order on the part of the Qutab Shah led to an invasion under the
command of Prince Muhammad, the eldest son of Aurangzeb though Aurangzeb himself was
to follow his son.

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 Prince Muhammad rapidly advanced with the Mughal army under his command and
reached the capital of Golconda in January 1656. The city was ransacked. Abdullah Qutab
Shah was forced to flee to the fortress of Golconda a few miles away for refuge. He was
followed thither by prince Muhammad who laid siege to it. The release of the family of Mir
Jumla could not prevent the siege. Abdullah was fully aware of the consequences of a
prolonged siege of his fortress. He understood the intentions of Aurangzeb that had set his
mind on the stored wealth of the Qutab Shahis. Aurangzeb always looked ahead to the
struggle for succession which he considered as inevitable. Consequently all his plans and
policies were geared to one end viz., to strengthen his claims to the imperial throne in the not
distant war of succession. Qutab Shah appealed to the pro-Qutab Shahi clique in the Mughal
capital to save him from destruction. Intense lobbying was started. The pro-Dara faction
always eager to deprive Aurangzeb of the advantage which he would have gained, fervently
pleaded the case of Abdullah Qutab Shah before the Emperor.

Ultimately Dara and Jahanara succeded in frustrating the plans of Aurangzeb to annex
Golconda and Shah Jahan rejected the repeated requests of Aurangzeb for the annexation of
Golconda. On the contrary Shah Jahan ordered Aurangzeb to withdraw his forces and to
leave the Qutab Shah in possession of his territories, Aurangzeb was left with no option but
to retreat. Therefore, in March 1655; he withdrew his forces from the territories of Abdullah.
Aurangzeb was, however, able to extract certain concessions from the Golconda Sultan which
included the payment of a heavy indemnity, surrender of a part of the Colconda territorry to
the Mughals and the marriage of his son Muhammad to the daughter of Abdullah. By a secret
agreement, the Sultan of Golconda agreed to nominate Muhammad as his heir.
Thus making the best of a bad bargain, but thwarted in his attempt to capture and annex
Golconda, Auranzeb returned from Golconda because of the strong pressure exerted by Dara
Shikoh and Princess Jahanara who viewed the success of Aurangzeb with apprehension.
Some scholars however hold that this pressure was only small part of the story. According to
them, weightier reasons prompted Shah Jahan to recall Aurangzeb. One of these was the
unwillingness of the Emperor to be needlessly bogged in an interminable war in the Deccan
face of the worsening situation in Balkh and Qandhar. Furthermore Shah Jahan felt that the
massive demonstration of the Mughal military might had secured him all that he immediately
wanted viz., the recovery of the arrears of the revenue and the recognition by the Golconda
Sultan of the Mughal suzerainty.
Bijapur : The kingdom of Bijapur was not powerful enough to resist the Mughals.
Another disadvantage which further strengthened the Mughals was the disappearance of
Ahmadnagar as an independent kingdom in 1633. Its liquidation led to a change of policy on
the part of the Adil Shahi rulers of Bijapur. One of the most painful features of the politics in
the Deccan states was the interminable party strife. Like Ahmadnagar, Bijapur too could not
escape from the mutual jealousies of different groups of nobles. The Maratha chieftain Shahji
had in the meanwhile, sought service under the Bijapur Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah (1626-
56). He had brought forward a pretender to the Ahmadnagar throne on whose behalf he even
waged a war against the Mughals. The Bijapur court itself was divided into two warring

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pations one led by the wazir Mustafa who was hostile to Ahmadnagar and pro-Mughal and
the other of the famous general Randola Khan who was sent per cent anti-Mughal. The taking
over the former territories of Ahmadnagar by the Mughals was considered by Randola as an
affront to him and dangerous to the integrity of the Bijapur kingdom. As long as wazir
Mustafa was in power the Mughal had no trouble from the side of Bijapur but so on Randola
Khan collaborated with other elements opposed to Mustafa and succeeded in outing him. This
resulted in reversal of policy on the part of Bijapur. Randola Khan, Murari Pandit and Shahji
Bhonsle combined to interfere directly into the Ahmadnagar affairs.
However, this situation did not continue for long. Khawas Khan’s action in imprisoning
Mustafa forced tbe letter’s faction to act with desperate boldness. They staged a come back
by murdering both Murari Pandit and Khawas Khan Mustafa now back at the helm of the
affairs successfully persuaded his master to sign a treaty with the Mughals who were
marching upon Bijapur from three sides.
According to the Treaty signed by Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah and ratified by Shah
Jahan on 6 May 1636 the Bijapur agreed to the following terms :—
(i) Recognition of the Mughal Emperor as his superior.
(ii) Payment of Rs. 20 lakhs as peshkash (tribute) to the Mughal Emperor.
(iii) Submission of any dispute between Golconda and Bijapur to the arbitration of
Shah Jahan.
(iv) Acceptance of the demarcation of territory between the Mughal dominion and
Bijapur. A slice of the extinct kingdom of Ahmadnagar on the Konkan side was
given to Bijapur.
(v) Recognition of the incorporation of the rest of the Ahmadnagar territory with in
the Mughal empire.
(vi) Withdrawal of all help from Shahji.
No doubt the terms of this treaty were quite humiliating for Bijapur. However, Sultan
Muhammad Adil Shah had hardly any other alternative open to him in view of the
overwhelming superiority of the Mughal arms. This treaty, however, was responsible for
establishing friendly relations between Bijapur and the Mughals. And this face of friendly
relationship between the Bijapur and the Mughals lasted upto 1656.
The second phase of Mughal relations with Bijapur state started after the death of
Muhammad Adil Shah in November 1656 and was succeeded by a youth named Ali Adil
Shah. Muhammad Adil Shah continued to rule for almost twenty years after the 1636. Treaty
and contrary to the expectations, quite independently. He had maintained a splendid court and
had even acquired some territory in the south which the Mughals claimed as their own.
However, in 1657, Aurangzeb, who had lately been deprived of an advantageous position in
Golconda. (i) that the Government of Bijapur had not paid the peshkash, and (ii) that the new

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Sultan Ali Adil Shah was not the son of the late Sultan but an imposter of doubtful origin.
Aurangzeb demanded from the Adil Shahi Sultan an indemnity of a crore and a half rupees
and the surrender of the territory taken by Bijapur from the Nizam Shahi kingdom in 1636.
Shah Jahan was persuaded to sanction an invasion of Bijapur and Aurangezeb
immediately moved into the territory of Bijapur. He wanted a quick decision that time. Bidar
which had been annexed by Bijapur in 1609 was captured by Aurangzeb and Mir Jumla in
March 1657. A rich booty fell into the hands of the imperial forces. Kalyani, the ancient
capital of the Chalukyas situated some forty miles west of Bidar was conquered in August
1657. Bijapur would have fallen but for the illness of Shah Jahan.
Hearing of his father’s illness Aurangezeb decided to wind up his affairs in the Deccan.
The war was hastily concluded. Ali Adil Shah agreed to pay an indemnity of one and a half
crore and ceded Bidar, Kalyani Parenda and parts of Konkan and Vangi. Having secured
these terms, Aurangzeb turned northwards to press his claims to the imperial throne. It can’t
be denied that much of the success of the military compaigns conducted in Deccan by the
Mughal forces due to the extraordinary leadership diplomatic skill and tact-fulness of
Aurangzeb.
The Mughal suzerainty now extended over a vast area of the Deccan. Two prominent
kingdoms had been subjugated. The Mughal military prestige stood high; its political
ascendancy was virtually unchallenged. The Mughal Empire was not longer a northern
empire. It was on the way of becoming an all India Empire.
North west and Central Asian Policy
Kabul was the western most province of the Mughal Empire. Its boundaries touched to
mighty Uzbek Empire of Central Asia and the Safavid Empire of Iran. By the time of Shah
Jahan; the Uzbek Empire had broken up into smaller kingdom, but the Iranian Empire had
retained its strength intact and had even gained more territories. The Persians had captured
the fortrees of Qandhar from the Mughals in 1622 and their growing strength was a source of
considerable anxiety of the Mughals.
Attempts of the Mughals to recover Qandhar
The fort of Qandhar because of its strategic location and comrrercial importance
constituted a perennial bone of contention between the Mughals and Persians. Qandhar
changed and frequently. It may be noted that it first fell into the hands of the Mughals in 1525
when Babur captured it. It was then lost for some time and reconquered by Humayun in 1445.
The Mughals were unable to hold it for long and it again slipped away from their grip. Akbar
reoccupied Qandhar in 1559. In 1622 the Persians were again successful in wresting it from
the Mughals. Because of pressing preoccupations Jahangir was not able to pay much attention
to this problem. Consequently fort of Qandhar remained under the control of Persians till
1638 when Ali Mardan Khan, the Persian governor of Qandhar, was won over by Mughal-
diplomacy, and surrendered it to the Mughals. The Persians were never reconciled to its loss.

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Eleven years later in 1649 Shah Abbas II of Persia launched an offensive to recover the fort
of Qandhar. The Persian preparations were so secret and their march so well conducted that
Shah Jahan was almost taken aback. Though the mughal commander at Qandhar fought
desperately to prevent its fall, Shah Jahan’s failure to send help in time to relieve the Persians
pressure resulted in the fall of Qandhar. The Persian conquest of Qandhar was a blow to the
Prestige of the Mughals.
Shah Jahan’s pride was severely hurt. He was resolved to to reconquer Qandhar by force
of arms. In 1649 he despatched a large military force commanded by Aurangzeb. Sadullah
Khan, Shah Jahan’s prime minister, was also ordered to join the prince, Shah Jahan’s
adversary Shah Abbas II, however, was a very clever and farsighted ruler, who was fully
prepared to meet any Mughal challenge. He effectively strengthened the defences of
Qandhar: adequate stocks for a prolonged siege were stored in the fort. The Mughal force
because of its inferior equipment more particularly in heavy ordnance was not able to cause
any dent in the resistance of the Persians who withstood a prolonged assault extending over
one hundred days. The demoralised and badly-mauled Mughal army was left with no
alternative but to beat a hastly retreat because of the imminent winter.
Shah Jahan was greatly agitated. To him recovery of Qandhar became a prestige issue.
A powerful army of fifty thousand horses and ten thousand foot was raised. Special types of
canons were cast and sufficient supply of ammunitions was procured. Proper arrangements
for supply were made. A sum of two crores was earmarked for the conduct of war for the
recovery of Qandhar. Again both Aurangzeb and Sadullah Khan were given the charge of the
expedition. The Mughal army began the siege of Qandhar on 2 May, 1650. Because of the
very effective use made of their artillery, the Persians stoutly foiled the Mughal assaults.
Once again because of mounting losses in men, equipment and ammunition, Shah Jahan had
to issue orders for the raising of the siege which was done in early July, 1650. This severed
reverse suffered by the Mughal army brought much disgrace. Aurangzed naturally was its
first victim.
This was a boon opportunity for Dara Shikoh, already ascendant in the good books of
the Emperor who had lately conferred on him the title of Shah Buland Iqbal (King’s Lofty
Fortune). Fully exploiting the humiliation of his brother Aurangzeb, Dara loudly bragged that
he alone could retrieve Qandhar for the Mughal Empire. The doting father readily succumbed
to his son’s boast. Dara was now entrusted with the task. Dara proceeded on his mission,
fully confident that with the grand army provided to him he was capable of meeting any
Persian challenge.
The third siege of Qandhar began with full fury, but it met with no better success. In
face of the fierce Persian attacks the siege had to be lifted in September 1653.
The above mentioned three infructuous sieges of Qandhar (1649, 1652 and 1653)
drained the Mughal treasury, to the tune of twelve crores of rupees which was approximately
one half of the annual income of the Mughal state. Such a vast financial loss further

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aggravated the economic crisis. Besides, the military weakness and inefficiency of the
Mughal army stood nakedly exposed The Persian threat to the north western border of India
was a source of “chronic anxiety and suspense” for the Mughal rulers.
Trans Oxiana : This region was across the Oxus river, which was the homeland of the
Mughal. It was the wish of the Mughals emperors, especially from Babur to Aurangzeb, to
rule it and to include it in their dominions was understandable. Babur, till the end of his life,
could not banish its thought from his mind. Akbar had a formidable adversary in Abdullah
Khan Uzbek. Because of his Abdulah Khan Uzbek) threat as well as and for the defence of
the Mughal province of Kabul, Akbar had to stay in Lahore, for about eighteen long years,
i.e., from 1580 to 1598. His son Jahangir was so much preoccupied with Mewar, the Deccan
and Qandhar affairs, that he could not afford to meddle effectively in the Central Asian
affairs, though he too was keen to extend his authority over the region. In the Tuzuk also
Jahangir expressed this ambition.
Shah Jahan, however, was far more ambitious than his father, Jahangir. Abdul Hamid
Lahori, the well-known historian of Shah Jahan’s period, also hints at the desire of Shah
Jahan. Besides, the situation in Central Asia seemed quite favourable for outside interference.
The Central Asian possessions of the early Uzbek Empire were now ruled by a dynasty
known as Astrakhans, who had emigrated to that region from Russia. Ere long, this dynasty
was divided itself and its various members were ruling over separate kingdoms-Samarqand
was “ruled by Imam Quli; Balk came under the administrative control of Imam Quli’s
younger brother Nazr Muhammad. While Imam Quli was friendly towards the Mughals, Nazr
Muhammad was pro-Persian. The latter had fully exploited the confusion and uncertainty that
prevailed in India resulting from stress and strain after the death of Jahangir when his sons
were engrossed in a war of succession. Nazr Muhammad had even invaded the terri-tores of
Kabul in 1628.
In 1641 Imam Quli lost his eye-sight. Nazr Muhammad, his brother, first requested him
to retire in his favour. Imam Quli refused to oblige him. Nazr Muhammad forcibly took
possession of his brother’s kingdom. Imam Quli wanted to go to Mecca via Delhi but he was
not allowed to do so by Nazr Muhammad. Instead he was asked to go Persia, where from he
went to Mecca. It is there, that he ultimately died. During this time Hazara was raided, which
under Mughals control.
However Nazr Muhammad’s rule in Samarqand was very unpopular. His son, Abdul
Aziz took advantage of it and proclaimed himself as the king of Samarqand. Nazr
Muhammad in panic invited the Mughals to help him. Shan Jahan was too glad to interfere in
the internal affairs of this Central Asia kingdom. Prince Murad, Shan Jahan’s youngest son,
with a number of nobles including one of his ablest favourite, Ali Mardan Khan, was deputed
to conduct operations in Central Asia. The Mughals occupied Badakhshan in 1646 and from,
there advanced towards Balkh. The Mughal’s advance made Nazr Muhammad panicky. He
fled to Persia. The Mughals took possession of Balkh.

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 The flight of Nazr Muhammad and the possession of Balkh was a big gain for the
Mughals but now they were faced with the hostility of the local population. The freedom
loving pepole of the area were not prepared to tolerate the Mughals and became increasingly
hostile to the Mughal intruders. Murad too was unwilling to remain in the colder regions of
Central Asia which he detested. Aurangzeb was appointed in his place as the commanders in
chief of the Mughal forces by Shan Jahan. When he arrived he found the people arrayed
against him. They were fighting hard to ous,t the Mughals.
Abdul Aziz, the son of Nazr Muhammad, encouraged by popular sentiments, opposed
the Mughals with a huge army of one lakh and twenty thousand soldiers. Though the Uzbeks
were defeated in an open battle, the Mughals found their stay in the country full of peril. The
situation tended to deteriorate every day. Aurangzeb reported to the court that Nazr Muhamad
was willing to come to terms with Mughals. To Shah Jahan this appeared a convenient way
out of the entanglement. He ordered that the conquered possession should be handed over to
Nazr Muhammad on the condition of his definitely accepting the principal of Mughal
suzerainty. Even when the Uzbek chief had not yet a fully accepted the Mughal terms
Aurangzeb handed over the government to Nazr Muhammad and retired to Kabul.
Shah Jahan’s north-western policy, on the whole, ended in a failure. It drained the
treasury, lowered the military prestige of the Mughals and not even one inch of land was
added to the Mughal empire. This costly experiment had only one trustful result that no uzbek
army crossed the Hindukush into Mughal territory after 1697.
He lingered on for eight years more as a prisoner before death relieved him of
intolerable agony and humiliation on 22 January 1666.
State and Religion, Relations with the Rajput States and Mughal Expansion in the
Deccan under Aurangzeb.
Much has been said about Aurangzeb. Some historians consider him Muslim fanatic
who was all out to destroy temples to humiliate the Hindus by imposing the jizia etc. and in
short to wipe them out from the surface of the earth while others consider Aurangzeb as a
great Islamic ruler who was full of virtues. They deliberately try to ignore or minimize his
fanaticism.
Such a picture of Aurangzeb is extremely oversimplified for it ignores the complexities
of his personality and also of the social economic and political situation. For a proper
understanding of Aurangzeb we should not be guided by communalist historians whether
they are Hindus or Muslims. On the contrary, it is essential to view his policies in the
background of political social and economic conditions of his reign. Keeping this in view we
begin the discussion on his religious policy.
1. Religious Policy of Aurangzeb
The religious policy of Aurangzeb has always remained a object of controvercy and that
much has been said in the text-books. It appears from these books that Aurangzeb right from

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the beginning of his political career was a champion of Islam. It has been argued that
Aurangzeb waged the war of succession against his brothers to safeguard the interests of
Islam. Consequently with his accession the policy of religious revivalism was started which
aimed at changing the character of the Mughal state. This was a betrayal of the liberal policy
of Akbar which was based on the principle of sulah-i-kul (Peace with all).
It is also suggested that the destruction of the temples conversion of the Hindus to Islam
imposition of the jizia and similar other acts of humiliation were the chief features of his
reign. Some of the authors of the text-books have gone so far as to show that life had become
intolerable for the Hindus during the reign of Aurangzeb. Much has been said about the
removal of the Hindus from the imperial services. On the other hand there is also a tendency
to hide those facts which throw ample light on the acts of fanaticism. Overplaying or
underplaying the facts must be avoided if one really wants to learn history.
It is true that the temples were destroyed that Hindus were converted and the jizia was
imposed. But keeping in view the huge population of the Hindus and incalculable number of
temples neither the number of the converts to Islam nor destruction of the temple was high.
One should not ignore the fact that there are evidences of the continuation of grants to
temples and giving of fresh grants to the religious places by Aurangzeb and finally the
construction of new temples during his reign.
In fact many documents of Aurangzeb’s reign have survived which clearly mention the
grants to the temples or to their priests.
In the war of succession also Aurangzeb did not participate as the champion of Islam.
Those nobles who joined him were both Hindus and Muslims. In fact he made great efforts to
win over Rana Raj Singh and Raja Jai Singh etc. to his side. Even when he succeeded in
capturing the coveted throne of the Mughal Empire, Aurangzeb did not show any keenness to
alter the liberal policy followed by his predecessors. In fact he bestowed distinct favours on
some of the prominent Hindu nobles. Highest ranks to which a noble could aspire were given
to Raja Jai Singh and Raja Jaswant Singh. Both were assigned the posts of Viceroy and
Governor respectively.
To have a better appreciation of the position and strength of the Hindus in the nobility
it is desirable to refer to the following statistics:
10
Rank (mansab) Akbar Akbar Shahjahan
Shahjahan Aurangzeb
1658-78 1679-1707
of the nobles 1595 1628-58 1658-78 1679-1707

Total Hindus Total Hindu Total Hindu Total Hindus

s s

5,000 and above 7 1 49 12 51 10 79 26

3,000 to 4,500 10 1 88 22 90 18 133 36

10
These figures are quoted from “The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb” by Dr. Athar Ali. The status and
salary of the nobles were determined by his rank (Mansab) in the Mughal bureaucracy. All officers were
given mansabs.

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1,000 to 2,700 17 6 300 64 345 77 363 120

500 to 900 64 14 — — — — — —

Total 98 22 437 98 486 105 575 182

Thus, we find that the numerical strength of the Hindu mansabdars increased during the
reign of Aurangzeb. However, it will be incorrect to conclude that Aurangzeb adopted a
generous policy based on liberalism and broadmindedness throughout his reign. From 1665
onwards, Aurangzeb embarked on the policy of religious revivalism, and this phase saw
many naked acts of fanaticism.
In 1665 the duty on the merchandise of the Hindu merchants was increased to 5 per cent
against the 2½ per cent imposed on their Muslim counterparts. In 1669 was issued an order
for temple destruction. As a result of his order the temple of Somnath, the Vishwanath temple
at Banaras and Keshav Rai temple at Mathura were pulled down. Aurangzeb did not stop
here. He made efforts to get the support of the Muslim religious divines for his religious
policy. Aurangzeb tried to appease the religious scholars (ulema) by various means. In 1679
when Aurangzeb ordered the imposition of the jizia on the Hindus.
It is interesting to note that Aurangzeb’s new policy of religious discrimination and
pampering of the religious men provoked a protest from his nobles also. About the imposition
of the jizia Manucci11 reports “...all the high placed and important men at the court opposed
themselves to this measure”. At times even the ulema refused to give religious sanction to
some of Aurangzeb’s fanatical measures.
With this background of some aspects of Aurangzeb’s religious policy, we may attempt
to discover the causes which led Aurangzeb to follow the path of religious revivalism.
Different opinions exist on this subject. But recently Dr. Athar Ali, a noted scholar of
medieval Indian history, has given an explanation. According to him, Aurangzeb did not start
his reign as the leader of Islamic supermacy but as the true follower of his great predecessors.
In fact, he justified his claim to the throne on the ground that he was more capable than his
father. It was to establish the legitimacy of his claim that he decided to launch an aggressive
expansionist policy. Once Aurangzeb made up his mind to follow an expansionist policy he
picked up the choicest nobles to execute it. Accordingly Shaista Khan started a big campaign
in Mabarashtra in 1660. Palamau (Bihar) was annexed in 1661 and Kuch Bihar fell to Mir
Jumla. It was followed by Mir Jumla’s famous invasion of Assam in 1662-63. In 1663
Navanagar (Gujarat) was annexed. In 1665 the treaty of Purandhar was concluded. Besides
these achievements Shaista Khan occupied Chittagong. As remarked by Dr. Athar Ali, “Few
decades in the 17th century had seen such hectic military activity”. However, this
expansionist policy proved to be an utter failure. Mir Jumla’s plans were frustrated in Assam,

11
Manucci was a European traveller who visited India in the reign of Aurangzeb.

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and even annexation of Kuch Bihar was given up. Shivaji made a successful escape from
Agra in 1666. And lastly, the invasion of Bijapur ended in a miserable failure.
These failures on the military front coupled with a tide of rebellions were bound to have
an adverse effect on the fortunes of the Mnghal Empire. The Jat rebellion erupted in the mid-
sixties. In 1667 the Yusufzais revolted and the Afridis followed them in 1672. The Satnamies
raised the banner of revolt in 1672. In 1670 Shivaji once again declared war against the
Mughals by plundering Surat for the second time.
In the face of growing political turmoil Aurangzeb turned towards religion. He started
emphasising the Islamic character of his empire and thus “a new religious policy was
inaugurated to create a religious halo around the imperial crown”. Islam was used as a cover
to hide the growing weakness of the extensive Mughal Empire. However, his game was not
that simple. Aurangzeb’s religious policy was not simply the outcome of his desire to glorify
his position against the developing political crisis.
In reality Aurangzeb’s religious policy should not be viewed only from political
standpoint. One has to find out the role played by the economic factors. Economic factors
played an important role in it. To point out the economic roots of Aurangzeb’s religious
policy mention may be made of his puritanic measures, e.g., discontinuance of the use of gold
and Silver on garments and for inkstand and railings etc. Again take the case of the Jizia
True, it appeared to be a religious act but who can deny that it brought to the state treasury a
huge amount of money. According to a historical work of Muhammad Shah’s reign income
realized from the Jizia amounted to rupees four crores annually.
Lastly, keeping in view the abovementioned facts and viewpoints we may be justified to
conclude that Aurangzeb’s religious fanaticism has been often exaggerated. It may be re-
stated that Aurangzeb’s religious policy has not been properly viewed by many historians.
Especially the comimmal historians’ both Hindu and Muslims, have done a great damage to
the proper understanding of this aspect.
No doubt Aurangzeb from 1665 onwards embarked on the policy of religious revival-
ism and behaved like a fanatic ruler but his fanaticism was not an end. In fact, he used
religion as a convenient tool to stabilize his position vis-a-vis the growing political-economic
crisis of the Mughal Empire. But in spite of all this he failed to overcome this crisis.
Aurangzeb helplessly saw in the last days of his life the naked play of the forces of
decline. Religious fanaticism was a poor substitute for curing the ailing Mughal Empire.
Rajput policy of Aurangzeb
Like the religious policy of Aurangzeb his policy towards the Rajputs also has not been
properly treated by most of the historians. Aurangzeb’s Rajput policy has been made out to
be an extension of Ms religious policy. An attempt is made hereto present an objective view
of Aurangzeb’s policy towards the Rajputs. It should be kept in mind that Aurangzeb’s policy

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towards the Rajputs was not the same throughout his reign. There are two distinct phases of
Aurangzeb’s relations with the Rajputs.
First phase (1658-1678)
In the first phase which starts with the war of succession and continued many years after
the accession of Aurangzeb to the Mughal throne he followed Akbar’s policy in his dealigs
with the Rajputs. In the war of succession, it may be surprising to many of us, Aurangzeb
enjoyed the support of a significant section of the Rajput nobility. Nine Rajput mansabdars,
who had the rank of one thousand and above, rallied round him. In comparison with other
princes, with the exception of Dara, he received the maximum support from the Rajputs. It
may also be kept in mind that the support extended by the Rajputs to Dara was “because
these Rajputs wen then at the court and had no alternative but to support Dara”.
Even after the war of succession, Aurangzsb made positive gesture to appease the
important Rajput chiefs. Raja jai Singh of Ambar was granted the rank of 7,000/7,000
(highest rank within the nobility) and finally he appointed him as Viceroy of the Deccan.
Raja Jaswant Singh of Marwar who not only stood against Aurangzeb in the war of
succession but deserted him (in spite of the reconciliation) at the crucial moment in the battle
against Shuja, was not only pardoned but was placed in the rank of 7,000/7,000. He was
appointed governor of Gujarat—an assignment which he held twice.
The conciliatory policy of Aurangzeb towards the Rajput was noticed by Bernier12 also,
who was by no mean a defender of Aurangzeb. He states that Aurangzeb “always keeps in his
service a large retinue of Rajputs, treating them with the same consideration as his other
Omrahs (nobles), and appointing them to important commands in his armies”.
It is to be noted that during the period between 1658 and 1678 out of the total number of
486 Mughal mansabdars, with the rank of one thousand and above, there were 71 Rajputs.
The above facts make it clear that in the first phase (1658-1678) Aurangzeb’s relations
with the Rajputs were not at all strained. On the contrary under Aurangzeb the Rajputs
continued to enjoy a very high place in the Mughal government. This relationship remained
unchanged in spite of the fanatic measures taken by Aurangzeb from 1665 onwards.
However, in the second phase Aurangzeb’s policy towards the Rajputs especially in relation
to the houses of Marwar and Mewar showed certain changes.
Second phase (1679-1707)
Aurangzeb’s Rajput policy in Rajputana is linked up with his desire to expand the
boundaries of an Islamic State. This is a convenient excuse on the part of the historians who
have ignored the study of the basic causes. Religion was an instrument but not the aim of his

12
He was also a noted European traveller who stayed in India during the last years of Shah Jahan’s reign and
the early years of Aurangzeb’s reign. Bernier was a supporter of Dars.

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policies. Instead the charge in his attitude towards Rajputs was primarily caused by the
scarcity of Jagirs.
One should note here that the entire structure of Mughal nobility was predominantly
based on the jagirs. In lieu of their services the nobles in the civil or military sphere were paid
either in cash or jagirs. The jagirs was thus the economic unit for a noble who realised its
revenue to meet his personal expenditure and the expenditure of his contingent.
The successful operation of the Mansabdari system required an expanding empire. By
1678 there was hardly any significant expansion of the Mughal territories. Hence, the jagirs
failed to cope with the demand of fresh entrants into the nobility. For political and other
reason more mansadars were to be recruited but the financial resource did not increase. This
led to a crisis, Khali Khan, the historian of Mughal times, rightly remarked; Yak anar U sad
bimar. (One pomegranate for hundred sick men).
Aurangzeb was conscious of the magnitude of the problem. He knew that he had to
make experiments. He singled out the Rajputs. Perhaps he thought that in comparison with
other sections of the nobility, it was easier for him to reduce the power of the Rajputs.
Therefore, the urge of jagirs to meet the requirements of the increasing nobility led
Aurangzeb to change his attitude towards the Rajputs. In contrast to this view Prof. Satish
Chandra points out that the motives were political because Aurangzeb wanted to exercise
greater control over the states of Rajputana.
In the light of above discussion one may hold the view that Aurangzeb’s policy towards
the Rajput was essentially governed by the political considerations or by economic factors
but in any case it was not essentially the outcome of religious consideration.
The change in Aurangzeb’s Rajput policy became conspicuous after the death of Raja
Jaswant Singh of Marwar in December 1678, who died without leaving any issue.
Who with the exception of two districts (parganas) Aurangzeb ordered the conversion
of the entire territory of Marwar into khalsa (Crownland—a land which is directly under the
control of the Emperor). At this juncture, however, Aurangzeb was not prepared to rule
Marwar directly. He was in search of an instrument, and that was provided in the person of
Indar Singh Nagori. But the entire situation took a dramatic turn with the arrival of the news
that two queens of the late Raja had given birth to two sons. One of them Ajit Singh survived.
He was safely carried to Marwar in a daring bid by the Rathors led by Durga Das. This was
the immediate cause for provoking Aurangzeb. He was enraged to witness such open
defiance of his authority. And, therefore, he declared war on Marwar. But this was not the
end of the story. This war, which led to the subjugation of Marwar, was extended to Mewar
also. This was so because the ruler of Mewar gave shelter to Ajit Singh.
This period coincides with the revolt of Prince Akbar against his father, Aurangzeb.
Where he saught the support of the Rajputs. It is interesting to note that while on the one
hand Akbar did his best to enlist the support of the Rajputs, on the other hand in order to

111
create a hostile opinion in the camp of the Muslim nobles he even accused Aurangzeb for
violating the principles of Islam. However, Akbar could not rally around him sufficient
support, and be ultimately escaped into the Deccan where was accorded a warm welcome by
Shambhaji.
The presence ofAkbar in the Deccan changed the very complexion of Aurangzeb’s
involvement in Rajputana. He knew the weakness of his state, and correctly realized that he
was not in a position to involve the Mughal forces simultaneously on two fronts. Military
activities had to be slowed at one or the other place. Moreover, the ruler of the Mewar was
also willing to conclude peace with Aurangzeb. Consequently, peace was concluded with the
ruler of Mewar, which established peace in this war-torn territory. However, Marwar
continued to be a trouble spot. For about thirty years the struggle between Ajit Singh and the
Mughal forces continued, until in 1709 when Bahadur Shah, the son and successor of
Aurangzeb, recognised the claims of Ajit Singh.
The Mughal empire certainly suffered a set-back in its conflict with the Rajput states.
However, it will be an exaggeration to say that this conflict assumed the character of a
popular struggle on the part of the Rajputs. True two very important houses of Rajputana-the
Rathors of Marwar and the Sisodias of Mewar—clashed with Aurangzeb but in this struggle
they did not receive the support of the other Rajputs. Kachwahas (Ambar) and Haras (Bundi)
and others “continued to serve the Mughal empire”. Moreover at no stage the masses joined
the Rajput rulers in their fight against the Mughal Emperor. The entire conflict was confined
within the ruling class.
During this phase which witnessed the strained relations between the Mughal Emperor
and the Rajput chiefs the proportional strength of the Rajputs in the Mughal nobility was not
considerably changed. There were 73 Rajput nobles of the rank of one thousand and above
rank during the period between 1679 and 1707. However, this number is less if we take the
increase in the total number of the Mughal nobles. The figures are:

Period Total number of the Rajput nobles

nobles (Rank 1,000 and
(Rank 1,000 and above) above)

1658-1678 486 71

1679-1707 575 73

Thus while during 1608-1678 the Rajputs constituted 14.6% of the nobility in the period
between 1679 and 1707 their percentage declined to 12.6%. But it should be noted that this
was a decline generally suffered by the non Deceni elements.

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 However we should not think that Aurangzeb continued the policy of Akbar in the
second phase. There were many depatures (a) Aurangzeb was not prepared to appoint a
Rajput as Governor (b) Aurangzeb’s treatment of some leading Rajput nobles was a
reflection of his new policy. The Rajput nobles were not awarded high mansabs. Even the
ranks of noted Rajput chiefs like Ram Singh Hara and Jai Singh Sawai never crossed the
figures of more than three thousand. This was bound to provoke the Rajputs. Loyalty was
replaced by mistrust.
One may conclude this discussion with the following comment of Prof. Satish Chandra
on Aurangzeb’s Rajput policy :
“(i) The Rathore uprising should not be regarded as constituting a breach between the
Mughal Emperor and the Rajputs as such for the Kachwahas, Haras etc., continued to
serve the Mughal empire. (ii) Nor was the material damage to the Mughal empire very
large. (iii) Its importance lay rather inasmuch as it constituted a definite set-back to the
attempt to establish a composite ruling class consisting of various elements among the
Muslims and the Hindus in the country. It thus strengthened the forces of separations
among the Hindus and the Muslims. (iv) In the second place the absence of a powerful
Rajput section in the nobility ultimately made negotiations with the Marathas more
diffcult. (v) It also led to the diversion of resources at a critical time and emboldened
others like the Jats and Sikhs to continue to defy Mughal authority”.

3.3 Mansabdari and Jagirdari System under the Mughals

Objective and Learning Outcome

1. The section would apprise students about the core element of the Mughal
administrative structure- mansab and jagir.
2. Students would identify uniqueness of the mansab system vis a vis pre-Mughal
administrative institutions.
3. Students would get awareness about the evolution of the mansab system under Akbar
and circumstances that brought about changes in the system under the subsequent
Mughal rulers.
4. Students would be able to critically analyse various historiographical interpretations
related to crisis in the mansab and jagir system
3.3.1 Mansabdari
Mansabdari or mansab system was the basis of Mughal administrative structure and a very
effective mechanism to organise and controla culturally diverse and religiously
heterogeneous nobility. Despite some distant similarities with the military system under the
Pre-Mughal Islamic state in India and that of the Mongols and Timurids, there is no reference
to ‘mansab’ in India prior to coming of the Mughals. Therefore, we can safely conclude that
the Mansab system was introduced in India by the Mughal rulers the origin of which can be
attributed to Akbar. While the basic feature of this system that developed under Akbar

113
remained same throughout the time period of the Mughal Empire some important changes
were introduced in the Mansabdari system by the subsequent Mughal rulers ostensibly to deal
with some contradictions in its working. Jagirdari system was closely linked with the
functioning of the mansabdari system as majority of the mansab rank holders were paid their
salary through a grant of land called jagir. But beyond disbursing salary through a grant of
land, another important objective of the Mughal state was to ensure collection of land
revenue from large parts of the empire. Naturally therefore, any crisis in the working of these
institutions was bound to adversely impact the empire administratively, politically, socially as
well as economically.
Mansab: Origin and Evolution
Broadly, the term ‘mansab’ denoted office, position and rank of its holder (mansabdar) in the
Mughal administrative hierarchy even though it did not constitute any office in itself. Mansab
rank was largely used to determine position of its holder in the official hierarchy as well as to
fix his military obligations towards the state. Few scholars have traced origin of the Mughal
mansab system from decimal system of the Mongols and the military system followed by the
Turks in India which toowas modeled on the Turko-Mongol practices. Ziauddin Barni, while
talking about military practices of the Delhi Sultans, refers to a system where 10 horsemen or
sawars were put under the command of a sar-i khail; 10 sar-i khail under one sipahsalar; 10
sipahsalars under one amir; 10 amirsunder one malik and 10 maliks under one khan.
However, M Athar Ali (1997) and others have pointed out an anomaly in Barni’s account on
the ground that the decimal system worked under the principle of lowest military officer
commanding 10 and the highest commanding 10,000 troopers (where lower ranking officers
were direct subordinate of their superiors), whereas in Barni’s account the total number of
troops to be commanded by khan (the highest military officer) comes to 1, 00,000.An Arab
account of the 14th century however, refers to a khan commanding 10,000 troopers, the malik
1000 and amir 100 and the sipahsalar less than that in the Indian army. The Mughals
followed the military practices adopted by the Mongols where ten horsemen were under one
officer, ten such officers under the commander of 100, ten such commanders under an officer
of 1000 and ten commanders of 1000 under the commander of 10,000.
The Mughals mansab system, although somewhat similar with this decimal system of
military organisation, was fundamentally different in many respects. Firstly, the mansab
system included civil officers too and no distinction was made between military and civil
service. Secondly, the mansab system had a dual rank represented by numerals i.e. zat
(personal rank) andsawar (military rank) and thirdly, and perhaps more important was the
fact that each Mansab holder (mansabdar) was directly subordinated to the king unlike the
decimal system of subordination to the immediate superior. Thus, each noble holding a
mansab rank became dependent on the ruler for his existence as it was the ruler who granted
his appointment, promotion as well as demotion. In the long run these mansabdars became
the instruments of royal will. The uniqueness of the Mansabdari system can also be

114
established by the fact that no such system of numerical ranks has been found in the
contemporary Islamic states of Central Asia or Middle East.
The evolution of the mansab system under Akbar has been a matter of little debate among the
scholars particularly with regard to the year of its institution. While analysing this debate one
must keep in mind that experimentation was at the back of every administrative measure
taken by Akbar and therefore mansab system could not have been an exception. W H
Moreland (1936) was of the opinion that the mansabdari system was introduced in the 11th
year (1566-67) of Akbar’s reign when sawar rank was introduced as the nobles failed to keep
the required quota of the troops assigned to them. But A J Qaiser (1961) has challenged
Moreland’s view on the ground that no numerical ranks existed before Akbar. She has argued
that the zat and sawar ranks were introduced in the 18th year (1973-74) of Akbar’s reign
which has also been supported by Irfan Habib(1966). However, Shireen Moosvi (1981) on
the basis of several 16th and 17th century sources including Abul Fazl’sAin-i Akbari, Abdul
QadirBadayuni’sMuntakhab-uttawarikh, Nizamuddin Ahmad’s Tabaqat-i Akbari and
Mutamid Khan’s Iqbalnama-i Jahangiri has argued that both zat and sawar ranks were
introduced in the 4ist year (1996-97) of Akbar’s reign. She has put the debate to rest by
summarizing the different stages of the evolution of mansab system during the reign of Akbar
which is as under:
1. There were no fixed standing military obligation in terms of the size of the troopers
during the first decade of Akbar’s reign and salaries were paid to the nobles in an
arbitrary manner.
2. In the 11th year of Akbar’s reign, an attempt was made to fix the size of the military
obligation and the nobles were asked to maintain troops based on revenues of their
assignments (jagir).
3. In the 18th year of Akbar’s reign, a single numerical rank (mansab) was introduced.
This single rank determined the salary as well as the number of sawars and animals
that were to be maintained by the rank holder (mansabdar).
4. In the 40th year, mansabdars were categorised on the basis of number of sawars
maintained in proportion to the mansab rank.
5. In the 41st year (1596-97), zat and sawar ranks were introduced and mansab became
dual in nature. The zat represented the personal rank of the holder and fixed his pay
and the number of animals to be maintained whereas the sawar rank indicated the
number of horsemen the mansabdar was required to maintain.
Appointment of Mansabdars
It is generally said that Mughal nobility was the creation of Mughal emperor and perhaps
nowhereis it more applicable than the Mansabdari system which was not only an attempt to
systematise administration through which all individual nobles were classified into definite
categories but was also aimed at making the nobles subservient to the will of the ruler. All
mansabdars were appointed by the emperor on the recommendations of the Mir Bakshi (Head

115
of the Military unit) who used to present nobles from the heterogeneous racial group
comprisingTurani, Irani, Pathan, Indian Muslim (Shaikhzada), Rajput and other Hindus.
Princes of the royal families, leading nobles of the empire as well as governors of the
provinces also at times recommended the names of individuals to be appointed as a
mansabdar whose recommendations were generally accepted by the emperor. There were
several stages of checks and formalities before the final letter of appointment was given to a
mansabdar.
Although khanazads (descendants of the families who had served the Mughal state earlier)
had brighter chance of getting a mansab but the contemporary sources like Ain-i Akbari
inform us that merit was the sole criterion adding that the emperor (Akbar) had discerning
eye for merit. While we may not fully agree with Abul Fazl’s account, appointment of a
number of individuals as mansabdar who did not belong to the elite khanazad family or ruler
of an independent Rajput principality is a testimony to the priority given to merit in the
appointment of mansabdars. Another important aspect related to the appointment of
mansabdars was the condition of surety (zamin) which according to Athar Ali was rigorously
enforced. A person who stood for surety was held responsible not only for good behaviour of
the recruited mansabdar but had also to meet the claims of the state unmet by the mansabdar.
This made surety difficult to obtain and Athar Ali informs us that this practice therefore had
to be abandoned as large number of nobles from Deccan were included in the mansab system
during the reign of Aurangzeb.
Zat and Sawar Ranks
The dual rank i.e. zat and sawar, introduced in the 41st year of Akbar’s reign, was the
fundamental feature of the mansab system. The basic objective of Akbar behind introducing
the dual rank was to ensure that his officers maintain the troops as specified. In Fact,
mansabdars were classified into three categories on the basis of their respective zat and
sawar ranks. Amansabdar having equal zat and sawar ranks was placed in category I; those
having sawar rank equal to half or more of the zat rank in category II and those having their
sawar rank less than half of the zat rank was placed in category III. Although diverse
interpretations have been forwarded regarding the nature of zat and sawar ranks, it has been
conclusively established now that zat represented the personal rank of the mansabdar, fixed
his salary and indicated his status in the administrative as well as social hierarchy. Whereas
sawar rank represented the number of cavalry men a mansabdar was required to maintain
along with horses, elephants and other beasts of burden. The table below based on Ain-i
Akbari would substantiate the above statement.

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 Zat Rank Sawar Rank Category Salary per
month(Rs)
5000 5000 I 30,000
5000 2500/3000 II 29,000
5000 2000 III 28,000
3000 3000 I 17,000
3000 1500/2000 II 16,800
3000 1200 III 16,700
2000 2000 I 12,000
2000 1000/1200 II 11,900
2000 900 III 11,800
1000 1000 I 8,200
1000 500/600 II 8,100
1000 400 III 8,000
Based on M Athar Ali (1997), The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb
The above table very clearly suggests that the personal salary (khasa) of a mansabdar was
fixed on the basis of his zat rank as despite reduction in the category of a mansabdarin the
table there is no significant variation in his salary. An important feature of the zat rank during
the reign of Akbar was it could be equal to or more but never less than the sawar rank. While
his successors continued to follow this principle, the second half of Aurangzeb’s reign saw
deviation from this and reportedly a limited number of mansabdars had sawar ranks higher
than their zat rank. However, Athar Ali has pointed out that this measure was based on
expediency (shortage of able commanders or economic considerations) and was not a
deliberate reform. While granting the zat rank, Akbar followed the principle of dahbashi
(commander of 10) to dah-hazari (commander of 10,000). But the highest zat rank that could
be granted to Mughal nobles was 5000 (panch-hazari) even though there were few
exceptions like Raja Man Singh and Mirza Aziz Koka under Akbar, Mahabat Khan and Asaf
Khan under Jahangir and Raja Jaswant Singh and Sawai Jai Singh under Aurangzeb, who
were granted a rank of 7000. Theoretically however, rank beyond 7000 was reserved for the
royal princes. Even though a Mughal noble could reach a maximum of 5000 rank, the
contemporary sources suggest that majority of the mansabdars including some district and
provincial level officers remained below the rank of 1000 and there were very few who could
reach the rank of 1000 and above.
The sawar rank, as mentioned earlier, specified the number of cavalrymen to be maintained
by a mansabdar. To break the racial and religious exclusivity, mansabdars were asked to
maintain a mixed contingent which can be considered as a part of Akbar’s assimilative
practice.However, if a mansabdar requested for specific group of contingents (Mughal or

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Rajput) he was permitted to do so for reasons of political expediency. During the reign of
Akbar, measures were taken to ensure that mansabdars actually maintained the number of
sawars as mentioned in their respective ranks. To ensure this as much as possible, Akbar
introduced the dagh (branding of horses) with the imperial seal and chehra (descriptive rolls)
of the sawars and mansabdars were mandatorily expected to present their contingents for
muster. Payment of full salary to a mansabdar was also linked to him presenting his
contingent for muster. Failure or delay resulted in monetary punishment. This exemplifies the
royal attempt to bring the mansabdars into further subservience.
The conditional rank (mashrut) was an additional feature of the mansab system which was
added to the original zat and sawar rank of the mansabdar. The mashrut rank was given to
fulfill the additional requirement of a post held by a mansabdar. For example, if a mansabdar
was appointed to the post of a faujdar of a particular district, and if was felt that for effective
discharge of his duties he needs additional soldiers, then additional 100 was added to his
sawar rank along with the zat rank. However, after the transfer of the incumbent or once he
relinquished the said post, the additional mashrut rank was withdrawn. But in some cases the
additional conditional rank was made permanent as a mark of favour or promotion to the
mansabdar.
Salary and Deductions of the Mansabdars
Payment to the mansabdars was based on the principle of a clear distinction between zat and
sawar ranks. The pay for the zat rank (khasa) to the mansabdar was separated from payments
due to him for his sawar rank (tabinan). For the zat rank a mansabdar was paid salary either
in cash or through land assignment known as Jagir. As displayed in the table above,
differential salary was paid to the mansabdars based on their categories I, II or III as the case
may be. Mansabdars getting salary in cash were known as naqdi mansabdars whereas those
getting land grants were known as jagirdars. While a large number of mansabdars received
cash salaries from the imperial treasury majority were paid through grant of jagir. Since the
salary for the zat rank was meant for maintenance of the mansabdar and his family along
with his household establishment, the size of the jagirgranted in lieu of salary had to be in
commensurate with the salary claim of the mansabdar i.e. the annual income of the jagir had
to match the annual salary claim of the mansabdar.
For maintenance of the troops or the sawar rank, mansabdars were paid separately on the
basis of pay fixed per unit of sawarrank. The pay of the sawars in the central Mughal army
varied depending upon the types of horses they used as well as their expertise in the war fare
which ranged between Rs 200-350. However, for the purpose of payment to the mansabdars
for their contingent, a fixed rate per unit of sawar was established which also kept on
varying. While during the reign of Akbar, a complex method was adopted to fix the rate per
sawar, at the beginning of Jahangir’s reign per unit sawar rank was fixedat 9600 dams per
annum (1 copper dam being equal to 40 silver rupees), which was reduced later to 8,800
dams per annum and finally to 8000 dams per unit of sawar under Shah Jahan. If for the

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purpose of illustration, we use the rate of 8000 dams or Rs 200, a mansabdar of 5000 sawar
rank would be paid 5000*8000=40,000,000 dams or Rs 1,000,000 for maintenance of the
sawars. Thus the payment for the sawar rank always was much higher than payment for
personal upkeep (zat rank) of the mansabdar. While during the reign of Akbar, salary of a
mansabdar was expressed in terms of Rupees, in the subsequent period, for the sake of
uniformity, salary was invariably expressed in dams as the annual revenues of the jagirs came
to be assessed in dams.
Another important aspect connected with the payment to the mansabdar was that from the
later years of Akbar’s reign and particularly from the reign of Shahjahan onwards, there were
deductions made in the salary of the mansabdars (both naqdi as well as those holding jagirs)
on some pretext or the other. Among the various types of deductions one was on account of
khurak-i dawwab (‘fodder for animals’) which effectively meant deduction in personal salary
of the mansabdars for upkeep of specified number of emperor’s animals (horses, elephants,
camels and carts) by them. Subsequently, deductions were even made from mansabdar’s
salary for khurak of the animals kept in royal stables. However, documents from the reign of
Aurangzeb’s reign suggests that such obligations were imposed only on mansabdars of
higher ranks and no such obligation was imposed on those below the rank of 400 zat and
those holding no sawar rank. Another deduction, made mainly from the salaries of
mansabdars from Deccan (such as Marathas, Bijapuris and Hyderabadis) was termed as
waja-i dam–i chauthai (‘deduction of one-fourth in dams’). In addition to these, the
mansabdars were also subjected to fines (jurmana) in case a mansabdar failed to produce
actual number of sawars during the muster or produced new sawars in place of the original
sawars by declaring the latter as ‘dead’ or ‘fled’. Although these deductions did not have
significant economic impact on the mansabdars as they were paid handsomely, it did
however, display the extent of central control over them.
Changes in the Mansab system
While the Mansab system continued to function on the basic principles that evolved under
Akbar, few important changes were brought about in the system by the subsequent rulers.
These changes were guided by both military and economic expediencies. During the reign of
Jahangir, a new rank du-aspa sih-aspa (literally ‘two or three horses/horsemen’) was
introduced which was connected with the sawar rank. Since sawar rank could not be more
than the zat rank, the du-aspa sih-aspa rank enabled the Mughal government to increase the
military obligation of a mansabdar without raising his zat rank. There were two variants of
the application of du-aspa sih-aspa rank. In one case, the entire sawar rank could be
converted into du-aspa sih-aspa and in another; a portion of the sawar rank could be turned
into du-aspa sih-aspa. Applicability of these variants can be illustrated by taking one
example of a mansabdar holding a rank of 3000 zat 3000 sawar. In case the whole sawar
rank was converted into du-aspa sih-aspa rank, the official method of expressing this formula
was 3000 zat 3000 sawar hama(all) du-aspa sih-aspa. In such a case, the military obligation
of the said mansabdar would be expressed as 3000*2=6000 sawars. In the second variant,

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where a portion of sawar rank was converted into du-aspa sih-aspa,the official expression of
the above mansabdar’s rank would be3000 zat 3000 sawar 1000 du-aspa sih-aspa. In such a
scenario, the military obligation of the mansabdar was expressed as 2000+1000*2 sawars=
4000 sawars. In the latter case where 1000 sawars were turned into du-aspa sih-aspa, the rest
2000 were termed as barwardi. From the above illustration, it is clear that the military
obligation under du-aspa sih-aspa rank was double that of the barwardi.
The first noble to be given this rank during the reign of Jahangir was Mahabat Khan whose
1700 sawars were converted into du-aspa sih-aspa rank when he was deputed in Deccan.
However, we do not have many evidences of such a rank being granted in large numbers
under Jahangir. Whereas, as per the figures provided by Athar Ali (1997), there were as many
as 25 nobles (out of 253) of the rank of 1000 and above who were granted this rank towards
the close of Shah Jahan’s reign and 70 such noble (out of 575) were granted this rank during
the last few decades of Aurangzeb’s reign. Since with the introduction of du-aspa sih-aspa
rank, the military obligation of a mansabdar holding this rank was increased, the salary on
account of this rank was increased as per the unit rate for each sawar. The introduction of this
rank was aimed at-promotion of the mansabdar (ensuring loyalty in service); for meeting
military necessity (as there were limited numbers of trustworthy military commanders who
could be relied with a larger contingent of troops) as well as for economic considerations
(military obligations of a mansabdar could be increased without increasing his personal
salary).
Another significant change in the Mansab system, necessitated due to problems in the actual
functioning of this system, was introduction of month scale (mahwar) by Shah Jahan. The
essence of the problem was growing gap between the revenue assessment (jama) of a jagir
and the revenue collected (hasil) by a jagirdars as a part of his salary claim (talab). It was
noticed since the beginning of his reign that while on paper the jamashowed certain amount,
actual hasil was sometime half or one fourth of the salary claim of the mansabdars. While
situation in north India was slightly better, hasil from the Deccan region was invariably one
fourth of the talab of a mansabdar. Month scale was introduced by Shah Jahan in order to
bring down this disparity. Under this system, jagirs that fetched salary equal to six months
was termed as shashmaha (six monthly) and those one-fourth was termed as sihmaha (three
monthly). The salary of the naqdi mansabdars were also reduced through a farman of Shah
Jahan, issued in 1653 whereby it was directed that salary of the naqdi mansabdars should not
be fixed above ashtmaha (eight monthly) or less than ‘four monthly’ rates. Exceptions were
made to this rule mainly in case of few high ranking nobles and royal princes, latter’s salary
being fixed at ‘ten monthly’ rates. Under Aurangzeb however, the salary of the naqdi
mansabdar was fixed at ‘six monthly’ rates.
Besides the month scale, another change introduced by Shah Jahan in the Mansab system was
the rule of 1/3rd, 1/4th and 1/5thwhereby military obligations of the mansabdars were reduced
depending upon the place they were deployed. This measure was necessitated due to
mansabdars not keeping the specified number of troops as per their sawar rank despite

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drawing salary for the entire contingent of sawars. This tendency of the mansabdars can also
be accounted for by the disparity between jama and hasil and this practice was resorted to by
them to compensate for loss in their salary. Shah Jahan, in order to stop this practice ordered
thatmansabdars posted in their home state would be required to keep 1/3rd of their sawar
rank; those posted in Deccan 1/4th and those posted in the north-west frontier areas 1/5th of
their sawar rank. The naqdi mansabdars were required to keep 1/5th of their stipulated sawar
rank. The amount paid to the mansabdars for their sawar rank was also reduced in similar
proportion. The system of month scale and proportions were indicators of crisis in the
functioning of the Mansab system which, as we shall see, had long term implications for the
Mughal Empire.
The Law of Escheat
An important component of Mansab system, which has been much debated, was the law of
escheat (Zabt, not to be confused with the zabti system of land revenue assessment). Under
this system, property of the mansabdar was escheated to the state upon his demise.
Subsequently, an inventory was prepared of the deceased noble’s property and after
deductions of the state dues (mutaliba) rest of the property was distributed to his legal heirs.
While the contemporary medieval Indian writers are largely silent about this condition of
service, European travellers like Purchas, Bernier, Manucci, Careri and Pelsaert have made
special mention of it in their travelogues. These travellers have suggested that the emperor
took possession of the property after the death of the noble and after keeping a portion as his
share (state dues) the rest was distributed to the legal heir of the deceased noble at his
discretion without giving due consideration to Hindu or Muslim family laws of inheritance.
The available official Mughal documents seem to corroborate the above. However, they also
indicate that the policy was not uniformly followed under Akbar and Shah Jahan till
Aurangzeb put the system in proper order through his farmans.
Few examples from the reigns of Akbar and Shah Jahan would substantiate the above use of
discretion of the emperors which was not only confined to distribution of property among the
heirs but also extended to whether some select noble’s property would be escheated at all
after his death. During the reign of Akbar, while the entire property of Munim Khan was
escheated to the state after his death in 1575 (as he died without a legal heir) Abul Fazl’s
property was not confiscated after his murder (1602) as a mark of respect and favour by the
emperor. Under Shah Jahan, after the death of Ali Mardan Khan (1657) the entire property
was first confiscated and then after the deduction of state dues, rest of the property was
distributed among his heir in an uneven manner with the eldest son Ibrahim Khan getting the
bulk of it, ignoring the Muslim law of inheritance. Similarly, after the demise of a Hindu
noble Raja Bithal Das similar disregard towards Hindu law of inheritance was shown when
the eldest son was handed over 60 percent of the property left by his father. These examples
clearly suggest that the emperor acted as the sole heir of the property of his noble and passed
on the inheritance to the legal heir of the deceased as he pleased.

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During the reign of Aurangzeb, an attempt was made to bring about uniformity in the system
of escheat although even this was not devoid of deviations from the existing rule. Through a
farman issued in 1666 Aurangzeb set guidelines for application of the system of escheat.
These were- a) if a noble died without any legal heir, his property was to be deposited in a
separate treasury (bait-ulmaal) after recovering the state dues; b) if there were no state dues,
the entire property was to be deposited in the bait-ulmaal; c) if the noble died and had legal
heirs, his property was to be handed over to the legal heir after recovering the state dues; d) if
the state dues exceeded the value of the property, the entire property was to be confiscated by
the state; e) if there were no dues to the state, the entire property was to be handed over to the
legal heirs of the deceased. In another farman, issued in 1691, it was directed that property of
those nobles should not be confiscated upon their death if their heirs were in service of the
Mughal government as the latter could be asked to pay the dues of their deceased father. The
available evidences suggest that while in majority of the cases the above orders were
followed in few others they were violated at the insistence of the state itself.
W H Moreland was of the opinion that the escheat system had created lot of insecurities
among the nobles of the Mughal state and therefore they, unsure of the future of their
property after their death, spent major portion of their income in luxurious consumption and
did not try to save. But Athar Ali, on the basis of some European traveler’s accounts such as
Pelsaert and few others, has argued that on the contrary the nobles amassed huge property as
they were sure that after deduction of state dues rest of the property would be passed on to his
legal heir. Ali concludes that the escheat system had more theoretical than economic
significance as it tried to establish control of the state over the properties of its officers.
Modern Historiography on the Mansab System
In the modern historiography, Mansab system has been variously interpreted. While Percival
Spear (1970) termed mansabdars as “elite within elite”, Stephen P Blake (1979) considered
mansabdars as “patrimonial bureaucrats” in his concept of Mughal Empire being a
“patrimonial bureaucratic Empire” where bureaucrats were extensions of the imperial Mughal
household. He argued that the mansabdars did not receive a fixed salary but were
compensated by ‘prebends or benefices’ (mansab and jagir) and served at the pleasure of the
ruler. In the long run such a system, according to Blake, led to loosening of emperor’s control
over his officials. John F Richards (1996) likened the mansabdari system with the Islamic
corporate military service where the notion of slave (bandah) for imperial servants facilitated
a closer relationship between the Imperial master (emperor) and his servant (officials). A N
Rezavi (1998) has argued that mansabdari was an innovative institution to organise the ruling
elite of the Mughal Empire which generated the centripetal tendencies in linking the remote
areas with the heart of the empire-the king. Douglas Streusand (2001) was of the opinion that
although the relationship between the ruler and mansabdar was primarily defined by the
former’s perception of sovereignty, mansabdari system was also a political compromise
between service at the pleasure of the ruler and service for security of status within his caste

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and clan. Thus, according to Streusand, unlike military slave and servants a mansabdar
retained his caste and clan identity.
3.3.2 Jagirdari System
As mentioned earlier, Jagirdari system was an integral part of the Mansabdari system and was
primarily a mechanism to pay the salary of the mansabdars through grant of land (jagir).
Thus, all mansabdars holding jagir in lieu of their salary were known as jagirdars while
those receiving cash salaries were known as naqdi mansabdars. The term jagir (Persian ‘jai-
gir’ meaning ‘holder of a place’) has been found synonymous with iqta and tuyul which were
popular during the Delhi Sultanate rule in India. Broadly, there were two classifications of
land. Land which was directly managed by the central government was known as
khalisa(crown land) and those earmarked to be given as jagir were known as paibaqi. Income
from the khalisa land was used by the government to pay the central troops, attendants as
well as the naqdi mansabdars whereas income from the paibaqi land was reserved to meet
the salary claim of the mansabdar. Although khalisa consisted of a large part of the Mughal
Empire, the land earmarked for assignment was much higher and covered 4/5th of the total
land by the first decade of Aurangzeb’s reign.In this context, Irfan Habib (1993) has argued
that since land revenue accounted for much of the surplus agricultural produce, the
assignment of large portion of empire in jagirs meant placing in hands of a numerically small
class, control of much of the Gross National Product of the country.This was bound to impact
the economy if there ever developed a crisis in the system, which we shall see was indeed the
case.
Types of Jagirs
Since jagirs were allotted in lieu of salary, a mansabdar had to be assigned jagir whose
annual assessed income (jama or jamadami) had to be commensurate with his sanctioned
salary claim (muqarrara talab) for both hiszat and sawar ranks. Thus, a jagir which was
assigned in lieu of salary was known as tankhwah-i jagir. The jagirs allotted to the territorial
Rajput chieftains or zamindarsin lieu of their salary after their induction in the mansab system
was known as watan-jagir where the term watan denoted their old dominions which
remained with their family. If the income of the watan did not meet the salary claims of a
Rajput mansabdar, he was assigned additional tankhwah-i jagir outside his watan. For
example, Maharaja Jaswant Singh held watan-jagir in Marwar and was granted additional
tankhwah-ijagir in Hissar during the reign of Aurangzeb. The jagirs that were assigned to a
mansabdar conditional upon a particular post was termed as mashrut (conditional) jagirwhich
was revocable when the former ceased to be on that position. Another type of jagir, which
was assigned to a noble in his native place as permanent assignment, was known as al-
tamgha jagir.

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Rights and duties of a Jagirdar
Jagirdars were imperial servants and therefore their rights were limited to those prescribed in
the imperial regulations. Since the grant of jagir was only a means of payment to the
mansabdars for their services, it did not confer any right of the jagirdar on land or claim to
hereditary position. This was in contrast to the contemporary European nobles who by this
time had established hereditary rights over the ‘fiefs’ granted to them. A jagirdar in Mughal
India was only entitled to collect land revenue and other authorized taxes (mal-i wajibi) along
with other state claims (huquq-i diwani) that too in conformity with imperial regulations.The
writings of Abul Fazl and the farmans of Aurangzeb very clearly state the obligation of the
jagirdars and their agents to follow these regulations while collecting the taxes. Similar rule
applied to collection of cesses levied by the state. However considering the disparity between
jama and hasil, these orders were violated more often than not.
The jagirdars used to collect land revenue and other taxes with the help of their agents
(gumashtas) employed by them. There was indeed a difference in the number of officials
appointed by bigger and smaller jagirdars for collection of taxes. A bigger jagirdar had a
number of officials including amil/shiqdar (chief agent) assisted by amin (revenue assessor),
a fotadar(treasurer) and a karkun (accountant) for the purpose of collection of taxes. In case
of smaller jagirdar, duties of two officials were at times combined. Still smaller jagirdars,
with limited means and staying away far from their allotted jagirs, resorted to revenue
farming (ijara) wherein the tax collection was auctioned out to the highest bidder or parceled
out their jagirs to the troops to manage their pay through collection of land revenue from the
specified area. Later on, ijara was also resorted to by the bigger jagirdarsas the most
convenient and beneficial mechanism to manage their salary. Evidence of such a practice has
been found from Awadh in case of smaller jagirdars and Kashmir in case of bigger jagirdars.
Agents of the big jagirdars had to execute a bond for payment of collected revenue to the
latter. At times, security money (kabz) was collected from the amils by the bigger jagirdars
and this gradually led to a tendency where those paying the highest security were appointed
as amils by the latter. Since the practice of revenue farming proved to be oppressive for the
peasants, the state did intervene at times to try and curb these tendencies. Such action often
resulted in jagir land being converted to khalisa as it happened in case of Kashmir during the
reign of Aurangzeb.
Besides collection of land revenue, the jagirdars were also expected to assist the local
officials in maintenance of law and order and also help in implementing the agricultural plans
of the state including extension of cultivation and irrigation facilities and to promote
augmentation of cash crop (jins-i kamil). The state interest in the pargana, where the jagir was
located, was looked after by a set of centrally appointed officials such as qanungo and
chaudhary who had the onus to ensure faithful adoption of imperial regulations by the
jagirdar. In this Mughal system of checks and balances, waqia navis (intelligence officer at
the district level), had a major role to play as he kept a close watch over both jagirdars and
zamindars.

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Transfer of Jagirs
The system of jagir transfer was embedded into working of the mansabdari system. Several
European travelers have highlighted transferability of the jagir which can be corroborated
with contemporary Persian sources like Ain-i Akbari and official letters such as Nigar Nama-i
Munshi. There were technical as well as political reasons behind the introduction of jagir
transfer. Usually a mansabdar entered the Mughal service at a lower rank and was gradually
promoted. We also know that the size of a jagir to be given to a mansabdar was
commensurate with latter’s salary claim. It follows from this that if a mansabdar was
promoted with higher zat and sawar rank which obviously denoted increase in his salary, the
present jagir would fall short of meeting his salary claim. In such a scenario he had to be
moved from his present jagir and shifted to a bigger jagir necessitating transfer of such an
incumbent. As for political reasons, the Mughal government tried to ensure that none of the
jagirdars stayed at one place for more than three or four years lest they develop regional ties
and become foci of local power in opposition to the center. Exceptions to this rule of transfer
were the watan and al-tamgha jagirs which were considered as hereditary and permanent.
Transfer of jagir was thus another mechanism to obviate any chances of opposition to the
state by the nobility. Moreover as Athar Ali (1997) points out, the system of jagir transfer
prevented mansabdars from calling any part of the empire as their own and remained
dependent on the will of the emperor for their existence.
This system of transfer however, created its complexities particularly from the point of view
of the jagirdars. We have already pointed out earlier that there was a gap between jama and
hasilsince the very beginning and by the second half of Aurangzeb’s reign this gap, as the
sources suggests, had grown wider. A sudden transfer of the jagirdar in mid-year when he
had not been able to collect the revenue meant losing his salary although in some cases the
new assignee was asked to collect the baqaya (arrear) and hand over to the old assignee.
Moreover, for the purpose of transfer, it was presumed that except for Bengal and Orissa, the
value of kharif and rabi crops were same throughout the empire which was far away from
reality. So if a jagirdar was posted in an area in kharif season and then transferred to another
in rabiseason and if neither happened to be the favorite crop of these areas, he was likely to
suffer heavy losses. J.F.Richards (1996) points out that in such an uncertain situation
jagirdars had to rely upon local money lenders, local bankers and currency dealers (sarrafs)
who often advanced money to the mansabdars pending arrival of funds from their jagirs.
These complications related to jagir transfer were not likely to induce the assignee to bring
about agricultural development in his jagir but on the contrary as Irfan Habib (1993) argues,
his personal interest would sanction any act of oppression on peasantry if it conferred on him
immediate benefit.
Crisis in Mansab and Jagir system
While the institution of mansab and jagir functioned without many complications under
Akbar and Jahangir, the inherent contradiction in these started coming to the fore during the

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reign of Shah Jahan and by the second half Aurangzeb’s reign a crisis developed in the
system with far reaching consequences for the existence of the empire itself. The reforms
brought about by Shah Jahan in the form of month scale and the rule of 1/3rd, 1/4th and 1/5th
was a response to the growing crisis in the system. These reforms were indicators of official
acceptance of the lacunae in the system. But while the introduction of month scale tried to
grapple with the gap between jama and hasil,application of the rule of 1/3rd, 1/4th and 1/5th
reduced the military strength of the mansabdars affecting the latter’s ability to assist in
maintenance of law and order and collection of land revenue but more importantly it
adversely affected the military strength of the Mughal Empire.
Several scholars have given varying interpretations on crisis in the mansab and jagirsystem.
Athar Ali (1997) saw the problem from the point of view of the mansabdars particularly
during the last twenty six years of Aurangzeb’s reign when the increasing strain of Deccan
wars on the financial resources of the empire and dislocation of administration due to absence
of the emperor from north India greatly reduced efficiency of the jagir system. In particular,
he refers to shortage of jagirs (be-jagiri) which arose out of shortage of paibaqi land caused
by the large influx of nobles from the Deccan. This made it increasingly difficult for the
mansabdars to get a jagir despite being long in service making influence and money as the
only source to get jagirs. In addition, the struggle for jagirs also created a factional conflict at
the Mughal court between the old (khanazads) and the new (Deccanis) nobility which
demoralized the administration. The official orders related to Jagir Transfer were violated by
the jagirdars due to uncertainty of getting another after relinquishing the present one. By the
beginning of the 18th century, according to a contemporary writer Anand Ram Mukhlis,
allotment of jagirs had become mere paper orders affecting routine working of the system. J F
Richards (1975) has questioned the issue of be-jagiri and has argued that there was no
shortage of paibaqi lands as after the conquest of Bijapur and Golconda sufficient land was
available to be assigned as jagir. But the major problem for the mansabdars, according to
Richards, was the imperial decision to keep the lucrative jagirs (sair hasil) under khalisa
leaving the mansabdars with unproductive jagirs.
Irfan Habib (1993) has linked jagirdari crisis with the ‘agrarian crisis’ holding the system of
jagir transfersquarely responsible for creating such a situation. The uncertainty of their
tenures, according to Habib, forced the jagirdars and his agents to exploit the peasantry,
already under a heavy tax burden, through ijara and other means. This prompted peasant
reaction (refusal to pay the land revenue and peasant flight) and individual acts of oppression
on the part of the jagirdars also goaded them into rebellion. Net result was decline in
agricultural production bringing about financial crisis for the empire.
Satish Chandra (1959) was of the opinion that stability of the Mughal state depended upon
efficient working of the mansab and jagir system which in turn rested upon availability of
revenue to be assigned and ability to collect the revenue. But towards the later half of
Aurangzeb’s reign due to lack of available resources, inability of the jagirdars to collect their
share of the revenue along with political crisis encountered by Aurangzeb, the mansab and

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jagir system failed to work efficiently. Later, Satish Chandra (1982) connected jagirdari
crisis with a social crisis which affected the socio-economic balance of the empire. He argued
that stability of the Mughal administrative structure depended to a great extent on balancing
of a tripolar relationship between jagirdar (representative of the central government),
zamindars and the cultivators (particularly khud kasht). The increase in central authority and
the Mughal ruler’s emphasis on justice had created a situation where zamindars and various
categories of cultivators looked towards the central government to resolve their grievances.
But the inability of the jagirdars to collect salary in the form of land revenue leading to
disenchantment among them, reduction in the military strength of the mansabdars due the
reforms of Shah Jahan which impaired the ability of the cavalry and increasing rural tensions
disturbed the social balance of this tripolar relationship. Thus, according to Chandra “central
to the growth of crisis in the jagir system was its increasing non-functionality i.e. its inability
to maintain law and order and collection of the central share of the land revenue over large
parts of the empire”. In his recent study Satish Chandra (2012) has reiterated that instead of
looking at it as financial-cum-administrative crisis, the jagirdari crisis should be seen as deep
seated social crisis. He, like J F Richards, also points out that there was no shortage of jagirs
but rather a shortage of productive (sair hasil) jagirs which forced the jagirdars to contend
with zor talab areas from where it was difficult to collect revenue due to recalcitrant
zamindars and peasants.
Conclusion
Mansab and jagir was the basis of the administrative structure of the Mughal Empire.
Introduced by Akbar, it aimed at organising and controlling heterogeneous nobility as well as
to ensure collection of central share of the revenue from large parts of the empire. The
fundamental features of the mansab and jagir system continued to be operational with minor
modifications by succeeding rulers to deal with economic and military needs. While the
system operated smoothly till the reign of Jahangir, contradictions in the working of these
started emerging from the time of Shah Jahan which assumed proportion of a full blown
crisis by the last quarter of Aurangzeb’s reign. Crux of the problem was increasing gap
between jama and hasil which increased the discontentment among the ruling class. This,
added with factional conflict within the nobility, political opposition to the empire rising from
several regions, financial drain due to prolonged Deccan wars, inability of the central
government to bring about changes in the rural relationship and ever-increasing rural tensions
brought down the efficacy of the mansab and jagir system.
Long Questions
1. Discuss the evolution and chief features of the mansab system under Akbar.
2. What factors were responsible for changes introduced in the mansab system by
the successors of Akbar?
3. Who were jagirdars? Describe the types of jagirs and functioning of the jagirdari
system.

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 4. Account for the crisis in the mansab and jagir system from the second half of 17th
century onwards.
Suggested Readings :
➢ S Athar Ali (Revised 1997) , The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb, OUP
➢ J F Richards (1996), The Mughal Empire, Cambridge, CUP
➢ Shireen Moosvi (2014), ‘The Evolution of the Mansab System under Akbar until
1596-97’ in Nirmal Kumar (ed), History of India 1600-1800, Research India Press
➢ Percival Spear (2009), ‘The Mughal Mansabdari System’ in Edmund Leech and S
N Mukherjee (eds) Elites in South Asia, Cambridge University Press
➢ Irfan Habib (1966), ‘The Mansab System (1595-1637)’, PIHC, 29th Session, pp
228-249
➢ A J Qaisar (1961), ‘Note on the date of institution of Mansab under Akbar’, PIHC,
24th Session, pp155-157
➢ Aniruddha Ray (1984), Some Aspects of Mughal Administration, Kalyani
Publishers
➢ S A N Rezavi (1998); ‘The Empire and the Bureaucracy: The Core of Mughal
Empire’ in PIHC, Vol. 59, pp 360-382
➢ Douglas E. Streusand (1989), The Formation of the Mughal Empire, OUP
➢ S P Blake (1979), ‘The Patrimonial-Bureaucratic State of the Mughals’ Journal of
Asian Studies, Vol. 19 (1), pp 77-94
➢ Satish Chandra (2002/1959); Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court, 1707-
1740, OUP, New Delhi.
➢ Satish Chandra (1982); Medieval India: Society, the Jagirdari Crisis and the
Village; Macmillan, New Delhi.
➢ Satish Chandra (2012); State, Society and Culture in Indian History, OUP, New
Delhi.

3.4 Imperial Ideology of The Mughals

Objectives and Learning Outcome:

1. This section would make students understand the meaning of ‘Imperial Ideology’ and
what it entails.
2. Students would be able to comprehend the rationale behin devolution of such an
ideology
3. This section would help students analyse how imperial ideology was articulated
through legitimacy, emphasis on loyalty, a distinct courtly culture, painting and
architecture.
The Mughal rulers used various means to establish their sovereign authority. As a result, an
imperial ideology developed that was articulated throughlegitimacy leveraged from various
sources; insistence on individual loyalty; promotion of a distinct courtly cultureand through

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painting and architecture. By the time the Mughals established their empire in India, Turkish
sovereignty had already collapsed with the disintegration of Delhi Sultanate and the Afghan
theory of kingship had failed to sustain the power of the Sur and Lodi dynasties. Although the
Mughals did well to restrict sovereignty to the Mughal lineage yet the political exigencies
called for reassertion of imperial authority by adopting various political, cultural and
administrative measures. Babur and Humayun had shorter reign at the Mughal throne and
therefore they stuck to a modified version of Mongol and Timurid principles of kingship.
Babur proposed the ideal of a shared sovereignty in which the nobles (amirs) were given due
measure of importance but Humayun veered towards the ideology of an all-powerful
monarch. Both these early Mughal rulers had their share of difficultiesin exercising their
imperial authority, Babur on account of his Indian nobility and Humayun on account of
having to share his authority with his three brothers Kamran, Hindal and Askari. It was under
Akbar and later Jahangir and Shah Jahan that the Mughal king was placed at a higher pedestal
using various forms of legitimacy; enforcing hierarchy in the Mughal court through a strict
code of conduct;and using visual culture to articulate imperial authority.
Legitimacy
The Mughal rulers used various sources of legitimacy to perpetuate their authority. One of
the most convenient and effective source of legitimacy was religion. For some rulers
adherence to Islam and sharia and championing the cause of Islam was an effective method
to gain religious legitimacy. The Mughal court accordingly was given an Islamic character
and the rulers used Islamic jargons to legitimize their actions. Thus a military campaign
against a non-Muslim ruler was declared as a ‘religious war’ (jihad) to get rid of the kufr
(infidelity) and establish instead the ‘land of Islam’ (dar-ul Islam). Prohibiting construction
of new temples, destruction of even old standing temples and imposition of jaziya tax on non-
Muslims were few of the measures adopted by some rulers to display the degree of their
affiliation to Islam and to showcase the profile of an Islamic state. However, the available
evidences suggest that in most cases these measures were a direct outcome of political
expediencies encountered by the Mughal rulers rather than a definite state policy. Thus Babur
used the term ‘jihad’ to mobilise Muslim support while fighting the mighty Rajputs during
the battle of Khanwa (1527), Akbar (considered as the most liberal among the Mughal rulers)
declared victory over the powerful Mewar state (1568) as ‘victory of Islam over the infidels’
and Aurangzeb used temple destruction and re-imposition of Jaziya to deal with his political
adversaries and to win over the Ulema to his side in the background of his treatment towards
his father and three brothers. It should also be mentioned here that despite attemptsby a few
to portray themselves as champions of Islam, the Mughal rulers preferred effective
governance to Islamic zeal. However, as Harbans Mukhia (2005) has pointed out that “Islam
had a strong presence in the operative categories of medieval Indian state and was a
significant source of its legitimacy for the greater part of India’s medieval centuries”.
Another form of legitimacy sought by the Mughal rulers was to propagate a dynastic ideology
to trace their lineage to the great Amir Timur and Chingiz Khan. The notion of divine nature

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of sovereignty was an intrinsic part of this ideology. Such an ideology was propagated not
only to legitimize one’s political sovereignty but also to ward off challenges from the other
Mughal claimants. Babur not only traced his ancestry to both the above rulers but also went a
step ahead by assuming the title of padshah and khaqaan (Khan of Khans) to allay the claims
of other Timurid princes. Humayun, claiming his ancestry from Timur believed in the
concept of an all-powerful monarchbut faced problem due to the practice of shared
sovereignty with his brothers. During the reign of Akbar, Abul Fazl’s brilliance in the field of
Islamic theology and jurisprudence along with political analysis, created such an
intellectually sound Timurid dynastic ideology which not only provided legitimacy to Akbar
and his descendants but also effectively challenged the claims to the throne of Akbar’ half-
brother Mirza Hakim. Abul Fazl bestowed upon Akbar a new form of sovereignty which was
guided by a divine light (farr-iizadi) through a chain of illustrious ancestors which include
Adam, Biblical prophets, Joseph, his son Turk, Alanqua (a pure childless widow impregnated
by light), the triplets born of her possessing the divine light, nine Turco-Mongol rulers,
Chinghis Khan, Amir Timur, Babur, Humayun till the final manifestation of this light in
Akbar.Jahangir also, through his memoir (Jahangirnama) and his paintings claimed descent
from Chinghiz Khan by regularly referring to yassa-i Changhezi or tura-i Changhezi; to
Timur and his illustrious father Akbar while describing his administrative measures.
An important part of this legitimizing process was legitimacy for territorial conquests. This
was considered as essential to get acceptance from the people of the conquered territories.
While few rulers like Babur justified his conquest over India describing it as his ancestor’s
(Timur) territory therefore giving him legitimate right to re-conquer those areas, for Akbar
justification (articulated by Abul Fazl) of conquest of strategic areas (Malwa, Gujarat, Bihar
and Bengal) lay in liberating the subjects of these areas from the tyrannical and oppressive
rule of their ruler and providing justice, good governance and bringing about social harmony.
In this manner Abul Fazl assigns the role of paterfamilias (fatherly figure) to the sovereign
ruler even though the latter has absolute authority. In Abul Fazl’s description, a paterfamilias
and a ‘true’ king possesses such qualities as ‘paternal love towards his subjects’;is a
‘priceless jewel of justice’; one who adheres to ‘absolute peace’ (sulh-i kul)and who
understands ‘spirit of the age’ (mizaj-i zamana). Thus, legitimacy in this case is sought to be
achieved by suffixing responsibility to the absolute authority of the ruler. Similar evidences
of paternalistic nature of kingship have been found associated with both Jahangir and Shah
Jahan. Even Aurangzeb, who attempted to establish supremacy of Islam in India, is said to
have regretted, just before his demise that he could not take care of the peasantry as a worthy
ruler should have done. The cultural and political acceptance of sovereignty of the Mughal
rulers despite their aggressive military campaigns,brought out in the vernacular literary
traditionslike Braj bhasha (Bundelkhand), Mangal Kavya (Bengal), Man Charit Raso
(Rajasthan) and Jain literature (Gujarat) indicate the success of the above legitimizing
process.

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Individual Loyalty
Despite several institutional frameworks created for safeguarding the empire, an important
and essential ingredient of stability of the sovereign ruler was loyalty of the nobles. The
loyalty of the nobles in turn was dependent upon the patronage provided by the ruler.
However, Mukhia has argued that this ‘patronage and loyalty syndrome’ was strong and
fragile at the same time. It was strong because it provided enough deterrents to any major
challenge to the Mughal sovereignty over a period of two centuries and fragile because it
could not dispel the tensions arising out of rebellions by the Mughal princes as well as few of
the nobles. The Mughal rulers had to adopt different methods including punishment, pardon
and restoration of privileges to deal with such tension filled situations. Few rulers like Akbar
adopted ingenious methods in the form of imperial discipleship to ensure loyalty of the
nobles to deal with difficult political situations. The notion of imperial discipleship developed
from the ideological formulations of Abul Fazl articulated in his magnum opusAkbarnama. In
Abul Fazl’s attempt to provide an illuminated dynastic legitimization of Timur’s successors,
Akbar has been accorded with special human qualities arising from his possession of the
divine light (farr-i izadi). In Akbar, Abul Fazl found a direct connection between a divine and
temporal king who was just, benevolent and worthy of being worshipped by his subjects. The
promulgation of Tauhid-iIalhi (wrongly termed as Din-I Ilahi) or ‘Divine Monotheism’ in
1582 which emerged out of Akbar’s interaction with the Sufis, Hindu Yogis, Zoroastrians
and learned men of other religions was billed as an effective mechanism to bring about social
harmony and enforce Akbar’s ideas of sulh-i kul (total or universal peace).
Abul Fazl, while elaborating the divine kingship of Akbar, gives the latter qualities of a
‘perfect man’ (Insan-i kamil) and therefor perfectly capable of providing spiritual leadership
like a pir/guru (Master of Sufi and Hindu traditions) to hismurid/shishya(pupil). Thus, Akbar
was to be the spiritual leaders of the followers of Tauhid-i Ilahi. Norms and rituals of
membership of Tauhid-i Ilahi were prescribed for the disciples. The disciples had to renounce
their religion (the orthodox form of it), honour, property and life (known as ‘four degrees of
devotion’) and surrender it to the spiritual leader. The initiation ceremony consisted of
placing of the head of the disciple at the feet of Akbar, sijda (prostration) and the latter
raising up the disciple, placing a new turban upon his head and giving him a symbolic
representation of sun. The number of disciples Akbar was able to gather around him is a
subject of some debate among scholars. However, it is believed that several leading nobles
joined the discipleship of Akbar. In this context, S A ARizvi (1975) has opined that
discipleship was a very effective way to unify the new Mughal elite to the throne. This was
also aimed atensuring complete loyalty of the nobles to the ruler particularly at a time when
Akbar was facing political opposition from Mirza Hakim in Punjab, rebellion in the
Eastsupported by the orthodox Ulema and Uzbeg power in Central Asia assuming menacing
proportions. Akbar wanted absence of sectarian strife in his empire and complete loyalty on
the part of the nobility towards him. J F Richards (1996) is also of the opinion that

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discipleship was an extremely efficient means to assimilate a heterogeneous body of the
nobles and bind them to the throne.
Jahangir too perpetuated the practice of imperial discipleship for his trusted and most
favoured nobles. The details of Jahangir’ way of enlisting disciples can be found in a short
passage in his memoir Jahangirnama. This also includes the initiation ceremony which has
been found to be very similar to Abul Fazl’s description. Thomas Roe’s account too mentions
such rituals of discipleship enforced by Jahangir. The account of Mirza Nathan in
Baharistan-iGhaybi provides evidence of the positive responses of the young nobles like
Mirza Nathan towards the whole concept of accepting discipleship of the emperor. There is
no doubt that discipleship proved to be an effective way of ensuring loyalty of the nobility.
But this loyalty was conditional upon patronage and punishment. Mukhia is of the opinion
that loyalty became fluid when princes and high nobles rebelled and at that time loyalty had
to be redefined and relationships had to be re-established. The loyalty itself was surviving on
a thin thread of relationship between the ruler and his noble (servant) which could be broken
any time.
Courtly Culture
The court rituals, customs and traditions were an important mechanism to strengthen
legitimacy and imperial authority of the rulers. The Mughal court was a microcosm of the
hierarchical medieval Indian society which the Mughal rulers sought to maintain. The norms
of etiquette, rewarding andthe hierarchical spatial arrangement were all meant to be the
model for society in general and the elite in particular. European travellers like Thomas Roe
described the activities and setting of the Mughal court as a theatre where norms of hierarchy
were enacted. This was to be replicated outside the court as maintenance of hierarchy was
considered as crucial to the maintenance of social order. The norms of etiquette followed in
the Mughal court emerged out of a body of literature in Persian known as Akhlaq (etiquette)
which developed in the 13th century in Iran. It included a set of guidelines for good conduct
in personal behavior, ethics in governance and urbanity. Although there were several works
detailing the varied aspects of Akhlaq or Akhlaqiat, the one which became the guiding
manual for the Mughal rulers was a thirteenth century Iranian text Akhlaq-i Nasiri written by
Nasiruddin Tusi. Several subsequent texts written on the subject of Akhlaq from the time of
Jahangir onwards is testimony to the importance accorded to etiquette by the Mughal rulers.
The akhlaqi norms were mainly concerned with court etiquette both inside and outside the
court. These norms were equally applicable to Mughal rulers, princes as well as the courtiers.
However while the emperor could grant some concessions to the norms, violation of the
norms of etiquette often invited harsh punishments.
Many of the court rituals were of the Sassanid origin while few were innovations of the
Mughal emperors themselves. These included prostration before the emperor or his throne
(sijda)), kissing the feet or fingers of the ruler (paibos),kissing the ground in front of the ruler
(zaminbos), display of obeisance by placing palm of the right hand on the forehead and

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bending of the head(kurnish), display of submission by placing the back of the right hand on
the ground and gently raising it while standing erect and then placing right hand palm on the
crown (taslim). Deeper the obeisance closer that person was considered to be with the ruler.
Apart from the nobles, these norms of etiquette had to be followed by the emperor as well as
the other members of the royal family. We have several instances of Mughal rulers like
Babur, Humayun, Akbar and Jahangir displaying their reverence to the elderly women in
varying manner as they expected the same for themselves in the court.
Coronation ceremony was an essential part of the court ritual during which the nobility
displayed their subservience and paid homage to the new master through nazr (personal
homage of the noble implying an oath of allegiance) and peshkash (tribute sent to the ruler
not requiring personal presence of the noble). The ruler in return handed over the robe of
honour (khilat) to the princes, nobles, ambassadors etc. which according to Mukhia “signified
extension of the part of the glory, prestige and authority attached to the king’s person”.The
recipient had to perform kurnish and taslim as a reminder of his subordination. Another court
practice that became a norm from the time of Akbar was gift giving to the emperor by the
nobles. This not only signified the status difference between the ruler and his nobility but also
symbolized status of the noble in the eyes of the ruler. Jahangir, in his memoir Jahangirnama
even mentions the exact price of the gifts received. Another important aspect of the court
etiquette on the part of the ruler was to display generosity through distribution of gifts to the
nobles and courtiers. This practice was prevalent since the time of Babur and became all
pervasive during the reigns of Akbar and Jahangir. This practice was also a marker of status
difference between the ruler and his subordinates.
The spatial arrangement in the court which defined king as the pivot of the empire was
essential to create a distance between the throne and the courtiers. Abul Fazl in Ain-i Akbari
hasgiven detailed description of standing and seating arrangement in the court with
prescribed distance for princes as well as other courtiers. The courtiers were to remain
standing while the emperor was seated on the throne and could sit only after being permitted
to sit by the emperor. Such spatial arrangement surpassed the familial relations too as no
concessions were made for relatives of the emperor howsoever close or elderly they may be.
Some of the imperial paintings of the reign of Jahangir and particularly those of Shah Jahan’s
period, besides depicting the Mughal grandeur, also display the perfect order in which the
courtiers have been shown to be standing with their eyes fixed on the emperor. A complete
silence was added to the court decorum and prescribed manner of speech if permitted to do
so. The privilege of being allowed to speak in the court was also a status marker. European
travellers like Thomas Roe and Manucci have given the description of the court setting at
three levels with railings of gold, silver and wood each at some distance from each other.
While the first section was reserved for the royal princes, the second was earmarked for the
higher nobility (Umara) who stood with their backs to the wooden railings.
Thus, the imperial court culture enforced through norms of etiquette was part of the imperial
ideology and indeed a powerful mechanism of asserting sovereign authority and legitimacy

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by the Mughal rulers. Violations to the norms of behavior were dealt with seriously inviting
punishment. However, several instances from the time of Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jahan and
Aurangzeb do suggest concessions given by the rulers on the display of bravery by the
violator. At times rulers also are reported to have lost composure in a fit of rage and spoke in
a language that was inappropriate as per the norms of courtly behavior.
Articulation of Imperial Ideology through Painting
The Mughal ruler used visual culture as a powerful medium of expression of the imperial
ideology. Besides the underpinnings of imperial ideology these also indicated individual
tastes and preferences, past times as well as notions of kingship of the rulers. Mughal
painting refers to the painting that developed in the Mughal court under the watchful eyes of
the master painters in the Mughal atelier (painting workshop). Here, according to M C Beach
(1992), under an apprenticeship system, painters were trained by the master painters in
polishing of paper, writing of calligraphy, grinding and mixing of pigments and painting of
illuminations and illustrations. The Mughal workshop attracted artistes from several regions
of India who brought with them regional artistic styles which facilitated synthesis of various
Hindu, pre-Mughal Islamic and Mughal styles. But despite borrowings, the end product was
typically Mughal depicting the image of the empire as desired by the ruler. During the course
of time Mughal painting was greatly influenced by the European painting styles but the ruler
and his authority remained the central theme. It would not therefore be an exaggeration to say
that the Mughal paintings were produced to buttress the cause of the sovereignty.
Initial paintings of Akbar’s period such as Tutinama, Humzanama and Anwar-i Suhaili were
reflections of Akbar’s adventurous life (military campaigns) during the process of
consolidation of the Mughal Empire. However, few important historical events such as
victory over Chittor, Gujarat and Bengal; his marriage alliances with Rajputs; contact with
regional cultural traditions; religious discussions at Ibadat Khana, promulgation of Tauhid-I
Ilahi and gradual evolution of Akbar’s policy of Sulh-i Kul brought about a change in the
theme of these paintings. This new imperial style saw illustrations of Razmnama (Persian
translation of the great Indian epic Mahabharata), Tarikh-i Alfi (history of thousand years of
Islam), Timurnama (chronicle on the life of Timur) and the most important Akbarnama.
These paintings, besides illustrating the narratives of the text also represented religious and
political ideology of Akbar particularly his syncretic religious ideas, bravery of the ruler and
his notions of kingship where the emperor was shown to be present in each painting directing
the affairs of the state.
The articulation of imperial ideology through the medium of painting took a different
trajectory under Jahangir. By the time Jahangir ascended the throne the Mughal Empire had
not only expanded and consolidated but had also reached a certain level of prosperity.
Therefore Jahangir did not need to project the image of a powerful sovereign ruler or the
empire. Paintings of his period therefore lack action related to events. Instead, as M C Beach
points out, the emphasis was on the interplay of human personalities and the actions they

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were involved in such as men in conversation or prayer or the worshipper performing
ablutions besides activities of hunters, gardeners, craftsmen and painters. In other words,
there was an attempt to investigate human personalities and through them Jahangir was
presented as a ruler with artistic sensibilitiesand connoisseurship. The connoisseurship of
Jahangir is also propagated through Jahangir’s own claims of recognizing the work of each
artist in a given painting. An important technical addition in the Mughal painting from the
time of Jahangir onwards was the use of a halo (with solar and at times a combination of solar
and lunar nimbus) behind the head of the emperor to project the divine status of the ruler.
In another series of Jahangiri Paintings a different set of imperial ideology can be discerned
where the ruler is shown in complete control of an already established authority besides
displaying his spiritual credentials. These have been termed by Afzar Moin (2014) as ‘highly
innovative’ paintings arranged in muraqqa (albums) which broke the mould of Persian
miniature tradition. In a series of paintings entitled as ‘Jahangir Greeting the Poet Sadi’ or
‘Jahangir Preferring a Sufi Shaikh to Kings’ and ‘Jahangir’s Interaction with Chishti Sufi’
there is an attempt not only to portray Jahangir as the world ruler but also to establish his
religious and spiritual credentials. In another set of paintings – ‘Jahangir Shoots Malik
Ambar’; ‘Emperor Jahangir Triumphing Over Poverty’ and ‘Jahangir Embracing Shah
Abbas’ the image of the emperor is presented as one who is in control of authority, is a
messiah who ends a bad phase and heralds a new beginning and has political dominance over
the neighboring Iranian kingdom. Most of these paintings are work of fiction far removed
from historical facts but they do provide important insights into the kind of ideology that
Jahangir as a sovereign ruler propagated through these paintings.
Mughal painting during the reign of Shah Jahan, majority of which are in the form of
illustration of Padshanamaare less personal and more formalized. Few of the important
paintings of his period with ideological underpinnings are entitled as- ‘Shah Jahan’; ‘Shah
Jahan with Asaf Khan’; ‘Shah Jahan and his Sons’ and ‘Jahangir Presents Prince Khurram
with a Turban Ornament’. The historical events and court scenes depicted in them are
marked by excessive neatness. A complete decorum is displayed in the court even when the
occasion illustrated calls for celebration. The court opulence too is visible in these paintings.
Shah Jahan also mostly appears with a halo or nimbused head. AfzarMoin points out that,
about one-third of the Padshahnama illustrations show appearance of the emperor in
Jharokha, sending a strong ideological message about his sovereignty. Shah Jahan is also at
times shown standing on the globe (a proclamation of him being a world ruler) and near his
feet a lion and a lamb are shown sitting peacefully and a chain of justice hang in the
background. Thus the peaceful co-existence of the hunter and the prey are used as metaphor
for the kind of justice disbursed by the ruler. Thus, the paintings of Shah Jahan’s reign
articulate the imperial ideology of wealth, power and justice.

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Architecture as a medium to articulate Imperial Ideology
The Mughal architecture was a product of the patronage provided primarily by the emperors
and then by the nobility. Like the Mughal painting, it also borrowed many architectural forms
of the Hindu, pre-Mughal Islamic, Central Asian and European styles. Despite the
borrowings, the Indian artists came out with a product which served the purpose of the
imperial master both in terms of symbolism and style. Thus, as rightly pointed out by C B
Asher (1992), while each structure was different from each other there were certain unifying
elements which binds them together. The Mughal structures like Mosques, tombs, palaces,
gardens, hunting pavilions and other works, besides performing their prescribed functions
were deeply embedded in imperial ideology reflecting personal outlook and world view of
the individual rulers. These monuments also served to display Mughal presence and authority
in the central urban areas. In other areas the architectural works were undertaken by the high
ranking Mughal nobility which displayed the basic Mughal principles of architecture but also
included the local tastes. Thus, the architecture of the Mughal period not only represented
Mughal authority but also the cultural and social values established under various rulers.
The architecture of Akbar’s period represented conscious effort on the part of the ruler to
incorporate indigenous (both Hindu and Muslim) traditions. The Akbari architecture was
closely linked with his ideas of state polity, religion and kingship. Although several
monuments were constructed all over the empire during the reign of Akbar including
mosques, forts, palaces and gardens it is the fortress city of Fatehpur Sikri which truly
represents the Akbari style. Historians too have debated extensively on the issues of selection
of site for construction of the city, its various buildings and their functions, various
ideological meanings attached with the structures as well as abandonment of the city by
Akbar as a Mughal capital. Michael Brand and Glenn D Lowry (1985) discussing about the
location of Fatehpur Sikri, point out that the new capital represented a formal point of
connection between the political and spiritual poles of Agra (the political capital of the
Mughals) and Ajmer (shrine of Muinuddin Chishti, the patron saint of the Mughal rulers).
Brand and Lowry also argue that construction of Fatehpur Sikri (1571) was an expression of
political stability as with its construction Akbar replaced the “nomadic tent-dwelling life” of
his predecessors with a permanent stone structure.
J F Richards (1985) too has highlighted the political and cultural ideology embedded with the
buildings of FatehpurSikri. He puts forward the view that construction of the fortress–city
represented a final break with the “Delhi centered” political tradition of Muslim India. Also,
that the cohesive architecture and arrangement of the new capital, gave expression to the
centralized administration and religious ideology that Akbar relied upon for legitimacy
during the early years of his reign. Richards has also pointed out that the adjacent location of
a great congregational mosque (Jami Masjid) and the elegant marble tomb (of Shaikh Salim
Chishti) represented the co-existence of the two binary institutions of legal and mystic Indian
Islam. Both C B Asher and J F Richards point out that by constructing the Chishti tomb

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within the fortress complex and appointing the Chishti heirs to important imperial official
position Akbar arrogated the mystical aura of the saint for his own imperial purpose.
The Mughal architecture reached its climax during the reign of Shah Jahan. It was during his
reign that various forms of architecture (construction of minarets, domes, geometrical forms
etc.) were brought to perfection. In architectural terms, Shah Jahan’s period is known as the
“reign of marble” because of the excessive use of marbles in his buildings. Through the
palaces, cities, mosques, tombs and gardens Shah Jahan not only presented a dynastic image
but also his own personal image as a divine and Islamic ruler. The buildings that best
represent the imperial ideology of Shah Jahan are Taj Mahal and the entire city of
Shahjahanabad. A paradisiacal imagery was created through the garden setting and water
channels of Taj Mahal by making it a replica of the garden of paradise conforming to the
Islamic belief that water flows beneath the throne of God. Although it was supposedly built in
the memory of his beloved wife Mumtaz Mahal, but scholars like C B Asher and Cynthia
Talbot argue it was definitely intended as the emperor’s own tomb as its official name Rauza-
i Munawwar (Illuminated Tomb) shared this epithet with the Prophet Muhammad’s tomb at
Medina suggesting that Shah Jahan perceived himself like Muhammad. The exclusive use of
marble for this mausoleum, as point out by Asher and Talbot, was intended to evoke a sense
of divine presence and thus to accord semi-divine status to Shah Jahan himself as by this
time marble had got increasingly identified with the tombs of saints.
The city of Shahjahanabad as the new capital of the Mughal Empire was founded by Shah
Jahan (1639-48) as the earlier one i.e. Agra was getting increasingly congested with the
additional reason that Delhi had traditionally been the seat of power since beginning of
Islamic rule in India. The Jama Masjid (congregational mosque), situated at the highest point
of the city and built on a massive scale was the largest in the Indian subcontinent at that time.
The Quranic verses in Persian, inscribed on the façade of the mosque include praises for Shah
Jahan. The construction of this and several other mosques by Shah Jahan therefore was an
attempt to portray himself as the upholder of orthodox Islam in India. The founding of
Shajahanabad, according to S P Blake (1993), was based on the symbolism of axis mundi
(center of the world) as was the case with capital cities of many pre-modern civilizations.
Highlighting the influence of both Hindu and Islamic traditions, Blake argues that the bow
design of the city was based on ancient Hindu concept of vastushastra. The public audience
hall (Diwan-i Aam) contained the marble throne of Shah Jahan which had a curved roof
supported by bulbous baluster columns and the inlaid panels at the back wall of the throne
represented Greek Orpheus playing the lute and taming wild animals. This was a direct
metaphor for a just ruler in the form of Shah Jahan as Orpheus was considered as an epitome
of justice. The scale of justice on a wall panel leading to Shah Jahan’s resting chambers was
another symbol of his just rule. Amir Khusrau’s verses painted on the wall of private
audience hall (Diwan-i Khas) proclaim the structure as paradise on earth. Asher and Talbot
point out that arrangement of the buildings of the palace also reveal hierarchical nature of the
mid-17th century Mughal court.

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Long Questions
1. How did the imperial ideology help the Mughal rulers sustain their sovereignty?
2. The Mughal paintings of the reigns of Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan were
embedded with imperial ideology. Discuss
3. How do the buildings of the Mughal period articulate the imperial ideology of Mughal
rulers?
Essential Readings:
➢ S A ARizvi (1975), Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar’s
Reign, MunshiramManoharlal Publishers (Chapter 10)
➢ HarbansMukhia (2004), The Mughals of India, Wiley India, Blackwell Publishing
➢ J F Richards (1998), ‘The Formulation of Imperial Authority under Akbar and
Jahangir’ in J F Richards (ed) Kingship and Authority in South Asia, OUP, India
➢ J F Richards (1996), The Mughal Empire, Cambridge, CUP
➢ Catherine B Asher and Cynthia Talbot (2006), India Before Europe, Cambridge
University Press,
➢ Douglas E. Streusand (1989), The Formation of the Mughal Empire, OUP
➢ Catherine B Asher (1992), Architecture of Mughal India, Cambridge University Press
➢ Michael Brand and Glen D Lowry (1987)), FatehpurSikri, Marg Publications
➢ Ebba Koch (2002), Mughal Architecture: an Outline of its History and Development,
1526-1858, OUP
➢ Stephen P Blake (1993), Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal Inmdia,
1639-1739, Cambrigde University Press
➢ Milo C Beach (1992), Mughal and Rajput Painting, NCHI, Vol 1.3
➢ AfzarMoin (2014), The Millennial Sovereign: Sacred Kingship and Sainthood in
Islam, Columbia University Press

3.5 Reassessing Aurangzeb

Objective and Learning Outcomes:

1. The section would apprise students of traditional and modern historiographical
assessment of Aurangzeb.
2. The section would make students aware of the recent researches on the policies of
Aurangzeb.
3. Knowledge of recent researches would help students reassess the policies of
Aurangzeb with particular reference to temples, jaziya and music.
Aurangzeb, the 6th ruler of the Mughal Empire, ruled over a vast territory covering whole of
the Indian subcontinent. Thus, it was during his reign that the Mughal Empire reached its
territorial climax. However, it was during his reign too that the process of the decline of the
Mughal Empire began with the onset of institutional crisis in the Mughal administrative
system. He has therefore remained the most debated and criticised among the Mughal rulers

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on several accounts. The manner of his acquiring the Mughal throne, his treatment towards
his brothers and father, his policies impacting the non-Muslims and his notions about the
nature of state; all have come under intense scrutiny by both contemporary and modern
scholars. Critics have highlighted his anti-Hindu policies particularly reversal of the policy of
religious toleration through adoption of Sul-i Kul by Akbar, leading to alienation of the
Hindus and subsequent downfall of the empire. Sympathizers of Aurangzeb, on the other
hand, have pointed out the rebellious attitude of the non-Muslims against the state leaving
Aurangzeb with no other alternative but to turn to support of the orthodox sections of the
Muslims and introducing Islamic puritanism in state governance. In the historiography of last
two or three decades, however, rather than studying Aurangzeb in a rigid framework, an
attempt has been made to analyse Aurangzeb’s policies in the background of certain political,
economic and administrative problems faced by the Mughal Empire and steps taken by him
to solve these problems. These studies have also revealed several aspects of Aurangzeb’
spersonality and his policies hitherto ignored or mired in the strait jacket description for or
against Aurangzeb. In the light of these, there is a need for reassessment of those policies of
Aurangzeb which have been put under scrutiny to declare him a bigoted Muslim ruler.
Aurangzeb’s Personality Traits
Alamgir (popularly known as Aurangzeb) was the third son of Shah Jahan out of the four
sons (Dara, Shuja, Alamgir and Murad) all born off single mother Mumtaz who was the
favorite queen of Shah Jahan. As a person he was more pious and disciplined than his
brothers. All Mughal princes were given training in governance as prescribed in the
classics.These texts were considered as major source of the accepted principles of justice
(adl/adalat), political conduct (akhlaq) and ethical conduct(adab)the values of which were to
be imbibed by the Mughal princes. But Aurangzeb was cut above his brothers in this matter.
We are told that he was widely read and had learnt Quran by heart. He had the knowledge of
Turkish literature and was trained in calligraphy. He was also exposed to both orthodox
Islamic and liberal Sufi ideas. Thus, he was aware of the ideas of orthodox Imam Ghazali as
well as liberal Sufi poets and writers like Hafiz, Saadi, Naseeruddin Tusi and Maulana Rumi.
Besides, he was also well aware of the provisions of hadith (sayings of Prophet Muhammad)
and Islamic jurisprudence. He tried to lead a more puritan and austere personal life as
evidenced by his abstention from wine and opium and stitching his own prayer caps.
As an administrator, Aurangzeb was a strict disciplinarian and took personal care of the
issues of governance. Similar discipline he expected from his sons as well as officers. Justice
and protection of his subjects was his idea of effective governance which he also conveyed to
his sons at the time of his death. It is clear that Aurangzeb may have had a puritanical view of
Islam in personal thoughts but in matters of state policy, dispensing of justice and protection
of his citizens was given priority over religious ideals. Yet we find Aurangzeb taking
measures which often ran counter to his administrative ideals and do seem to be going against
the non-Muslims. However, these measures should not be seen as a result of the zeal of a
bigoted ruler. Even though few scholars have tried to trace his bigotry from the time of war of

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succession calling it an ideological conflict between liberalism (represented by Dara) and
orthodoxy (championed by Aurangzeb) but the evidences do not support such hypotheses.
The letters exchanged between Dara and Aurangzeb does suggest ideological differences
between the two but it is also a fact that these differences remained confined to private letters.
This is because neither could go public with their ideologiesas a composite culture had
developed in India and neither could afford to spoil their chances in the upcoming contest for
throne by going public with their respective ideologies. Moreover, as M Athar Ali (1997) has
shown through a quantitative study thatmore or less equal support was extended to both the
principal claimants to throne by the Hindu Umara (mansabdars with mansab rank of 1000
and above). J F Richards (1996) has also pointed out that allegiance of the nobles and their
retainers during the war of succession was not decided by ideologies but by pragmatism and
“vicissitudes” of imperial postings.
As a military general, Aurangzeb was more capable than all the sons of Shah Jahan. While
Dara, favorite son of Shah Jahan and unofficially chosen by the latter as his heir apparent,
was never involved in any major military campaigns or administrative duties, Aurangzeb, on
the other hand, was sent for several military campaigns in Balkh, Badakhshan, Qandhar and
Bundelkhand and administrative responsibilities in Gujarat, Deccan and Multan. By his
military actions and administrative acumen Aurangzeb had amply displayed his capabilities
as the successor of Shah Jahan on the Mughal throne. But these were apparently not good
enough in the eyes of Shah Jahan who had already decided to hand over the throne to Dara.
He in fact proceeded to underplay Aurangzeb’s military achievement by refusing to grant
permission when asked for by Aurangzeb for outright conquest of the Deccan kingdoms of
Bijapur and Golconda. Shah Jahan obviously felt threatened at the achievements of
Aurangzeb as it would have undermined the position of Dara. The fact that the Mughal
Empire reached its territorial climax under Aurangzeb is also a testimony to his political,
military and diplomatic abilities.
Early Measures of Aurangzeb
After taking over as the Mughal emperor, Aurangzeb took several measures which have been
termed as moral, religious, puritanical and partially discriminatory. But most of these
measures were connected with Muslims and very few seem to have impacted the non-
Muslims. While few of these decisions may be accounted for by the personal religious beliefs
of the emperor other were put in force due to exigencies of times. Before describing these
measures it is important to keep in mind that enforcement of these measures was not strong
(indicated by open violation of some of these) and also that Aurangzeb was not rigid about
these regulations as he did give in to social pressures. Next section would deal with those
measures of Aurangzeb that had direct impact on the non-Muslim subjects such as his policy
towards temples, Jaziya and music that provided fodder to his critics to describe him as
bigoted Muslim ruler.

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Some of the early measures of Aurangzeb included banning the custom of sijda or prostration
before the ruler as he felt that this should only be performed in front of the God. In the year
1659, Aurangzeb prohibited the practice of inscribing Islamic kalma on the coins. Few
scholars had argued that this measure was taken to ensure that the coins do not fall in the
hands of the infidels (Hindus) and get defiled. But recent views have rubbished this argument
because common coins were used by both Hindus and Muslims and it is argued that the real
objective behind this measure was to prevent desecration of the kalmaas the coins can fall
and come under foot. In the year 1660, Aurangzeb also forbade the practice of celebrating
Nauroz (New Year) festival as it was a Zoroastrian practice and was considered as an
innovation in Islam. Under the conviction that state had the authority to enforce moral code
of ethics, Aurangzeb appointed officers known as muhtasibs (censors)whose main duty was
to ensure that Muslims led their life as per the norms of sharia. In addition, the muhtasibs
were supposed to regulate gambling and prostitution houses; look after weights and measures
and enforce the ban on public consumption of intoxicants (bhang and wine). These officials
however, were instructed not to interfere in the private lives of the people. Despite these
prohibitive measures, contemporary European travellers like Manucci inform us that the rules
were openly flouted.
The next series of ‘reforms’ (beginning 1669) brought about by Aurangzeb have been termed
as puritanical, economic and against superstitious beliefs. These included ban on vocal music
in the imperial court (to be discussed in detail later) and pensioning off the expert musicians.
But as we shall see that this ban did not have any adverse impact on the musicians or musical
life of Delhi or in provinces. A customary practice of Jharokhadarshan (popular since the
time of Akbar) where the emperor showed his face to the gathered crowd from a balcony was
discontinued in 1669 as Aurangzeb considered this as an un-Islamic practice. A political
motive behind this measure also cannot be ruled out as the failure of Shah Jahan to appear for
the jharokhadarshan during his illness led to speculation and confusion prompting
Aurangzeb and his other two brothers (Murad and Shuja) to begin the contest for throne
against Dara. Aurangzeb also forbade the practice of tuladan (weighing of the emperor and
princes against gold and silver) on their birthdays and other auspicious occasions. The
weighed gold and silver were then distributed among the poor and the destitute. This was a
financial burden particularly on the smaller nobles as the nobles had to supply gold and silver
out of their own resources. But we are told that Aurangzeb had to give into social pressures as
he was asked to follow this practice as thanks giving to God after his sons recovered from
illness.
Customs that ran counter to Islamic practices such as putting tika (saffron paste) on the
forehead of a new raja performed by the Mughal rulers since the time of Akbar were banned.
Restriction were also put on public celebration of Hindu festivals like Holi and Diwali and
Muslims festivals like Muharram that involved public revelry which Aurangzeb’s puritan
mind considered distasteful and also some of these raised issues of public safety as there were
cases of violence during such celebrations. Years following the war of succession was

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marked by scanty rainfall and crop failures bringing about financial crisis for the empire.
Moreover, several taxes such as rahdari (transit duty), pindari (ground rent for stalls), octroi
duty on tobacco and other cesses considered illegal in Islam were abolished by Aurangzeb.
These steps had reduced the revenue collection of the empire. This may account for some of
the austerity measures taken by Aurangzeb which included reduction in the expenditure of
members of the royal family as well as attempt to replace luxury items in the imperial court
with cheaper substitutes. But Khafi Khan’s (Muntakhab-ulLubab) informs us that these taxes
continued to be included in the jama (total assessed revenue) of the jagirs which means that
order related to abolishment of such taxes remained on paper only. Ban on writing of history
has also been considered a part of the austerity measures but as recent researches have
suggested that Aurangzeb not only permitted writing of history but also ensured completion
of historical works. A case in point is the writing of Mirat-i Alam by Bakhtawar Khan which
according to Katherine Brown (2007) was an official history allowed to be written by
Aurangzeb. But when the author died before completing his book, Aurangzeb directed Saqi
Mustaind Khan (author of Masir-i Alamgiri) to complete the work.
Besides the above measures, Aurangzeb also took certain steps which can be called
discriminatory in the Indian context. But it is also true that Aurangzeb did not hesitate in
taking corrective measures when his policies proved to be detrimental to day today
governance of the state. In order to promote trade activities among the Muslims, he ordered
to reduce the custom duty from five percent to two and a half percent in 1665 and in 1667,
through another order, exempted Muslim traders from paying any import duty. However, this
proved to be harmful for revenue collection as Hindu traders also got their goods passed in
the name of Muslim traders in return for some payment. Aurangzeb then had to re-impose tax
on Muslim traders at two and half percent. Another discriminatory measure of Aurangzeb
which again was retracted later was his order of 1671 through which Hindu karoris (officials
with a responsibility to collect one crore copper dam) of khalisa (crown) land in the
provinces were replaced with Muslims along with accountants (diwan) and clerks (peshkars)
working under local officials. But the incompetency of newly appointed Muslim officials in
revenue matters created problems in revenue collection. Subsequently, Aurangzeb had to
withdraw this order too.
Temples
Aurangzeb’s attitude towards temples has been a subject of much discussion and debate
which continues till the present day. But at the outset it should be pointed out that there were
several variants of Aurangzeb’s policy towards the temples which suggests that there was no
uniform policy formulated with regards to the temples. After ascending the throne, it appears,
Aurangzeb wanted to remain within the framework of sharia regarding shrines of the non-
Muslims.The guideline prescribed by sharia in this regard is clearly indicated in Aurangzeb’s
farman to AbdulHasan in 1659 (popularly known as the Banaras Farman) which stated that
“long standing temples should not be demolished but no new temples should be allowed to be
built….old places of worship could be repaired since buildings cannot last forever”. This

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guideline was followed in India since the time of Delhi Sultanate and the same was reiterated
during the reign of Shah Jahan. Some scholars have argued that another part of the same
farman, which directed the Mughal officials at Banaras not to interfere in the affairs of the
local temples was meant to protect the Hindu temples and Brahmins from the harassment of
enthusiastic officers. Following the guidelines of sharia old temples were not destroyed and
only new temples faced desecration (defacing the idol and bricking up the temple walls)
during the early part of his reign. But as Satish Chandra has argued that the term ‘old
standing’ temples gave lot of leverage to the officials regarding its interpretation. Perhaps this
may also explain the prohibitory orders of Aurangzeb directed to his officials through this
farman.
But as Aurangzeb started facing political opposition particularly from north India, we see a
perceptible shift in his policy. As a consequence of this some old standing temples were also
destroyed. Prominent among these temples were the Kashi Vishwanath temple at Banaras,
Keshav Rai temple at Mathura as well as those in Thatta and Multan. The provocation
leading to destruction of some these temples and erection of mosque in their place was the
political opposition faced by Aurangzeb such as the Jat rebellion in the Delhi-Mathura region.
Some other political factors were also responsible for destruction of these temples. The Kashi
Vishwanath temple was built by Raja Man Singh (a prominent Rajput noble of Akbar’s
period) and it was alleged that his son Raja Jai Singh had helped Shivaji in escaping from the
prison at Agra during the reign of Aurangzeb. Similarly, the Brahmin priests of Keshav Rai
temple were also alleged to have played a similar role in the escape of Shivaji. Apart from the
political reasons there were some ideological issues as well. It was complained to Aurangzeb
that these temples and those in Thatta and Multan attracted both Hindus and Muslims who
flocked to listen to the Brahmin preachers. There was a scare that the converted Muslims who
had roots in Hinduism might go back to their original religious status under the influence of
these ‘wicked’ teachings. Orders, therefore, were issued to the governors to stop such
practices and destroy the temples. Temple destruction in Orissa, Jodhpur and Udaipur should
also be seen as a reaction to political hostilities. Thus it appears that temple destruction in
certain parts of the empire was a form of reprisal and warning to the political opponents.
Saqi Mustaid Khan, the author of Masir-i Alamgiri had claimed that since Aurangzeb’s
motive was to establish dominance of Islam therefore he ordered the governors of the
provinces to destroy all temples. But we do not have evidences to suggest that any such order
was issued for general destruction of the temples. Moreover, as Satish Chandra (2007) points
out that a general order of destruction of temples would have meant Aurangzeb going beyond
the position of sharia as sharia did not ban non-Muslims from practicing their faith as long as
they remained loyal to the ruler. Although we do not possess definite figures related to the
number of temples destroyed but scholars like Richard Eaton (2003) do not put the figure
beyond a dozen. Even if we consider this as an underestimate, we need to consider the fact
that India was dotted with tens of thousands of temples during the reign of Aurangzeb and
their survival goes against the notion of general order given by Aurangzeb to destroy temples.

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We notice another shift in Aurangzeb’s policy towards the temples in the second half of his
reign. In Deccan, after the conquest of Bijapur and Golconda, there are very few instances of
temple destruction despite Aurangzeb facing political opposition from the Marathas. Only
two instance of major temple destruction is noticed from Deccan-temple at Bijapur (1698)
and at Pandharpur (1700). Earlier Aurangzeb had visited Ellora temple in 1683 but did not
order its destruction and rather described it as a “finely crafted marvel of the real
transcendent artisan (God)”. But whatever be the number and reasons for destruction of the
temples during the reign of Aurangzeb, it was definitely antithetical to the policy of religious
toleration followed by his predecessors.
As against temple destruction, we have several instances of grants given by Aurangzeb to
temples, pious individuals of other religions and non-Muslim religious sects. These included
grant of land along with the right to collect revenue to Umanand temple at Gauhati through a
farman in 1666. Guru Ramdasgurudwara at Dehradun was given land grant and so was
Vaishnava temples at Vrindavan. Jain religious institutions at Shatrunjay (Bhavnagar,
Gujarat), Girnar (Gujarat) and Mt. Abu (Rajastghan) also received grants. The Jain literature
heaps praises on Aurangzeb for his charity extended towards this sect. Among the religious
sects, the Nath Panthi Jogis of Nagaur (Rajasthan), Jogis of Jakhbar (Punjab) and the Jangam
sect (a Shaivite group) received grants. Few religious minded and pious individuals also
received grants due to charitable nature of their work. Thus, Panth Bharti of Siwana
(Rajasthan) received 100 bighas of land as he used to feed travellers. Lal Vijay, a Jain monk
was granted a monastery (poshala) and assistance to build resting house (upashraya).
RamjivanGosain, a Hindu ascetic of Banaras was given grant to build houses for pious
Brahmins and holy faqirs. Mahant Balak Nath Nirvani of Chitrakoot was given tax-free land
grant to support the Balaji temple. These evidences suggest that Aurangzeb was also
concerned about well-being of non-Muslim religious institutions and individuals. However,
Aurangzeb’s decision to recall some of these grants in 1672 and reserving them for the
Muslims is also reflective of the fact that there was an attempt to limit the grants to non-
Muslims.
Jaziya
Jaziya tax was quite common in the Islamic states right since the time of the early Caliphate.
The non-Muslims in these states had to pay Jaziya in return for protection and exemption
from mandatory military service. The Jaziya paying citizens were called Zimmi/Dhimmi
(protected person) and were given a secondary status below the Muslims.The first Reference
to Jaziya in India is to be found in Chachnama (a 14th century historical text on conquest of
Sindh by Muhammad Bin Qasim) where it is reflected in the form of kharaj (land tax) and
not explicitly as Jaziya. During the Delhi Sultanate, contemporary historians Barni and Afif
referred to this tax as ‘Jaziya wakharaj” suggesting that it was still not a poll tax. Under the
Mughals, Abul Fazl mentions about abolition of this tax by Akbar in 1564.The Reimposition
of Jaziya by Aurangzeb in 1679, after more than 100 years of its abolition, is often
considered as a turning point in the history of Mughal Empire in India. Critics of Aurangzeb

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argue that this was a reversal of Akbar’s policy of toleration and was a culmination of the
spirit of religious bigotry which ultimately resulted in alienation of Hindus from the empire
hastening the decline of the Mughal Empire. Sympathizers of Aurangzeb, on the other hand,
argue that in the midst of political opposition from the Hindus, Aurangzeb was left with no
option but to seek support of the orthodox Ulema by reverting to an Islamic state in theory
and in practice. However, the analysis of the Reimposition of Jaziya by Aurangzeb (that too
22 years after coming to the throne) should not be done in a narrow framework and needs to
take into account several political, social, religious and economic factors that were at work
before and after the Reimposition of this tax.
Several explanations have been offered by contemporary and modern scholars regarding the
Reimposition of this tax by Aurangzeb which include religious, economic, political, social
and ideological. All these however, need to be critically analysed for the sake of an objective
evaluation of the issue. A modern scholar, J N Sarkar was of the opinion that the avowed
policy in Reimposition of Jaziya was to increase the number of Muslims by putting pressure
on the Hindus. Few contemporary European travellers like Thomas Roll and Manucci echo
the similar sentiment while arguing that Jaziya was imposed to replenish the impoverished
treasury as well as to force the poor citizens to become Mohammedans. Persian
contemporaries like SaqiMustaid Khan, in Masir-i Alamgiri (considered as the semi-official
history of the reign of Aurangzeb) claimed that as the aim of Aurangzeb was spread of the
laws of Islam and overthrow of the practices of the infidels, therefore he issued orders for
collection of Jaziya from the non-Muslims of the capital and provinces. Some other
contemporary writers like Ishwar Das (Futuhat-I Alamgiri) and Ali Muhammad Khan (Mirat-
I Ahmadi)too are in broad agreement with Mustaid Khan’s assertion but emphasise the role
ofUlema whoreminded Aurangzeb that levying of Jaziya on opponents of the true faith was
necessary and compulsory according to shariat. Satish Chandra (1993), criticizing the above
perceptions, argues that Hindus had been paying jaziya for the last 500 years and remained
stubbornly stuck to their religion suggesting that jaziya could not have been an effective tool
for conversion. He also cites the absence of proof of any large-scale conversion on account of
this measure. Moreover, Chandra questions the role of Ulema in the Reimposition of this tax
arguing that Aurangzeb, who himself was well-versed in sharia did not need any reminder
from the ulema and that too 22 years after coming to the throne.
Referring to a financial crisis of the empire, few writers have put forward economic reasons
behind the Reimposition of jaziya. The author of Masir-iAlamgiri informs us that when the
finances were reviewed in the 13th year of Aurangzeb’s reign it was found that expenditure
had exceeded income in the last 12 years. Moreover, continuous wars in the Deccan; war in
the North-East; conflict with the Afghans and breach with Rathors (Jodhpur) and Sisodias
(Mewar); none of which brought any major economic gains, had put the imperial treasury to
severe strain. In addition, Aurangzeb had abolished many taxes (such as rahdari and pindari)
considered illegal in Islam. Considering the economic situation of the empire there was a
justification for Reimposition of jaziya. According to an 18th century work, Nigarnama-i

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Munshi, jaziya was levied at 4% of the jama in khalisa and jagir lands which was not a
negligible amount. But the proceeds of this tax were deposited in a separate treasury called
khazana-i Jizyah and were to be disbursed for charitable purposes. Moreover, there were
number of exemptions–women, children, insane, very old persons, indigent persons were
exempted from paying the tax suggesting that it was a property tax and not an income tax.
Based on the above facts, the Reimposition of jaziya can hardly be considered as a measure
to deal with economic crisis facing the Mughal Empire.
In recent days, scholars have also tried to associate political factors with the Reimposition of
jaziya. It has been argued that despite several attempts, Aurangzeb had failed to achieve the
desired results from his Deccan campaigns. Neither could he manage to secure an alliance
with Bijapur against the Marathas nor could he contain the Marathas who in alliance with the
Golconda kingdom were emerging as defender of the Deccan against the Mughal forces. By
1676, realization had dawned upon Aurangzeb that the only way to achieve success in
Deccan was to abandon the limited encroachment approach (pursued since the days of Akbar)
and instead go for an all-out expansion the first step of which was to isolate Bijapur and
Golconda from the Marathas. However, despite several correspondences with the Bijapur
ruler and hectic activities in Deccan during 1676-78 Aurangzeb had failed to achieve even
this limited objective. Thus, the only alternative for Aurangzeb was to go for an outright
annexation of Bijapur and Golconda. If ever Aurangzeb needed the help of the Ulema it was
this moment when he was initiating a new approach towards Deccan which also included
military action against the Muslim kingdoms of Deccan. Therefore Aurangzeb, displaying an
outright conservative approach, thought it appropriate to reimpose Jaziya to win over the
conservative Muslim opinion. But still we cannot consider Reimposition of Jaziya as an anti-
Hindu measure because according to recent researches, the number of Hindu nobles at
various ranks of the mansab system increased after 1679.
Ideologically, the Reimposition of Jaziya represented reversion to a conservative Islamic
state which may not have resulted in oppression of the Hindus but it did attempt to establish
hegemony of Islam and a higher position to the Muslims among the subjects. Satish Chandra
has pointed out that Reimposition of Jaziya should also be seen as a huge bribe to the Ulema
as it was decided that Ulema would be given the right to collect Jaziya. A new department of
Jaziya with its own treasury and set of officials (amin) to be appointed from amongst the
Ulema was created. As the Ulema were facing unemployment, this measure brought a huge
relief to them with the added opportunity to humiliate Hindus in the process of collecting
Jaziya.
Whatever be the reason for Reimposition of Jaziya, scholars in general have considered this
as a regressive measure with immediate and long term negative consequences for the empire.
Many Hindus in the towns were humiliated by the collectors of this tax which often led to
strike (hartaal). It led to alienation of the Hindus in general and Rajputs in particular from the
Mughal Empire. Jaziya was therefore used as an effective slogan against the state during the
Rajput rebellion and the Jat revolt. Economically, it did not impact the higher classes but it

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put a burden on the lower classes. For the purpose of collection of Jaziya, non-Muslims were
classified into three categories according to the value of their property. Those owning annual
property worth up till 200 dirhams (a silver coin introduced by Aurangzeb for the purpose of
payment of Jaziya) paid 12 dirhams; those owning property between 200 to 10,000 dirhams
paid 24 dirhams and those with a property value exceeding 10,000 dirham paid 48 dirhams as
Jaziya tax. The people lying in the lowest income bracket such as artisans suffered the most
as a result of imposition of this tax because they earned only Rupees 3 per month. This
measure was also criticised by high ranking Mughal nobles and members of the royal family
including Aurangzeb’s own sister Jahanara who lampooned this as a poor administrative
decision which went against the notion of Sulh-i Kulwhich had been the basis of Mughal
polity since the time of Akbar. The reaction to Jaziya and Aurangzeb’s insistence on
retaining Hindu nobles also showed that since a composite culture had developed in India, it
was not possible even theoretically, to declare India as a purely Islamic state. It is no wonder
that Jaziya was first suspended in Deccan by Aurangzeb himself and then abolished all
together in 1713.
Music
The issue of ban on music (1668-69) by Aurangzeb is yet another subject of much debate and
speculation among scholars.The traditional views, largely based on contemporary writings
such as Manucci’sStoria do Mogor and Khafi Khan’s Muntakhab-ulLubab, present a picture
of total ban on music which was enforced strictly till the end of his reign. In support of their
argument they cite a much used statement of Aurangzeb which says “Bury (music) so deep
under the earth that no sound or echo of it may rise again”. It was also argued that this step of
Aurangzeb brought about economic ruin of the musicians and adversely impacted the music
tradition of India. Thus, ban on music is also added as another example of repressive rule of
Aurangzeb. However, recent studies on this measure of Aurangzeb based on several other
contemporary writings, have challenged this notion of general and permanent ban on music
as well as economic impact of the ban.
In a recent study on this subject, Katherine B Brown (2007) has argued that both Manucci
and Khafi Khan were writing political history and they had no interest in writing history of
music and also that their writing was biased against Aurangzeb and therefor any secondary
writing based on these accounts are bound to be subjective.Brown, on the basis of other
contemporary sources like Masir-I Alamgiri of Mustaid Khan, Masir-ul Umara of Shah
Nawaz Khan and Mirat-i Alam of Bakhtawar Khan has presented an altogether different
account of Aurangzeb’s personal attitude towards music and the ban order on music issued by
him. Tracing Aurangzeb’s love for music and musician since early times, Brown highlights
the episode (1653) of the influence of one HiraBaiZainabadi, an accomplished singer and
dancer on Aurangzeb who subsequently married her. But the marriage did not last long as
Hira Bai died within one year of the marriage and left Aurangzeb devastated. Manucci, using
this episode, had argued that after the death of the dancer Aurangzeb vowed not to drink wine
and not to listen to music again. But evidences, pointing towards Aurangzeb showing

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continued interest in music even after ascending the throne (1658) and the fact that his
favourite wife Udaipuri Mahal was also an expert musician run counter to the views of
Manucci. Large number of dhrupads was composed especially for Aurangzeb by expert
musicians (kalawants) and we also get evidence of Rs 7000 given as an award to
Aurangzeb’s principal musician Khushhal Khan Kalawant. Moreover, Khafi Khan himself
had argued that male and female dancers had dominated the anniversary celebrations of
Aurangzeb’s coronation from 1659 onwards. Another contemporary source Mirat-i Alam,
also praises Aurangzeb for his ‘perfect expertise’ in the art of Music. It is also a well-known
fact that Aurangzeb himself was an expert Veena player. We also know for certain that
largest number of Persian treatise on music was written during his reign. These evidences
very clearly bring out a more than positive attitude of Aurangzeb towards music and
musicians.
Regarding the ban order on music, both Manucci and Khafi Khan, based on their version, had
claimed that there was a general order issued prohibiting music and dance suggesting that the
ban was comprehensive and strictly enforced. The famous “bury the music…” statement of
Aurangzeb has been supplemented to bolster the argument of comprehensive ban on music as
well as dance. But if read between the lines, Khafi Khan seems to suggest that the restriction
was limited to high-profile musicians (Kalawants and Qawwals) who were traditional
exponents of dhrupad and khayalsinging respectively at the Mughal court. Manucci’s own
submission that Aurangzeb permitted performance of several dancing and singing by women
in his palace for the entertainment of his queens and daughters goes against his own
understanding of comprehensive ban on music and dance. Katherine Brown argues that the
accounts of European travellers who visited India during 1670-1700 also provide evidence of
music and dance performances during Hindu and Muslim religious festivals, Muslim
weddings, funerals and public processions. Based on the above, Brown argues that even if
there was a ban on music, it was restricted to certain types of music; it was short lived, poorly
enforced and widely flouted. Brown also points out that the decision of ban on music should
be seen as an act of personal abstinence on the part of Aurangzeb, a decision which was
guided by his religious conscience and state matters as it was a part of Mughal male culture
that music should not be permitted to interfere with matters of governance. In conclusion,
Brown is of the opinion that there was no public prohibition on music during Aurangzeb’s
reign and the ban was restricted only to a particular genre of music performed by elite
musicians in the presence of the emperor. Also that personal abstention from music had no
impact on musical life outside the Mughal court.
Long Questions:
1. Was Aurangzeb’s policy towards temples, Jaziya and music guided by the spirit of a
religious bigot?
2. In the light of recent researches analyse Aurangzeb’s policy towards temples, jaziya
and music.

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Essential Readings:
➢ Chandra, Satish (1993). Mughal Religious Policies, the Rajputs and the Deccan,
Vikas Publishing House (Chapters 9 and 11)
➢ Brown Katherine B. (2007). “Did Aurangzeb Ban Music? Questions for the
Historiography of his Reign” in Modern Asian Studies, Volume 41, No. 1, pp. 77-
120.
➢ Eaton, Richard M. (2003). Essays in Islam & Indian History 711-1750, OUP,
(Introduction and Chapter 4)
➢ J F Richards (1993), The Mughal Empire, Cambridge University Press
➢ Ali, M Athar (1997), Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb, OUP
➢ Truschke, Audrey (2017), Aurangzeb. The Man and The Myth, Penguin Random
House

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 Unit IV

17th CENTURY TRANSITIONS: MARATHAS

4.1 Deccan Policy of Aurangzeb

Aurangzeb’s Deccan policy was never uniform throughout his reign. Four distinct stages
may be noticed in dealing with the opponants in Deccan :
(i) The first stage starts with his accession and ends in 1666.
(ii) The second stage covers the years from 1667 to 1681.
(iii) The third stage starts with his entry in the Deccan in 1682 up to 1694.
(iv) The fourth or the final stage begins in 1695 and ends with the death of Aurangzeb
in 1707.
First stage of the Deccan policy (1658-1666)
But at the same time it may be pointed out that the entire question of launching an
aggressive policy in the Deccan cannot be viewed in isolation with the preceding events.
Shahjahan was keen to ensure a smooth functioning of the imperial administration in
Khandesh, Berar, Balaghat and Ahmadnagar territories. That is why he deputed Aurangzeb to
lead military campaigns against the Deccan states for the purpose mentioned above. And to
begin with when Aurangzeb became the emperor he was chiefly interested with the problem
of clearly defining the political boundaries of the Mughal Deccan. But as far as the Marathas
were concerned, Aurangzeb right from the beginning was not prepared to accord them the
same status was given to the Rajputs because they did not belong to traditional ruling
families. The Marathas appeared to him just as trouble makers and to chastise them he
deputed Shaista Khan.
Shaista Khan was himself a great supporter of the forward policy. Therefore, he was
enthusiastic about Aurangzeb’s plans in the Deccan. However, it appears that Shaista Khan’s
move lacked adequate preparation. Moreover, he had no real grasp over the peculiar
geographical and political conditions of the Deccan. To put it more blatantly the entire
campaign was based on recklessness. Hence’ Shaista Khan not only suffered personal
humiliation at the bands of the Marathas but his ill-prepared adventure ended in a miserable
failure.
For some time after this set-back sustained by the Mughals at the hands of the Marathas
there was not much military activity in the Deccan. These days were perhaps utilized by the
Mughals in engineering a well calculated plan. The growing political power of the Marathas
under the leadership of Shivaji compelled Aurangzeb to take timely action. To give a con-
crete shape to his designs Aurangzeb nominated Raja Jai Singh as the Viceroy of the Deccan.
Raja Jai Singh was directed to continue an aggressive policy.

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 Raja Jai Singh started his campaign in a systematic way. In fact he showed more
maturity in comparison to the earlier officers sent by Aurangzeb to conduct the affairs in the
Deccan. He not only applied the military tactics but made big use of diplomacy and other
methods including money to weaken the position of the Marathas. Many of the Maratha
chiefs-were enticed by Raja Jai Singh and they agreed to join the Mughal camp. The
defection of many of the Maratha chiefs combined with evergrowing defeats in the military
field compelled Shivaji to sign the treaty of Purandhar.
Thanks to Jai Singh’s efforts the expansionist policy of Aurangzeb at this stage was
crowned with success. But soon it received two setbacks.
(i) Firstly Jai Singh in spite of his best efforts failed to capture Bijapur.
(ii) Secondly, the escape of Shivaji from the imperial court at Agra gave a rude shock to
Jai Singh’s plans.
Both the factors mentioned above along with the expenditure incurred on the military
campaigns forced Aurangzeb to abandon his expansionist policy. For the time being he was
satisfied with some territorial gains. Thus, in the first stage, the deccan policy of Aurangzeb
was a partial success.
Second stage of the Deccan policy (1667-1681)
The period between 1667 and 1681 saw the discontinuation of Aurangzeb’s expansionist
policy. In this period the Mughals followed a defensive policy.
Jai Singh’s failure in annexing Bijapur was an eye opener for Aurangzeb. He perhaps
realized that the Deccan could not be included in the Mughal empire without adequate
military preparation and sufficient financial resources. And at this juncture, however, the
Mughal state was not in a position to meet the requirements of an expansionist policy.
It is also to be noted that during this period the Mughal state was confronted with
various problems in the northern India also. It is during this period that agrarian discontent
took the shape of armed uprisings. In 1669 the Jat peasants under the leadership of Gokula
rebelled and the imperial sources took nearly a year to suppress them. Again the Satnamis
rose in rebellion in 1672. Further after the death of Jaswant Singh Aurangzeb’s attention was
diverted towards the Rajputana. These were the important factors which further put a check
on an expansionist policy in the Deccan during the period, 1667-1681.
However, the discontinuation of the expansionist policy was by no means an end to all
the military activities in the Deccan. Except for the first few years, i.e., from 1667 to 1669 the
Deccan continued to witness many bloody battles. Particularly, the Marathas under the
leadership of Shivaji took initiative in this direction.
From 1670 to 1680 Shivaji continued to follow an aggressive policy against the
Mughals. For all these years the Mughals were faced with a hopeless situation in the Deccan.
Increasing hostilities of the Marathas made life difficult for them. Lack of good leadership

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and above all the financial difficulties had a demoralizing effect on the Mughal army.
Moreover they could not expect much help from the North.
Shivaji was quick enough to exploit the situation. This was most opportunate time for
him. He not only regained the control of many of the forts which he had to surrender after the
treaty of Purandhar but increased the number of attacks on the Mughal territories. Even a
distant place like Surat was not spared. Shivaji plundered it twice. Moreover, his military
raids were followed by the exaction of the Chauth.
Against Shivaji the Mughals were not in a position to renew an aggressive policy.
Circumstances had forced them to adopt a purely defensive line of action. Even in this poiicy
they miserably failed. The Mughals were more keen to find out a saving device rather than
meeting the serious situation thus developing in the Deccan. Many of the Mughal com-
manders were in secret collusion with the marathas. These factors, therefore, positively
helped the Marathas to emerge as a strong political force in the Deccan.
Moreover, it should also be remembered that the Marathas had the advantage of getting
support from Bijapur and Golkunda. These states were deadly against the Mughals and thus
gave all encouragement to the Marathas to create difficulties for the Mughal forces.
Aurangzeb, however, wanted to keep these political opponents away from one another.
Consequently, when Bijapur was facing internal crisis Bahadur Khan was directed by
Aurangzsb to attack Bijapur in 1676. But this attempt was not successful. In utter disgust
Bahadur Khan was recalled by Aurangzeb. He was replaced by Diler Khan as the Viceroy of
the Deccan.
Diler Khan, in order to justify his appointment as the Viceroy of the Deccan, took the
quick initiative of making an attack on Golkunda in 1677. It was a sudden attack on
Golkunda, but it proved to a futile exercise in adventurism. Not only he failed to capture
Golkunda but it was followed by a “disastrous retreat”. However, peace was concluded with
Golkunda. The terms of the peace treaty were favourable to the Mughals. In 1678 and again
in 1679 Diler Khan invaded Bijapur but failed to achieve his aim.
For the next two years or so Mughals remained satisfied with the status quo. More so
because the relations between the Mughals and the houses of Marwar and Mewar started wor-
sening. Aurangzeb concentrated his resources on these two Rajput states. But the situation
took a dramatic turn with the escape of his son Akbar to the Deccan. Akbar was given shelter
by Shambhaji. Aurangzeb realized and perhaps correctly, that if no time action was taken the
situation might go out of his hands. Consequently, he marched towards the Deccan.
Third stage of the Deccan policy (1682-1694)
The years between 1682 and 1694 saw the revival of the expansionist policy on an
unprecedented scale. Aurangzeb was determined to knock down all his political enemies in
the Dcccan. This time he was not engaged in a military compaign just to restore the Mughal
prestige or to put pressure on the political rivals for snatching certain concessions from them

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but to launch an aggressive policy with the sole intention of annexing all the territories of the
Deccan. No doubt Aurangzeb embarked on a gigantic task.
For obvious reasons Aurangzeb took the Marathas to task, and he made vigorous
attempts to inflict defeat on them. For the first three years the Marathas remained the sole,
concern of his military, activities. But soon Aurangzeb realized that without the eclipse of
Bijapur and Golkunda the Maratba power cannot be crushed. Hence, he turned towards
Bijapur, which ultimately fell in 1686. Within a year, the victory at Bijapur was followed by
the fall of Golkunda in 1687. Both these kingdoms were annexed to the Mugbal empire.
The annexation of these kingdoms was followed by renewed rapid military activities
against the Marathas, which finally resulted in the capture of Shambhaji in 1689. This was
the climax of Aurangzeb’s achievements. The year 1689 made him the supreme master of the
Deccan—a unique feat which non of his predecessors could achieve. Commenting on these
events Jadunath Sarkar remarked:
“The years 1688 and 1689 were a period of unbroken triumph to the Emperor.
His armies marched East and South to take possession of the forts and
provinces of the annexed kingdoms of Bijapur and Golkunda. Thus, Sagar (the
Berer Capital), Raichur and Addoni (in the east), Sera and Bangalore (in
Mysore). Wandiwash and Conjeveram (in the Madras Karnatak), Bankapur
and Belgfaoan (in the extreme south-west), were captured, and to crown all,
Shambhaji was captured along with his entire family. As the Maratha
chronicle says of 1689. ‘This year the Mughals took all the forts.”
Fourth stage of the Deccan policy (1695-1707)
The days of glory for the Mughals in the Deccan did not last long. Soon Aurangzeb saw
himself in the midst of a deep crisis. “The saddest and most hopeless chapter of his life now
opened”. From 1695 onwards the Marathas had started emerging as a formidable enemy of
the Mughals. Rapidly they had increased their power and in the coming few years they had
become the most ‘dominating factor of Deccan polities. Their area of military operation
extended from western coast to eastern coast. Entire Deccan was in flames. Aurangzeb never
expected that the situation would take such an adverse turn. He was pretty sure that once all
his three political opponents (rulers of Bijapur, Golkunda and the maratha kingdom) were
smashed he would be the sole master of the Deccan.
In the case of Adilshahis of Bijapur and Qutbshahis of Golkunda Aurangzeb’s calcu-
lations proved to be correct but this was not true in regard to the Marathas. In the absense of
any effective central figure the Maratha chiefs themselves took the responsibility of defend-
ing their interests. In their struggle against the Mughals the Maratha chiefs did not stand
alone. The toiling peasantry of the Deccan, which was ruined because of the opperessive
agrarian system of the Mughals and due to the constant warfare in the Deccan turned against
their new masters. They preferred to be with the petty Maratha chiefs in order to meet their
common enemy. This changing character of the opposition was bound to frustrate the

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expansionist policy of Aurangzeb. Constant warfare and troubled condition other parts of the
Mughal empire besides the aggravating economic crisis made it impossible for Aurangzeb to
consolidate his military gains in the Deccan.
The last days of Aurangzeb were spent in frustration and disappointment. His entire
calculations had misfired. He miserably failed to give any sensible direction to his policy. An
aimless policy was pursued. In order to regain the lost forts and territories he mobilized the
entire military resources. But whatever he could gain in the process lasted for a short time.
The authority of the Mughal state in the Deccan was eroded beyond recovery.
Fall of the Mughal Empire
The decline of the Mugbal Empire has been a subject of controversy among the scholars
of medieval Indian history. They hold different views on this complex problem. We have
been told that Aurangreb’s religious policy was responsible for the collapse of the Mugbal
empire. There are other historians who think that the “suspicious nature” of Aurangzeb was
responsible for this tragedy. And still there are a few historians who have discovered in the
climate of India an answer to this controversial problem. Lastly, Aurangzeb’s conflict with
the Rajputs and his annexation of Bijapur and Golkunda have been depicted as a great
political blunder on his part which ruined the Mughal empire.
The above mentioned views are open to several objections and are no longer taken
seriously by most historians of today. The historians who held these views were the product
of the days when in our country the writing of history was in a very backward stage of its
development. They confined their study mainly to relatively unimportant aspects of our
history. For them, history was nothing but a narration of the political and personal
achievements of the ruler and the nobles.
A section of Indian historians was misled by the communal interpretation of the history
of India by the British historians, who deliberately introduced the policy of divide and rule in
the domain of Indian history. But thanks to the efforts of nationalist and Marxist historians
we are in a better position to study and understand our history. Notable amongst them are Dr.
Tara Chand, R. P. Tripathi, Mohammad Habib and Dr. Kunwar Mohammad Ashraf.
Recently some historians exposed the view projected by the communal historians—
both British and Indian. In fact, they have started a new movement which for the first time
seriously challenged the imperialist and communal interpretation of Indian history. Some of
them are Irfan Habib, Satish Chandra, Tapan Raychaudhury, Athar Ali and Harbans Mukhia.
Especially the research works13* of Irfan, Satish Chandra and Athar Ali have a direct bearing
on important problems connected with the decline of the Mughal empire. They have made a
brilliant attempt to show the dominating role played by the social and economic factors in

13
* 1. Prof. Irfan Habib : The Agrarian System of Mughal India.
2. Prof. Satish Chandra : Parties and Polities at the Mughal Court : 1707-40.
3. Dr. Athar Ali : Nobility under Aurangzeb.

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creating a political situation which resulted in the decline of the Mughal empire. Indeed, no
serious student of history can ignore their opinions.
After haying discussed some of the controversies on this problem we would like to bay
attention to some important political, social and economic factors which caused the decline of
the Mughal empire.
A. Political Factors

• Conflict with the Marathas

As rightly pointed out by Professor Irfan Habib the “ Marathas “constituted the greatest
single force responsible for the downfall of the Mughal Empire”. The early seventeenth
century saw the rise of the Marathas. By the middle of the seventeenth century the Marathas
had acquired a prominent place in the politics of the Deccan. Under the leadership of Shivaji
they emerged as a powerful political force.
In 1674 Shivaji made the formal declaration of becoming an independent king and laid
the foundation of Maratha State. Though by 1689 Aurangzeb succeeded in capturing almost
all the forts which were under the possession of the Maratha chiefs and their leader
Shambhaji but this victory lasted for a short duration.
By 1695 the Marathas not only regained their power but became a real menace to the
Mughals. The changing position of the growing strength of the Marathas alarmed Aurangzeb
who took many steps to consolidate the position of the Mughals in the Deccan. But whatever
he could devise “petered out before the onslaught of the Marathas”. The local population and
native chiefs started swelling the armies of the Marathas. The popular support thus gained by
the Maratha chiefs virtually made them formidable, and it virtually became impossible for the
Mughals to carry on their administration. The Deccan was plagued with chaos, and the days
of the Mughal rule were numbered.
Aurangzeb frantically mobilized the military and economic resources of the Mughal
empire to avert his rout in the Deccan but it was too late. After his death, the Marathas
redoubled their efforts. They soon established themselves as the dominating force in the
Deccan. The casualty was of course the Mughal empire.
The conflict with the Maratbas not only caused the Mughals their prestige and military
glory but gave a heavy blow to the economic resources of the Mughal empire. In fact, the
Deccan became a white elephant to the Mughal treasury. This in turn had an adverse effect on
the fortunes of the Mughal empire, and this helped the Mughal empire to witness its fall.

• War of Succession
Since ancient times wars of succession are noticeable phenomena in the history of India
history of ancient and medieval world. The Mughal period also witnessed many wars of
succession. The war amongst the four sons of Shah Jahan is well known to the students of

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Medieval Indian History. The contemporary historians do speak about its many sided effects
on the Mughal State. But at that juncture the Mughal empire was too strong to be dislodged
by a single factor. However, it was not true in the case of the successors of Aurangzeb. By
that time the Mughal empire, because of the deepening economic crisis, exhausted its
strength. Every single battle fought under these circumstances brought further ruin to the
Mughal empire. Within a short time (1707-1710) a number of wars were fought over the
question of succession. The result was than these wars had shaken the very foundation of the
Mughal Empire.

• Over-expansion of the Mughal Empire

The emergence of monarchy witnessed the lust for territories in history. The Mughals
were no exception to this phenomenas. In fact, they inherited a craze for expansion. Right
from the establishment of the Mughal rule attempts were made to conquer new lands. Babar
and Akbar made a big headway in this direction. But the process of expansion reached at its
peak under Aurangzeb.
Aurangzeb succeeded in establishing perhaps the biggest empire in Indian history.
However, expansion without consolidation was meaningless. The existing circumstances
made it clear to him that he had neither sufficient economic resources nor an efficient
bureaucracy to administer such an extensive empire, in spite of his best efforts he could not
do proper justice to the conquered territories which in turn weakened his position even in
those areas where the Mughal rule was much consolidated. The result was that the Over
expansion of Mughal empire created more difficulties that it was able to cope. Consequently,
chaotic conditions prevailed all over the Mughal empire. And thus was prepared a fertile
ground for the forces of disintegration.

• Weakness of Administration
In spite of the fact that Aurangzeb worked hard to keep the administration intact and
personally also devoted himself without any break to discharge administrative responsibilities
he failed to avert its break down. Oppression, tyranny, corruption, slackness and inefficiency
became the chief characteristics of the day to day administration.
The contemporary historians and foreign travellers give ample information about the
high-handedness of the provincial governors, faujdars and zammdars. Bhimsen, a noted his-
torian of Aurangzcb’s reign, gives a vivid account of the actual state of administration.
Referring to the Deccan he points out:
“All administration has disappeared—the realm has been desolated, nobody
gets justice, they have been utterly ruined. The ryots have given up cultivation;
the jagirdars do not get a penny from the chiefs...Many mansabdars in the
Deccan, starving and impoverished, have gone over to the Marathas.”

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 In Northern India also the Mughal administration could not keep its earlier performance
and was failing again and again to rise to the occasion. The huge expenditure and ceaseless
wars in the Deccan had an adverse impact on the administrative efficiency in the northern
provinces. The result was that anarchy raised its head in this region also. The governors and
faujdars failed with their ‘contingents and incomes’to maintain the imperial authority in their
territories. The situation was ripe for the immediate tall of the empiie; but it was the iron will
of Aurangzeb and the legacy of the past which somehow kept the administration intact.
However, after the death of Aurangzeb the entire imperial structure started crumbling. And
once the administration was paralysed the collapse ot the Mughal empire became nevitable.

• Foreign Invasion
The prevailing conditions encouraged the foreign invaders to hawk upon the crippling
Mughal empire. Nadir Shah was the first to take advantage of the situation. His invasion in
1739 forced the Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah to accept a humiliating treaty.
Muhammad Shah was compelled to surrender a sizeable section of the north-western
region of Mughal empire to the ferocious invader. But more than this, the invasion of Nadir
Shah exposed the growing helplessness and weakness of the dying Mughal empire. The
centrifugal forces were bound to get benefited from this state of affairs. The governors, the
faujdars and the local chiefs redoubled their efforts to increase their influence. They
continued to pay lip service to the Mughal Emperor but, in reality, they became the actual
masters of their territories.
The process of disintegration was almost complete. And whatever little remained was
shattered by invasions of Ahmad Shah Abdali. His victory at the third battle of Panipat
(1761) reduced Mughal Emperor into a symbol of past glory. For all practical purposes the
collapse of the Mughal emperor was a reality.
B. Social and Economic Factors
Till recently the role played by the social and economic factors in shaping history was
ignored or underemphasized by our historians. Controversies and arguments generally
revolve around political factors. But with development of scientific outlook our historians
have started recognizing the importance of social and economic forces in moulding the
history of any society. In fact, without understanding the socio-economic realities of a given
period it is impossible to draw a sensible lesson from the political events. The study of the
political factors connected with the decline of the Mughal empire remains meaningless if we
fail to examine the decisive role played by the socio-economic factors. In this connection, we
will throw light only on two aspects namely, the crisis of nobility, and the agrarian crisis.

• Crisis of the Nobility

It has been often argued that one of the chief causes of the collapse of the Mughal
Empire-was the alien characterof the governing class. This view is not correct in view of the

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fact that the Mughal nobility consisted both of the foreign and native elements. Perhaps in the
entire history of mankind no ruling class was so much heterogenous in its racial composition
as was the Mughal nobility. The main racial groups of this nobility were the Turanis. Iranis
Indian Muslims, Rajputs and Marathas. Even the foreigners who originally came from
outside this country settled down in India and had no ties with their original places. Thus, to
call them foreigners is absolutely incorrect.
The Mughal nobility was the pillar of strength to the centralized bureaucratic structure
of the Mughal empire. The nobility contributed to the growth of an extensive empire. More
than this its contribution to build a composite culture was very significant. But in the second
half of the seventeenth century it found itself faced with an acute crisis.
Due to the scarcity of the jagirs and over all economic problems the social status of the
Mobility was the first casualty. The nobles had to maintain a high standard of living to keep
up their social position in the society. But without the flow of adequate income the task of
maintaining their position was quite impossible. Status must be maintained irrespective of the
steps taken in this direction. When such was the state of affairs a cut throat competition was
bound to follow. Any mean was considered justified if it resulted in meeting the financial
requirement of the nobles concerned. In the process the entire energies of the nobles were
spent in intrigues, counter-intrigues, underhand means, conspiracies and manipulations. All
this resulted in sapping the vitality of the nobility. Once this phenomenon became obvious
the collapse of the Mughal empire was inevitable.

• Agrarian Crisis
The strength of the Mughal state rested chiefly on its military power. Those responsible
to maintain it were called the mansabdars. The mansabdars were expected to keep
contingents which were mainly composed of the cavalry. In’lieu of this service the state was
obliged to pay the mansabdar either in cash or in jagir (land assignment). This makes it
obvious that a close “relationship existed between the military power of the Mughal’s and the
land assignment system (jagirdar system). No political system can exist without economic
power. And in an agrarian society the Mughal state was bound to depend on the income
received from the land.
The mansabdars realised their income from jagirs by way of land revenue. The land
revenue was fixed by the state. The Mughal state allowed the peasant to keep with him ‘only
the barest minimum needed for subsistence’. The result was that on the one hand the ruling
class lived in great splendour and comfort, while on the other hand the peasants passed their
days in “the utter subjection and poverty”.
In the later years of Shahjahan’s reign the state demand was increased to fifty per cent of
the total produce. Some relief might have been gained by the peasants on account of the rapid
rise in the prices of basic commodities, but since, the market system was controlled by the

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intermediaries the peasants were hardly to get much relief from the soaring prices. In fact the
increase in revenue demand brought them very near to starvation.
Not only the high demand on the peasants had worsened their conditions but there were
other factors which made their life more miserable. Let us draw your attention to the fact that
a jagir was in possession of Jagirdar for a temporary period. This temporary or uncertain
occupation of Jagirs made the jagirdars more interested in their immediate gains rather than
to care about the cultivation and cultivator. And, naturally, this callous attitude of the
jagirdars resulted in the ruin of both.
One more factor which brought a spate of misery for the peasants of Mughal India was
the operation of the jagirdari system. The mansabdars who were in the grip of financial crisis
or found theimelvcs unable to manage their jagirs, started farming out the jagirs to the
highest bidder. The jagirdari system is quite noticeable during the reigns of Shahjahan and
Aurangzeb but it was during the rule of the later Mugbals that it became universal. The effect
of the jagirdari system on the peasantry has been ably shown by Noman Ahmad Siddiqi and
Satish Chandra. The jagirdars were interested only in realizing revenues from the peasants.
Most cruel methods were applied by the jagirdars to squeeze the revenue from the peasants.
In fact, the jagirdari system was nothing more than a plundering raid on the meagre resources
of the peasants.
Besides, the peasants were harshly treated by the officials employed by the jagirdars or
the state. Two quotations from Bhimsen and Khafi Khan may be cited to make this clear:
Bhimsen remarked :
“......There is no limit to the oppression of these men......of their oppression and cruelty
what may one write? For no description can suffice.”
Khafi Khan pointed out:
“... ..The cruelty, oppression and injustice of the officials, who have no thought of God,
has reached such a degree that if one wishes to describe a hundredth part of it, it will still defy
description.”
Such conditions of high revenue demand, cruel behaviour of the jagirdars and officials,
were bound to produce a reaction in the peasants. Many of them stopped cultivation and left
their fields. The result was as pointed out by Khafi Khan: “......the country becomes
devastated every day......”
But a more noticeable phenomenon was the growth of “armed resistance” by the
peasants. The peasant revolts in the medieval period were a world-wide phenomenon. In
Europe, the peasant revolts of England and Germany are well-known. In Asia, the peasants
also revolted against the oppressive agrarian system. Abbasids had to face a number of
peasant uprisings. About China, we are informed, “the gigantic scale of such peasant
uprisings and peasant wars in Chinese history is without parallel in the world”.

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 In India too the peasants raised the banner of revolt against the Mughal state in the
seventeenth century. The revolts of the Satnamis, the Jats, the Sikhs and Maratbas during the
reign of Aurangzeb were, according to Irfan Hibib, peasants uprisings. The high revenue
demand, the high handedness of jagirdars and the officials and number of other related
factors forced the peasants to launch an armed struggle against the tyranny of the Mughal
state. Once started these revolts had shaken the very foundation of the Mughal Empire. In
order to save it from the disaster entire military resources were mobilized to crush the
revolting peasants. But all in vain. The Mughal Empire had to accept the verdict of history.
Ultimately, it collapsed. But the result was not surprising.

• Failure of Military Strength

The Socio-economic causes could not but effect the military strength of the Empire. The
army of which the Mughals were so proud did survive for a long time dispite its many
inherent defects. The very fact that the soldiers looked upon the mansabdar and not the
Emperor as his chief gave the army a weak feudal Character. Revolts among the officers
became frequent under the Later Mughals. Like the bureaucracy, the army too fell prey to
evil habits. The Mughal artillery was inferious to the Maratha tactics of warfare. It was no
match for the Europeans. The lack of finances did not allow any payment of salaries. For
some nobles it was impossible to maintain these full contingents because of financial reasons.
The civil wars certainly dealt a death blow to the possibility of improving the situation
because brilliant soldiers and great commanders lost their lives in them.
We may conclude by saying that it was not just one cause which led to the decline of
the Mughal empire. It was the outcome of several forces internal and external. Also, it was a
long-drawn process.

4.2 Mughal Administration

The Mughal emperors established a comprehensive administrative system in India. In

the existing administrative machinery, which they inherited from their predecessors, the
Sultans of Delhi, the Mughal emperors certainly introduced many new features. The most
important position was occupied by the Central Government in the administrative set up of
the Mughals.
4.2.1 The Central Government
The Emperor
The pivot of the entire administrative machinery in Mughal India was the Emperor. He
combined in himself all civil and military powers. He was the commander-in-chief, the chief
executive, the highest judge against whose decision there was no appeal, and the chief
legislative authority. He made all important appointments throughout the Mughal empire. He
levied whatever taxes he wanted to and spent whatever had been collected, as and when he
liked. Being not answerable to any earthly authority, the Emperor held all strings of

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administration in his hands. Thus, the Mughal Emperor was no doubt a despot both in
character as well as in practice.
The Emperor held court at least five days a week. He also appeared daily at the
salutation balcony or jharokha till Aurangzeb discontiuned this practice. On the occasion of
the jharokha-i-darshan the subjects of the Emperor were supposed have to unhindered access
to him in the courtyard below the balcony. Petition could be submitted by the people and they
who could expect expeditious justice then and there from the Emperor.
The Emperor met his high officers, the Mir Bakshi and the Diwan, somtimes the Khan-i
Saman in the private apartment, which was called the Ghusal Khana. Akbar originally
admitted only a few trusted persons to this apartment. Subsequently this rigidity was waived.
In addition to the Vazir and Mir Bakhshi, some key nobles of the Imperial court were also
permitted to join its deliberations. The successors of Akbar continued this practice of transac-
ting important state business in the Ghusal Khana.
The bulk of public business of the Mughal government was however, transacted in
Diwan-i-Khas-o-Aam and this may be called a Court of Commoners as it was open to all. It
was a court of justice, an executive council, a legislature and defence council rolled into one.
Here the representatives of independent rulers and agent of high dignitaries were granted
audience by the Emperor. On assumption of office, on transfer and while passing through the
capital all high officers were expected to seek the royal permission to attend it The Emperor
occasionally reviewed the troops stationed at the capital and inspected the stores and work
hope (Karkhanas).
Aurangzeb effected some other changes. A public darbar was held in the forenoon and
selected audience in the afternoon thus splitting the work into two separate meetings
distinguished as Diwan-i-Aam and Diwan-i-Khas respectively.
The court, in practice, moved with the Emperor. Naturally a camp office accompanied
him wherever he went. Therefore, the daily schedule of the Emperor was quite systematic and
strenous. Even when the Mughal empire was in the process of decline and the efficiency and
working of administration was fast dwendling one find the aged Aurangzeb performing his
daily routine with utmost zeal.
The Ministers
No monarch, even the most absolutist, has ever been able to rule his state unassisted.
Ministers and ministeries were the need of the hour. The cerdit for properly organising
ministeries at the centre goes to Akbar. These officers could decide certain problems on their
own, but for others they had to take imperial orders. Attempts were sometimes made by
interested parties to approach the Emperor directly. The court records of Aurangzeb at least
show that such attempts were seldom successful. Such representations were usually referred
to the appropriate ministry for its recommendation.

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 The Mughal Emperor had the following ministeries to help and to carry on day to day
work:
(a) The Vakil : The office of the Vakil seems to have come into prominence under the
Mughal rule when Akbar was a minor and Bairam Khan acted on his behalf as his deputy or
Vakil. The office of the Vakil gradually lost its significance. After Bairam Khan many
persons were, appointed to this coveted post of the Vakil but with the exception of Asaf Khan
none seems to enjoy political powers. In fact it became an honorary office.
(b) The Vazir : In the course of development the Vazir assumed a prominent position
among the ministers of the State and took away many of the powers enjoyed by the Vakil.
Since the finances of the state were placed under his control he was called Diwan-i-ala also.
In this capacity he dealt with all papers relating to revenue and decided cases connected with
organisation, assessment and collection of revenue. In shaping the policies of the government
he seems to have greater say in comparison with other ministers.
(c) The Mir Bakhshi : He is wrongly regarded as the Paymaster of the Army. As Ibn
Hassan remarks making payment to the army was “not a part of his regular and permanent
duties. He was concerned with the financial matters only when the army was on active
service”. Thus during the peace time when the army was not deployed for campaigns and
battles it received salaries from the office of the vazir. Thus, Mir Bakhsi was not entrusted
with the disbursement of salary. Otherwise duties of the Mir Bakhshi were far more
extensive.
The Mir Bakhshi was the head of the military department. He kept records of all
appointments, promotions, demotions, leave granted, advances made and realized. He
arranged for the payment of salaries in cash and by Jagirs i.e. authority to collect a specified
amount of land revenue from a specified areas of land after the Diwan or the Vazir had sent
the appropriate orders to him. He was the chief establishment officer who passed all the
salary’bills. On the battle-field, he acted as the chief military advisor of the Emperor. Every
province had provincial bakhshi.
(d) The Khan-I-Saman or Mir Saman : He was incharge of stores, supplies, public
works, royal industries aad commerce. He met all the needs of the Emperor and the Imperial
palace. He supervised public works, organised and ran Imperial workshops. The Khan-i-
Saman or Mir Saman was responsible for the quality of all that they produced. Robes of
office and Honour were supplied by him to all important public servants before they could
assume office. It is also to be noted that all important officials “papers were required to be
countersigned by the mirsaman.”
(e) The Sadr : The offices of the Sadr the chief Qazi.and the .chief Mufti are often
separately mentioned, but in practice, the Sadr combined in his person the office of the chief
Jagirs settle of disputes. On rare occasion, however, we come across names of separate
holders of these offices. Usually it is the Sadr acting in one or the other capacity.

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 The Sadr occupied important position in the early years of Akbar’s reign but in the
subsquent period the power of this oflice was much curtailed. Ibn Hasan, the well-known
authority on the Mughal administration thus writes :
“His (Sadr) powers, from the administrative point of view, were curtailed first by the
internal arrangements of the administrative machinery by which all grunts of lands by the
sadr passed through the hands of all other ministers, secondly, by restrictions imposed on the
use of the power of making such grants and thirdly by the creation of provincial sadrs.”
During the reigns of Akbar’s successors the administrative powers of the Sadr remained
in regard to the distribution of land grants to the poor, religious people etc.
The Sadr was also the head of the judiciary. But in this respect-also his authority
suffered because of the kings’ “holding weekly courts regularly” and paying more personal
attention to judicial work.
Besides the ministers there were many other important officers like the following :
(a) The Imperial Newswriter: The imperial News writer was the head of the
intelligence agency which was responsible for gathering information from every part of the
Empire. The newswriters in every province sent news and intelligence to the Imperial
Newswriter. He also received the reports of the newswriters that accompanied the military
expeditions. He read the reports sent by them— or such extracts as he thought relevant—in
the Court or passed them to the Diwan (Vazir) if they had first to be discussed in the private
audience chambsr of the Emperor. He took the orders of the court as they-were passed there
and read them out the next day for confirmation.
(b) The Superintendent of Posts: This incumbent organised a postal service for the
distribution and communication of Royal orders and for bringing to the Court the news-letters
and intelligence gathered by news writers of various sorts.
(c) The Chief Muhtasib : The Chief Muhtasib also functioned as the Inspector-General
of Weights and Measurer in addition to being the Chief Censor. Under Aurangzeb, his
functions as a censor overshadowed his work as the Inspector-General of Weights and
Measures. His main duty now become the enforcement of the religious policy of the
Emperor. As the list of things and acts ‘unlawful and forbidden’ expanded, so did the
functions and powers of this officer. As a censor, he was set above all public servants even
the military commanders. No wonder, than that the public servants did not like his prying into
their private lives and public conduct and that there are many instances of occasional friction
between the high ranking officers and the Muhtasib.
The fact that all these ministers and officers held their offices at the sweet will of the
Emperor, and they were answerable to him alone undoubtedly restricted their authority,
initiative and personal effort. Nonetheless they were not mere non-entities. Everyone of them
had some support in the ruling group of the Empire. Hence, their advice could not be

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summarily disregarded. However, in the last analysis, everything ultimately depended on the
strength or weakness of the soverign.
The Administration of Justice
The Emperor was the fountain of the administrative authority, including the dispensing
of justice. Accordingly, all the Mughal rulers fixed one day in the week for this purpose.
Thursday was fixed in the time of Akbar. Tuesday was fixed in the case of Janangir. Wednes-
day was allotted during the rule of Shah Jahan. Aurangzeb continued this practice.
Furthermore, the Emperor was the highest court of justice which tried both civil and criminal
cases. He was of course assisted by the Qazi. Besides it was the Darogha-i-Adalt who
presented petitions to him. When authoritative interpretation of law was necessary, the issue
was referred to a bench of Qazis for opinion or it could also be referred to special Bench
constituted for the purpose. When there was an appeal the Emperor presided it over court
comprising the Qazi-ul-Quzat and a few other Qazis and this court gave its virdiet both on
questions of law and fact.
The Sadr or Qazi-ul-Quzat was the chief justice of the Empire. It is he who administered
the oath of accession of the sovereign and order Khulbah to be read in the name of the new
sovereign. He also had power to try original criminal and civil suits. He even supervised the
working of the provincial courts.
4.2.2 The Provincial Administration
As in many other fields, once again one must recognise the administrative skill of
Akbar, who organised a uniform pattern of administrative framework at the provincial level
which proved to be sound, enduring and efficient. In this set-up he had made adequate
provisions for local administration. The Empire was divided into provinces in 1594. These
are:
1. Kabul 5. Agra 9. Bengal
2. Punjab 6. Oudh 10. Malwa
3. Multan 7. Allahabad 11. Gujarat
4. Delhi 8. Bihar 12. Ajmer
With the expansion of the Mughal Empire its territories were expanded to the South, and
subsequently the newly conquered territories were divided into provinces.
Three new provinces were created : Berar, Khandesh and Abmadnagar (subsequently
known as Daulatabad).

Orissa seems to have been created out of Bengal under Jahangir.

Kashmir was carved out of Kabul, Sind out of Multan, and Bidar out of Ahmadnagar
under Shah Jahan.

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 Aurangzeb added Bijapur and Golkunda.
Qandhar was under the Mughals for some time as a separate province but it was
ultimately lost to Iran in 1648.
Thus, though officially there were twenty-two provinces in the Empire, in fact these did
not exceed twenty-one at any one time.
Every province was headed by a governor and necessary provincial administrative
paraphernalia. Under Shah Jahan when a Royal Prince was appointed the governor of more
than one province separate administrations continue under deputy governors. This happened
when Dara the eldest son of Shah Jahan) was the governor both of the Punjab and Multan.
The Mughal territorial claims in the south were modest to begin with. But at one
southern kingdom after another was swallowed by the surging tide of Mughal imperialism it
was thought necessary to create province in place of every state - or even part of a state
annexed to Mughal territory. Ahmednagar was even split into two provinces, re-creating
Bidar which had been conqurred by Ahmadnagar earlier. These southern provinces do seem
to have been governed by a separate set of officials, even though very often only one
governor was appointed to hold them. When Aurangzeb himself was in the Deccan, during
the last twenty-five years of his reign, the whole area was administered at an emergency
footing as the Emperor was engaged in a life-and-death struggle in that peninsula.
Measures to Ensure the Integrity of the Empire
Akbar’s predecessors had never thought it safe to create a unit of administration as large
as a province for fear that its governor might become too powerful. After some bitter expe-
rience. Sher Shah had to redivide the province of Bengal into smaller units. When Akbar
created his provinces, he guarded against the possibility of the governors becoming too
powerful.
The Governor and the provincial Diwan were made independent of each other; both of
them took-their orders directly from the Emperor and could therefore act as a check on each
other. The military forces stationed in a province had to look to the provincial bakshi for
almost every other matter connected with their prospect in the services. His representatives
accompanied every expedition and supplied in their capacity as newswriters an independent
account of affairs. Combining in himself the office the provincial newswriter and the bakshi
its holder could as yet another check on an ambitious governor.
Further, Akbar did not allow the governors to be permanently attached to their pro-
vinces. He transferred governor long enough in a place to harbour rebellious designs. To cap
it all, the Emperor frequently moved from one province to another, at times on a military
mission and at others on an administrative tour. These tours reminded his official as his
subject that there was a ‘live’ Emperor above them.
Under Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb the custom of appointing a governor to hold charge of
more than one province destroyed one of the important safeguard instituted, by Akbar.
Aurangzeb’s preoccupation in the Deccan, for twenty-five long years, left the North
neglected. Payment by land assignments or the jagirs increased. And, sometimes, office-
holders discovered that they had been cheated as they could not collect the amount due to

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them, from their Jagirs. It was. thus, natural that the integrity of the Empire was undermined,
and the authority of the Emperor weakened.
During the last years of Aurangzeb’s reign his hold over the provincial administration
suffered a serious set-back. Sometime after the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 many provincial
governors in the North had virtually become independent of the Central authority. Without
formally repudiating the suzerainty of the Mughals Emperor, they, to all intents and purposes,
exercised the full authority within their domains.
(i) Provincial Officers
Besides the Subedar or Nizam (governor) every province had a diwan or Bakhshi— who
also acted as the provincial newswriter a Diwan-Buyutat representing the Khan-i Saman and
a provincial Sadr or Qazi. The diwan and the bakshi of the provinces did not take their orders
fiom the Subedar in the discharge of the duties of their respective departments. They were
three officers of equal standirg though the governor usually drew a higher salary and acted as
the representative of the Emperor in he province.
Every province was divided into sarkars or mahals which were subdivided into
paraganas. The latter was the lowest unit of administration. Every sarkar was under a
Faujdar, who was assisted by a karori or amil, representing the Diwan.
Every Sarkar had a kotwal at the district headquarters who functioned as the chief of the
police and kept law and order. Also there was a Qazi. The Imperial workshops or Karkhanas
were mostly located at the headquarters of the sarkar and functioned under superintendents
who worked under the provincial representative of the Khan-i-Saman.
The paragana was mainly a revenue unit under a Tahsildar or Assistant Collector of
Revenue. He was assisted by Qanungo and one or mere Chaudraris. The village Muqad dam
paid the land revenue to the Tehsildar at the pargana who was helped by adequate staff for
keeping an account of the amounts due receipts and arrear. Paraganas with a corsidereble
Muslim population usually bad a Qazi. A Shiqdar was either a Tehsildar known by his pre-
Mughal title or a lay judge and magistrate.

No government official seems to have been stationed in the village. The Muqaddam was
probably the head of the local Panchayat. A Patwari kept record of cultivation and revenue
on behalf of the community.
(ii) Local Administration of Justice
At the provinces there were different types of law courts.
Governor’s (Nizam’s) Court
The court of governor exercised both original and appellate authority. For original suit
he generally himself constituted the court. In these suits he was engaged not just to rely upon
the testimony of the witness or oaths, but he must make every effort to discover to truth. An
appeal from his verdict lay with the appellate court at the centre. While hearing appeals from
the subordinate courts he was assigned by the Qazi-i-Subah.

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Qazi-i-Subah’s Court
His court was actually the head of judicial administration at the provincial level. He too
had both original and appellate authority. His judicial duties were numerous and his work
was of a delicate nature. Many officers were attached to his court and these were Mufti
Muhtasib, Daroga-l-Adalat, Mir Adl, and Waqal Nigar.
Diwan-i-Subah’s Court
This court dealt with the revenue cases and also entertained appeals against the Amil’s
orders.
There were courts available at the various subordinate levels such as adalat, pargana
exercising original civil and criminal authority and the panchayat courts at the village level.
Cities had their own Kotwall which dealth petty municipal affairs.
Essential Readings:
➢ Gordon, S. (1993). The New Cambridge History of India: The Marathas, 1600-1818.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
➢ Wink, Andre. (1986). Land and Sovereignty in India: Agrarian Society and Politics
under the Eighteenth Century Maratha Svarajya. Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 51 – 65.
➢ Grewal, J.S. (1986). The New Cambridge History of India: The Sikhs. Delhi:
Cambridge University Press.
➢ Singh, Chetan. (1991). Region and Empire: Punjab in the Seventeenth Century. Delhi:
Oxford University Press.

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 Unit V

ART AND ARCHITECTURE IN MEDIEVAL INDIA

Introduction
Art and architecture is not just a study of forms, techniques, ideologies or aesthetics. As an
important aspect of socio-cultural history, the discipline has a role in the larger processes of
state formation; of forms of authority; legitimization and control. The built places and all
other art forms are active components of culture, society, power and politics. Art forms have
their own specificities and are central to any political-social formation. Architectural spaces
are interactive living spaces, possessing a social quality and are vital in the study of any
civilization.

5.1 Qutb Complex

The coming of Islam: Continuity or Rupture?

India has a rich tradition of art and architectural forms. You have already studied some of
these, like the various regional temple stylesand other built forms in early and early medieval
India. However, from 1192 onwards, new ‘Islamic’ architectural forms of mosques, tombs,
madrasas (Muslim religious schools), inns (serais), gateways and gardens were introduced
into the architectural vocabulary of the Indian sub-continent, after the conquest of north India
by the Ghurids. The local regional traditions responded to these new impulses and by all
accounts, Sultan Muizzud-Din Ghur’s Turkish slave, Aibak’s construction of the first
congregational mosque (Quwwatul-Islam mosque, 1192-93) in Delhi marks the beginning of
one of the most prolific periods of Indo-Islamic architecture, culminating under the Mughals
in the 16th and 17th centuries.

The Qutb mosque was not the first mosque to be constructed on the Indian soil. Trading
Muslim communities in Daibul-Banbhore, Sindh (8th century) and Bhadreshvar, Gujarat
(mid-12th century) before the conquest had been building their religious structures. The
mosque in Delhi was followed by the construction of another congregational mosque in
Ajmer, the Adhai-din-ka-Jhompra (1199). This too was built by Aibak for his Ghurid
masters. Similarly with the expansion of Delhi Sultanate, mosques came up in other areas of
north India as well. But what draws our attention to these new places of worship is in their
profuse use of re-cycled material from destroyed temples. The re-use of temple pillars to
erect the Qutb mosque, in the wake of the conquest, was later repeated for the Ajmer Adhai-
din-ka-Jhompraand can be seen in later structures as well in the course of Turkish expansion.
The visible iconic evidence of re-use of temple spolia and from the hyperbolic narrative of
contemporary Persian texts, these mosques have become sites of sectarian contestations. In
this context, concerns have been raised whether the Ghurid conquest then can be termed as a
‘Muslim invasion’ of India, creating a rupture in India’s cultural landscape.However, recent

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works have suggested that it was no encounter of monolithic cultural identities. There were
no unitary ‘Muslim’ communities, fractured as they were within intra-factions; equally
fractured were the indigenes with varied religious differences.It has been shown that the
immediate post–conquest period was followed by adjustments and hybridity in methods of
governance.
Coming to the context of architectural spaces, Hindu temples were not easily convertible into
mosques. You have seen that the temple is marked by a deepsanctum sanctorum
(garbhagriha) with a circumbulatory passage (pradakshina). The need of a mosque is an
open courtyard with a qibla (direction of prayer) wall. During Islam’s expansion elsewhere, it
was not difficult to convert large halls of churches, basilicas, synagogues and fire temples
into mosques by simply realigning them to make them suitable for communal prayer. But the
cloistered spaces of a temple, with its deep seated sanctum sanctorum, did not lend
themselves to their easy translation into mosques. This led to easy ‘wrenching off’ of the
structures, while saving the spolia for re-use. At the same time the need to hurriedly put up a
place of worship may in one way explain the devastation of temples. But we need to explain
this further.
In this context, we need to note that temples in pre-modern India were not just religious
centres butwere centres of power as well. The close nexus of religious centres and political
authority had existed at all times in all state formations. As symbols of authority of the
defeated kings, the places of worship were the first to be appropriated by any invading power,
a practice followed extensively in pre-Turkish India as well. Numerous examples can be cited
of demolition and plundering of rival Hindu, Buddhist and Jain shrines as records of
accomplishments of Rashtrakutas, Chalukyas, Paramaras, Cholas and Kashmir rulers in early
medieval India. In many instances, the spolia was re-used for new religious spaces as well.
Richard Eaton’s writings have shown that the expansion of the Delhi Sultanate was
characterized by selective demolition of temples that housed the tutelary deities of defeated
ruling kings. Razing of architectural monuments and replacing them with one’s own,
including religious structures, was a part of medieval warfare; referred by Oleg Grabar as the
“symbolic appropriation of the land”. The new structures became political and ideological
statements of the conquering powers.
In pre-modern states, similar inter-religious tensions are recorded in the Islamicate world as
well. Mahmud Ghazni, a Sunni, in the wake of his conquests demolished Isma’ili mosques in
Multan (1026).Karramis (a Sunni sect) in Nishapur conflicted with rival Shi’is, destroying
their mosques in eastern Islamic world during the 11th and 12th centuries. There were conflicts
documented among rival Sunni factions as well.
New forms and Decorative Motifs
The new forms of arcuate architecture comprising of true arches, domes, vaults and niches
was made possible by the use of masonry of lime and mortar. All these were introduced in the
novel structures of mosques, tombs, minarets, seminaries, inns and gateways whose

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construction was patronized by the new Turkish rulers. Geometrical decorative motifs, stucco
and inlay work, splendid calligraphy from the larger Islamicate world came to adorn the
buildings of the regions that came under the sway of the Delhi Sultanate. A process of
assimilation and integration was set in motion and further innovative forms in mosque,
sculpture and other architecture were experimented. Fresh ideas were assimilated from Iran,
Afghanistan and West Asia, only to become more marked under the Mughals with landscape
architecture and influences from Europe.
Organization of Building Practices
These novel experiments were carried out in an environment of continuity. Like in the
political and economic arrangements in the aftermath of the conquest, evidence shows there
was continuity of building practices as well. Needless to say, workforce would have come
from the local population. That indigenous labour force was employed for the Qutb mosqueis
seen in the Hindu names of shilpis (sculptors, architects or skilled craftsmen) and sutradharas
(chief masons) that appear as graffiti on the Qutb Minar, the adjunct minaret of the Qutb
mosque. It is further seen in the invocation to Vishwakarma, the Hindu patron-deity of
craftsmen and architects in a 1369 Sanskrit inscription on the minaret of the Qutb mosque. In
some instances, the nomenclatures would have changed, as for example, according to Barry
Flood,the mutawalli who provided the guidelines for the layout of the mosques and kept the
record of accounts would have replaced the brahmin priest, who acted as an architect of the
temples, the acharya or sthapaka. The mutawalli would have hired the master-mason, the
local sutradhara, who in turn would have supervised the numerous masons, cutters, layers,
embellishers and other craftspeople from various indigenous guilds.
The whole building activity was very labour intensive. Barani’s mentions 70,000 workers for
the buildings of Alaud-Din Khaljito erect them in two or three days. Mughal sources too
mention a large work force in employment. Mobilization of such large resources would have
involved a fair amount of supervision and bureaucratization.
Finally, rarely Sultanate or even Mughal monuments are inscribed with architects’ names but
we do know some names from literary sources.
General Observations
Before we begin with the discussion on the first set of buildings under the Delhi Sultans,
certain aspects need to be contextualized. To begin with, we need to keep cognizance of the
fact that these ‘Islamic’ forms of mosques, tombs, arches and domes do not mean that there is
something called a monolithic Islamic art. Islam in its expansion (7th-19th centuries)
interacted with local traditions of ethnic and social diversities everywhere, thus creating in its
wake characteristically regional hybrid structures everywhere. However, there are factors of
unity, arising from the normative force of Islam, that makes Islamic art Islamic and gives it a
universal appeal.

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The Muslim place of worship is universal in the sense it has no specific liturgical
requirements except to indicate the direction of prayer (qibla) towards Mecca. The other
normative aspect is the communal nature of prayer, arising from its egalitarianism. This
absence of any strict requirements makes it more receptive to absorb local traditions and
forms, and India provided a rich architectural repertoire. Then there is the symbolic and
decorative role of Arabic script, calligraphically rendered, which characterized the buildings.
And finally there is the normative aspect of rejection of sculpture or figural depiction in
Islam.
Certain other aspects need to be underlined. The medieval world was witness to a high
mobility of merchants and artisans. Ideas and techniques travelled with the people resulting in
a process of adaptation and assimilation, making specific identities and cultural affiliations
almost impossible to decipher. As we shall see in the following discourse, there are no
specific cultural identities assigned to monuments, as there is no ‘Muslim arcuate’ or ‘Hindu
trabeate’. Arches are used in temples and pillar and beams are used in ‘Muslim’ buildings.
The eclectic Indo-Islamic style that developed as a result of constant dialogue between two
cultures produced prolific structures, the story of which unfolds first with the Qutb complex.
The Qutb Mosque (Quwwatul-Islam mosque, 1192-93) and the Qutb Minar
Mosque or masjid (place of prostration) is central to the religious life of Muslims. It
universally has some requirements: a qibla wall, indicating the direction of prayer towards
Mecca and a niche in its centre as the mihrab. Sometimes later in the Islamic world, a screen
or maqsura was thrown in front of the mihrab to cordon off the area for the use of the royalty.
A dome or qubba’ before the mihrab usually surmounts the structure. In addition, Friday
mosques have a mimbar, the pulpit from where the leader of the congregation pronounces the
Friday sermon. The courtyard or sahn accommodates the people and usually has a water-
basin in the middle. A minar or a tower from where the muezzin gives the call to prayer was
square, spiral or fluted in shape. Their numbers could also vary. Mosque architecture in
medieval India, while following these basic requirements, represents a variety of forms,
varying from region to region and under different dynasties. We shall now discuss the Qutb
mosque.
Construction under Aibak and Iltutmish
The Qutb mosque, also called the Quwwatul-Islam mosque or the Masjid-i Jami’, the first
royal mosque is a simple rectangle (214 x 149 feet) in the Chauhan citadel of Qila Rai Pithora
(Fig. 1). Aibak began its construction soon after the conquest (1192). Built on the plinth of an
earlier temple, it was extended twice in the succeeding reigns of Iltutmish and Alaud-Din
Khalji. The foundation text in naskhi scripton the eastern main gate mentions its construction
from the spolia of twenty-seven Hindu and Jain temples, each costing 20, 00,000 deliwals.

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 Figure1: Qutub Mosque
(Source:https://live.staticflickr.com/574/23591111960_4a68575cf3_b. jpg)
Aibak’s original layout comprised a colonnaded qiblaliwan (prayer chamber), four bays deep,
following an Arab hypostyle type mosque. The eastern side colonnade or the riwaq is three
bays deep, while the northern and southern riwaqs are two bays deep (Fig. 2). The mosque’s
four corners have raised compartments as mezzanine storeys, earlier thought to be for the
women. But according to Barry Flood, the north-west and south-west ones are more likely to
be muluk-khanas, the royal enclosures that first appeared in Mahmud Ghazni’s mosque in his
capital and later for Ghurids in Afghanistan.

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 Figure 2: The Colonnades of the Mosque
(Source:https://previews.123rf.com/images/heavyrobbie/heavyrobbie1205/heavyrobbie12050
0014/13602127-decorated-columns-of-qutb-complex-mehrauli-new-delhi-india.jpg)
The pillars of the mosque are temple columns sculpted with the usual Shaivite, Vaishnavite
and Jain images, but often defaced. The roofs too have indigenous motifs of kirtimukha
(radiant lion face), lotus, kalash (pot of water) and figures of yakshas and yakshis (nature-
spirits).These roofs of flat slabstaper to shallow corbelled conical domes, following the
‘Hindu’ trabeate construction principle (Fig. 3). And this is not all. Ten incarnations of
Vishnu are placed facing the outside on the southern wall of the mosque. Scenes from the
birth of Krishna are depicted on the wall-panel of the northern side. Further it seems original
stones from the temple debris were picked up to assemble the complete lotus motifs that were
put on the colonnade ceilings. It is interesting, according to Barry Flood that the motif
kirtimukha, standing for auspiciousness with talismanic qualities, appears more than thirty
times on the trabeate lintels and unaccounted number of times on the pillars that support
them. This selective use of iconography from pillaged material is also seen at the
contemporary Ajmer mosque. The structures don’t appear to be assembled in a hurried way.

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 Figure 3: Mosque Pillar (Detail)
(Source:https://www.indiacitywalks.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/IMG_7549.jpg)
A red sandstone screen of arches, a maqsura, comprising of five arched openings was thrown
in front of the prayer chamber sometimes in 1199, perhaps to make it more ‘Islamic’. Most of
it is in ruins today. But from a reconstruction it can be conjectured that the central larger one
(50 feet in height) was flanked on each side by two smaller arches. Above the flanking arches
was a kind of clerestory having series of four smaller arches, one over each of these side
arches. The arches are corbelled and not ‘true’ and meet at the pinnacle in an ogee ‘S’ curve,
like the Buddhist chaitya arch. The ogee arch makes the screen that is of much height look
light and delicate. Creepers in spiral form with florals contrasting with calligraphic panels of
Quranic verses are carved on the entire red sandstone surface of the arches, adding to its
beauty (Fig. 4).

Figure 4: The Screen of the Mosque

(Source:https://smarthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Mosque-pillar-screen.jpg)

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In 1220’s, Iltutmish erected an iron pillar from a Vishnu temple in the mosque’s courtyard.
Re-erection of antique pillars belonging to past great rulers was a pre-Turkish
commemorative practice of appropriation for legitimization in pre-modern states.
Adjoining the mosque is a red sandstone minaret, the Qutb Minar, Delhi’s most famous
landmark. Begun by Aibak but completed by Iltutmish, the minaret was originally 4 storeys
high. The fifth was added by Firuz Shah Tughluq, when he repaired its fourth storey in 1368.
The tapering structure, which is 46 feet in diameter at the base and 10 feet at the summit, was
originally 238 feet in height. Aibak built the first storey that has wedge shaped flanges
alternating with circular scallops. The second storey by Iltutmish has a circular scalloped
surface, while the third is stellate wedge shaped,also built by Iltutmish. Plain circular surfaces
with incised marble form the fourth and fifth storeys, the fourth being also built by Iltutmish
(Fig. 5).

Figure 5: Qutb Minar

(Source:https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/c0/Qutb_Minar_2011.jpg
/200px-Qutb_Minar_2011.jpg)

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This changing pattern of the fluted storeys adds to the beauty of the Minar. Eulogies of
conquest and Quranic inscriptions cover the entire surface in a band like fashion that is laid
over vivid hues of red sandstone. The minaret has its prototype in the Ghurid minaret of
Khwaja Siyah Push in Sistan, in the tradition of the architectural practice of constructing
towers and minarets in the course of expansion.
The most decorative parts of the Minar are the encircling balconies that go right around the
structure, while dividing each storey. These balconies are supported by aningenious work of
stalactite bracketing of small arches, reminiscent of the cusped stone tracery of temple
ceilings (Fig. 5).
The corbelled arches, conical domes and screen embellishment of the Qutb mosque and the
embellishment of the Minar for certain was accomplished by the indigenous workforce who
were used to doing temple carvings. The name, Fazl ibn Abi’l-Ma’ali is inscribed on the
mosque screen as well as it appears on the first storey of the minaret. He was probably the
supervisor under whom the labour force of stone cutters, carverers and masons worked. As
mentioned earlier, invocation to Vishwakarma, appears here and the inscription on the fifth
storey gives the name of one Nana Salba, son of Chahada Dev Tala, as the master-mason
under whom the repair and additions were carried out in the reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq in
1368. Another nagari inscription on the lowest storey calls the tower, the victory tower
(vijaystambh) of Sultan Ala ud-Din Khalji.
Under Iltutmish, colonnades were further extended to the north, south and east of the
complex (1229-30) with added pillars, a flexible feature of Arab hypostyle design. The Minar
was brought within the precinct of the mosque. The Iltutmish pillars are plain shafts with
equally plain capitals. The screen too was extended with three more arches, equally plain
with no ogee. The arches still haven’t evolved into true arches (radiating voussoires) and
remain corbelled here as well. However, the more ‘Islamic’ Kufic and Tughra styles of
calligraphy cover these arches.
Extension under Ala ud-Din Khalji
The second phase of extension of the Qutb complex came much later under Ala ud-Din
Khalji. By extending it towards the north and east, he made it twice the size of Iltutmish’s.
But not much remains today, except its fairly well preserved southern gateway, the Alai
Darwaza. That the complex was close to the Khalji is apparent from the presence of
incomplete remains of a much more ambitious and a loftier minar in black stone in the
complex. This was probably conceived by him as a sequel to the original red Minar. Going by
the existing foundations of the extension and these two surviving structures, the Khalji
extension would have certainly been far more ambitious.
The Alai Darwaza
The southern gateway to the mosque, the Alai Darwaza (1305, Fig. 6)) displays a fresh wave
of influences from Syria and Iraq. For the first time, a new method of stone masonry is seen

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in this structure. The use of 2 alternating courses of wide stretchers and much narrower
headers into the rubble resulted in a much firmer interlocked bond for walls. The Mongol
expansion had led to displacement of artisans from central and west Asia, who would have
brought in new techniques of masonry, forms and motifs to enrich Delhi architecture. One
can see this much more determinative techniquelater in Mughal architecture.
The Alai Darwaza is a cubical structure in red sandstone with marble incised work. It is 55
feet on each side in plan. The middle of each side is pierced by a doorway of spear-headed
fringes of the boatkeel arch. This pointed horseshoe arch is reminiscent of the Great Mosque
at Cordoba. Fresh impulses from the larger Islamicate world are assimilated here. This is
further seen in the wall surfaces of two storeys of vertical upright rectangular panels of
perforated stone windows that flank these doorways. The vertical bands with marble
trimmings complete the beauty of these flanking wall surfaces on the outside of the structure
(Fig. 6). The interior walls too are attractive with their arabesque patterns carved in low
relief. The naskhi inscriptions of the structure proclaim the Sultan’s greatness, his association
with the famed Alexander the Great and his religious piety.

Figure 6: Alai Darwaza

(Source:https://www.sahapedia.org/sites/default/files/styles/sp_inline_images/public/15_16.j
pg?itok=haGqZTDj

The Darwaza is also distinctive because of its very successful use of the ‘true arch’ (radiating
voussoires) in its inside. It appears here as a squinch arch, employed in the transition zone
where the circular octagonal rim of the dome has to transform into the square rim of the hall.

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Through an ingenious use of successive recessed squinch arches, forming a cluster of pointed
arches, the weight of the domed ceiling is successfully transferred to the square hall below.
The principle used here, as for the dome and other arches of the building is the method of
radiating voussoirs (true arch) and not corbelling, as seen in the adjoining mosque. The
indigenous artisan by now had mastered the new Saracenic arch.
5.1.3.2 Tomb of Iltutmish (1235)
Located on the north-west corner of Iltutmish’s extension is his tomb, a square plan of 42 feet
on each side. Open on three sides of north, south and east, its exterior is plain except for some
patterned borders on the entry gateways (Fig. 7). It once had a shallow dome surmounting it
that collapsed or probably was left unfinished, because of the wider span that it had to roof
but was disproportionate and its remnants can be seen today lying around. But the interiors of
the structure are very ornately embellished. Its red sandstone walls have marble insertions
and trimmings with Quranic calligraphic panels in Kufic, Tughra and Nastaliq formats. The
other eye-catching feature of this early tomb is the mihrab on the western wall that resolves
into three receding mihrabs with marble inserts.

Figure 7: The Tomb of Iltutmish

(Source:https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1d/Tomb_of_Altamash.jp
g/220px-Tomb_of_Altamash.jpg)
Among the other structures at the Qutb complex, there is a much ruined building that is ‘L’
shaped with blocks of rooms and halls. Conjectured to be the ruins of a seminary, the
interiors make use of pendentives, instead of the squinch arch in the transition zone. Another
dilapidated structure here, also built by Ala ud-Din Khalji, is a tomb, widely thought to be the
Sultan’s. These structures are in the Seljuk tradition. A later octagonal Lodi tomb of Imam
Zamin with latticed screens and some late Mughal era structures like a garden, a mosque and
a serai comprise the other buildings of the complex.

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Conclusion
Interpreting the Qutb complex: Multiple Narratives
The re-use of temple material to construct the first royal mosque in India after the Ghurid
conquest has dominated the multiple narratives regarding this important monument. This has
generally followed two streams. In the first and more in circulation among the general public,
the complex has been widely read as the Quwwat-ul Islam masjid or the ‘Might of Islam’
mosque. A mighty Islam with its ideology of iconoclasm, leading to social fissures is
implicated in these writings.
However, Sunil Kumar’s essay on the Qutb has shown that the phrase, Quwwat-ul Islam
actually never occurs anywhere in the mosque’s inscriptional programme, nor it does in any
contemporary Persian writings. According to him, instead it was corruption of the name,
Qubba’-i Islam, (sanctuary of Islam), sometimes used for Iltutmish’s Delhi in the 13th
century. This phrase later in the late 18th and early 19th centuries came to be used for the Sufi
saint Qutbud-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki (d. 1235), the revered patron saint of Delhi. The adjoining
minaret was the saint’s staff (Qutb sahib ki lath) that pierced the sky to give stability, order
and shelter to the mortals on earth. In popular cosmology it was the saint and not the mosque
which was the Qubbat-ul Islam, the sanctuary of Islam. And to honour his charisma, the
adjoining minaret was named the Qutb Minar. But in the realm of popular culture, the term
Qubbat-ul Islam was transformed into Quwwat-ul Islam or the ‘Might of Islam’ and came to
be used for Aibak’s mosque. This in turn fitted well with the military persona of Aibak,
buttressed by the use of temple spolia to construct the first mosque.
The second stream, a more positive reading of re-cycled material looks at the architectural
and iconic evidence of the monument. Here the debate between the colonists and nationalists
centres on the extent of indigenous and foreign influences that are seen in these structures. In
this paradigm, the Qutb complex is read as a beginning of a ‘Hindu-Muslim’ synthesis in art,
a movement towards unity and fusion. It is a start of a new vocabulary of Indo-Islamic
architecture, of assimilation and accommodation of technical and aesthetic co-operation of
Muslim architect masters and Hindu craftsmen masons. As a final word in this context, it is
interesting to mention that in the selective use of certain motifs like the kalash, lotus and the
kirtimukhas in the portals of the Qutb mosque, a certain active cultural interaction is seen
between two cultures rather than a passive acceptance of forms in a hostile environment.
To further conclude, the significance of the complex is evident from the form of the Qutb
Minar that was often imitated and integrated in later Sultanate monuments. Smaller replicas
of the Minar appear as engaged turrets in the architecture of Begampuri, Khirki, Bara
Gumbad and Qila-i-Kuhna mosques. Provincial architecture too imitated the tapering Minar
in its buildings. Shahjahan as well modelled a hunting tower, the Hastsal Minar (1634) in
Delhi after the lowest storey of the great Minar.

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Long Questions
1. Discuss the various architectural features of the Qutb complex.
2. What new architectural features were introduced by the Turks in India? Illustrate your
answer with a case study of the Qutb complex.
Short Notes
1. Qutb Minar
2. Qutb Mosque
3. Quwwatul-Islam mosque
4. Alai Darwaza
Essential Readins
➢ Sharma, Y. D., Delhi and its Neighbourhood, ASI, Delhi, 1982 (3rd print).
➢ Sharma, Y.D and J. A. Page, Qutb Minar and Adjoining Monuments, ASI, Delhi,
2002.
Selected Readings
➢ Brown, Percy, Indian Architecture: The Islamic Period, D. B. TaraporevalaSons and
Co. Pvt. Ltd., Bombay, 1942 (3rd edition).
➢ Asher, Catherine B., Delhi’s Qutb Complex: The Minar, Mosque and Mehrauli, Marg
Publications, Mumbai, 2017.

5.2 Vijayanagara (Hampi)

Introduction
Hampi, the capital of Vijayanagara is a UNESCO World Heritage Site. It has some 1000 odd
monuments scattered over a large area, some standing and some ruined. The geographical
terrain of the site comprises of riverine flats, hills and plenty of granite rock. The rich
materiality of the area, located on the northern end of the empire combined with the site’s
mythical and sacral associations with Shiva and the Ramayana tradition from early pre-
Vijayanagara times. This made the area especially attractive for the new capital to come up
ofthe newly founded Vijayanagara kingdom. The carefully chosen site’s sacral topography,
one can further say, extended well beyond its ‘urban core’ of 10 square kilometers. In fact,
the sacral and the temporal often overlapped in the larger metropolitan Vijayanagara
landscape of roughly around 350 square kilometers. The structures here are material
representations of Vijayanagara’s imperial ideology and its strategies of legitimization and
control.

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Plan of the City
Hampi was a city planned on a grand scale. Recent researches by George Michell, John M.
Fritz and others have documented that the city comprised of roughly three zones: the Sacred
Centrealong the south of river Tungabhadra in hilly areas; a second broad zone, south of it,
the ‘urban core’ with the Royal Centre; and in between these two came the third zone, the
agricultural zone marked by an irrigation canal (Fig.1). The sacred zone has religious
structures belonging to pre-Vijayanagara times, like the Virupaksha shrine besides others.
The later urban core, because it essentially came up in imperial times has no such pre-
Vijayanagara shrines. Also to be noted is, keeping in view the researches by Michell and
Fritz that these sacral and royal zones are not strict absolute categories. For interestingly, the
Royal Centre too has some 60 ruined temples, establishing the fact that no strict
categorizations regarding the sacral and royal were really adhered to in conceiving the plan,
space and function of the new capital city.

Figure 1: Plan of Hampi (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/Map1.gif)

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The sacral area has temples, among others, dedicated to Krishna, Virupaksha,
Tiruvengalanatha (Venkateshvara / Srinivasa), Vitthala, Ranganathaand Kodandarama. The
centrality of religious shrines in the ideological underpinnings of Vijayanagara is evident
from the names of surrounding localities of several temple complexes. These areas were
named after the shrines or temple deities in their vicinity; the area thus having a separate
identity. The area around the temple of Virupaksha on the riverfront was called
Virupakshapura and the one around the Krishna temple on the north of the dividing irrigation
canal was called Krishnapura. Sometimes the residential areas had quarters named after the
king, who had patronized their construction. Inspite of presence of large number of Shaivite
and Vaishnavite temples, archaeological evidence throws up a cosmopolitan character of the
imperial city. Religious pluralism can be seen in the remains of tombs, mosques, gravestones
and cemeteries that are found on the eastern edge of the urban core. The two southern
suburbs of the city, Kamalapuram and Kadirampur too were Muslim quarters. We know
Vijayanagara employed Muslim soldiers in its armies and Muslim artisans and merchants
were a regular part of its population. Besides these Muslim quarters, there is evidence of
Jaina quarters as well in the south-east of the Royal Centre (Fig. 1).
Excavations under the Vijayanagara Research Project have shown that fronting all the
principal temples were long paved roads. These were lined on both the sides by various
structures of houses, ware houses and shops. Remnants of these buildings can be seen today
in roughly hewn stone pillars, beams and roof slabs that are strewn around. Some of these
buildings would have been two-storied structures. The walls were originally of plastered
wood or rubble and were capped with wooden and thatched roofs. A 16th century inscription
refers to the road beginning in front of the Hazara Rama temple as a ‘big bazaar street’. That
Vijayanagara was a commercial centre is also testified by the presence of four large bazaars
that were located in the Royal Centre. The city’s fortified walls and shops with their
merchandise have been graphically described by the Portuguese traveller, Domingo Paes
(1520).
Vijayanagara, in much of its history was constantly at war with her neighbours, so it is not
surprising that massive walls of stone-clad packed earth surrounded the core and suburban
areas of the capital. Recent research has established that some 650 square kilometres were
encircled by these defensive walls with bastions, ramparts and watch posts. The ones in the
royal area are as high as 10 meters and are particularly thick. Catchment basins and water
reservoirs were built in between these rings of walls. These walls therefore, served people’s
daily needs and were a part of Vijayanagara’s militaristic pursuits as well. The city had
extensive waterworks as well. Several water aqua-ducts are archaeologically documented.
The royal area comprised of palaces, women’s quarters, baths, stables and several religious
shrines, the most spectacular being the Hazara Rama temple for royal worship. Wells and
tanks are found alongside remains of Chinese porcelain and other pottery all over in the
larger metropolitan area of Hampi, thus confirming widespread urban habitat.

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Temple Architecture
General Observations
Vijayanagara rulers were great patrons of temples and shrines of both Shaivite and
Vaishnavite deities. Temples dedicated to Virupaksha, a form of Shiva, the patron-deity of
Hampifrom pre-Vijayanagara times continued to be built, although the later dynasties
patronized Vaishnavism and shrines came up associated with the Ramayana tradition. Under
the Tuluvas, cults from other parts of the kingdom too were incorporated in the capital in
order to integrate their sanctity for legitimization of the state. The inclusion of new cults and
continuation of older cults and temples resulted in intense temple building and kings and the
elite increasingly patronized them, as the temples became larger and more ornate.
Among the early imports into Vijayanagara city were the cults and shrines of Mallikarjuna of
Srisailam and Kalahastishvara of Kalahasti, all important Shaivite dieties from outside the
capital. Krishnadevaraya installed the image of Balakrishna, brought from Udaigiri fort of
Gajapatisin a shrine in Krishnapura in the Sacred Centre (1514). The Tiruvengalanatha
temple (1534) housed the image of Venkateshvara from Tirumalai and atleast 8 more temples
are dedicated to this Vaishnavite diety. Similarly many temples dedicated to Ranganatha
(form of Vishnu) of Srirangam too are found on the site. The cult of Vitthala, imported from
Pandharpur, by 16th century is seen in the great Vitthala temple in the Sacred Centre. The
grandeur of the temple rivals the temple of Virupaksha here. Both these were enlarged with
additions a number of times. The suburbs, to the south of the core area of Hampi too had
shrines, most important here being the Pattabhirama temple.
Elements of religious pluralism in the capital city can be seen in the worship shrines of
minority religious communities. The remains of atleast 6 Jaina temples are documented in the
eastern side of the Royal Centre in the Jaina quarters. Among the well-known example is the
Ganagitti temple (1386), dedicated to Kunthu Jinanatha. The structure follows a later
Chalukya style but is overall a characteristic Vijayanagara creation. Most of these temples are
situated along the main roads that lead from the Royal Centre to the river and beyond.
Mosques, tombs and gravestones are found in the north-east end of the urban core in the
Muslim quarter of the city. A dated mosque here belongs to the year1439.
Stylistic Development and Characteristics
Early Vijayanagara temple architecture in and around the capital adhered to contemporary
regional forms of southern Deccan, where Hampi is located.The early shrines, like the
14thcentury Virupaksha temple at the Royal Centre and some other smaller shrines in the
southern part of the site mark the ‘Deccan style’ of Hoysalas and Kakatiyas. However, by
early 15th century, a distinctive Vijayanagara style, combining elements of the more southern,
the Dravida style of the Cholas, Pandyas and the Deccan evolved through assimilation and
adaptation. The preferred material for standardised construction was granite and its local
variation, rather than schist that had been used earlier. But not all temple-building activity at

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Vijayanagara conformed to this Tamil-zone inspired manner, variations persisted following
regional practices or specific needs of legitimization. It is interesting that under the Aravidus,
Chalukyan architectural material was reused in structures at Hampi; a need was felt in the
16th century to invoke the Chalukyan imperium.
Distinctive features of the Vijayanagara style include the pradakshina (high walled
walkaways around the central shrine), sculpted basements of structures, ornate pillared
mandapas (assembly halls) with huge double-roll cornices and gopuras (lofty temple
gateways set in high walls). The Vijayanagara pillar characteristically consists of base
mouldings topped by square sections alternating with multi-faced, usually octagonal bands.
The middle band usually has different number of facets from those immediately above and
below. From the bottom of each square section, at the corners, hang heavy drop-like
pendents, while from the top rise huge nagapadams (small oblong leaf shaped projections) at
the corners. The middle of the pillar is usually a figural sculpture. The corbel or bracket of
the Vijayanagara pillar is simple with a distinctive pendent drop. This column, derived from
Pallava cave templesis very versatile, as aptly put by George Michell. When the height of
each square is elongated into a rectangle, the pillar is rendered tall, slender and elegant; if left
into a square, it is short and massive and then tends to stand for embodiment of power and
stability. These pillars have elaborate bases, cornices and entablatures and often show rearing
yalis (a mythical animal, part lion, part griffin) or horses, always mounted, surging forward.
Strangely, the motif of horses witharmed riders is not found in the architecture of the capital
city.
Some Key Temple Complexes
The Virupaksha shrine, dedicated to Shiva is one of the oldest temples of Hampi where
worship is still offered. The shrine had existed in pre-Vijayanagara times in the Hemkuta
hills, located in the Sacred Centre. Sangamas built it to splendid heights, as an offering to the
patron-deity of their capital. The temple was enlarged and built with new innovative
structures several times during the course of Vijayanagara history. Krishnadevaraya added an
open mandapa with ornate pillars to the edifice in 1510. The outer pillars of this structure are
composed of clusters of flute shaped colonettes, a characteristic Vijayanagara feature, while
the middle piers on each outer side take the form of yalis. The pillars at the corners have
sculptures of double yalis with riders and yalis also adorn the pillars of the inner hall. Two
pillars of the inner central hall are very distinctive in the treatment of their shafts that are
entirely covered with stone relief work. A huge wall dripstone covers the roll cornice as part
of the roofing (Fig. 2). A pyramidal gopura with a barrel-shaped roof was as well added to
the mandapa to its eastern side. In addition, also in the Tuluva period, a ceremonial avenue
with roads, shops and stores on either side was appended to the front of the temple.

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 Figure 2 : Mandapa Addition, Virupaksha
Temple(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/VirupakshaInte.jpg)
The Krishna temple, built by Krishnadevaraya (1516) to commemorate his victory over the
Gajapatis is a typical early example of the Vijayanagara imperial style. In plan, the sanctuary
is surrounded by a passageway with an enclosed inner mandapa with side porches. A second,
outer square mandapa, open on three sides is also a part of the temple plan. The walls of the
passageway and the mandapas have regularly placed pilasters that create alternating
projections and voids / recesses. The projections in turn have deep niches with sculptures
framed by smaller pairs of colonettes with shallow pediments. The voids or recesses have
pilasters standing in pots (kalash) that are embellished with bands and fringes. The pyramidal
tower of the vimana (the main shrine in the Dravida tradition) is of brick and plaster and was
originally painted to match with the granite below. The top roof is hemispherical in shape.
Earlier perhaps similar domical roofs capped the mandapas and the subsidiary porches.
An example of a typical Vijayanagaragopura is the entrance gateway to the Pattabhirama
temple (16th century) on the outskirts of Hampi. The gopura here is a rectangular structure
with a central passageway. The pyramidal shaped tower of diminishing storeys is made of
brick and plaster with timber insides. A barrel-vaulted roof (shala roof) caps the tower, the
ends of which are marked by horseshoe-shaped arches.
All these features have their origins in the Tamil Chola-Pandya tradition. In certain
conventionalized and expanded form, the mode became the official style of the empire in not
just its Tamil zone but also in the Telugu and the Kannada zone. However, regional styles
continued to persist in the hilly areas of the western Kannada and in the coastal zones of the
Kanara. As the Vijayanagara imperium unfolded during the course of 15th and 16th centuries,
increase in royal power came to be accompanied by increase in the size of the temple area.
Lofty temples were built with highly ornate pillars and pilasters in spacious mandapas and
gopur as became increasingly distinctive, as the temple rituals and activities increased.
We shall discuss two more key temples to illustrate the point. The Hazara Rama temple, not
of any big dimensions but one of the finest, in the heart of the Royal Centre was built for
courtly and ceremonial rituals and may have served as a private chapel for Devaraya I. It was
further expanded by Krishnadevaraya (1520). The structure in its layout conforms to the
Vitthala and the Dravida temple style but some features are noteworthy here. It is contained
within a rectangular compound, the outer walls of which are embellished with relief carvings.
Columned verandahs without towers form the entrances on the east and north (Fig. 3). The
columns here have double capitals that are capped by overhanging eaves. Figural sculpture

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adorns these pillars. The vimana, occupying the centre of the courtyard is square with soft
carvings. Here are pilasters capped with pediments that are typical of the Vijayanagara style.
The projections and deep recesses are embellished with pilasters and colonettes, sometimes
standing in jeweled pots. Sculptures in the niches have not survived, but narrative carvings
cover the wall surfaces. The brick and plaster tower over the sanctuary is a pyramidal shape
that is topped with a kuta(dome-on-square) roof.

Figure 3:
EntrancePavillion,HazaraRamaTemple(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/
HazaraInterior.jpg)
There is an adjoining square mandapa here in the complex, approached through porches on
three sides. The doorways are flanked by basement mouldings that are exquisitely carved
with lotus petals, jeweled ribs and miniature animals. The unusual design of the four central
polished granite pillars with curved lotus brackets and effusively sculptured blocks are
distinctive. A secondary shrine to the north of the complex with two small rectangular
sanctuaries is also a part of this temple.
The climax of architectural activity at Vijayanagara is best represented by the Vitthala temple
(Fig. 4). The Vitthala’s construction began with Devaraya II (1422-46), was expanded by
Krishnadevaraya (1513) and further expanded in subsequent reigns. It is more ornate than the
Hazara Rama. It stands in a courtyard of 152 metres by 94 metres with three towered entry
gateways on the north, south and the east. The central structure, dedicated to Vitthala is 7.6
metres high. An outer open mandapa, appended to the main shrine in 1554, is its most
magnificent part. This ardha-mandapa (open pillared pavilion), perched on a plinth of 1.5
metres height has an ornate basement adorned with a frieze of horses and attendants, niches
with figures of gods, elephants and yali balustrades that flank the access steps on the three
sides. The outer piers have groups of slender flute shaped colonettes surrounding the main
shafts, fashioned ingeniously from a single block of stone. The structure is capped by finely
shaped double-curved ornamented rolled eaves, a borrowing from the Deccan, a typical
Vijayanagara feature. The 56 pillars, each 3-6 metres high are hewn out of solid blocks of

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granite. Each of these piers takes the form ofa delicately carved pillar, at times comprising of
divinities in their various animated forms or rearing animals, mythical or half natural. Over
these pillars rest immense bracket supports, combined with heavily carved entablatures. The
ceilings comprise of deeply recessed lotus designs.

Figure 4: Interior, Vitthala Temple

(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/VithalaDark.jpg)
Another notable structure within the enclosure, but detached from the main temple in the
south-east is the kalyanamandapa (marriage pavilion) with 48 ornately carved pillars. Its
outer piers have pairs of rearing beasts in the middle of each side and clusters of colonettes at
the corners. Ornate brackets support the pillars inside and the lotus designed ceiling
completes the beauty of the structure.
An exquisitely carved monolithic temple ratha (chariot), standing in the courtyard of the
precinct is another architectural marvel that further enhances the beauty of the complex (Fig.
5). The walls of the structure have pilastered niches and colonettes at the corners, a typical
Vijayanagara feature. The brick and plaster tower with a hemispherical roof is no longer
preserved.

Figure5 : The Ratha, Vitthala Temple

(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/vitthala-2-3b.jpg)

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The Hampi temple experiments were repeated in the rest of the major regions of the empire.
Ingenious examples, in no way inferior, can be seen at Vellore, Kumbakonam, Kanchipuram
and other places. The ‘Horse Cart’of the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam (16th century) is a
perfect example of the rearing horse motif that in no uncertain terms represents the
culmination of extravagant Vijayanagara style.
Palace Architecture
General Observations
As compared to temples, which have survived in abundant numbers, palace architectural
examples are far less in number. This is because of the perishable material that was used to
construct them. The repeated sieges and wars too would have caused much damage. Another
problem that researchers face is that palaces of this time lack any precise historical context.
Most of them were expanded over long periods of time, resulting in complex building
histories. Also it is very difficult to assign precise functions to these structures. But certainly
one fact is clear that these are not religious structures and for certain belong to the realm of
pure civic architecture. They are examples of royal and elite activity, as their architectural
forms disassociate them from any religious functions.
As anywhere else, these royal settlements in pre-modern states are all set in fortified settings.
We have already mentioned about the massive stone walls, earthern ramparts, moats and
huge gateways that mark the plan of Hampi. Similar pattern is seen in other fortified sites of
Gingee, Chandragiri, Penukonda and Vellore.
Among the gateways, a fine example is a one, south-eastof the Royal Centre that has a large
dome raised high on four pointed arches (Fig. 7). Another example, from the north-east, has
an upper façade with arched openings and a parapet. These domed and arched features are
derived from the neighbouring Bahmanid architecture.

Figure 6: Domed Gateway

(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/DomedGate.jpg)

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Stylistic Development
Recent archaeological findings have found that the earliest civil structures at Vijayanagara
use a combination of permanent and perishable materials for construction. Foundations were
laid out with granite blocks without any use of mortar. The floors of these structures used
plaster while walls made use of rubble, faced with brickwork. Timber was used for
supporting columns and tiles were employed for roofs of the structures. Needless to say, only
the masonry parts have survived. These surviving parts indicate halls on square or rectangular
plans, supported by columns. Some residences, most certainly of the nobles, had ascending
floors and were arranged in ‘U’ shaped formations. The residences probably had one or more
small chambers on topmost floors, linked by narrow corridors. These courtly structures were
probably capped by pyramidal towers and had a profuse use of columns in verandahs and
porches. Foreign visitors testify to sumptuous use of semi-precious stones and ivory panels
inset into walls and pillars. Glittering metal covered the cornices and finials of these
structures. None survive today. Interestingly, in one of these ‘palaces’ in the north of the
dividing canal, Chinese porcelain pieces have been found.
A second building tradition discerned at Vijayanagara is inspired by the Bahmani sultanates.
These second group of buildings are of crudely cut stone blocks set in thick mortar and
veneered with plaster, a solid masonry that explains their comparatively better preserved
condition. The Lotus Mahalis one of the best preserved examples of this group. It makes use
of arches, often cusped to frame doorways, niches and windows. At times these arches
support the domes and vaults of the Lotus Mahal. Geometric and foliate patterns in stucco are
used as decoration on plastered walls. All these are derived from Indo-Islamic Bahmanid
features. However, this borrowing was not a simple straightlift, instead ingenuity is seen in a
blend of temple architectural and Bahmanid features. A new synthesis is seen in double-
curved eaves, pyramidal towers with ribbed finials and plaster sculptures from temple
architecture, blended well with arches and domes. This architectural blended idiom, closely
identified with royalty, was repeated in other royal centres of Penukonda and Chandragiri.
Sacral and the Temporal: The Royal Centre at Hampi-Vijayanagara
The Royal Centre lies on the western half of the urban residential core area, located south of
the Sacred Centre. According to Michell and others, the site is divided by tapering granite
walls into a number of irregular interlocking enclosures. These enclosed areas are entered by
gateways and linked by small doorways. The Hazara Rama temple stands at the middle of
these enclosures; and it is around this temple that the courtly structures are arranged.
According to John M.Fritz, the Ramachandra temple is central to the planning of the city. It
provides the symbolic and the spatial node around which all structures are enclosed. The
temple is the nucleus of the Royal Centre, from which the king’s authority emanated
outwards to the city and the empire. The temple is also the focus of the road system of the
city, as many major roads converge around it. The north-south axis of the temple divides the
Royal Centre into an eastern zone of royal performance and a western zone of royal

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residences. At the same time, it axially aligns the temple with important structures that
include audience halls, ceremonial platforms, pleasure pavillions, residences, stores and
stables. The temple wasthe centre of king’s public and private life. The king and God were
the focus of Hampi-Vijayanagara, and the rayas were conceived as Rama incarnate. This
relationship was further emphasized by the Ramayana reliefs that are depicted on the inner
face of the enclosure wall of the temple. And the interesting part is that they appear along
with five courses of royal pageantry on the outer face of the same wall.
The Hundred-columned hall in one of the enclosures is one of the earliest structures in the
Royal Centre, south of the Rama temple. It is some 40 metres square with ten rows of ten
column footings, probably intended to support timber posts that no longer exist. Access from
three sides is provided by steps with stone balustrades. It had an upper storey in timber that
again no longer exists. A later addition of a longer flight of steps approached it. A pile of
rubble on the west side, suggesting a chamber, in all probability was the seat of the Raya or
some authority. Abdul Razzaq, the horse trader and emissary, describes one such hundred-
columned hall and if this structure is the same, then this is one of the earliest examples of
audience halls extant in South Indian palace architecture.
Within the same enclosure are smaller pillared structures, built closed together and cluster
around the Hundred-columned hall. There are also here two large ceremonial tanks, further
south and east. One of them is stepped, faced with green schist derived from southern
Maharashtra region (Fig. 7). Inscriptions on the stone blocks suggest that they were fashioned
at another place before being transported and assembled at these sites. Excavations have
found remnants of aqua-ducts and channels that supplied water to these tanks.

Figure 7: Stepped Tank (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/StepTank.jpg)

The most striking of all ruined structures of Hampi are the ceremonial platforms, and the
most spectacular of them is ‘The Great Platform’, today called the Mahanavami Dibba (Fig.
8). It is located in the north-east corner of the enclosure and perhaps erected in the early days
in 14th century. This unique platform covers a floor area of 5,300 square feet and rises by 3
stepped square terraces with slightly sloping granite walls to a height of some 40 feet above.
It has a base measuring 11,700 square feet. In the 16th century, it would have been topped by
another level that was supported by wooden columns, though not extant now. The blocks are
covered with shallow carvings, depicting royal activities (Fig. 9). The style is bold and lively
and with a rugged element. Stairs on three sides lead up to the platform. The western face of
the structure is clothed by schist slabs, put at a later date, maybe under Krishnadevaraya. The

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mouldings, carvings and niches with royal figures and animals here are reminiscent of temple
architecture of 16th century.

Figure 8: The Great Platform

(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/Kings_Platform1.jpg)

Figure 9: Royal Hunt (The Great Platform)

(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/Hunting.jpg)
Many of these features of ‘The Great Platform’ correspond to the House of Victory,
described by Domingo Paes. It is possible that the Vijayanagara royals conducted their rituals
of tutelage and received homages around these ceremonial platforms. These structures were
sites of celebration of the grand festival of Mahanavami as well. The Ramachandra temple,
the Hundred-columned hall and ‘the great platform’ are mentioned in the descriptions of the
Mahanavami festival by 16th century travelers to the city. In this context, it is apt to call
Vijayanagara both a ritualistic and an administrative centre, where sacral and temporal arenas
overlapped.

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Outside the enclosure of the Hundred-columned-hall and the Mahanavami platform, to the
south-east corner is a bathing pavillion, the Queen’s Bath (Fig.10). Derived from Bahmanid
examples, the structure consists of arcaded corridors arranged on four sides of a square water
basin, with balconies of arched openings overlooking the water tank. Domes and vaults
appear in the corridors. The exterior is plain, many structures being removed from here. A
small moat surrounds the structure, with a chute for transporting water into the central basin.
An aqua-duct nearby testifies to a planned water system.

Figure10:
Queen’sBath(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/QueensBath.jpg)
Among the structures whose function remains ambivalent is the best preserved Lotus Mahal,
mention of which has been made. The two-storeyed pavilion on the north of ‘the great
platform’ is situated in the north-east quadrant of the Royal Centre (Fig.11). It has double
projections on each side and a staircase is added to its north-west corner. The top consists of
nine multi-tiered pyramidal towers with ribbed finials. Piers with cusped arches support the
vaults that are overhung by double-curved eaves. The richly decorated exterior has plaster
friezes of birds, botanical motifs of stalks, petals, stylized roundels and figures of yali.

Figure11: Lotus Mahal

(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/Images/Lotus%20MahalJMF.jpg)
Within the same enclosure as the Lotus Mahal are some embellished courtly residences: two
such structures have been identified. One such in the north-west corner is a rectangular
vaulted structure conjectured to be guards’ quarters or better still a treasury, arsenal or a
gymnasium. All these monuments were overlooked by watch-posts set in surrounding walls.
Another celebrated structure at Hampiare the Elephant Stables (Fig. 12), situated beyond the
Lotus Mahal to the east. A long line of 11 vaulted chambers, accommodating one or two
animals face the spacious parade grounds to the west. The arched entrances and flat domes
are Bahmanid, while the 12 faced vaults with ribbed finials with which the domes alternate
are indigenous devices. The domed ceilings use lotus petals from the temple tradition. The
structure is a perfect blend of various traditions.

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 Figure12: Elephant Stables
(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/ElephantStble.jpg)
New excavations have discovered numerous residential structures within the enclosures in the
western half of the Royal Centre, clustered together and identified as noblemen’s quarters.
Mention has been made of the stone basements of these houses, having three tiered ascending
mouldings and arranged around an open court in ‘U’ shaped formations. The courtly features
here in this area are an octagonal pavilion and a nine-domed reception hall. A short distance
from these structures is a water structure with an irregular octagonal plan.
The Vijayanagara palace model did not confine itself to the capital city alone. It came to be
seen in other parts of the empire as well from late 16th and early 17th centuries. Examples can
be seen in Penukonda, Chandragiri and later in the imposing ceremonial halls at Tanjavur and
Madurai.
Conclusion
To sum up, according to George Michell, three stylistic processes can be discerned in the art
and architecture of Vijayanagara. These processes at work are not mutually exclusive but are
overlapping and interacting movements. The first process looks backwards to past forms
through a conscious archaism. This revivalist tendency is best seen in the temple vimanas
from Chola, Pandyan times that remained conservative in most examples. The second process
looks at new forms and types; it looks forward. This is seen in the evolution of temple
gopuras and mandapas. As the religious-ritualistic activities increased with kingly power,
larger and larger temples were built with lofty mandapas and gopuras. We discussed some of
these innovative forms. Improvisation is the key in the third process that resulted in stylistic
synthesis, as seen inpalace architecture, where influences came in from Bahmanids or even
from larger Indo-Islamic traditions. These influences are seen in the forms and techniques of
arches, domes, corbels, embellishments and use of solid masonry. These ‘Muslim’ building
techniques, forms and decorative motifs were assimilated and adapted andnever just
borrowed. They were successfully integrated in the architectural vocabulary of Vijayanagara.

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Long Questions
1. Write an essay on the Vijayanagara architectural style.
2. Discuss the main features of Vijayanagara temple architecture.
3. Discuss the palace architecture of the city of Hampi-Vijayanagara.
Short Notes
1. Plan of the city of Hampi
2. Hazara Rama Temple
3. The Vitthala Temple
4. MahanavamiDibba
5. The Royal Centre at Vijayanagara
Bibliography:
Essential Readings
➢ Devakunjari, D., B. Narasimhaiah, Hampi, ASI, New Delhi, 2007.
➢ Fritz, John M., George Michell, Hampi, Jaico, Mumbai, 2014.
Suggested Readings
➢ Fritz, John M. and George Michelle (eds), New Light on Hampi: Recent Research at
Vijayanagara, Marg Publications, Mumbai, 2001.
➢ Michell, George., Architecture and Art of Southern India, Vijayanagara and the
Successor States, The New Cambridge History of India, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 1995.

5.3 Fatehpur Sikri

The Palace-Dargah of Fatehpur Sikri

(Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=palace+dargah+of+fatehpur+sikri&biw)
(To see the palace dargah of Fatehpur Sikri visit:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5ipZ6hIjaFQ)

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Fatehpur Sikri (1570 - 85), the new capital city of Mughal emperor Akbar (1556 - 1605), was
founded around the hospice of Shaikh Salim Chishti, the Sufi saint of Sikri, a small hamlet,
some 38 kilometres, west of Agra. According to the contemporary Persian sources, the
emperor shifted his capital from Agra to honour the Shaikh, through whose intercession he
had been blessed with an heir, the future Jahangir. Just as earlier, his father Humayun’s tomb
was placed near Shaikh Nizam ud-Din Auliya’s Chishti dargah (a Sufi shaikh’s tomb or
shrine) at Delhi, so did Akbar make another Chishti shrine, the site of his new capital. The
palace, the public areas, and the religious structures of the Jami mosque and the khanqah (the
Sufi hospice) were combined together in this enigmatic city. The khanqah must have become
a dargah at the demise of the saint (1572). The city was however, abandoned within 15 years,
because of the political exigencies that prompted the Mughal capital to move to Lahore or as
some hold, the move came because of lack of water supply.
Built on a rocky ridge, 3 kilometres long and 1 kilometre wide, the city is surrounded by 11
kilometres of wall, except on the south where there was a lake. Structures are made of the
locally quarried red sandstone, called the Sikri sandstone. Roughly the plan of the city
follows the naqsha-i manzil, the layout of the imperial destination/camp, as described by the
court historian Abul Fazl, when the emperor was on the move and how his dwelling was laid
out in chintz, cloth and props. But the identification and original purpose of most buildings of
this camp in stone, remains in question till today. The names the structures bear today were
invented for the benefit of 19thcentury European visitors by the local guides. Also, it is
possible, the buildings did have many functions as in traditional pre-modern societies there is
little to separate the private spaces from the public, as the buildings were adapted to serve
many functions. The palace complex with the religious structures makes up the main city but
besides these, the city had dwellings of nobles, baths, serais, a bazaar, gardens, schools and
workshops. It was more than a simple royal residence, was an economic, administrative and
an imperial base.
The khanqah, situated on the west, is the highest point on the ridge, the focal point of Akbar’s
city of victory (Fatehpur). Inside this sacred place, in the courtyard stands the lofty Jami
Masjid, entered from three sides. Its southern portal is the enormous gateway, the Buland
Darwaza. The courtyard of the mosque contains the tomb of the revered saint. Beneath this
courtyard are water reservoirs, connected to the lake on the southern side.
The Buland Darwaza, towering to a height of 54 metres, was built in 1573, to commemorate
Akbar’s victory of Gujarat, and then Sikri began to be called as Fatehpur Sikri. The Quranic
inscriptions on the gate allude to a promise of a paradise to true believers. The purpose of the
gate, in this sense befits an entrance to a khanqah much more than a victory gate. The Jami
Masjid is situated on the west side, the qibla (direction of prayer) being the west, to face
Mecca, as required. An inscription on the mosque’s east facade states that it was built in 1571
- 72 by the Shaikh himself. Interior inscriptions give the date 1574, probably that of
completion. Measuring 89 by 20 metres, the mosque must have been at that time the largest
Mughal mosque. The exterior is a high central pishtaq (a high arch or a portal), flanked by

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delicately arched side wings. A row of small chattris (free standing canopy turret) lines the
eastern edge of the roof. Multiple arched openings, resting on slender pillars are reminiscent
of pre-Mughal Mandu and Chanderi mosques. The superstructure too, seems modelled after
these mosques, only difference being that here there are small chattris, instead of small
domes. The facade overall is pre-Mughal but the pishtaq, a Timurid feature is a Mughal
innovation. In the interior, the main prayer chamber is just behind the high pishtaq. It is
ornamented with white marble inlaid into red sandstone to form intricate geometric patterns.
Painted arabesques and floral motifs with a use of polychrome and gilt suggest the intricacy
of Timurid prototype once again. Such embellishment is known from Lodi and Sur times but
never with such sophistication. Side wings that flank the central bay are composed of multi-
aisled trabeated bays and a double-aisled pillared verandah. The slender pillars here are like
the ones at Jahangiri Mahal in Agra fort.
Akbar himself swept the floors of this mosque, read the khutba (Friday sermon) himself in
1579, and inspite of the orthodox ulema (the religious custodians of Islam), a few months
later issued a declaration (mahzarnama), assigning himself powers to decide even religious
matters. The portals of Fatehpur Sikri became the ground for the emperor to play his imperial
vision of consolidating his unfettered authority and establishing a rule based on the still
nascent concept of Sulh-i Kul(peace with all), the basis of his power, on which rests his
lasting legacy.
Shaikh Salim Chishti’s tomb was completed almost a decade later in 1580 - 81, after his
demise in 1572. The white marble dargah, jewel like, is a single domed building of 15 metres
square. A passageway runs around in the interior to facilitate circumambulation. The outer
walls of this Gujarat derived structure are composed of intricately carved white marble
screens (jalis). This feature is earlier seen at Shaikh Ahmad Khattu’s tomb at Sarkhej,
Gujarat. Beautifully carved serpentine brackets support the deep eaves (chajjas) that encircle
the shrine and its projecting south entrance porch. This pre-Mughal tradition was derived
from Indo-Islamic architecture of Gujarat, Mandu and Chanderi. The screens and the multi-
coloured stone flooring, similar to the one at Sarkhej, were donated by one of Akbar’s nobles,
who had served Gujarat. There is a possibility that artisans may have come from Gujarat to
build this tomb.
Among the non-religious structures at Sikri, the palace complex lies to the southeast of the
mosque. This part was clearly planned, for the palace is axially and geometrically related to
the khanqah. Geometry here serves as a metaphor for Akbar’s control and power. The
Hathiya Pol, or Elephant Gate, at the southern end was the main imperial entry point. Here
was a drum house (naqqar khana) and a large serai. As one enters inside, there is access to
both the mosque side and the palace quarters, including the Daulat Khana-i Khass o Amm
(Public Audience Hall), an important administrative building. At the foot of the Hathiya Pol
is a minaret, the Hiran Minar, considered to be a hunting tower. Derived from Iranian
prototypes, the structure with its protruding stones was probably a mile post (kos minar). The
Daulat Khana-i Khass o Amm to its west was entered by a long road, lined with shops. This

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secular complex faces the other religious end of the Jami Masjid and the dargah, the two
focal points of Akbar’s empire. The structure is a simple pillared flat-roofed verandah. In the
central west side is a projection for the emperor’s seat. Behind on the west side, between the
Jami and the Public Hall are the rest of the private palace structures, most of whose functions
are unidentified.
One of these structures is the Anup Talao, a square pool in whose centre is a pavilion, where
the emperor may have sat to have religious discussions or the tank was filled with coins,
which were distributed by the emperor. Surrounding the tank is Turkish Sultana’s House,
almost surely wrongly named so. It is distinguished by a rich tapestry of carvings of intricate
geometric patterns, trees, flowers, vines, birds and animals, again reminiscent of Timurid
prototypes. The floor level ornamentation indicates that people here sat and not stood like in
the Public Audience Hall.
On the south edge of Anup Talao, is a multi-storied building, called the Khwabgah, the
imperial sleeping chamber. Traces of figural painting and calligraphy can be seen on its
walls. One of the painted verses proclaims: ‘the adorner of the realm of Hindustan’, thus
confirming the building’s imperial association. The top storey of the pavilion is a central
rectangular block, earlier seen at his fort in Allahabad. Immediately to the south of the
Khwabgah is the Daftar Khana, or the Records office. It has an open window that overlooks
the terrain below. This was Akbar’s Jharokha (a small projecting window/balcony supported
on brackets), in which he showed himself daily to the public at daybreak.
A small square building, with a pillar shaft in its midst, named the Diwan-i Khass (Private
Audience Hall) has evoked much speculation among art historians. Its location, just behind
the Public Audience Hall, and aligned with the Jharokha, indicates it might have been the
Private Audience Hall. The exterior is like the rest of pavilions but the interior with an
elaborated carved pillar in the centre is unique. Its capital is composed of similar serpentine
brackets, as in the Saint’s dargah. These brackets, fuller at the top than at the bottom, support
a circular platform on top, which is connected to each corner of the building by stone slab
walkways. A narrow path, running around connects these walkways. Akbar probably sat on
this platform. Some believe that here he projected himself as the Hindu/Buddhist
chakravartin, the universal ruler, presiding over all and sundry. However, the eclectic mind of
the emperor developed later, after much of Fatehpur Sikri was constructed. As a matter of
fact, this is the phase when he looked more towards Islam, both orthodox and popular to draw
his legitimacy. Most likely the emperor sat on this platform to project himself as the
dominant figure of the empire, its axis and pillar.
To the west of this area are small multi-storied trabeated structures. Often they are assumed
to be Akbar’s residences for his queens and nobles. Most probably, they housed only princes
and women of the household, for all of them are linked to the Khwabgah by covered screened
passageways. The tallest of these is the Panch Mahal of five tiers with a large chattri. Pierced

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stone screen can be seen on its facade, hence would have been meant for imperial women
use. The structure looks to be a pleasure pavilion, with its open spaces for cool breezes.
The largest among these trabeated structures is today called Jodha Bai’s Palace. This might
have been the first palace to be constructed because it directly leads through a once covered
passage to the Hathya Pol, the main imperial entrance. The building encloses a courtyard,
entered by an arched gate. The rooms of the interior are trabeated, and covered with Gujarat
type ornamentation. The brackets atop recessed niches in the walls are like the temple and
mosque niches of Gujarat. Similarly the hanging bell and chain motif carved on many pillars
has precedents in the Hindu and Muslim architecture of pre-Mughal Gujarat and Bengal.
The so called House of Birbal, one of Akbar’s courtiers, inscribed with the date 1572, is also
in the vicinity. A phrase that follows the date says: ‘royal mansion of initiation’’, suggesting
that its purpose was not residential, but ceremonial or even administrative. The carved
ornamentation here as well goes back to pre-Islamic as well as Sultanate architecture.
The employment of both ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ forms by the emperor in the architecture at
Fatehpur Sikri has earned for the complex, the epithet of ‘Sulh-i Kul(peace with all) in stone’
- a ‘Hindu’-‘Muslim’ synthesis in stone, running parallel with his eclectic policy of universal
toleration. Art historian, Ram Nath, while searching for the sources of Sikri structures has
elaborated on the influence of indigenous motifs, ornamentation, local roofs and pillar types,
derived from domestic architecture, on the architecture of Fatehpur Sikri. The ‘Hindu’ forms
from Gujarat and Jamuna-Chambal region (Delhi, Agra, Dholpur, Gwalior and Malwa) were
harmoniously fused with ‘Islamic’ ones to create the perfectly blended Fatehpur Sikri
structures. These influences, argues the author, should be seen against the backdrop of the
patron’s own eclectic personality.
However, we have already mentioned that it is difficult to assign monolithic identities to
cultural forms. There is no ‘Hindu’ trabeate nor is there a ‘Muslim’ arcuate. Both the types of
buildings used both the systems of construction and ornamentation. Also, Akbar’s choice of a
style that would appeal to all regardless of sectarian differences may not have been
consciously done at this time because his future policy of universal toleration was still in its
formative years. Nonetheless, it certainly speaks volumes for the man that he chose the best
from all parts of India and put it all together in a consolidated form. The assimilation of
regional forms should also be judged against the backdrop of his earlier policies when he
abolished many discriminatory laws against the non-believers.
Most historians today look at the shift to Fatehpur Sikri and its architectural forms in a wider
context. To Monica Juneja, Fatehpur Sikri was conceived of as a microcosm of the Mughal
Empire through reuniting within its spaces a distillation of visual and structural forms that
had once belonged to regions brought under the imperial umbrella. She further interprets the
complex as flexible, as one open space opens into another, with no central visual control.
There is no consummation, no arriving at a point. The functions of the structures are flexible

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too. It was a manifesto of an empire in the making that had architectural features from all
over.
For Michael Brand and Glenn D. Lowry, Akbar and his planners focussed on two structures,
the mosque, containing the jewel like tomb of Shaikh Salim and Akbar’s imperial palace. The
two were ‘ideologically linked’ and ‘formally related’ through the layout of the city and the
design of its principal buildings. Beyond these were laid the rest houses, gardens and villas.
Fatehpur Sikri and its environs was a 300 mile long corridor running from Agra to Ajmer in
the west. In Ajmer, was located Shaikh Muin ud-Din Chishti’s dargah, to which the emperor
made annual pilgrimages. The new capital represented a formal point of connection between
the older political and spiritual poles of Agra and Ajmer, and Akbar, in situating and
designing the city, clearly stated that the spiritual basis for his rule was Islamic. The authors
further argue that the new city was an expression of political stability and military victory.
The Hall of Private Audience, sometimes identified as the Ibadatkhana, the House of
Worship, symbolized the new order of social harmony that Akbar was trying to promote.
John F. Richards interprets Fatehpur Sikri against his larger discussion of imperial authority
under Akbar and Jahangir. In the first two decades Akbar established his infallible spiritual
authority, to make his person the metaphor for the empire. Part of this campaign was to reject
Delhi as the seat of power. At this time he built the forts of Agra, Allahabad, Lahore, Rohtas
and Attock. Fatehpur Sikri too is a part of that, as it represents the final break with Delhi in
1571, while its forms represent the orthodox religious ideology that he relied on for
legitimacy. He combined the mosque and the dargah, legal and mystical Islam into his
political authority, against the backdrop of the mahzarnama that gave him unfettered
authority. Eventually these forms of Islam were further subordinated to his authority when
the sons of the Shaikh were recruited in the imperial service and were not made heirs to the
shrine. The Sikri years saw assimilation into his political authority the orthodox and popular
Islam, symbolized by the combination of palace and the mosque and the dargah. The
abandoning of Sikri led to a change in ideology as well, from religious to more imperial for
his legitimacy, as orthodoxy was given up after 1580. Finally, Richards sees Sikri as a secure
common post to mobilize forces west towards Rajasthan and Gujarat, and if need be to the
east to tackle the Afghans. For Richards, the move to Sikri was to lend an Islamic (in all
forms) religious basis to his sovereignty and a political need of a military corridor.
Attilio Petruccioli sees a grid system behind the planning of Fatehpur Sikri, though he
observes an incongruity within that grid. To him, the romantic association of Fatehpur Sikri
and it foundation with the need to honour the saint needs to be shelved. For Petruccioli, Sikri
was a political operation to achieve two aims: an attempt to centralize the court and to uproot
the nobility from its stronghold of Agra. Fatehpur Sikri is a residential city, a gilded prison
for the court, with a lack of military defences here. This was to keep the nobility firmly under
control. Petruccioli further sees the city as representing ‘cultured architecture’ in a vernacular
style, where tradition piece by piece was put at a higher level. To him the Sikri ‘new style’
was just this, an expanded scale architecture of an imperial ideal and not quite like the

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European Renaissance style which was based on intrinsic factors and configurations that
coalesced in a movement.

Buland Darwaza, Fatehpur Sikri, Agra

(Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=palace+dargah+of+fatehpur+sikri&biw)

Sheikh Salim Chisti Dargah (Fatehpur Sikri, Agra)

(Source: https://www.google.co.in/search?q=sheikh+salim+chishti+dargah&rlz)
Glenn D. Lowry is concerned with the rigid alignment of the city’s structures that are east to
west or north to south, while the ridge itself is aligned southeast to northwest. This means the

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terrain is better suited for a diagonal layout but the structures are rigidly aligned following the
cardinal directions. The seat of the emperor in the Diwan-i Khass o Amm is oriented to the
west. From contemporary sources, it seems the Hall was also a site for prayers till 1582, after
which public prayer in the court was abolished. This would mean the people, when they faced
the qibla to pray, they actually faced the emperor. The emperor here then symbolically
became the qibla of the empire and the city became the setting for articulation of the imperial
vision of himself as the master of the physical and spiritual worlds. Lowry further argues that
the palaces located between the Diwan-i Khass o Amm and the Jami Masjid are caught
between the dual forces of these structures, the two poles of the empire, spiritual and
temporal. They are in the middle ground between the formal and spiritual needs of the
empire. They are a theatrical setting on a microcosmic level, to enact this vision. The
microcosmic is completed by the macrocosmic parallel in Fatehpur Sikri’s position as a royal
corridor between the two poles, the temporal Agra and the spiritual Ajmer.

Jama Masjid, (Fatehpur Sikri, Agra)

(Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=jama+masjid+fatehpur+sikri+agra)

Diwan- i-Khas (Fatehpur Sikri, Agra)

(Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=diwan+e+khas++of+fatehpur+sikri&biw)

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 Jodha Bai Palace (Fatehpur Sikri, Agra)
(Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=jodha+bai+palace+of+fatehpur+sikri&biw)
5.4 Medieval Indian Painting

Miniature Paintings
The advent of Islam and the spread of Islamic influence, initiated a new period in
Indian history---the medieval period. It also had a direct impact on the realm of painting.
The pattern of large scale paintings, which had dominated the scene, was replaced by the
miniature painting during the 11th and 12th centuries A.D.
The miniature paintings are small paintings. They were often part of manuscripts
written at the time and illustrated the subjects of the manuscript. Thus, a new kind of
illustration was set during the period under review.
Painting during the Sultanate Period
There are very few illustration, which can be ascribed to the Sultanate period (13th
century -15th century A.D.), e.g., the Bustan manuscript, the illustrated manuscript Nimat
Nama painted at Mandu during the reign of Nasir Shah Khalji. NimatNama represents early
synthesis of indigenous and Persian style, though it was latter which dominated in the
paintings. Another type of painting known as Lodi Khuladar, flourished in the Sultanate
domain of North India, extended from Delhi to Jaunpur.
Mughal Painting
Medieval painting is, largely represented by the Mughal School, which developed
during the period of the Mughal empire (16th -19th centuries A.D.). Renowned for their
brilliant colours, accuracy in line drawing, detailed realism, intricacy and variety of themes –
the Mughal paintings were a class by themselves. It was distinct from all other styles and

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techniques of Pre-Mughal and Contemporary art. Contrary to Delhi sultanate, the Mughal
paintings were more popular and widespread. There were several factors responsible for it –
urbanization, better administrative system, exclusive patronage by the rulers and nobility,
synthesis of cultural values and tradition of Central Asia, integration of Mughal economy
with world economy, etc. In fact painting became a widespread source of livelihood during
the rule of Mughals.
The Mughal paintings reflect two types of cultural tradition – ‘high culture’ and
‘popular culture’. The notion of ‘high culture’ is equated with the sophisticated elite class
with an exclusive taste and high culture products are not shared by the ordinary people as
they are expensive, artistic and intellectual creations. The ‘popular culture’ is usually equated
with the common people and products of ‘popular culture’ are common, cheap and easy to
understand. In the context of Mughal empire, the ‘high culture’ was exclusive domain of
Mughal emperors, their nobles who gave exclusive patronage to the artists, whereas, the
‘popular culture’ was associated with aspirations, norms, customs of the general Mughal
society and in spite of lack of patronage, it continued to survive, for example, the bazaar
paintings.
The Mughal painting did not develop in vacuum. It had clear influence of different
tradition of contemporary world, namely, Persian, Timurid, Mongolid, Chinese and
European. The diffusion of these styles with the indigenous style created a new living
tradition of painting, popularly known as Indo-Sino-Persian art. Initially, the Mughal style of
painting had dominant Mongolid characteristics but gradually the Mongolid elements
diminished and the Indian characteristics came to the forefront. Thus diffusion of various
styles led to creation of a new cultural element. The Mughals used paintings as a tool of
display of political power, imperial ideology, authority, status and economic prosperity. The
Mughal paintings were very rich in variety-in terms of themes and colours. Some of the
themes were- illustration of battles, scenes from court life, wild life, hunting, portraits, etc.
Rich use of colours obtained from precious stones, metals like gold and silver-were also
hallmark of the Mughal paintings.

• Development of the Mughal Painting-Babur to Aurangzeb

Although, no works of art can be associated with Babur (A.D. 1526-30), the founder
of Mughal dynasty in India, still his ideas which were reflected in his lively autobiography
(Waqiat– i – Baburi) was responsible for setting the mood for future Mughal art.
The first documented patron of the Mughal painting was Humayua (AD 1530-1556).
His visit to Safavi court in A.D. 1544 was crucial to the history of art, as to the empire. It was
here that he admired brilliant paintings of Shah Tahmasp’s artists. He invited Safavi artists,
Mir Sayyid Ali (a pupil of Bihazad, popularly known as Raphael of the East) and Abd Us –
Samad to join his court in Kabul in A.D. 1549. Of the two, Mir Sayyid Ali, a brilliant
designer of arabesque was the sharpest but it was with flexible and adaptable Abd Us-Samad
that a relatively longer, productive phase of the Mughal art began. In other words, it was he

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who adjusted his Safavi style to fulfil the growing desire of the Mughal ruler for accurate
portraiture and anecdotal reportage. One of the most famous Mughal painting, ‘The House of
Timor’ is considered as a work of Abd Us-Samad.This picture on cotton is a major monument
of early Mughal art and its grandness, magnificent colours reflect Humayun’s royal taste. It
was brought up-to-date by the later Mughals, with addition of portraits of three generations of
Humayun’s heirs. The element of naturalism is apparent in this work.
The ruler with whom development of Indo-Sino-Persian art should actually be
associated is Akbar (A.D.1556-1605). Without Akbar, the Mughal art would have been
known only to the specialists. Akbar’s project made Mughal painting amazingly Indian in
character-reflecting his personal regard towards the culture of India. He was the first monarch
to establish in India, an atelier under the supervision of two Persian masters, Mir Sayyid Ali
and Abd Us-Samad. There were about two hundred and twenty five artists in Akbar’s atelier,
majority amongst who were Hindus. The system of working, initially, was collaborative but
later artists also began to work at individual level. Akbar’s inclination towards painting is
reflected in Abul Fazal’s Ain-i-Akbari, which has a separate section on the art of painting. A
large number of artists thronged his court, such as, Mir Sayyid Ali, Abd Us-Samad, Farukh
Beg, Khusrau Quli, Jamshed, etc. Akbar had special admiration for Hindu artists,
particularly, for Basawan, Lal, Kesu, Mukund, Daswanth and Haribans. Although illiterate,
he had strong passion for books, particularly the illustrated ones. Tutinama or Tales of Parrots
(a Persian book of fables) shows formative period of Akbar’s studios in about A.D. 1560,
when the newly hired apprentices were being trained under Tabriz masters. Among its two
hundred and fifteen miniatures, many show Persian and indigenous influence from various
parts of India like Rajasthan, Deccan, etc.There was a clear synthesis of linear style of
Persian painting with a dynamic, vibrant palette of indigenous painting. The most
distinguished artistic project from Akbar’s reign is the Hamzanama, series of giant pictures
on cotton, describing the fabulous adventure of Amir Hamza, an uncle of the Prophet. An
important category of Akbar’s paintings is formed by illustrations to the volume of literary
classics and historical manuscripts. The earliest surviving illustrated historical manuscript is a
dispersed the Baburnama of about A.D. 1589. Another noteworthy manuscript of this sort is
Akbar’s own copy of the Akbarnama. It contains details of contemporary history in its most
illustrious form and the illustration of different event fully matches textual description.
While Mughal manuscript painting is acclaimed as the work of art, it has much value also as
a documentary evidence for the medieval period. Depiction of courtly and ordinary life,
portrayal of men of different strata, illustrations of festivals, etc. bear testimony to social and
cultural practices during the medieval period. The Akbarnama’s intricate compositions also
show the European influence especially in treatment of space, light and shade. Apart from
these illustrated manuscripts, there were also many independent compositions like
landscapes, portraits, animals and other specific subjects in the form of Muraqqa (album)
paintings. Akbar’s painters preferred highly polished, hard, creamy paper and were expert in
making pigments from earth, animal matters, metals, minerals. For example, Basawan was
admired for his use of golden pigment and Indian colours like Peacock blue, red, etc. Thus,

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replacement of flat effect of Persian style by roundedness of Indian brush and European
principle of foreshortening in proper perspective changed the nature of the Mughal painting.
The Mughal painting reached its zenith, during the reign of Jahangir (A.D. 1605-
1627). Soon after his accession, Jahangir greatly reduced the staff of royal studio and
concentrated his attention on a small number of favourite artists. This step spread the Mughal
style far and wide. Jahangir’s artists developed their own style, which was quite distinct from
the artists of the early Mughal period. Akbar’s outgoing objectives; purposeful
encouragement of painting was replaced by a more powerful vision. Use of harmonious
designs, softer colours, and fine brushwork became important part of the style. A shift was
seen, not only in techniques but also in themes. The school of Jahangir was noted for its love
of nature. A number of subjects from animal and bird life were painted during this period.
The emphasis was on naturalism but there was also a keen desire to reveal the innate beauty.
He particularly encouraged paintings depicting events of his own life, individual portraits.
Every illustration showed Jahangir as a serene and untroubled ruler, enjoying full control
over the empire. Divine nature of kingship was a popular theme, during Jahangir’s period and
was projected through symbolic representation in which European motifs like globe and
hourglass played an important role. Manuscript illustrations were almost given up but there
are few exception like the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri. The painting ‘Chain of Justice’ not only has a
physical, political dimension but also a psychological dimension. It portrays Jahangir as a
‘just ruler’ having a firm belief in the secular tradition. In many of the paintings of Jahangir
era, the ruler is seen sitting near a Jharokha. This is an example of adaptation of local Rajput
practice. Muhammad Nadir, Muhammad Murad, Abul Hasan, Mansur, Bishandas, Manohar,
Govardhan were some of the important artists of Jahangir’s age. Govardhan was noted for
portrait of saints, musicians where as Mansur was famous for painting birds and animals.
Jahangir’s passionate and connoisscurly interest in painting, however, was not pursued by the
later Mughal rulers.
Tradition continued under Shah Jahan (1628-58 AD) but on a limited scale as he was
more inclined towards architecture. Harmonious blend of colours, aesthetic sense, realism
which were traits of Jahangir’s style was replaced by the decorative style. Special attention
was given to the art of border making and lavish use of golden and other rich pigments.
Although, Mughal painting continued to develop technically, it however became
static, cold and stereotyped. Painting lost its liveliness and was confined to the durbar
(court). Themes like musical parties, lovers on the terrace and garden, etc. abound in the
Mughal paintings of this period. Even in the illustrated copy of the Padshahnama, preference
was given to the durbar scenes, while in a few outdoor scenes the expressions were weak and
dull. Bichitr, Balchand, Payag, Muhammad Nadir, etc. were some of the important artists at
the court of Shah Jahan.
The decline of painting, which began in the period of Shah Jahan, became distinct in
the reign of Aurangzeb (A.D. 1658-1707). Painting was essentially a court art-loss of royal

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patronage, closing of the royal ateliers did contribute further to its decline but at the same
time it did not stop altogether. It became confined to the studios of nobles, princes of royal
blood and was less naturalistic in comparison to the court paintings. Being closely based on
the Mughal style, these are often termed as sub-imperial paintings or bazaar paintings. This
form of painting was inexpensive, less time consuming and meant largely for common man
who used it for decorative purpose. However, the technical qualities of the Mughal style were
sustained. Aurangzeb’s portrait with Shaista khan and a hunting scene are among the finest
Mughal paintings of this period.
Later Mughals did not possess the spirit of Jahangir. A brief revival was noticed
during the reign of Mohammad Shah (A.D. 1719-48). By the time of Shah Alam (A.D. 1759-
1806), the art of Mughal painting had lost its glory.

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Readings :
➢ Asher, Catherine B. (1992). The New Cambridge History of India, The Architecture of
Mughal India, Part 1, Vol. 4, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 39-98
(Ch.3, “The Age of Akbar”)
➢ Koch, Ebba. (2001). Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology: Collected Essays. Delhi:
Oxford University Press. pp. 1-11 & 130-162.
➢ Desai, Vishaka N. (1990). “Painting and politics in Seventeenth Century North India:
Mewar, Bikaner and the Mughal Court”. Art journal vol. no.4, pp.370-378.
➢ Verma, Som Prakash. (2009). Interpreting Mughal Painting: Essays on Art, Society,
and Culture. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

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 Unit VI

SOCIETY, CULTURE AND RELIGION

6.1 Bhakti Movement

Introduction
Background of the Bhakti Movement
The post-Harsha period saw the rapid decline of Buddhism. This development gave
ample opportunities to the Brahmans to revive their power and to re-establish their hold on
the Indian society.
The Brahmans now onwards started emphasising and even creating new distinctions in
the society. In every form of temple-priestly daily behaviour distinctions tended to become
rigid. Every attempt was made to convert the existing socio-religious pattern into a paradise
for the high castes especially the Brahmans, while on the other hand, such conditions were
created that the life for the common people became quite unbearable. Besides the economic
plight they had to suffer the agony of social discrimination.
In the field of learning and education, the Brahmans had established their complete
hegemony. In fact education was exclusively used not to enlighten the human mind but to
support the privileged positions of the Brahmans and to deprive the common people of any
say in the existing order.
Such conditions were bound to stir the mind of the thinking people. They started
registering their protests against the social evils. In due course mounting protests became
more pronounced. Firstly, some of the enlightened Brahmans were quick enough to notice the
social decay and they did not have to wait long to realize that ‘Hinduism’ could not be saved
in the existing form.
Besides a new awakening spread to other sections of the society also. Many leaders
emerged from the lower classes to raise the banner of protest against the prevalent system. In
this process the legacy left by Buddhism and the introduction of Islam proved significant.
The teaching of Islam with its emphasis on the unity of God and equality of man had one
significant influence on the leaders of the Bhakti movement. Prof. Irfan Habib rightly points
out that these saints “picked up their ideas from the ideological store of Hinduism and Islam.”
The medieval period of Indian history saw the emergence of a number of reformers, who
may be placed in three categories:
(i) The representatives of the first category were those who confined their work only to
the religious sphere.

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 (ii) The second category contains the reformers who extended the scope of their
activities to the social sphere also. However, these reformers operated within the
framework of Hinduism.
(iii) The reformers of the third category were those persons who totally rejected the
existing socio-religious order and suggested an alternative path.
First Category
Perhaps the most important of the first category was Shankaracharya (788-820). He laid
emphasis on strict monoism (one God) and propagated the teachings of the Vedas. He tried to
give simple appearance to Hinduism by rejecting many rituals and ceremonies. However, he
suggested no change in the existing social order which was based on the caste-system. In fact
he defended it. Hence Shankara’s popularity was restricted to the upper strata of the society.
He, therefore, failed to attract the common people, who were the victims of the caste system.
Vallabacharya (1579-1531), who was born of a Telegu Brahman family, may also be
placed in this category because his teachings were more or less confined to the religious
sphere. He preached Suddha (pure) mononism (advaita).
Second Category
The reformers who belonged to second category were aware of the urges of common
people both in the religious and social spheres. Therefore, they made a vigorous attempt to
reform the religious well as social aspects of the society. Consequently, they stood against the
monopoly of the Brahmans over the religious activities of the Hindus. They also pleaded for
the rejection of ritualism and ceremonies and tried to make religion as simple as possible.
They showed a direct way of approaching God without the help of the priests through bhakti
(devotion). The basis of their devotion was love of God and his creatures. Since the central
point of all their devotion was love of God and his creatures, this movement has been styled
by the scholars as the bhakti movement. The leaders of this movement were called santas or
saints. Because of the fact that their approach to religion was simple, direct and emotional,
and at times also rational they were bound to attract the common people. Moreover, their all-
out attack on the caste system made them very popular in the lower sections of the society.
Some of the important saints of this movement were Jananeshwar, Namdev, Ramananda and
Chaitanya.
Third Category
The leaders of the third category were most popular saints like Kabir and Nanak. Like the
socio-religious reformers of the second category they also exposed as well as attacked the
hegemony of the Brahmans and the evils of the caste system. But still they were distinct from
others since they showed the courage to detach themselves from the existing religious
framework. They rejected both Hinduism and Islam and made a bold attempt to carve out

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new paths, which ultimately led to the develpment of organised socio-religious orders of
Kabir Panthi and the Sikhism.
Bhakti—Love of God
Almost all the saints were saturated with the love of God, Bhakti, or love of the Divine.
According to some ancient scriptures recommend three paths for the emancipation of the
soul: (Path of Knowledge), Karma Marg (Path of virtuous deeds), and Bhakti Marg (Path of
love for God). It is believed that by following any one of these paths, man can be released
from the meshes of ignorance and that the emancipation of soul thereby is possible. But those
who followed the path of bhakti believed in direct approach.
A Bhakta needs no temple or church, no scriptures or priestly class for establishing direct
relationship with God. Love of God alone can help him to establish direct communication
with him. Muslim sufis also believe in this principle.
It is to be noted that the Muslims (Arabs) came to Southern India as traders and
merchants earlier than the Turks came as conquerors to Northern India. Influence of Islam
and of Sufi ideas made its appearance in south India first. These new ideas were bound to
influence the teachings of many Bhakti saints of southern India. The intermingling of the
ancient concept of Bhakti and Sufi cult of communion with the Divine produced a type of
cultural-cum-religious renaissance which first emerged prominently in Maharashtra. As M.G.
Ranade points out that the preachers in Maharashtra, “were calling the people to identify Ram
and Rahim and ensure their freedom from the bonds of formal ritualism and caste
distinctions, and unite, in common love of man and faith in God.”
The saints of the Bhakti Movement
Now we turn our attention to the role and achievements of some of the noted saints. But
before that it should be kept in mind that it was not their love of God but their firm stand
against the caste system which made the Bhakti movement popular among the masses.
Particularly with the advent of Kabir and Nanak Bhakti movement touched a new height.
Vallabhacharya
Vallabhacharya (1479-1531) is said to have been born in 1479 at Benaras of a Telegu
Brahman parentage. He is regarded as a great exponent of the Krishna cult of Vaishnavism.
Besides he enjoyed very good reputation as a scholar. He produced a number of works in
Sanskrit and Brijbhasha. Some of his works are: Vedanta Sutra, Sidhant Rahasya, Subodhini.
The teachings of Vallabhacharya as pointed out earlier, were confined more or less to the
religious sphere. He strictly adhered to monoism and the central point of his teachings was
one personal and loving God. He considered Krishna as the highest Brahaman and source of
the highest joy. This attainment was possible through dedicated bhakti which should be full
of intense love. He insisted on the complete identity of both soul and world with the Supreme

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spirit. He also advocated renunciation. Vallabhacharya attracted many followers because of
the emotional appeal of his teachings. He died in 1531.
Namdeva
Namdeva is considered to be one of the most significant figures of the Bhakti movement.
He is rightly regarded as a great socio-religious reformer. Though born in Maharashtra he
contributed hymns both in Marathi and Hindi. His teachings, which turned the minds of man
from the priest-ridden rituals to freedom of love, spread all over India in the fourteenth
century. He gave Bhakti Movement a social goal. Unlike Shankara and Vallabhacharya, he
talked about the problems of the people which they were bound to face in a caste-ridden
society. Namdeva was opposed to idol-worship and he openly declared:
“Vows fasts, and austerities are not all necessary, nor it is necessary for you to go on
pilgrimage......Realise a fondness for the feet of Hari.”
Namdeva also stated that both Hindus and Muslims were blind in insisting upon
worshipping in temples and mosques, as man for God’s worship needed neither temple nor
mosque. Namdev categorically said:
“The Hindu is blind and so is the Musalman.
The Hindu worships in the temple and the Muslim in the Mosque :
But Nama offers his worship to Him who needs neither temple nor mosque.”
Namdeva attacked caste distinctions. He also insisted on the upliftment of women, mutual
toleration and reconciliation between diverse creeds and religions like Hinduism and Islam.
His message had great appeal for the masses. Among his disciples many of whom became
saints in their own right, were Brahmans, Marathas, the outcaste Mahars, women and also
some Muslims.
About the date of birth or death of Namdeva there is a lot of controversy amongst the
scholars. According to Macauliffe he was born in 1270. Bhandarkar and Carpenter do not
agree to 1270. According to their opinion Namdeva was born in the 14th century. Still there
are other scholars who think that he was born in the 15th century.
Ramananda

In Northern India the pioneer leader of the Bhakti movement was Ramananda. Regarding
the date of birth and death of Ramananda there is difference of opinion amongst the scholars.
But one thing is certain that he was not born earlier than 11th century. He was a follower of
Ramananuja (1017-1137), the celebrated Vaishnava philosopher. Ramananda forcefully
preached against the formalism and superstition of the orthodox religion. Perhaps he was the
first to use Hindi or Hindvi as the medium of his instruction and preachings. He was a
Vaishnava who worshipped Vishnu in the form of Rama and Sita. Though he did not
denounce the caste system yet he admitted into his new sect people without caste distinction.

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His disciples, therefore, came from all the castes and from both sexes and even his following
crossed religious barriers and Muslims also became his disciples. His twelve disciples
included Kabir (weaver), Sena (barber), Dhanna (jat peasant), Ravidas (cobbler) and
Padmawati (woman).
Chaitanya
Chaitanya (1486-1534) was a child of his age. It is, therefore, necessary to say a word
about the social life of Bengal at that time. As in the rest of northern India Turkish rule had
been established. There was, as elsewhere, development of understanding between the
Hindus and the Muslims. Hindus offered sweets on the Muslims shrines and the Musalmans
responded with similar gestures. Sultan Husain Shah (1493-1519) was the originator of the
cult of Satya Pir to which both the Hindus and the Muslims were attracted. It sought to unite
the Hindus and the Muslims. Satyapir soon came to be regarded, as the name of a deity who
came to be venerated and worshipped members of both the communities, Hindus and
Muslims. With this record of amity and goodwill there were social tensions for the lower
strata of society which groaned under the tyranny of the ruling class. But the lower classes
suffered also from caste system and religious narrow-mindedness. Thus the state of Hindu
religious society was most unsatisfactory. On the one hand there was the worship of Chandi
i.e. Durga with all its concomitant sacrifies and tantrism of a debased and sensuous nature.
On the other hand, society was suffering from religious narrow mindedness, pride of
pedigree, superstition and excessive ritualism.
It was in this above-mentioned social set-up that Chaitanya was born in 1486. His parents
were Jaganath Misra and Sachi Debi. They belonged to a high class Brahmin family.
Chaitanya received good schooling. At the age of eighteen he married. He setup a school on
the banks of the river Bhagirathi and started his life as a teacher. But he was disgusted with
the prevailing conditions and left his school. He went to eastern Bengal where he held many
debates on philosophical subjects which added to this scholastic reputation.
At Gaya, Chaitanya met Ishwar Puri, a Vaishnava saint and preacher. Ishwar Puri
initiated Chaitanya into the Bhakti cult. Chaitanya returned home at the age of twenty three
completely imbued with the love of Krishna. He began to pass most of his time in Sankirtana
or singing in worship of the Lord. Chaitanya’s kirtans won him hundreds of adherents from
all sections of society, castes and religions. Two years later, he took sanyas and started a
round of travels both in the north and the south of India. He stayed for some time at Kashi
and Mathura. The last eighteen years of his life he passed at Jagannath Puri.
Chaitanya’s leading principle was devotion to God, the supreme Being. But he did not
conceive of God as a non-arthropomorphic (non-human being i.e, nirguna), but a saguna
manifested in the charming personality of Lord Krishna.
Chaitanya’s God was a personal being full of grace and love for his creatures. He calls
Him Bhagwan or more often, Hari. According to Chaitanya Bhakti and love are best
exemplified by the mutual love of Radha and Krishna. The way to salvation lay in prapti or
complete surrender to Him. Through a number of stages man could reach close to God. The

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first stage was shanti or quite contemplation. The next was a dasya or service to Him. In the
third stage of sakhya, the devotee felt a friendly dearness to him. The next two stages were of
vatsalya or love like that of a child for its parents and madhurya the all engrossing love of a
lover.
Chaitanya thought there was joy in life, for this was tila or playground of God. Each
devotee has a place in Lila. In existence there is no misery, for existence is not maya. Once
the devotee feels that everything is apart of his sport, his attachment to wordly objects would
automatically slacken and his soul would be liberated. In this process of liberation Chaitanya
gives great importance to Guru. Again, like the other contemporary saint-thinkers, he was
against asceticism or renunciation.

Chaitanya was also a social reformer of his age. He condemned all caste distinctions. He
insisted; “Learning these temptations and the religious systems based on caste, the true
Vaishnava helplessely takes refuge in Krishna,” Even when he was a school teacher, he used
to visit the huts aad houses of the lowliest and the poorest. He accepted all types of people,
and a number of Muslims became his followers. On his way from Vrindaban to Kashi he
even won ten Pathans to his Bhakti cult. Chaitanya was fearless in his attacks on those who
stood for orthodoxy and fanaticism. He condemned the ritualistic system of the Brahmans.
Equally strong was his condemnation of the Qazis.
Kabir
About the dates of Kabir’s birth and demise there is a good deal of controversy among the
scholars. But it seems to be most probable that “he lived towards the close of the fourteenth
and the beginning of the fifteenth centuries.”
Perhaps Kabir was born in a Brahmin family at Varanasi. Since his mother was a widow
he was abandoned on the street from where he was picked up by a Muslim couple: Niru and
Nima, who were weavers. Kabir adopted the profession ofhis new parents and continued to
earn his bread from weaving. He also had a wife and led a family life.
Kabir was a sensitive person, and, therefore, he found it difficult to accept the social
conditions prevailing around him. At this juncture he came into contact with Ramanand and
became his disciple. But soon he made a distinct place for himself by giving shape to his
ideas which were rich in social content.
Kabir’s ideas gave a new dimension to the bhakti movement, which became more social
than religious in his hand. By providing a new social orientation to the Bhakti movement
Kabir made it popular amongst the toiling people.
According to Kabir, there is only one Supreme Being although he is called by different
names like Ram, Rahim, Allah, Hari, Khuda and Govind. Although God, according to Kabir,
was without shape or form, he was the supreme object of love. He declared that God and soul
were identical and there was no distinction between the absolute and the devotee. The
devotee, therefore, needed no temple or mosque or pilgrimage to reach him. Idols, avtars,
pandits and ulama were superfluous; for the devotees love for God was enough. Union with

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God could be realised through intense devotion (Bhakti) and guidance of a Guru who could
guide the devotees to the correct path. For union with Him there was no need to renounce the
world or to seek retirement in solitude. The Kabir preached a simple religion which had a
special appeal for the masses.
To both Hindus and Muslims Kabir taught respect for the living creatures, abstention
from violence and bloodshed, renunciation of pride and egoism. “If you say that I am a
Hindu,” he declared, “then it is not true, nor I am a Musalman...... Mecca has verily become
Kashi, and Ram has become Rahim.”
However, Kabir was not a follower of either Hinduism or Islam. He kept himself above
Hinduism and Islam. In fact he rejected the Vedas as well as the Quran. Kabir said :
“Vedas and Koran are traps laid, for poor souls to tumble in.”
Kabir wanted to remove all distinctions based on caste and creed. Kabir thought that blind
faith and ignorance were responsible for rifts and strifes, and, therefore, he vehemently
attacked blind faith, ignorance, and superstitious beliefs of both the Hindus and the Muslims.
There is a large number of sayings of Kabir in which he castigates leaders of both these
religious communities for their ignorance and fanaticism. He also criticized blind faith in the
scriptures, idol worship, pilgrimages, ritualism, polytheism and the like.

Kabir makes a scathing criticism of the practices of Hinduism in the following words:
“There is nothing but water at the holy bathing places and know that they are useless, for
1 have bathed in them.
The images are all lifeless, they cannot speak, I know, for I have cried about to them.
The Puranas and the Karma are mere words, lifting the curtain I have seen.
Kabir gives utterances to the words of experience, and he knows very well that all other
things are untrue”.
Again Kabir blasts Islamic practices and attacks Qazis (judges) in the following words:
“The five prayers which the Musalman offers are all useless, because their prayers are a
mere outward show and sham while they have some other thoughts all the time in their mind.
By making a show of religious deeds, the Qazi deceives the poor people and does them
harm instead of good.”
While the above-mentioned criticism by Kabir of the practices of Hinduism and Islam is
self-explanatory but it speaks highly about the man who could dare to come out so boldly in a
society which did not have a high level of social consciousness. He did not care for the
consequences while asserting his views on social evils and hegemony of the pundits and
ulama.

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 Kabir was really a supreme figure of the Bhakti movement whose radical ideas not only
exerted considerable influence on the people of his time but continue to inspire us our
times also.
Nanak
Nanak (1469-1539) was born (According to popular belief, he was born in Katik,
October-November, but historians do not accept it) on 15 April 1469, at the village of
Talwandi in Sheikhpur district (now in Pakistan). He acquired some knowledge of Punjabi,
Hindi and Persian, but had no deep desire for traditional learning. He longed to know the
Truth. With a view to enriching his experience of human life he toured extensively. It is
claimed that he even visited Ceylon and Mecca. In these tours he was accompanied by
Mardana, a Muslim by birth; it is said.
Kabir’s teachings had a profound impact on Nanak’s thinking. However, his meeting with
Kabir is doubted by Prof. Harbans Singh. Still it can not be denied that there is much
common in them. Both tried to carve out a distinct path free from caste system, rituals and
priesthood. On several social issues they evolved a rational attitude.
Nanak died on 7 September in 1539 at the ripe age of seventy. The Muslims erected a
tomb and the Hindus a shrine in his memory. Both these have since been swept away by the
waters of the river Ravi.
Nanak’s Janamsakhis say that the first words uttered by Guru after his revelation were,
“There is no Hindu, there is no Musalman.” These words also spell out his mission. It was
Nanak’s determination to keep himself above the religious differences of the Hindus and the
Muslims. He did not look at religion as a weapon to divide people. Rather he presented
religion in a humane framework, He said: “When he has established his goodwill for all, O
Nanak, will he be called a Musalman.”
Again Nanak said : Religion lies not in empty words. He who regards all men as equal is
religious. He stood for “the essential integrity of humanity,”
Guru Nanak laid emphasis on the oneness or unity of God and he conceived him as
Nirguna (attributeless) and Nirankar (formless). This Absolute Supreme could be understood,
there could be no difference between his creatures—Hindus and Muslims. It could also help
in eradicating superstitious beliefs, polytheism and idol-worship. Nanak used the name of
Hari, Ram, Gobind, Allah and Khuda for his Diety. To the Muslims his advice was: Make
kindness the mosque, sincerity thy prayer-carpet, and what is just and lawful thy Quran”.
The teachings of Guru Nanak were direct and simple, he strongly condemned the
superstitions of both the Hindus and the Muslims, he attacked the caste-system of the Hindus.
Caste system was regarded by him as being against the will of God. He explicitey preached
that “class and caste distinctions are just so much nonsense, that all men are born equal.”
Again Nanak expressed his noble ideas in the following words:
“I am lowliest among the lowly:

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 Nanak is with the lowly and has nothing to do with rich.”
Nanak further says:
“God’s eye of mercy falls on those who take care of the lowly;
Nonsense is caste, and nonsense the titled fame.
What power has caste? Nobody is without some worth”
With the passing of time Sikhism became a full-fledged religion with its own Prophet,
i.e., Guru Nanak, a Book i.e. the Adi Granth, latter on popularly known as the Guru Granth
Sahib and a Church (Gurudwara). Nanak’s pure and serene life, his humility and forbearance
won for him many Hindus and Muslims as his sincere disciples. Although in the course of the
next two centuries Sikhism saw many changes, yet in its essentials it continued to bear the
indelible impress of Guru Nanak’s teachings.
Finally we end our discussion on Nanak by quoting Dr. Gopal Singh.
“For him, there were no final truths except those that answered the questioning of man-
every man- through the ages. He never considered himself either the final messenger of God,
or an exclusive one. And therein lies his eternal glory.”
Conclusion
The saints of Bhakti movement gave to the people a simple religion with emphasis on the
unity of God. The soul was his part, which constantly strove to establish a communion with
him. The path of salvation lay in Bhakti. Salvation could be achieved through intense
devotion and by all without distinction of caste or creed or religion. These saints advocated a
middle path of life. True bhakti lay neither in excessive attachemt to the world, nor by
renunciation from it. This was a simple creed which everyone could follow,
The contribution of these reformers in the religious field was significant. But still more
important was their work in the sphere of social life. The humane teachings of Bhakti
movement had a great appeal for the masses. It showed the futility of meaningless conflicts
when the essence of all religions was the love of God. By showing a path of direct
communion with God, it struck at the exploitation of the masses by the priestly class.
The attacks of Kabir and Nanak on the superstitious beliefs of both the Hindus and the
Muslims opened the eyes of the masses and created awareness in them to understand their
exploitation by the vested interests, and also paved the way for equality based on the solid
foundation of amity and brotherhood. These saints were against fanaticism and therefore
attacked Ulama and Pandits for creating an atmosphere of superstition in their respective
religious communities. Kabir boldly said:
This Mahadev, that Muhammed,
this Barahma, that Adam,

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 this a Hindu, that a Turk,
but all belong to earth.”
Again Kabir says: “he lives from age to age, who drops his family, caste and race.”
Equally important was their effort to reform the existing social conditions. Their attacks
on polytheism and pilgrimages helped to check expensive rituals and ceremonies. Their
attack attracted the people on the caste system released a new social consciousness in the
belonging to lower masses and particularly the people belonging to lower castes castes saw in
the movement a ray of hope for raising their status in the caste-ridden society. Many of them
joined the movement and some of them became its prominent preachers also. One of the
disciples of Kabir was Dhanna, an ordinary peasant. The other well known disciples of Kabir
were : Sain, a barber and Raidas, a cobbler.
The Bhakti saints were men of high character. In addition, many of them had travelled
widely and extensively. Guru Nanak is said to have visited most of the important places in
India and also Ceylon, Arabia and Iran. Chaitanya similarly travelled in most parts of India
both in the north and the south. On their travels these saints met people of all shades and
opinions. This further helped them to widen their mental horizon.
The saints of bhakti movement not only raised the social consciousness of the
contemporary people but made a significant contribution in the development and enrichment
of their languages. In medieval India Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit were cultivated in the
institutions of Islamic and Hindu studies. However, Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian were not
understood by the masses and what was written in these languages was read by the educated
elite, that is, microscopic minority. But the message of these reformers was delivered in the
simple language of the common people. Their common medium of communication and
recitation was unaffected poetry as is seen from Sant Kavya in Hindi Language and literature.
There is no doubt that Hindi got a definite shape at the hands of Sant kavis like Kabir and
Raidas. Similarly the Vaishnava poets of Bengal, Maharashtra and Gujarat contributed a lot
to the development of their regional languages. In the Punjab, a new script, e.g., Gurumukhi
was developed.
In the end our discussion may be summed up quoting professor K. Damodran.
“The bhakti movement attained varying degrees of intensity and sweep in different parts
of the country. It appeared in a variety of forms also. Yet, some basic principles underlay the
movement as a whole—
first, recognition of the unity of the peoples irrespective of religious considerations;
secondly, equality of all before God;
thirdly, opposition to the caste system;

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 fourthly, the faith that communion between God and man depended on the virtues of each
individual, and not on his wealth or caste;
fifthly, emphasis on devotion as the highest form of worship; and,
finally, denigration of ritualism, idol worship, pilgrimages, and all self-mortifications”.
Prof. K. Damodaran further opines:
“The bhakti cult recognised the dignity of man and denounced all class and caste
distinctions and social tyrannies rampant in the name of religion.”
Giving the assessment of the bhakti movement Prof. K. Damodaran remarks:
“The Bhakti movement, however, had its own limitations. It is true that, through mass
prayers, dances and community singing, the personality of the saint inspired the creative
energy of the people. It awakened the masses to a new consciousness and generated popular
impulses to action. It considerably weakened the caste and religious exclusiveness of
feudalism and gave an impetus to anti-feudal struggles. All this is true. But the impulse for
religion is essentially through emotion and not reason. It is, therefore, incapable of either
making a rational investigation of the social problems or giving a rational solution to them.
The Bhakti movement, for all it did to awaken the masses, failed to grasp the real causes of
the maladjustment in the social and economic set up and to offer a radical cure to human
suffering.”

6.2 Sufism

After the conquest of northern India by the Ghorids in the 12th century, Delhi became the
capital of the Muslim rulers in India and at the same time Ghazni lost its former glory and
was subsequently deserted. Consequently, the dignitaries, the intellectuals and enlightened
class of people migrated from Ghazni to Delhi which was turned in to an important and a big
centre of Persian learning. From this period onwards, Persian flourished in Delhi and beyond.
When Mongols under the leadership of Chenghez Khan ravaged the Perso-Islamic world,
there was a continuous exodus, from these regions, of poets, Sufis, jurists, scribes along with
artisans, courtiers and other men of note, who sought asylum in relatively peaceful conditions
in India. The Persianized traditions of these groups came to be implanted deeper in the north
Indian milieu.
In the meantime, a large number of dedicated Muslim missionaries from Persia and
Central Asia as well as other Islamic lands were active in India. Most notable among these
were Persian or Persian speaking Sufi mystics, whose saintly bearing and passionate
preaching were important elements not only in the conversion of many Indians to Islam but
also in the spread of Persian language and culture. They also laid the foundation for a number
of Sufi orders (silsilahs). Persian lyric poetry has always been popular with the Sufis as a
symbolic expression of their love of the divine and their longing for union with God. Thus
the Sufi brotherhoods and their hospices (Khanqahs) also became instruments for cultivating

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Persian poetry among the Indian Muslims. Sufi conversations (malfuz), letters and discourses
on religious practice were all written in Persian.
The sultans of Delhi of the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries, extended generous
patronage to Persian scribes, writers and poets along with the men of piety, through revenue
grants such as imlak, auqaf, idrarat, wazaif etc.The royal patronage to Persian continued even
after the disintegration of Delhi Sultanat in the Muslim kingdoms of Kashmir, Gujarat,
Bengal as well as in the North Deccan under the Bahmanids. They helped extend Muslim rule
and with this Persian language and culture, to most part of the sub-continent, as far east as
Bengal and as far south as Hyderabad. Although for the most part, these dynasties were not
ethnically Persian, they were so culturally and thus became propagators of Persian language,
literature and the way of life.
Persian language and literature in India was further enriched by the contribution of
great Persian poets of Indian origin. Besides Abul Faraj Runi and Masud Sad Salman (of
Lahore), who were pioneers in introducing Persian literature in India, there were many others,
who played no small part in providing a sound base to the Indo-Persian literature. One of the
eminent Persian litterateurs in those days was Tajuddin, a Persian poet of Indian origin. He
was a native of Delhi and lived there during the reign of Sultan Iltutmish. The other two
Persian poets of the indigenous origin, whose accounts are available, were Shihabuddin and
Aminuddin. The former was a native of Badayun while the latter belonged to Sanam situated
in the vicinity of Patiala. In succession to these two poets, there appeared on the scene, two
great mystic poets Khwaja Hasan Sijzi Dehlavi and Amir Khusrau Dehlavi, both of whom
were closely associated with Chishti Sufi hospice of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Besides
their significant contributions towards the growth of Indo-Persian literature, their poetry is
also noted for its sense of universal Sufi message, transcending religious and sectarian
differences. Thus, the Persian writers in India were either settlers from Central Asia or
children of those settlers who spoke Persian as their mother-tongue or first language.
Explaining the cultural situation in which Persian became an important literary language for
people coming from different parts of the Islamic world to India, Mohammad Wahid Mirza
opines that the common language of these people was the same (Persian) and these early
settlers laid the foundation of the Indo-Persian culture, that was to find its perfection in the
16th and 17th centuries under the great Mughals.
Essential Readings :
➢ Charlotte Vaudeville. (2007). A Weaver named Kabir. Delhi: Oxford University
Press.
➢ Schomer, Karine and W.H. McLeod. (Eds.). (1987). The Sants Studies in Devotional
Traditions in India. Delhi, Motilal Banarasidas.
➢ Hess, Linda. (1983). "The Cow is Sucking at the Calf's Teat: Kabir's Upside-Down
Language."History of Religions vol. 22, pp. 313-37.

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➢ Hawley, John Stratton. (2005). Three Bhakti Voices, Mira Bai, Kabir and Surdas in
their Times. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
➢ Manushi (1989). Special Issue. Nos. 50-51-52 (Jan-June). (Madhu Kishwar, Ruth
Vanita and Parita Mukta articles on Mirabai.)
➢ Digby, Simon. (1986). “The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Medieval India”.
Purusartha (Islam and Society in Medieval India) vol. 9, pp. 57-77.
➢ Eaton, Richard M. (1974, 2000). “Sufi Folk Literature and the Expansion of Islam,”
History of Religion vol. 14, pp.117-127. (Also available as Essays on Islam and
Indian History. Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.189-199.)
➢ Pinto, Desiderio S.J. (1989). “The Mystery of the Nizamuddin Dargah: The Account
of Pilgrims” in Christian W Troll (ed.) Muslim Shrines in India. Delhi: Oxford
University Press, pp.112-124.
➢ Lawrence, Bruce B. (1986). “The Earliest Chishtiya and Shaikh Nizam al-Din
Awliya.” in R E Frykenberg, (Ed.). Delhi Through the Ages. Delhi: Oxford University
Press, pp.104-128.

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 Unit VII

ECONOMY AND INTEGRATED PATTERNS OF EXCHANGE

7.1 INDIAN MERCHANTS IN OVERSEAS TRADE (8th TO 15th CENTURIES)

The long standing economic image of Indian subcontinent as totally agrarian,

especially in the context of early medieval period, has changed considerably in the historical
researches of recent past. These researches show that there was an active non-agrarian sector
of the traditional economy though it remained ‘firmly rooted to overarching agrarian material
milieu’.14 Sustained scholarly efforts also show that urbanization, craft production and trade
were quite visible in India up to c. AD 1300. Economic historians, roughly from the middle
of the 1980s, have highlighted the significance of Indian Occean in the trading activities and
linkages of India in the oceanic trade net-work. Their researches have successfully negated
the widely believed stigma that Indians were averse to seafaring in order to retain their ritual
purity, and such attitudes were available in the normative Brahmanical law books, and at the
most, these were probably applicable only to the priestly community. On the contrary we find
the existence of a ‘commercial economy that incorporated many societies of Eurasia and
Africa’ and its economic impact was not insignificant in any way. Material milieu of Indian
society of was undoubtedly agricultural and bulk of the Indian population was engaged in
agriculture, yet trade (vanijyd) was also recognized as one of the major ingredients of
economic life from remote times. India’s role in the maritime network of Indian Occean was
substantial.
The central position of India in the Indian Ocean
It may be pointed out here that in respect of maritime trade India enjoyed a unique
position on three counts: one, it had a vast landmass; two it was surrounded on three sides by
the Indian Ocean; and lastly it had, along with Sri Lanka, a central position in Indian Ocean
which undoubtedly dominates the sea-face of Asia.
Indian Ocean occupies almost 20% of maritime space. It includes in it two important
sea-lanes in the west - The Red Sea and the Persian Gulf - and washes the sea coast of Africa.
The eastern sector of Indian Ocean is marked by the Bay of Bengal (but not the Java and the
China Seas), and it stretches up to the Antarctica in the south. In spite of the fact that the
Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans are larger than the Indian Ocean, it is the Indian Ocean which
has acted as a bridge amongst numerous communities of Asia and Africa over a very long
period of time. This association has yielded far reaching results especially in the context of
maritime trade and has projected Asia as one of the leading maritime zone of the world. It has
also been instrumental in establishing unity between the maritime space and its related
landmass. The maritime historians have taken keen interest in delineating India’s position in
the Indian Ocean affairs and establishing the maritime linkages in this maritime space.

14
Ranabir Chakravarti, Visiting Faraway Shores: India’s Trade in the Western Indian Ocean, in Rajat Dutta’s, p.

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The historiographical gap in trade history

The existing historiography suggests three broad strands or areas of academic interests:

(1) The maritime linkages of Harrapan civilization (c. 2500BC -1750 BC) with Sumer
and Akkad through the Persian Gulf.
(2) India’s flourishing sea-borne commerce with the Roman empire through the Res
Sea (late 1st century BC to AD 250)
(3) The changes in India’s maritime situation owing to the involvement of European
trading Companies in the Indian Occean.

One may notice a historiographical gap for the maritime history of the period ranging
from 8 to 15th centuries; a period which witnessed a transition from early medieval to
th

medieval. It may be pointed out here that this period is considered as a period of crisis in
social, economic and political spheres. According to some prominent historians of feudalism,
such as R. S. Sharma, this period especially from 500 to 1000 AD marked the emergence and
consolidation of self sufficient, enclose and stagnant village economy which was not
favorable to trade, especially long-distance overseas trade. The paucity of trade led to urban
decay and the attendant ‘monetary anemia’. Although they agree that there was a revival of
trade including the maritime trade in India from 1000 AD onwards. This concept of sharp
decline in the overseas commerce in early medieval India has given view to the relatively
languishing role of India in the trade of Indian Ocean. This formulation was contested by K.
N. Chaudhury. According to him written evidences bring out an entirely different image of
the overseas trade in the eighth and ninth centuries and reflect that trade was not languishing
during the early medieval period as has been assumed by the historians of feudalism. Indian
merchants not actively participated in the Indian Ocean commerce; they played an important
role in it.15
Sources for the history of overseas trade during 8th to 15th centuries
A large number of Sanskrit inscriptions and indigenous literary texts, Arabic and
Persian accounts, Chinese texts, the account of the Italian traveller Marco polo (late thirteenth
century), and the letters of the Jewish merchants trading with India provide information for
the history of overseas trade for the early medieval period. However, the information offered
by these sources should be cautiously handled which is ‘hardly adequate, often scattered and
stereotyped and offer little statistical data’ and these sources belong to the category of
‘qualitative sources’. However, this fact does not in any way undermine their importance as
source of history of the Indian overseas trade during the period under review. The letters of
Jewish merchants, known to us as Genizah documents, are particularly important in this
regard. They highlight the activities of travellers of India (musafirun ul Hind), which
generally belonged to the trading community. These letters ‘enable us to hear the voices of

15
For details see Ranabir Chakravarti, of cit. p.

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the merchants who actually participated in the Indian Ocean trade; they also occasionally
provide some statistical information’. The Arab travelers and merchants were also
frequenting the water sector of Indian Ocean. It is confirmed by the descriptions of the first
Arab invasion in early eighth century, narrated in a later source Chachnama which point to
the direct voyages between Daibul and Sri Lanka.
Revival of trade in the Indian Ocean (c. 1000 AD)
K. N. Chaudhury and some other leading scholars like G. F. Hourani have effectively
shown that there was a great spurt in commercial activities in the Indian Ocean after the rise
and spread of Islam. It was mainly because of the fact that Islamic culture had a ‘pronounced
orientation in commerce and urban life1, and this phenomenon had a favourable bearing on
the trade in the Indian Ocean from late eighth and early ninth century onwards and provided a
major boost to the maritime commerce of India during the early medieval period. The
geographical accounts and travelogues of Arab and Persian authors frequently mention the
expression al bahr al Hindi which refers to Indian Ocean and also included bahr Larvi i. e.
the sea of lata or Gujarat. The Arab authors were clearly familiar with the channel (aghbab)
that separated the southern part of the Indian peninsula with the Sri Lanka. The maritime
space to the east was designated by these authors as bahr Harkal, or Harkand. Chinise annals
also speak of maritime linkages with India and various areas of Indian Ocean for which they
use the expression Hsi-hai. This also suggests to the frequent sailings of the merchants across
the vast maritime space.
The sailing patterns
The sailing patterns in the Indian Ocean were determined by the monsoon wind
system. The shipping in this maritime «space was largely guided and shaped by the more or
less predictable alterations of the south-western (June to September) and north-eastern
monsoon (October to January) wind system. The western terminus of the Indian Ocean
network at the time of its zenith was situated in Siraf, Kish, and Hormuz (in the Persian Gulf)
and al Fustat (old Cairo) under the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt, while the eastern terminus
was stretched to the ports of South East Asia and China. Because of the alterations of the
monsoon winds, it was difficult to make a round trip in the western and eastern terminals of
this vast maritime space in a single year. This situation must have been immensely
advantageous to the overseas commerce of India which had two seaboards dotted with
numerous ports ideally suited as stopovers and as points of transshipments. It must have also
facilitated the growth of brisk import and export transactions.
A careful study of these sources show that the maritime trade of India was not
certainly of that magnitude as it was during the time of the Roman empire. Also, this fact
cannot be denied that there was a gradual decline of the premier ports of that particular era
during the eighth century such as Broach, Kaveripattinam, and Tamralipta. However, decline
in maritime commerce was not that sharp, and this period was not a period of slump as has
been assumed by the historians of feudalism. There are voluminous evidences in the Arabic
and Persian to show the volume of overseas contacts of India with the countries in the

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maritime space ,of Indian Ocean. They speak about the importance of Indian ports and the
transactions of commodities, which show that many new ports began to gain importance from
about the eighth century.
A whole range of information is available the Arabic and Persian sources for the
period under review from the secend half of the ninth century to thirteenth century. Mention
may be made of Sulaiman merchant (c. 851), ibn Khuradbeh (c. 882) al Masudi (c. 915), al
Biruni (1030), al Marvazi (1120), al Idrisi (c. 1162), Ibn Battuta (early fourteenth century). In
addition to the Arabic and Persian works there are some valuable Chinese and European
accounts which shed ample light on the trade history of the Indian Ocean during the
thirteenth century. The Chinese account was by an officer Chau ju Kua (12250, who
supervised the foreign trade under the Sung dynasty and wrote a valuable account of the
commodities and ports of India. The other was the famous Morco Polo who has written
elaborately on the commerce of Indian Ocean towards the end of the thirteenth century. The
Jewish merchant’s commercial business enterprises extended from Tunisia and Levant to
Egypt and Aden, trom where they sailed to Indian ports on the west coast. The account of
their activities is found in the trade documents known as Genizah papers.
The growth of trade in the Persian Gulf around 10th century
The establishment of the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad facilitated the growth of trade
in the Persian Gulf. Initially the premier port in the Persian Gulf was Siraf which, however,
languished in the late eleventh century and later on Kish or Qays acquired great prominence.
The most important port in this maritime space was Hormuz which emerged as the premier
port in the western Indian Ocean commerce during the thirteenth century. After the rise of
Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt in 965 the Red Sea network acquired prominence. It further
established linkages with the vibrant Mediterranean maritime trade through Egypt which
acted like a pivot between the Indian Ocean and Mediterranean Sea.
The premier ports of the eastern Indian Ocean
Both the sectors of western and eastern India Ocean were dotted with numerous ports.
A large number of these ports owed their origin and prosperity to the maritime trade in the
Indian Ocean. This phenomenon is noticeable from the eighth century onwards.
Indus delta: The most important port in the Indus delta was Daybul which had certainly
prospered in the new scenario. It seems to be well connected with Multan and Mansura on
one hand and also with the Makran coast on the other.
Gujarat: In the Gujarat coast a new port, Stambatirtha/Stambhak came into prominence
during the period under review. This famous port, today known to as Cambay, figures in the
Arab accounts as Kanbaya and Kambaya. According to V. K. Jain the rise of the Chalukyas
as a regional power of Gujarat paved the way for the integration of the coast with the
extensive interior by a number of overland routes.16 There were some other factors which

16
3 V.K. Jain, Trade and Traders in Western India AD 1000-1300, Delhi, 1989.

228
facilitated the growth of trade in the region and contributed greatly to the prosperity of the
ports of Gujarat:

(1) Gujarat experienced tremendous agricultural growth in the early medieval period.

(2) There is the emergence of a new type of exchange centre in western India, especially in
Gujarat, Rajasthan, Malwa, and the region which now forms the western part of modern
Uttar Pradesh. It was known as mandapika (modern mandi).
This meant that the ports on the Gujarat coast commanded a vast hinterland for
commerce and they maintained coastal linkages with ports in the Konkan and Malabar, and
most importantly with Hormuz in the Persian Gulf. It was also well served by a few smaller
ports in the vicinity. Divi (Diu) was another important port from where ships sailed to Aden.
It was well connected with Kanara coast and Aden. Another prominent port was Somnath.
According to Al Biruni it was the vintage point of departure for Zanz or Zanzibar in east
Africa. A bi-lingual inscription (in Arabic and Sanskrit of 1264 proves that Somnath was well
connected with Hormuz and received ships regularly from here.
Konkan: Towards the south of Gujarat lay the narrow strip of Konkan region dotted with
numerous ports. Amongst these Sristhanaka (thana) was of great eminence. Others were
Candrapur which is mentioned as Sindabur in Arabic sources (modern Chandaur), and
Gopakapattana (modern Goa), and Chaul (referred as Saimur). As is evident from the
Sanskrit inscriptions, Arabic texts and Jewish business letters, these ports were less
prosperous and prominent than the ports of Gujarat although geographically these ports were
located in the most advantageous area in the harbour building. It was probably because of the
fact that neither they had rich hinterland at their command nor they had linkages with the
interior because of the geographical barriers between the coast and the mainland. These ports
were, however, engaged in looping coastal commerce. The Sanskrit inscriptions of Kadamba
rulers mention about the long voyages from around Goa to Somnath in Kathiawad. They also
derived substantial advantages from their linkages with Persian Gulf commerce.
These ports of Konkan witnessed regular settlements of Arab merchants referred as
Tajjikas in the Sanskrit inscriptions. Al Masudi noted the presence of large number of Omani,
Sirafi and Baghdadi merchants at the port of Chaul.
Malabar: The prominent ports of Malabar, the southernmost section of the western sea-
board, were Kulam Mali (Quilon), Panatalyani, Kollam, and Calicut. The Malabar ports had
an advantageous situation to their credit that they could be reached from both the Persian
Gulf and the Red Sea ports by utilizing the south western monsoon around thirty days. These
ports handled the invaluable cargo of spices, especially the pepper. Amongst the Malabar
ports Calicut attained immense glory during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Ibn
Battuta speaks about Calicut in glorious terms. According to him the huge Chinese junks did
not sail further west of Calicut, and that Calicut provided excellent transshipment facilities
for Chinese and Arab vessels.

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Eastern Indian Ocean
Significant developments occurred in the patterns of trade in early medieval centuries
in the expansion of maritime activity in the eastern water of the Indian Ocean and the China
Sea. The old silk-route, a major trade route for commerce with the Roman world, of China
had been cut off; and from the seventh century onwards maritime connection developed
between China and the Persian Gulf. The maritime activities were greatly increased in South
East Asia under strong Hindu and Indian Buddhist influence. Also, there is the entry of
Indian merchants into direct trading with China. Mali patan, Negapatan, and Kaveripatan
were the prominent ports of this sector. The Chinese sources show that in the early twelfth
century_,thg_major portion of the export trade was in the ships of the Kling merchants of
Coromandel and Ceylon. Shortly” afterwards these were outclassed by the Chinese junks
(vessels) which started plying in the Indian Ocean and visiting Indian ports. During the
thirteenth and fourteenth century no traveler could think of travelling to and from China
except in these Junks. The Chinese junk of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries was
technically the most advanced and sea worthy vessel of its period.
By the end of 1175 the common pattern of transshipment of commodities was set. The
Arabian Sea ships sailed to the ports of Malabar and Coromandel in dhow, a variety of vessel
of non-Arab origin. Then the passengers and commodities of the dhows were exchanged with
the junks plying in the Eastern Indian Ocean. In the earlier pattern, during the eleventh and
early twelfth centuries, the goods were transferred from the Arab vessels to Kling bottoms in
south India.
Exchange of commodities/ pattern of export and import
Our sources show that these ports were actively involved in the exchange of
commodities, such as strategic war-animals, spices and medicaments, toys (works of arts and
craft), rarities, and exotic textiles, and base metals for brass industry. Among the perennial
export items of India were various types of textiles of Gujarat, Malwa, and Bengal. Textile
products ranged from the famous muslins of Bengal to ordinary cotton meant for daily
necessity.17 Precious gems and stones formed a favourite item of export. Amongst spices, the
pepper of Malabar was highly prized. The Genizah papers of Jewish merchants inform about
the regular shipments of pepper from Malabar Coast and it fetched high price. It was exported
in large quantities from Malabar to Aden, and from there through the Red Sea to Egypt. From
Egypt pepper finally reached the Italian ports by voyages across the Mediterranian. Aloe
wood and teak was in high demand in west Asia, especially Indian teak which was regularly
exported to Persian Gulf and .Red Sea ports as the basic raw material for building ships for
Arab merchants. The Genizah letters tell us about the shipment of various types of iron from
the ports of Malabar to Aden during the period from eleventh to thirteenth centuries. Indigo
was also regularly sent to the ‘west’.

17
Lallanji Gopal, Economic Conditions in Northern India AD 750-1200, Delhi, 1965.

230
 The impressions of Ibn Battuta and a Chinese writer Ma huan reveal that that Bengal
shipped rice to Maldives which in return sent out cowry shells which functioned as a major
currency not only in eastern India, but also in some places on east and west coast of Africa.
The cowry currency was part and parcel of Indian Ocean economy of the pre modern times
and it was used as small exchanges in the maritime net work of Indian Ocean.

India received exotic spices such as cinnamon, cardamom, camphor and gems
especially ruby as well as sandal from Sri Lanka and south-east Asia as imports many of
which were further shipped to the ‘western’ destinations. This suggests India’s participation
in transit trade. Indian imports certainly included precious metals, especially gold and silver.
These metals were generally preferred by Indian merchants as form of payment for their
commodities. Copper was also brought to India from west Asia. Silk was also imported from
Aden.

There was great demand for war horses from Arabia and Pars. It may be noted here
that good quality war horses, called Tatari, were regularly imported from the central Asian
steppe regions. These were brought to India by overland routes through the northwestern
borderlands of the subcontinent. From the eleventh century onwards horses of excellent
quality began to arrive from Arabia and Pars by overseas transportation. These horses,
described as bahri (sea-borne) in Arabic and Persian sources, were imported in large quantity
at enormous price - each fetching a price of over 200 gold coins. According to Marco polo
every year ten thousand horses were shipped to Pandya kingdom alone from the ports like
Shihr, Kish, Hormuz, and Aden. The Malabar Coast served as the entry point of these bahri
horses and the Tamil horse-dealers were engaged in the distribution of these horses to distant
power centres.

During the fourteenth century large quantities of luxury textiles were imported from
the Islamic Near East for the consumption at the court of Delhi sultans. Chinese silk and
Chinese porcelain were also imported in large quantity for them.

Merchant communities

The merchant communities included nakhudas (ship captains), nauvittakas (ship-

owners), and navikakarmakaras (sailors) besides the merchants involved in the transshipment
trade which included small traders for which the peddler term is used. The big traders stayed
at the base of operation. The captaincy of ships over vast distances required nautical skills
and experience for which Arabs, Indians, Malays, and Chinese ship captains (nakhudas) were
available who were highly esteemed. The Indian merchants involved in the overseas trade
were very rich and many of these were ship owners. This is not only true of the western
sector of the Indian Ocean, the Tamil merchants were also very prosperous, especially the
ship-owning merchants. The merchants were undoubtedly the key players in the maritime
network of the Indian Ocean. Indian merchants did undertake overseas voyages both in the
Arabian Sea and Bay of Bengal.

231
 Jewish merchants had an active role in the coastal network along the western sea-
board and had a prominent role in India trade. The Jewish and Muslim merchants engaged in
Indian Ocean trade hardly faced religious intolerance. Al Masudi noted in the in the early
tenth century that Muslim merchants were given excellent support by the Rashtrakuta rulers
to the extent that they were allowed to construct mosques in the port town of Konkan. A
bilingual inscription tells about the construction of a majigiti (masj id/mosque) in Somnath
where Islamic festivals were celebrated which were typically associated with nakhudas,
nauvittakas (ship-owners), and navikakarmakaras (sailors). The merchant communities in the
Indian Ocean ‘played as bridges among different ethnic groups and religious faith’.
We may conclude by saying that Indian Ocean had already become a much
frequented maritime zone long before the arrival of Portuguese in the late fifteenth century.
The trade activities in the Indian Ocean were precipitated around the tenth century and Indian
Ocean was a ‘theatre’ of merchants, sailors and even pirates. Indian ports on western and
eastern sectors had all the hustle bustle of a busy commercial life. The political powers,
undoubtedly, were greatly benefited from the immense oversea trading activities in the vast
maritime space, but they did not consider it an arena to establish their authority as may be
witnessed in the venture of the European trading companies from about the sixteenth century.
Reading List
➢ B. D. Chattopadhaya, The Making of Early Medieval India. Delhi, 1994.
➢ Lallanji Gopal, Economic Conditions in Northern India AD 750-1200, Delhi, 1965.
➢ Ranabir Chakravarti, Visiting Faraway Shores: India’s Trade in the Western Indian
Occean, in Rajat Dutta’s,.
➢ Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade in Early India, New Delhi, Manohar, 2002.
➢ Tapan Raychaudhuri and Man Habib (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of
India, c. 1200-1750, Vol. 1, Delhi, 1982.
➢ V. K. Jain, Trade and Traders in Western India AD 1000-1300, Delhi, 1989

7.2 The Financial Resources of The Mughal Empire

The financial resources of the Mughals may be divided into two categories, i.e. agrarian
and non-agrarian. Under the head non-agrarian, we may place in the income derived from
customs, transit duties, ferry taxes, octroi at important cities, monopolies, war booty, fines,
mints and present. But the income derived from these sources was insignificant when
compared with the income realised from the agrarian sources, i.e. land revenue.
Revenue system
The administrative organisation of laud revenue was placed under the Vazir. He was
also called Diwan-i-Ala or Diwan-i-Kul. Below him the provincial Diwan was the most
important person concerned with revenue and finance. The chief revenue in the sarkar and
the pargana were the Amil Munsif, or Amin, Bitikchi, the Khazanchi, Qanungo, and the

232
Patwari. The duties of the revenue officials were not only to conduct assessment and
collection of revenue but also to make efforts to increase the yield.
To facilitate revenue administration, the Mughal Empire was divided into revenue
circles called mahals. The mahal often coincided with peraganas but it was not a rule. In
1573, Akbar had introduced circles yielding a crore of doms and the person in charge of the
circle i.e., the Amil was called Koran. Even when this system was given up the revenue
collectors continued to be popularly called as Karories.
Experiments in Land Revenue System
For the purpose of assessment, after making a number of experiments, in the twenty-
fourth years of his reign, Akbar introduced the Ain-i-Dashala in i.e. provinces of Agra,
Allahabad, Bihar, Delhi, Lahore, Malwa, Multan and Oudh. In other words these provinces
were put under Zabti system. In other parts Batai or Nasaq, according to convenience, were
allowed to operate.
The land was classified according to its productivity into :
(i) polaj (ii) parauti (iii) chachar (iv) banjar
One-third of the average produce of the first two categories (paloj and parurti) was land
revenue paid, chachar and banjar land were progressively taxed.
The revenue was assessed on the basis of actual yield of each crop, and not in the form
of money range or a tax fixed for certain period or forever the produce of each crop the
amount of the tax to be realised was fixed cropwise according to the schedule of rates called
dasturs prepared by the central government.
Akbar’s revenue settlement was Raiyatwari in which the actual cultivator of the soil
being responsible for the payment of the revenue of the jagir land was done by the
government officers. In fact the allotment of the jagirs done on the basis of assessment done
by the government officials.
Various forms of Assessment of Land Revenue
Several methods of assessment of land revenue were in use when Akbar came to the
throne. The underlying principle was that the state should receive a share of the produce of
the land. The share varied from one fourth to one half of land revenue. Officials were told not
to demand more than what Sher-Shah had claimed. In Multan, Akbar had been content with
only one fourth of the produce. Akbar seems to have been content with generally claiming
only the third part of the produce as the state share. However in the later years of Shah Jahan,
it was raised to the one half of the produce and the continued in the Aurangzeb also.
The main problem before the administration was to ascertain the quantum of produce
that was due from every cultivator. As this was to be share of the total produce, it was first

233
necessary to determine this total. As the state’s demand depended upon what was produced, it
varied with the various crops. Basically the demand was expressed in kind.
There were many system of assessment of land revenue. The following were the most
important in vogue :
(i) Batai
The system which had been prevailing from very ancient time was one in which the
state and the cultivator shared the crop. In other words whatever was the produce it was
shared between the producer and the state. Batai as it was and is called so even today took
several forms.
One form of this system of sharing was called long batai. According to long batai heaps
of the crops after being cut were divided between the cultivator and the official of the Mughal
government.
In another form of ‘batai’ called khet batai, a portion of the standing crop could be
designated as the state’s share and the state officials received the produce when the crop was
harvested.
According to the third form, there was the actual sharing of the produce when it had
been gathered with corn or whatever else was produced being shared in accordance with the
agreement (qarardad) and in the presence of both parties.
The batai is described “as the best method of revenue collection” in the official docu-
ments of the Mughals. Among the all systems of assessment, the batai was much to the
linking of the peasants because in this system the share of the state was determined on actual
produce.
(ii) Kankut
In this system firstly the land was measured by jarib or by pacing. In the second stage
the produce of a unit of the field was assessed and then it was applied to the entire land under
the share of the state was determined in kind. But this share was paid to the state in cash
under this method the revenue was assessed in this way.
Suppose the total length of the field is thirty bighas. (A bigha was taken as a unit). The
assessment of the yield of this unit in one maund. Then the total produce would be thirty
maunds. The share of the state would be ten maunds if state shares is fixed 1/3 of the total
produce. The price of the maunds was determined according to market rate and share thus
determined in cash was to be taken by the government revenue collectors.
(iii) Zabt
The zabt was a very prominent method of revenue assessment. Sher Shah would have
liked to receive land revenue in cash but took no steps to fix it per bigha to each crop. It is

234
possible that land revenue demand was converted into a cash figure at rates prevailing locally
in various parts of the country. This left a great deal of discretion to the local officials who
could both oppress the peasant and defraud the slate in exercising it.
Akbar continued Sher Shah’s practice but found it increasingly inconvenient. After
experimenting a good deal, he finally promulgated a schedule of rates in cash per bigha for
every crop in 1570, not for the whole of the empire but for smaller units called dasture or
assessment circle. Every assessment circle had its own schedule. The prices adopted
represented that average of price prevailing in the area presumably during the last ten years,
from the fifteenth to the twenty-fourth year of Akbar’s reign.
In drawing up the schedule of rates, it was necessary to measure land to clasify it. In the
first place, the mode of measurement was improved and hemp ropes (tanab) were being
replaced by bamboos joined by iron rings (jarib). This was officially introduced in the 19th
year of Akbar’s reign.
The unit of measurement was named as bigha-i-ilahi which was 0.59 an acre. However
in later time, the statistics complied were based on the bigha-i-daftari, which was two third of
a bigha-i-ilahi. As has been mentioned above the land was divided into four grades—
(i) Polaj (land under continuous cultivation),
(ii) Parauti (very infrequently left fallow),
(iii) Chachar (land frequently left follow),
(iv) Banjar (barren land on the basis of fertility).
The first two grades of land (polaj and parauti) were divided into good, middling and
bad according to their yield. The average of the three was to be the estimated produce which
was taken as the basis of the assessment.
In the other two cases—chachar and banjar—where the land was of much proper
quality, a different mode of assessment was adopted marked by a tender towards a
progressive
increase in revenue over the year.
The innovations resulted in the evolution of a system commonly known as the Zabt
system. It is called because Zabt was synonymous with ‘Jarib’ and thus the system of
assessment based on measurement was so named.
Merit of Zabt
Let us here examine the merits and demerits of the Zabt system. Its chief notworthy
merits can be enumerated thus :
(i) making re-checking of measurement always feasible.

235
 (ii) check on arbitrariness of the local official as the revenue was fixed.
(iii) the promulgation of permanent dasturs to a very extent eliminating “the
uncertainties and fluctuations in levying the annual demand.”
Demerits of Zabt
On the debit side we must keep in mind the fact that the measurement of land in the
entire empire was indeed a task of gagantic magnitude and very difficult to accomplish; then
it was an undertaking which was quite expensive and time consuming : Also there was no
guarantee that measurement of land was correctly made of the measured land were made, and
lastly, system by its very nature could cover only that soil which was uniformation in
quality—a requisite which is inherently very restricted.
Akbar would have liked to introduce Zabt throughout the Mughal Empire but measuring
land was a lengthy process and cultivators did not always welcome it. Hence, it could not be
universalised over the whole of the Mughal Empire. Unless land was measured Zabt could
not be introduced. the Zabt system without any significant departures continued to function in
its belt from Lahore to Bihar.
Nasaq
Along with the Batai and Zabt certain other methods of assessment also prevailed in the
country. Nasaq was one of them. The inconvenience and expense of preparing records on the
spot was avoided by Nasaq. Different views have been expressed about the nasaq which
shows that in this method the whole or a part of the assessment was not made afresh every
year. Instead the results of assessment once considered good were repeated year after year.
Collection of Land Revenue

After every harvest and following necessary calculations a demand for the whole village
was prepared. It was the duty of the headman, a muqaddam to collect the amount. To make
his work easy, demand slip for cash cultivator was prepared and supplied to him. He was to
make the collection and pay the proceeds into the treasury. It is possible that sometimes a
muqaddam was paid in kind. But if the area was assessed in cash, he had to deposit the total
dues in cash. He may have, therefore, converted the payment from kind into cash himself.
The amount was paid at the headquarters of the Pargana to the Amil or collector. A receipt for
the total and also the account of every cultivator was given to him. Arrears, if any were also
intimated. The collector sent the amount collected to the Karori at the headquarters of the
Sarkar from where it was passed on to the provincial treasury. Here, it seems, payments due
in cash were sanctioned and the surplus was remitted to the Finance Ministry by the
provincial Diwan.
Akbar paid the on 2.5 Muqaddam on the collections he made. The Muqqadam used to
collect an additional surcharge on the revenue called Malba for defraying the expenses of the
officials who visited the village. Akbar discontinued the levying of the surcharge and ordered

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officials be paid out of the public revenues. There is however reason to believe that at least
under his successors the Malba countiued to be collected. Occasionally : grazing and cattle
tax were also charged.
Peasants : Peasants were an important part of agricultural classes on whose welfare the
prosperity of the state depended. There is some controversy, among scholars as to the rights
of peasants on the land. According to Dr. P. Sarar, the peasants who cultivated the land and
were its real and legal owners. Dr. Irfan Habib is of the opinion that the peasant’s right to the
land was always his individual right. The position becomes somewhat easy if we use the
word cultivator in place of peasants. N. A. Siddiqi says, “The cultivator, regardless of his
having enjoyed or not enjoyed occupancy rights, did not have the right either to sell or to
mortgage the land titled by him. Such a cultivator is known as muzara, maza, asami, or
raaja.........the land was titled by the peasant as well as by cultivating zamindars, but the
important difference between the two that the one belonged to a class claiming rights and
interests in land which were hereditary transferable, whereas the other could not put forward
any such claims and even their right of occupancy could be successfully disputed. Some of
the peasants enjoyed occupancy rights. Their rights and interest were protected by the state
under certain terms and conditions. They were protected by the state against unlawful
election when their occupancy rights were violated by the zamindars. The terms and
conditions on which the land was cultivated by the peasants were specified, which also
included the area of cultivable land and the amount of land revenue to be paid by the
peasants. The receipts for the land revenue paid by the peasants were given by the patwari.
Shershah and Akbar paid particular attention to the welfare of the peasantry. But the
condition of the peasantry deteriorated in the second half of the seventeenth century and
onward. The land revenue demand of 1/3 of the produce was generally raised to 1/2 of the
produce. In addition to land revenue the peasant had to pay something more in the form of
cesses and perquisites. Pelsaetrt and Bernier inform us that the children of the peasants who
could not pay the land revenue were sold.
The Mughal Empire, united under an extremely centralised administration, was probably
the biggest political entity ever established in the subcontinent of India. Even when so amply
endowed our people could not be regarded as prosperous. The reason is not difficult to seek.
The agrarian policy of the Mughals, as initiated by Akbar, notwithstanding its ingenuity of
the Grand Mughal, was based on the exploitation of the basic producer, the Peasant, which
left with him a bare subsistance. Again the increasing financial requirement of political
expansions pitched “the revenue demand at the highest rate possible”. The exaction of the
government increased, cultivation declined and the sufferings of the people mounted.
“Seldom perhaps, in India history”, as remarked by Prof. Irfan Habib “has the contrast been
so great as in Mughal India between”, what a contemporary European observer calls “the rich
in their great superfluity and the utter subjection and poverty of the common people’’. There
was a marked decline in the condition of the peasantry since Akbar’s death. If some of the
contemporary foreign observers, particularly Europeans, are to be believed, the peasants in

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the reign of Jahangir were “so cruelly and pitilessly oppressed” that “the fields lie unsown
and grow into wilderness.”
And things were no better even daring the early years of Aurangzeb’s reign as according
to Bernier, “a considerable portion of the good land remaines untilled for want of
labourers”...of whom many “perish in consequence of the bad treatment they receive from the
Governors, ‘or they had no other avenue open to them but to “abandon the country.”
Conditions worsened during the subsequent reign of Aurangzeb. Oppression of the
peasants increased beyond the limit of their endurance.
To conclude, one of the most potent grave-diggers of the Mughal Empire was its basic
structure which increased the exploitation of the peasantry—the very back-bone of the
economy which in Medieval India was essentially agrarian. The efforts of rulers like Sher
Shah and Akbar were of no avail because of the very character of the system which was
essentially based on exploitation. There was no escape for the swelling oppressions of the
ruling class and the revenue system did not provide any built-in defences for the poor
peasants.
(iv) Other Sources of Revenue

Land revenue formed the main source of the Mughal Empire, but the Emperors imposed
other levies as well. From ten to twentyfive per cent of their dues was deducted from the
salaries of Mansabdars and put aside to bo spent for specified purposes. Some of the ruling
chiefs still paid tribute, but most of them maintained a contingent of troops at the imperial
court. This ‘avoidance of expenditure’ was in fact, an addition to the state’s resources. Forced
labour paid at less than the market rate—could similarly be recognised as another source of
income. Profession tax was paid by many skilled workers. Jizir came to be paid by all able-
bodied adult Hindu males after Aurangzed reimposed it in 1679.
Customs duties were charged at the ports in the shape both of import and exports duties.
These usually varied between 3½% and 4% but on certain articles like Persian horses and
musk it was as high as 5%. Aurangzeb raised the duty imposed on Hindu merchants to 5% in
1665, keeping it 2½% for Muslim traders. He remitted the duty entirely on the Muslim in
1668. Between 1672 and 1680 the duty was again fixed 2½% for both the communities but,
in 1690 Hindus were charged at 5% and Muslims at 2½%.
Goods in transit were often charged transit dues as they passed from place to place.
Akbar abolished this payment but it seems to have continued. Octroi duty was charged in the
big cities. An excise duty, at about 10%, seems to have been charged on the manufacture of
certain articles. Sales tax was also charged in the market towns. The rates varied under
Aurangzeb from ½% to 5% on Hindus and ½% to 2½% on Muslims.
As all mines were owned by the states, these were let out to leaseholders on payment on
a fee. There was also some sizeable income from mintage, though there was free coinage
with this feature that everyone seeking to convert his gold into coins could do it by paying
some discount to the mints.

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 The Mughal workshops turned out articles for the use of the State and the Emperors.
Surplus produce was sold to other consumers as well. The profit on these commercial
undertakings seems to have been considerable.
These also exerted some state monopolies on minerals like lead, sulphate and salt.
Nazars, i.e., presents made to the Mughal Emperors formed another source of income.
Fees and judicial fines also brought in a considerable amount.
Crafts Antisans and karkhanas
During the Mughal period, India had developed many industries of which textile, metal
work, stone-work and mining had reached a fairly high standard of excellence. Generally an
artisan/producer worked within his own house wherein the assistance of others members of
his family was easily available on him. Quite often, the producer was himself the retailer of
his goods; but sometimes he would pass on these manufactured products to any distributor
who was interested in his products. As stated before periodical, fairs and there was on dearth
of them— also provided him with a market where he could dispose of his goods.
The large scale exporters mostly lived at the port-towns they had adequate arrange-
ments, through their agents, for the collection of the commodities from the producers. In the
royal karkhanas, however, the worker was a wage earner and was not directly connected with
the sale of the products.
Textile
Textile production was one of the major craft industries of India. There was hardly any
region in the country which was not famous for one or the other variety. It was carried in the
peasant households, and professional craftsmen in town and villages. The there were
Karkhanas (workshops) maintained by the state and the nobles. Cities like surat, Banaras and
Ahmadabad were famous for their gold and liver thread cloth, Dhacca for Jandani. This
industry was generally in a flourishing state during our period of study. The articles produced
by it included cotton cloth, woolen cloth and different varieties of silk cloth such as calicoes,
taffetas, chintz, baftas etc.
Bengal and Gujarat dominated in cotton and silk production. Indian silk, muslin,
brocade, and satin were very much in demand outside India, and were exported to various
foreign lands in large quantities. Their demand among the richer classes inside the country
was also great. Other allied industries, were gold thread work, embroidery and dyeing.
Dyeing industry was highly developed and the Indian printed and dyed goods were
recognised throughout the world for their high workmanship and beauty.
Many foreign travellers have paid eloquent tributes to the high quality of the Indian
textile.

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Metal work
Metal work had a long tradition behind it. It touched new peaks of excellence during the
Mughal period. Contemporary sources indicate that the Indian metal worker finally
understood how to handle various metal like iron, brass, silver, zinc, mixed metal (gun-
metal). Indian swords and daggers had acquired a reputation of their own. Various kinds of
utensils were also made. Gold and silver were used both for ornaments and utensils of a base
each also served for inlay work.

Stone work
Stone work was another highly developed art, Brick-kilns produced building material of
a very high quality. The Mughal passion for building, their refinement, sophistication and
above all the abundance of resources encouraged the growth of this industry. The Mughal
emperors and the members of the Imperial family as well as nobles and other high-ups were
all interested in raising monuments and as such building industry was always geared to a high
pitch. Precious stones were not only extensively mined but were also cut to different shapes
and exquisitely polished by specially trained workers.
Among the minor industries one may enumerate ivory work, paper, toys and leather
works.
Trade and Commerce
The merchant class in the Mughal period comprised of both the Hindus and the
Muslims. There was also a sprinkling of the Europeans such as the Portuguese, the Dutch
(native of Holland) and the English. There was a strong tendency of the sea-borne trade
slipping trade was generally the monopoly of the Muslims.
The inland trade was shared by the Hindus and the Muslims. Among the Hindus, the
Vaishya community occupied a prominent position as financiers, money changers and
bankers. Their credit instrument called Hundi was very helpful in the promotion of trade both
internal and foreign. Inside the country, there was brisk trade between the principal cities like
Agra, Delhi, Lahore, Multan, Ahmedabad, Surat, Burhanpur, Allahabad, Patna and Hugli.
There also existed a kind of insurance which covered the risk of the goods in transit.
The foreign trade and commerce attained considerable dimensions during the Mughal
period. The Mughal Emperors—particularly Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jahan took keen interest
in the development of foreign trade, though they never thought of establishing a control over
the sea routes by building a strong navy. It is unfortunate that they conceded to the Europeans
the control of these routes.
The principal outlets for foreign sea-borne trade were :
(1) Cambay
(2) Surat
(3) Sundry ports in Bengal

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 (4) The Coromandel coast
(5) The Indus delta
(6) Malabar coast.
On the land, the export trade followed two main routes; first, from Lahore to Kabul, and
second, from Multan to Kandhar. From Kabul and Kandhar the commodities were distributed
to different countries of Central Asia. But these overland routes were, however, risky.
The chief items of export were textile, pepper, indigo, opium and some other drugs. A
large variety of other goods were also exported but not in any large quantities. Articles of
import consisted of silver, raw silk, metals, ivory, coral, amber, precious stones, some
varieties of textiles, perfumes, European wines, African slaves, glass-work and China
porcelain.
The Chinaware was a special favourite of the Mughal Emperors because it was claimed
that it contained some chemicals which at once detected any poison in the food. Mughal
Emperors and their nobles were also fond of European curios, such as small caskets,
paintings etc, and paid handsome, even fancy-price for them.
Regarding the volume of trade, India then had a favourable balance of trades. As the
value of exports being more than the imports sea was constantly having inflow of liver and
precious stones.
The organisation of trade, however, suffered from one serious malady and this was the
irksome, often oppressive interference, by the local governors or high officials, who might
personally visit the market any moment or might send his agents and start buying or selling
any commodity he or his agents liked. On such occasions, competitions in the open market
disappeared.
At times, a monopoly system known as sauda-khas was set up by a government officer
to the detriment of the merchants. Among the trader-governors the name of Mir Jumla of
Bengal stands out prominently. He owned ships and land transport and carried on a large
trade with forign countries. Prince Shuja, at the time of governorship of Bengal, monopolized
the whole trade of the Hugli. The official inteference and various custom duties and the
manner of their collection often hampered trade.
Eesntial Readings :
➢ Ray Chaudhuri, T and I. Habib. (Eds.). (1982). The Cambridge Economic History of
India, Vol.1: c1200-1750. Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 214-434
➢ Chandra, Satish. (2005). Religion, State and Society in Medieval India: Collected
Works of Nurul Hasan. Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 173-278.
➢ Bhargava, Meena. (Ed.). (2010). Exploring Medieval India: sixteenth to the
eighteenth centuries. Delhi: Orient Blackswan

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 ➢ Prakash, Om. (1998). The New Cambridge History of India: European Commercial
Enterprise in Pre-Colonial India. Delhi: Cambridge University Press
➢ Gupta, Ashin Das and M.N. Pearson. (1997) India and the Indian Ocean 1500-1800.
Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Suggested Readings :
➢ Asher, Catherine B. and Cynthia Talbot. (2006). India before Europe. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
➢ Aquil, Raziuddin. ed. (2010). Sufism and Society in Medieval India. Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
➢ Chandra, S. (2004). Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, Part 1&2. Delhi:
Haranand Publications.
➢ Chandra, S. (2004). Madhyakalin Bharat: Sultanate se Mughal tak, Bhag 1& 2. Delhi:
Jawahar Publishers.
➢ Chandra, S. (2007). History of Medieval India (800-1700). Delhi: Orient Longman.
➢ Digby, Simon. (2004). “Before Timur came: Provincialization of the Delhi Sultanate
through the fourteenth century.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the
Orient vol. 47no.3, pp. 298-356
➢ Ernst, Carl W. and Bruce Lawrence. (2002).” The Major Chishti Shrines” in Sufi
Martyrs of Love in the Chishti Order in South Asia and Beyond. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, pp.85-104.
➢ Flood, Finbarr Barry (Ed.). (2008). Piety and Politics in the Early Indian Mosque.
Delhi: Oxford University Press.
➢ Eaton, Richard M. (1996). The Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social Roles of Sufis in
Medieval India. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
➢ Faruqui, Munis D. (2012) The Princes of the Mughal Empire, 1504-1719. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press
➢ Hasan, S. Nurul. (2008). Religion, State and Society in Medieval India. Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
➢ Khanna, M. (2007). Cultural History of Medieval India. Delhi: Social Science Press.
➢ Koch, E. (2013). Mughal Architecture: An Outline of its History and Development
(1526- 1858). Delhi: Primus.
➢ Kumar, S. (2007). The Emergence of the Delhi Sultanate. Delhi: Permanent Black.
➢ Moosvi, Shireen. (1987). The Economy of the Mughal Empire. Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
➢ Vaniana, Eugenia. (2004). Urban Crafts and Craftsmen in Medieval India
(Thirteenth- Eighteenth Centuries). Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.

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