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Dependent Personality Disorder: A Critical Review
Krystle L. Disney
PII: S0272-7358(13)00131-1
DOI: doi: 10.1016/j.cpr.2013.10.001
Reference: CPR 1347
Please cite this article as: Disney, K.L., Dependent Personality Disorder: A Critical
Review, Clinical Psychology Review (2013), doi: 10.1016/j.cpr.2013.10.001
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Dependent Personality Disorder: A Critical Review
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Krystle L. Disney
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Washington University in Saint Louis1
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Abstract
1Please send all correspondence to: Krystle L. Disney, M.A., Washington University in Saint Louis, Department
of Psychology, 1 Brookings Drive, Campus Box 1100, Saint Louis, Missouri 63130, or email
kldisney@wustl.edu.
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Abstract
Dependent personality disorder (DPD) has evolved from an abstract idea rooted in a
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comprehensive review paper chronicles the evolution of DPD through each version of the
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DSM. Major topics relevant to the disorder are also investigated, including gender and
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stages, comorbidity issues, and others. The purpose of this review is to provide a broad yet
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comprehensive examination of the complex angles of maladaptive dependency and to
identify essential next steps in furthering our knowledge of this disorder. The paper
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concludes with a discussion of shortcomings in the body of research relevant to DPD, along
creatures who rely on others for survival across various stages of the lifespan. However,
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dependency in its more extreme forms is classified as a mental illness within the context of
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our current diagnostic system. The purpose of this investigative paper is threefold:
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review, with a focus on manifestations that surpass an individual’s cultural expectations
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and cause distress or impairment across multiple contexts;
2) To identify gaps in the literature across several specialized research areas of DPD
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that will increase our understanding of this disorder and will allow us to come closer to
making an informed decision regarding its validity as a clinically useful construct, and
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3) To examine evidence for and against the construct validity of DPD within the
literature, the results of which will be discussed throughout the review, as well as to
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History of DPD
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Dependent personality disorder (referred to hereafter as “DPD”) has historical roots far
preceding the seminal volume of the DSM, and was often discussed in earlier works as a
1998a; Chen, Nettles, & Chen, 1999; Loranger, 19962). From its historical roots, DPD has
subsequently evolved over several versions of the DSM. The seminal DSM, published in 1952,
did not contain a distinct category for this disorder. The sole mention of excessive dependency in
2 The Reference list is limited to citations discussed within this narrative. Please see the Appendix, available
in the online version of this paper, for references which are briefly cited but not discussed in detail.
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disorder based on dependency. The only suggestion of what would eventually become DPD can
be found in the description of the “Hysterical Personality,” which later evolved into Histrionic
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PD. The description of these individuals noted that they are often dependent on others. In
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addition, the description of the Passive-Aggressive personality also touched on abnormal
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dependency. According to the text, passive-aggressive behavior “is one expression of the
The DSM-III, published in 1980, was the first volume to place personality disorders on
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Axis II, and was also the first to list DPD as a separate disorder. It was comprised of the
following three criteria: 1) allows others to assume responsibility for important life decisions,
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along with passivity in interpersonal relationships, 2) subordinates one’s own needs to those of
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persons upon whom one depends, and 3) lacks self-confidence. The DSM-III was criticized for a
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number of reasons, including its suggestion that DPD and depression were strongly comorbid,
when the literature at that time showed a mixed relationship at best (Bornstein, 1995b).
Considerable changes were made in the transition from DSM-III to DSM-III-R, published
in 1987; most notably, the criteria were dramatically extended. This enabled a broader
conceptualization regarding the various behaviors and emotions prominent in the disorder. In
addition, the prior core criterion, “Lacks self-confidence” was dropped. In this volume, DPD was
by early adulthood and present in a variety of contexts” (p. 354). Five of the following nine
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criteria were to be met in order to qualify for the diagnosis: 1) unable to make everyday
decisions, 2) allows others to make important decisions; 3) agrees with people even if they are
thought to be wrong; 4) difficulty initiating projects; 5) performs unpleasant tasks to obtain the
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approval of others; 6) dislikes being alone; 7) devastation when close relationships end; 8)
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preoccupation with fears of abandonment; and 9) easily hurt by criticism or disapproval.
The primary feature of DPD in DSM-IV, published in 1994, was modified slightly from
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DSM-III-R to “a pervasive and excessive need to be taken care of, which leads to submissive and
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clinging behavior and fear of separation” (p. 665). The DSM-IV consists of eight criteria that are
nearly identical to those in the DSM-III-R, with the exception of criterion 9 (being easily hurt),
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which was dropped from the DSM-IV due to its overlap with other PDs (Bornstein, 1995a,
1997). DPD was quite nearly deleted from the DSM-5 at the initial recommendation of the
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Personality Disorders Work Group. However, the American Psychiatric Association’s Board of
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Trustees ultimately chose not to approve the proposed changes, and DPD was ultimately
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DPD as a construct
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Little empirical research has been completed on the construct of DPD in comparison to
other Axis II disorders (Loas, Cormier, & Perez-Diaz, 2011; Loranger, 1996; Smith, Hilsenroth,
& Bornstein, 2009). The core element of this disorder appears to be a view of the self as helpless
and inept, along with a view of others who are seen as strong and competent (Bornstein, 1997;
PDs are often criticized for their heterogeneity. An individual is required to meet five of
eight criteria for a diagnosis of DPD. Therefore, there are 93 possible combinations of
symptoms. A person could also present with five, six, seven, or all eight symptoms, providing
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further variety in terms of severity. To investigate this issue further, Gude, Karterud, Pedersen,
and Falkum (2006) studied symptom combinations of 248 individuals diagnosed with DPD in a
clinical sample from Norway. They found that 60 of 93 possible combinations were present, and
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that none of the combinations appeared more than seven times. These results suggest that there is
no “core” or “privileged” manner of obtaining or presenting with DPD, and that there is indeed a
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variety of DPD presentations that clinicians and researchers may be presented with. The results
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of this study could be interpreted as evidence against the construct of DPD, as there are indeed
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dozens of ways in which DPD in its current operationalized form can manifest in an individual.
However, this argument can be used for all of the PDs, and some of them (antisocial, for
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instance) are even more heterogenous than DPD.
psychiatrists (29 psychologists and 32 psychiatrists) to examine face validity of DPD and other
Axis II criteria in the DSM-III-R. Clinicians were given a randomly-ordered list of all 142 PD
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criteria that were considered valid at the time of publication and were asked to assign each
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criterion to the appropriate parent category. The average clinician placed 66% of the 142 criteria
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correctly. Clinicians were able to accurately identify DPD criteria 73% of the time, which was
close to the 80% marker that authors had selected for adequate face validity. However, 12% of
the time, DPD criteria were incorrectly assigned to Borderline PD, and 13% of the time,
Avoidant criteria were incorrectly assigned to DPD. In contrast, DPD criteria were only called
Avoidant 3% of the time. The authors concluded that DPD is not one of the more problematic
PDs, as it outperformed many others in this particular study (Histrionic in particular). Another
similar study (Huprich and Fine, 1996) found that DPD criteria were correctly assigned to the
appropriate parent category 93% of the time. Accordingly, we can conclude that clinicians are
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able to accurately identify DPD criteria the majority of the time. It is also noteworthy that
avoidant criteria look more dependent than vice versa (see Comorbidity section below for more
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Bachrach, Croon, and Bekker (2012) conducted a literature review of factor-analytic
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studies of DPD between 1980 and 2012 and found only two such studies serving this purpose:
one that implemented PCA and one with CFA. PCA is generally considered an inferior method
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of factor analysis in PD research, because it assumes the variables are orthogonal; however, we
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know from the extensive comorbidity issues within Axis II PDs that they are not independent
from one another. Regardless, both studies found DPD to be a bidimensional construct,
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consisting of the domains of incompetence and dysfunctional attachment. There is also factor-
analytic evidence that PDs consist of internalizing and externalizing domains (Kendler et al.,
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2011; Krueger, McGue, & Iacono, 2001), and that DPD is classified as an internalizing disorder.
Regarding the operationalization of DPD, it is widely agreed that there are problematic
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DSM-IV criteria within DPD, and external validity of the criteria has been questioned (Smith et
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al., 2009). For example, Criterion 2, “Needs others to assume responsibility for most major areas
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of his or her life” had never been tested directly at the time of publication of DSM-IV, nor had
Criterion 7, “Urgently seeks another relationship as a source of care and support when a close
relationship ends” (Bornstein, 1997). In addition, two criteria were contradicted by findings at or
near to the time of DSM-IV publication: Criterion 3 (“Has difficulty expressing disagreement
with others because of fear of loss of support or approval”) and criterion 4 (“Has difficulty
initiating projects or doing things on his or her own”). Only four of eight DPD criteria were
empirically supported at the time of publication, which raises questions about the validity of
Gude et al. (2006) suggest that one way to define sufficient construct validity is for DPD to
demonstrate high correlations among the DPD criteria, low item correlations with other PDs, and
satisfactory internal consistency. They analyzed item correlations between DPD criteria and
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other Axis II disorders and found that the first four DPD criteria significantly correlated with
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avoidant PD, while the last three were significantly correlated with borderline PD. There was
moderate internal consistency among the DPD criteria (Cronbach’s α = .68). Criterion 3
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(Difficulties in expressing disagreement and fear of loss of support or approval) is particularly
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positively correlated with Avoidant PD, and criterion 5 (Goes to excessive lengths to obtain
support; volunteers to do unpleasant things) correlated quite weakly with DPD. The authors
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concluded that the quality of the DPD construct as it is currently operationalized is low to
In addition to examining properties of DPD criteria in the DSM, it is also useful to compare
DPD constructs between the DSM and ICD-10, which overlap a great deal but do not carry
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identical definitions of DPD. For example, the ICD lists “Unwillingness to make even reasonable
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demands on the people one depends on,” as a symptom of the disorder, which is an interesting
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behavioral trait that is implied but not specifically listed as a symptom in the DSM-IV.
Prevalence rates of DPD using the ICD-10 classification tend to be lower than with the DSM
(Brieger, Sommer, Blöink, & Marneros, 2000); further exploration of these differences would
Costa and McCrae’s (1985) popular five-factor model of personality contains five
Conscientiousness, comprised of six facets each. Dependent traits are strongly associated with
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Neuroticism (Bienvenu & Brandes, 2005; Bornstein, 2011; Brieger et al., 2000; Lowe,
Edmundson, & Widiger, 2009), with relationships in at least four of the six facets therein:
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Bornstein & Cecero (2000) conducted a meta-analysis of studies that investigated the
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relationship between DPD and the Big Five and found that dependency scores are positively
correlated with Neuroticism and Agreeableness, and are negatively correlated with Extraversion,
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Openness, and Conscientiousness. Their findings held regardless of whether the assessment was
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conducted via clinical interview or questionnaire. In this meta-analysis, the largest correlation
between the dependency measures and Neuroticism facets was found in Self-Consciousness (r =
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.45). Lowe et al. (2009) found that 11 of 13 dependency measures were significantly correlated
with Neuroticism in a clinical sample, with correlations ranging from .23 (3 Vector Dependency
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Inventory, Exploitation Scale, p < .05) to .53 (MCMI-III, p < .01). The congruence of these
findings indicate that although there may be problems with the current operationalization of
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DPD, or problems with specific criteria, there is a core factor that maps on to the five-factor
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model in a predictable and fairly consistent way. Regarding Openness, dependent individuals are
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lower on the Actions facet, but no other remarkable or specific relationships have been
consistently noted in the literature. Congruent with the findings from Bornstein and Cecero’s
meta-analysis, other researchers have also found a relationship between DPD and low levels of
Extraversion. In terms of its facets, DPD features are particularly associated with low levels of
As one would likely expect, DPD has shown a relationship with Agreeableness (Brieger
et al., 2000; Gudjonsson & Main, 2008). However, the relationship between DPD and this
domain is noticeably less straightforward and powerful when compared to its relationship with
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Neuroticism. This is surprising, given that clinical wisdom often conceptualizes DPD as a
combination of high Neuroticism and excessively high Agreeableness. However, the relationship
between the two was not as strong as predicted across various studies (Bornstein & Cecero,
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2000; Lowe et al., 2009; Miller & Lynam, 2008).
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Agreeableness may not demonstrate a consistent relationship with DPD because of the
way the relevant items in the NEO are worded, in that they measure healthy levels of
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dependency as opposed to those that are maladaptive (Lowe et al., 2009). These researchers
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reworded items of the NEO to assess maladaptive dependency and then re-assessed the strength
of the relationship between DPD and Agreeableness. For example, “I try to be courteous to
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everyone I meet” became “I am overly courteous to everyone I meet,” and “I think of myself as a
charitable person” became “I am so charitable that I give more than I can afford.” With this
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revised NEO Agreeableness scale, a strong relationship between DPD and Agreeableness was
repeatedly found. The authors concluded that the NEO measures adaptive Agreeableness, while
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their Revised NEO measures maladaptive Agreeableness that more adequately captures the
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symptoms of DPD. Accordingly, caution should be used when discussing the relationship
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Despite potential flaws in the relationship between Agreeableness and DPD, the Big Five
together explain more than quarter of the variance of all ICD-10 personality pathology (R2 =
.27), 14-17% of the variance in DPD in particular (Brieger et al., 2000), and is a useful and
There has been particularly little empirical research regarding the etiology of DPD (Baker,
Capron, & Azorlosa, 1996). Family environment, social learning, severe childhood illness, and
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biological predisposition have all been implicated as playing a role in its development
(Ampollini et al., 1999; Bornstein, 2011). In addition to these variables, specific early traumatic
events such as childhood sexual abuse are often noted in the literature (Alexander, 1993).
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However, in a study examining the relationship between childhood sexual abuse and adult PDs
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in a sample of adult survivors, it was not the characteristics of sexual abuse but rather attachment
style that best predicted DPD, with Fearful attachment style being the strongest predictor. This
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style is associated with a lack of assertiveness as well as high levels of social anxiety.
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Attachment theory and DPD are frequently associated in the research literature (Alexander,
1993) though others argue that the relationship between the two is modest at best, and that while
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insecure attachment behaviors and DPD are related, they are ultimately separate constructs
(Bornstein, 1995a, 1997, 2012). According to attachment theory, children learn about themselves
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and the world primarily through seminal relationships with caregivers. These relationships form
the basis of an internal working model, which permeates the individual’s experience into and
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throughout adulthood. When this attachment operates in a dysfunctional way, such as through
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lack of warmth and/or consistency on the part of the caregiver, the child develops insecure
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attachment. As a result, the insecurely attached child views him- or herself as inadequate.
Despite findings that seem fairly consistent and are intriguing and compelling in their own right,
one of the primary issues to keep in mind with both the child abuse and attachment literature is
that they both often rely on retrospective self-report, which is not entirely reliable.
styles have been linked to the development of DPD (Bornstein, 1997, 2012), though this
assertion is largely theory-driven and the result of retrospective self-report as well. Accordingly,
though it is rarely disputed that parental style is an influential factor, there is a lack of solid
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empirical evidence to support this idea. In terms of the theory behind this assertion, when a child
is reinforced for being excessively compliant, they are likely to present themselves as dependent
or helpless in later relationships (Bornstein, 1995a). In addition, these parenting styles hinder the
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child’s mastery and self-efficacy that would otherwise develop through autonomous exploration
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of the world. With regard to specific parenting style, children of overprotective parents are taught
that they are fragile and that they will never survive unless they are looked after, while
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authoritarian parents teach that the best survival method is to defer to the wishes and
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expectations of others who are stronger and more capable.
Separation anxiety disorder (SAD) is a developmental disorder that has been suggested as a
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risk factor for adult-onset DPD (American Psychiatric Association, 1994; Mroczkowski et al.,
2011). Loas et al. (2002) examined a sample of 1492 individuals composing large clinical and
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nonclinical samples and found that DPD was 9.85 times more likely to occur when paired with a
lifetime occurrence of SAD. The authors concluded that while the results are striking, the
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relationship between DPD and SAD could also be inflated due to fear of separation being a
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symptom of both disorders. This is a valid comorbidity issue; however, these disorders are not
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the same. They have different developmental stage requirements (SAD requires onset prior to 18
years of age, while DPD doesn’t have to begin until early adulthood), and different symptoms.
However, the relationship between the two is poised as an important area of future exploration.
Cognitive therapy (CT) also examines the role of childhood experience, but rather than
focusing primarily on the relationship between infant and caregiver, supporters of CT take the
stance that childhood schemas underlie maladaptive emotions and behaviors of individuals with
PDs, and that our representations of ourselves, others, and the world around us develop during
to a view of the self as being weak and ineffectual (Bornstein, 1998b), and faulty schemas lead to
biased information processing, typically toward the negative (Arntz, Weertman, & Salet, 2011).
The resulting low self-esteem and anxiety continue into adulthood and form the basis of DPD
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(Bornstein, 2004).
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Cloninger (1987) proposed a well-known biosocial theory of personality relevant to the
etiology of DPD. In his model, three heritable and biologically based characteristics of
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personality were proposed: Novelty-Seeking, Harm Avoidance, and Reward Dependence. High
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levels of Harm Avoidance are present in individuals with Cluster C disorders (particularly DPD),
as well as high levels of Reward Dependence (Ampollini, Marchesi, Signifredi, & Maggini,
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1997; Casey & Joyce, 1999). Harm avoidance is defined in Cloninger’s model as a heritable
characteristic involving the serotonin (5-HT) system that emits an intense aversive response to
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certain types of stimuli. The individual then learns to avoid not only punishment, but novelty as
well. This manifests in the individual as worry and shyness. Cloninger’s model is unique in the
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realm of etiological theories of DPD in that it combines personality traits and behaviors with
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genetic and biological mechanisms, rather than ignoring those influences entirely, as many other
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models and theories do. This focus on biological and physiological mechanisms points is
important in that it includes the often overlooked aspect of anatomical structures and processes
Assessment of DPD
personality disorders. Instruments in this area are often criticized for unsuitably low levels of
test-retest reliability and construct validity (Smith et al., 2009). Method of assessment is an
One major problem with self-report and PDs is the self-serving bias, or a tendency for people to
draw “a friendly picture of themselves” (Leising, Sporberg, & Rehbein, 2006, p. 320). Lowe et
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al. (2009) have suggested that gender is important as well in the assessment of DPD, as men
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typically score lower on self-report measures. One alternative is to combine self- and peer report,
which addresses the bias present in using either method alone (Casey & Joyce, 1999;
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Rodebaugh, Gianoli, Turkheimer, & Oltmanns, 2010). The combination of self-report with a
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follow-up clinical assessment has also been recommended in the literature. Instruments that
require assessment by a clinician have the benefit of greater reliability and validity (Jacobsberg,
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Perry, & Frances, 1995). However, this is done at the expense of requiring more time per
participant and is not always practical or feasible. Others have argued that self-report can be
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omitted entirely in personality assessment, and that reports from a variety of persons who know
the person best are most accurate (Hofstee, 1994), as plural observations from informants cancel
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overcome the many problems associated with PD diagnosis, such as low reliability and lack of
insight (Baer, Jenike, Ricciardi, & Holland, 1990; Jacobsberg et al., 1995; Klonsky, Oltmanns, &
Turkheimer, 2003). Informant report increases the richness of personality portraits while
Vazire, 2006; Vazire & Carlson, 2011). Other methods of assessment surpass self-report as well.
data should be used to investigate the presence and strength of DPD criteria. Behavior
observation is a form of assessment that is often underutilized, which could potentially reduce
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error variance associated with retrospective self-report and global judgments (Leising et al.,
2006).
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(such as the Interpersonal Dependency Inventory or IDI, Hirschfeld et al., 1977), and those that
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were specifically constructed to assess for the presence of DPD in DSM-IV-R, such as the
Structured Interview for DSM-IV Personality (SIDP-IV; Pfohl, Blum, & Zimmerman, 1997).
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While instruments that measure information on dependency are useful, they are not measuring
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identical constructs. Therefore, if they are going to be used, they should be used in addition to
(rather than in lieu of) measures specifically designed to assess Axis II psychopathology. For
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detailed information on convergent validity among 13 widely used dependency measures, see
There are a number of ways to approach the assessment of DPD, many of which are hotly
debated. One issue with little disagreement is that relying on self-report is no longer satisfactory
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or accurate. Informant report has been a gold standard for the past decade or two, but there are
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also new, promising areas of assessment yet to be developed, such as implicit association tasks
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and behavioral observation. One other issue particularly relevant to DPD is to avoid assessment
based primarily on the construct of dependency; though useful, it can cause problems if
instruments that are used to diagnose were not designed with the purpose of detecting the
disorder.
DPD is diagnosed more frequently in females, and is one of the most hotly debated PDs
in terms of gender. Critics argue that clinicians are biased and view this array of symptoms as
more maladaptive when presenting in females than in males (Anderson, Sankis, & Widiger,
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2001; Kaplan, 1983). It has also been correctly noted that the DSM PD Work Groups across the
various volumes have been overwhelmingly male (89% male for DSM-III; 84% for DSM-III-R;
78% for DSM-IV, and 82% for DSM-V), and that the criteria for DPD have therefore been
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written from a masculine perspective. Many studies are congruent with the DSM-IV and report a
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higher prevalence rate of DPD in females (Barzega, Maina, Venturello, & Bogetto, 2001;
Bornstein, 1997, 1998b; Calsyn, Fleming, Wells, & Saxon, 1996; Loranger, 1996; Lowe et al.,
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2009; Starcevic et al., 2008), while others have reported no difference (Baer et al., 1990; King,
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2000; Lopez-Rodriguez et al., 1999).
Kaplan’s well-known paper (1983) takes particular issue with DPD, focusing first on the
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criterion of occupational impairment for general personality disorder. She argues that a woman
who is unemployed but cares for the home and children and a man who works at the expense of
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spending time with his children would not be labeled as impaired. However, a woman who
neglects her children or a man who cannot hold down a job are both more likely to be considered
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impaired due to societal sex role expectations. Additionally, if a female excessively conforms to
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her traditional gender role, she receives the diagnosis of DPD and possibly Histrionic PD as well.
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work before family, or discomfort with intimate conversations, for example) will not. Therefore,
she argues that DSM criteria are biased towards masculinity in terms of what is normal, and
argues that DPD is little more than a caricature of the traditional female role.
Kaplan noted that “Masculinity alone is not clinically suspect; femininity alone is” (p.
791). This assertion was supported in later empirical work by Klonsky, Jane, Turkheimer, and
Oltmanns (2002), in which men and women’s levels of masculinity and femininity were assessed
via informant reports of participants who lived on the same college dorm floor. Men scoring
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higher on femininity exhibited more features of all PDs with the exception of antisocial PD.
Strikingly, this was found via both peer and self report. DPD traits were also associated with
higher levels of femininity and lower levels of masculinity in women for both self and peer
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report as well. These results tell us that features of femininity are associated with personality
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pathology in men, and with features of DPD specifically in women. What is still unclear is
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particularly DPD.
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Multiple hypotheses for gender bias in DPD have been suggested: One is that the criteria
themselves are biased. The other is that the criteria are not biased, but that clinicians view the
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criteria as being more or less maladaptive depending on whether they are present in a male or a
female. Anderson et al. (2001) recruited two samples of clinicians from District 12 of the
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American Psychological Association to investigate this issue and asked them to rate how 1)
common or rare and 2) how maladaptive PD criteria were in the case of a client being either male
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or female. Their results showed that clinicians rated DPD as being more common in females, but
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that they did not perceive DPD characteristics to be differentially pathological in either sex.
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Their findings supported the argument that DPD criteria are gender neutral, contradicting
Kaplan’s earlier assertions: clinicians do not apply the criteria differentially to either gender
heuristic caused by base rates. However, this study contradicted earlier work showing that DPD
criteria were rated as more maladaptive for females than for males (Sprock, Crosby, & Nielsen,
2001), meaning that whether or not femininity and women are pathologized in the realm of DPD
is still unknown.
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The area of DPD traits in men is understudied and teeming with interesting results. One
important issue to consider is the relationship between dependency and spousal abuse (Loas et
al., 2011). It has been argued that fear of loss in dependent relationships may lead to physical
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violence by the dependent male in order to prevent or reduce risk of abandonment (Berk &
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Rhodes, 2005). Men who commit uxoricide (wife murder) commonly have concurrent DPD. In
these men, the perception of imminent abandonment triggers rage responses and ultimately,
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physical violence. They may also engage in behaviors such as monitoring their partner’s time or
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making direct threats (Dutton, 2002).
DPD may be associated with differential relationships with males in other ways aside
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from the potential for abuse. Loas et al. (2005) found that the relationship between suicidal
ideation and DPD was stronger in male drug abusers than in female drug abusers. Bolton, Belik,
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Enns, Cox, and Sareen (2008) examined Wave 1 of NESARC data to investigate the relationship
variables in depressed individuals. Personality pathology was the strongest predictor of suicide
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attempts over and above age, ethnicity, income, and anxiety and substance use disorders. In
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males, DPD was particularly associated with suicide attempts, with a higher association between
lifetime suicide attempts and males with DPD than any of the other six PDs assessed. The
presence of DPD predicted suicide attempts in almost three quarters of depressed males (with a
positive predictive value of 74.3%), though the presence of DPD was also a strong predictor of
suicide attempts in women (with a positive predictive value of 58%), over and above the other
personality disorders in both genders. In contrast to some of the evidence presented above, this is
compelling evidence in favor of the validity of DPD, as it suggests that there is something
particular about this array of symptoms that is associated with suicide attempts in comparison to
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many other variables, including demographic variables and other PDs. However, as the authors
noted, their results are reliant upon retrospective self-report about a very personal issue.
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manifestations and consequences of DPD may ultimately differ for men and women. These
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findings are congruent with a growing body of literature identifying DPD as a potential suicide
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Cultural influences are also often overlooked in the assessment and diagnosis of DPD.
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Culture shapes how an individual views the relationship between self and others on a spectrum
goals that best benefit the group, and the focus is on cooperation and alliance with others. This
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lack of drive toward individual wishes and goals may explain the higher prevalence of DPD
individualist and collectivist samples of students in Boston and Istanbul, respectively, and found
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that American individuals scoring lower on individualism received significantly higher DPD
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scores on the PDQ-R, r = -.35, p < .01. In addition, Americans with collectivist orientations
disorders as well. These findings, in which collectivist Americans scored higher on measures of
psychopathology, supported the authors’ hypothesis that a clash between personality and societal
values is a risk factor for psychopathology, and that this risk applies to DPD.
While there is some research on individualist and collectivist cultures and their respective
contributions to dependent symptoms, there is far less research on specific ethnicities within the
U.S., particularly African Americans. One study found that African American participants were
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significantly less likely to be diagnosed with DPD than Caucasians or Hispanics (Calsyn et al.,
1996), but there is very little else in the way of empirical research about this group of
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Stability of DPD
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It can be difficult to discern developmental differences in DPD, particularly because
research on PDs in the elderly is lacking (Casey & Joyce, 1999). This is unfortunate, as this is a
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particularly important age group in the study of dependency manifestations and transitions.
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Symptoms in this stage of life can develop in response to psychological or physical disorders, for
example, and may be exacerbated due to the frightening nature of an illness (Bornstein, 1995b;
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Chen et al., 2009). In addition, disrupted social functioning due to the repercussions of disease
may foster or maintain dependency behaviors (Lopez-Rodriguez et al., 1999). Loranger (1996)
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compared a group of individuals with DPD (n = 342) to a group of individuals with any of the
other PDs (n = 3298), and found that 51.2% of the DPD group was over 40 years of age, whereas
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this was only true for 25.7% of the non-DPD group (p < .001). The author suggested that this
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result could be due in part to declining health, though age 40 is a somewhat early to begin to
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In another study, anxious older adults (M = 66 years) had significantly elevated rates of
DPD compared to a group of anxious younger adults (M = 20.2 years) (Coolidge, Segal, Hook,
& Stewart, 2000). These results suggest that DPD may not remit in middle to later life as other
PDs, such as antisocial and borderline, are widely reputed to do (Grilo et al., 2001), possibly due
in part to the health-related stressors and transitions mentioned above that are generally unique to
later life.
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Dependent behaviors manifest differently at various points in the lifespan. DPD Criterion
2 reads, “Needs others to assume responsibility for most major areas,” which is not unusual in
adolescents (Grilo et al, 1998). Dependency in adolescents may also manifest as close
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relationships with valued peers, rather than with parents. As the person shifts from adolescence
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to adulthood, the primary object of dependence may shift again from peers to a mentor or figure
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One of the trademark diagnostic requirements for a personality disorder is for the
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symptom to be present and stable since early adulthood, though there is little data to support this
prerequisite. Grilo et al. (2001) found that DPD scores were significantly lower two years after
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baseline in a clinical sample of hospitalized teenage outpatients, suggesting that DPD in
adolescents may not have a typically chronic course, as currently required in the DSM. Grilo et
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al. (1998) examined PD prevalence groups between adolescents (ages 12 to 17.99 years, M
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= 15 years) and adults (ages 18 to 37, M = 23 years). Of the 10 PDs, a significant age
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difference was only found for DPD, which was significantly more common in the adult
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Gutiérrez et al. (2012) examined a sample of 1477 patients (aged 15 to 82) over a
six-year period. Using multiple linear regressions and controlling for sex and sex x age
effects, they found that DPD does show a significant decline across increasing age groups,
with a 23.8% reduction in symptom criteria from age 20 to age 50 (R2 = .02, p < .001). The
authors also made the notable point that while we tend to look for disorders that are
increasing or decreasing over time, we should also examine whether each criterion
increases or decreases. Within a disorder, some symptoms may increase over time while
others decrease, which may result in a disorder that appears stable when there is actually
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quite a bit of movement within the individual criteria. While Cluster C disorders in this
study remained fairly stable until approximately age 35 and then declined to age 50, we are
still left wondering about the years of 50 and beyond, during which time health issues and
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other transitions unique to later life may contribute to a reemergence of dependent
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symptoms.
Evidence is mixed regarding the stability and course of DPD. What does seem clear,
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however, is that the sparse findings in this area are not congruent with the DSM-IV. The
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course does not always seem to be chronic, as DPD symptoms, sometimes severe, can arise
later in life. In addition, studies have shown mixed results regarding prevalence rates
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across different developmental stages, and manifestations of DPD may be more common
Comorbidity of DPD
these personality features may be risk factors for the development or maintenance of other Axis I
and II disorders (Ampollini, et al., 1999; Bornstein, 1995b). Comorbidity issues appear to be a
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consistently productive area of research on DPD. However, because of the detrimental impact of
Axis II pathology in various areas of the affected person’s life, more prospective or longitudinal
studies are needed to evaluate causal or temporal relationships among the various disorders.
Many papers leave the reader with the conclusion that DPD is associated with other specific
disorders, but we still need to learn why, when, and how. We will now briefly examine the
DPD has a high overlap with the other PDs in general (Bornstein, 1995b; Gude et al.,
2006), and particularly with the other Cluster C disorders. Studies that report significant results
with DPD often include significant findings for one or both of the other Cluster C disorders as
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well, indicating the presence of substantial overlap. While this is what one would expect from
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PDs within the same cluster, it can become difficult to determine specificity of the contribution
of any particular disorder when these relationships repeatedly occur in the literature. For
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example, one study found that DPD is associated with the onset of postpartum depression within
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a few weeks of childbirth. Avoidant and obsessive-compulsive PDs were identified as risk
factors as well (Akman, Uguz, & Kaya, 2007), making Cluster C disorders a unique predictor in
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the onset of postpartum depression in new mothers. In keeping with our examination of evidence
for and against the construct of DPD, the excessive overlap between DPD and other PDs could
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Over and above the relationship among all three Cluster C disorders, dependent and
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avoidant PDs overlap in the literature substantially (Bornstein, 1997; Gude et al., 2006).
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Researchers have been questioning the overlap between Avoidant and DPD for a quarter of a
century (Trull, Widiger, & Frances, 1987; Reich, 1989). One study found a large correlation of
.66 between symptoms of DPD and Avoidant PD (Bachrach et al., 2012), and the DPD and
Avoidant scales of the SCID-II are substantially and positively correlated as well, at .55 (Leising
et al., 2006). This amount of overlap poses a serious concern to the validity of both disorders; in
the following paragraphs, further differences and similarities between the two will be
highlighted.
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Avoidant and dependent PDs share an overlap of cognitive styles, with a view of others
as being “better,” more capable, and more competent, and an emphasis on behaviors such as
avoidance and compliance (Arntz et al., 2011; Gudjonsson & Main, 2008). Individuals with both
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disorders are concerned with being criticized or rejected, and both are quick to engage in self-
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blaming behaviors. For example, individuals with both avoidant and DPD symptoms have shown
higher levels of submissiveness than other PDs when put into an assertiveness role-playing
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situation, even after being asked to be as assertive as possible (Leising et al., 2006).
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While DPD and Avoidant may overlap due to similar manifestations and social
behaviors, the motivations underlying these similarities are quite different. DPD individuals feel
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highly anxious about being left alone or functioning autonomously, and avoidant individuals do
not share this concern. One additional difference between these disorders is that individuals with
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DPD believe that there are “better” others out there who may come to their aid, whereas avoidant
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individuals have no such belief (Arntz et al., 2011). The Big Five differentiate DPD and avoidant
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PD further; both disorders are associated with elevated Neuroticism, but avoidant PD is also
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consistently associated with low levels of Extraversion. This result is not found for DPD to the
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same degree (Bienvenu & Brandes, 2005). In terms of Cloninger’s biosocial model of
personality, both DPD and Avoidant individuals score high on Harm Avoidance, but what
differentiates the two is that individuals with DPD also score high on Reward Dependence,
reflecting their deep-seated need for approval (Casey & Joyce, 1999).
Trull et al. (1987) found high correlations between Avoidant and DPD symptoms.
However, these results are not discussed in detail here because they correspond to the disorders
as they were written in DSM-III. However, it is noteworthy that even in their early stages, DPD
and Avoidant PD overlapped a great deal. The authors’ suggestion at the time was to retain both
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disorders, but to identify criteria that separated each from the other (social withdrawal in the
avoidant but not dependent individual, for example), and to make said criteria a required
symptom to further differentiate the two disorders. This suggestion was never implemented, but
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could provide an easy and effective method for reducing overlap common to these two
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syndromes.
Finally, functioning and outcomes are important to consider in disentangling these two
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common presentations. One study found that DPD features were positively associated with
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employment five years after substance use, while avoidant features were associated with
unemployment, p < .001 (Jansson, Hesse, & Fridell, 2009). These results must be interpreted
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cautiously, as this was a sample of 1) all women who 2) had undergone mandatory substance use
treatment five years earlier. Nonetheless, further examination of functioning may differentiate
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DPD and avoidant PD in a way that takes real-world functioning into account. These particular
results are not entirely surprising, given that Avoidant individuals struggle with new social
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situations, including those in which they are likely to be evaluated (such as in job interviews).
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Cluster B disorders as well, with particular emphasis on borderline and histrionic PDs (Barzega
et al., 2001; Bornstein, 1997; Bornstein et al., 2010; Gude et al., 2006). All three share the
dimension of pathological neediness (Cogswell & Alloy, 2006). Bakkevig and Karterud (2010)
found significant correlations between three Histrionic criteria and DPD: a) use of physical
intimate than they are. Their results showed that Histrionic PD criterion 7 (suggestibility)
correlated more strongly with DPD and Avoidant PD than with itself, and concluded that the
As mentioned, both DPD and borderline PD share high levels of dependency needs
(Bornstein et al., 2010). DPD is noted as a differential diagnosis of borderline in DSM-IV, and it
is remarked that both disorders are “characterized by a fear of abandonment” (p. 653). Regarding
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the transient psychotic episodes and dissociation noted in Borderline PD under times of severe
stress, the DSM-IV states “The real or perceived return of the caregiver’s nurturance may result
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in a remission of symptoms” (p. 708). Accordingly, the severe reactions sometimes seen in
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Borderline occur in response to real or imagined abandonment, which is strongly associated with
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dependency. Bornstein et al. (2010) reported that approximately 30-40% of BPD-diagnosed
individuals also receive diagnoses of DPD, and that correlations between the symptoms of the
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two disorders are typically in the range of .30 - .40. These comorbidities are exacerbated in
The integration of these findings demonstrate that DPD as it is currently defined has
serious comorbidity issues with other Axis II disorders. There is little debate on that issue. What
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is unclear, however, is how clinically relevant this overlap is. It is essential to pay more attention
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to the motivations underlying similar behaviors in different disorders. For example, inability to
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because they assume the person criticizing them has sinister intentions and is trying take
advantage of them. In the borderline person, the criticism can lead to splitting and volatile
emotional reactions, accompanied by intense feelings of distress and emptiness. In the avoidant
person, criticism is taken as evidence that the person is inadequate or inferior in some way. This
similar feature is therefore very different when considered in the context of individual drives.
Unfortunately, the current definitions of the respective PDs do not make these motivations a
central feature of the disorders; accordingly, clinical and research-related confusion can and does
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occur. It is likely that making motivation a more salient criterion of DPD could increase its
clinical usefulness by reducing overlap with the other disorders, such as avoidant, borderline, and
histrionic. Diagnostic distinguishability is an important marker of validity, and can assist in the
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decision as to whether or not DPD is unique and separate from the other disorders (Huprich &
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Fine, 1996).
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Naturally, given that it is the “anxious cluster,” DPD and the rest of Cluster C show high
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levels of overlap with anxiety disorders (Bornstein, 1995b). Some have proposed that this could
be the result of a shared etiology. For example, high levels of Neuroticism are found in both
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anxiety disorders and DPD (Bienvenu & Brandes, 2005). In addition, most researchers agree that
DPD is one of the most common PDs found in patients with panic disorder (Barlow, 2008;
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Barzega et al., 2001; Marshall, 1996). Studies consistently indicate that panic disorder
complicated by the presence of comorbid personality pathology leads to poorer response to both
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medication and cognitive therapy (Iketani et al., 2002). Ampollini et al. (1997) reported a
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significant positive relationship between DPD and agoraphobia in two groups of patients with
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panic disorder (one group had comorbid mood disorder; one did not). Their findings suggested
that the presence of dependent traits is associated with the severity of panic disorder. Other
studies have found that women with panic disorder and agoraphobia (as opposed to panic
disorder alone) had a higher number of personality disorders as a group, with particular a
Aside from panic disorder, DPD is also one of the most common PDs diagnosed in
samples of patients with OCD. In a comparison among four groups (Hoarding OCD,
Nonhoarding OCD, other anxiety disorders, and controls), hoarding individuals scored
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significantly higher for DPD on the PDQ-4 than each of the other three groups, none of which
differed from each other (M=4.1 vs. 1.8, 1.9, and 0.7, respectively; F(3, 96) = 21.7, p < .001)
(Frost, Steketee, Williams, & Warren, 2000). The researchers also found significantly higher
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impairment of family relationships in the hoarding group compared to the other three groups.
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DPD is well known to be comorbid with some of the anxiety disorders discussed above,
but less so with others, such as GAD and PTSD (McLaughlin & Mennin, 2005). These authors
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raised three areas of research that are essential in furthering our knowledge of the relationship
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between DPD and anxiety disorders: a) exploring the direction of causality between the two, b)
assessing whether dependency should be considered a risk factor for anxiety (if it is shown to be
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causal, is it clinically meaningful?) and c) identifying the mechanisms that lead from one to the
other.
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Most research shows that DPD and avoidant PD overlap substantially, and that avoidant
PD and social phobia overlap substantially. However, there is not as much research regarding the
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strength of the relationship between DPD and social phobia (Dyck et al., 2001). A relationship
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between the two has been reported (Grant et al., 2005), but it is not as strong or consistent as one
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would expect. This indicates that different features of Avoidant PD overlap with both DPD and
social phobia in unique ways, and further information is needed to determine the relationship
The DSM warns of a large overlap between DPD and anxiety disorders. However, a
meta-analysis of 53 studies only showed a mean relationship of r = .11 between DPD and the
anxiety disorders. According to these results, the relationship between the two is modest in
magnitude (Ng & Bornstein, 2005). However, some have questioned the results of this study
because of the authors’ selected inclusion criteria. Most of the individuals in this study had pre-
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occurring anxiety disorders (Holmbeck & Durlak, 2005). The authors suggested that because of
the difference in prevalence rates, it would be more useful to begin with a sample of individuals
with DPD and then assess for comorbid anxiety disorders, which would lead to a higher
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comorbidity rate than beginning with a sample of individuals with anxiety disorders and then
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assessing for DPD.
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Some researchers argue that depression, dependency, and low self-esteem are associated
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(Alnaes, 1989), and that DPD and major depression have a strong relationship. However, others
have concluded that DPD only has a moderate relationship with both dysthymia and depression
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(Bornstein, 1995b).
To investigate this issue, Uguz, Akman, Sahingoz, Kaya, and Kucur (2009) completed a
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follow-up of 34 women in Turkey who had been diagnosed with new-onset post-partum
depression at six weeks post-childbirth. After one year, women who were still depressed were
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significantly more likely to have comorbid DPD (45.5% of the sample), compared to the group
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of women whose depression had remitted, using Fisher’s exact test (p = .008). However, it
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should be noted that the sample size of the two groups at one-year follow-up was quite small (n =
11 and n = 23, respectively). Nonetheless, these results are consistent with other findings
suggesting that DPD is particularly associated with postpartum depression in new mothers
Reich (1987) found that 31% of a sample of 342 individuals with DPD were also
diagnosed with comorbid major depression, compared to only 19.8% of a group of individuals
with any other personality disorder (p < .001), and a significant result was found for bipolar
disorder as well (present in 12.3% of DPD patients vs. 7.4% of other-PD patients, p < .01). He
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did not find a difference in the presence of dysthymia between the two groups. It should be noted
that this study was completed with DSM-III criteria and is not entirely generalizable to today’s
standards. Nonetheless, it is informative to note which trends have continued across decades and
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different versions of the DSM.
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Based on the extant literature, the relationship between DPD and mood disorders does not
seem as striking or consistent as the relationship between DPD and anxiety disorders,
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particularly SAD (which is a developmental disorder, but with a central feature of anxiety),
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OCD, and panic disorder with or without agoraphobia. It is safe to say that generally speaking,
excessive dependency is more associated with being anxious than it is with being depressed. As
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the criteria of DPD touch on anxiety (feeling uncomfortable when alone, feeling afraid to make
decisions on one’s own, etc.), this is unsurprising. However, one might expect that it might be
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depressing as well to exist in such a manner. Nonetheless, the literature does not suggest a strong
comorbidity issue between these disorders, which indicates that they are largely separate.
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Comorbidity with DPD is not limited to purely mood disorders or anxiety disorders.
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Ampollini et al. (1997; 1999) found that levels of DPD were higher in individuals with panic
disorder and major depression than they were in groups of individuals with only panic or only
depression. This was consistent with other work (Iketani et al., 2002), in which the same result
was found using two measures and methods of personality assessment: DPD was higher across
both measures for the group with both panic disorder and major depression when compared to
groups with panic or depression alone. Individuals with the combination of these disorders
function less well and have poorer prognoses than individuals with only one of the disorders
(Alnaes, 1989).
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DPD has high levels of comorbidity in classes of disorders aside from mood and anxiety
disorders. For example, DPD has shown a relationship in the literature to eating disorders
(Bornstein, 1995b). Loas et al. (2002) assessed 182 individuals with anorexia and 112 with
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bulimia and found prevalence rates of DPD to be 37.4% and 45.5%, respectively. This is far
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higher than what is normally found, even in most psychiatric samples. Given these striking
results, more information is needed that focuses specifically on the interplay between these
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disorders.
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Studies have shown a relationship between DPD and substance use as well (Bornstein,
1995b; Calsyn et al., 1996; Loas et al., 2005), while others have found a significantly lower risk
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of substance use in DPD patients compared to those with any other PD (Loranger, 1996).
Substance use is obviously an important issue of study because of its impact on the individual
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and on public health (Echeburúa, de Medina, & Aizpiri, 2005). These same researchers (2009)
with concurrent cocaine use and those without), and found that DPD was one of the most
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common PDs diagnosed in the alcohol/no cocaine group (9.4%), and the presence of Cluster C
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disorders in general was significantly higher in the alcohol/non-cocaine group (31.3%) than in
the alcohol/cocaine group (16.1%). This finding was consistent with their earlier work, which
showed that DPD was the most common PD diagnosis in a group of 30 alcohol-dependent
patients seeking treatment (13.3% of sample) using two measures and methods of personality
assessment. However, the authors noted that the former was a pilot study with a small sample
These results, though presented in a brief way, indicate that features of DPD are
associated with a variety of Axis I and Axis II disorders, and some of these relationships are
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more powerful than others. DPD is associated with some disorders that carry fairly serious health
consequences (such as eating disorders and substance use disorders). It is essential to learn more
about why and how these features may go together, and to do so from an empirical basis, rather
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than a solely theoretical basis.
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Social Effects of DPD/Behavior in DPD
Much of the literature on DPD remarks on the passivity seen in individuals with this
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disorder (Bender, 2005). However, Bornstein has written extensively on this topic (1995a; 1997;
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1998a), and argues that individuals with DPD are primarily concerned with obtaining and
maintaining nurturant relationships with others, and that they can and will adapt their behaviors
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as needed in order to reach this goal. Individuals with DPD have low self-esteem and believe
they are powerless to navigate life successfully. Accordingly, they are highly motivated to attach
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themselves to individuals who can provide guidance, support, or protection. Bornstein concludes
that DPD is not inherently passive; rather, DPD is more about a presentation of passivity: a
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collection of behaviors geared toward maximizing benefits – in this case, the care, protection,
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and concern from others. In fact, despite widespread acceptance of the idea that individuals with
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DPD are interpersonally rigid in their presentation, the individual with DPD can be quite flexible
in his or her behavior and will self-deprecate or self-enhance where needed. According to
wider than previously thought, and he suggests that active, non-passive behaviors are more likely
to occur under three conditions: 1) when competing with others for the potential support of a
caretaker; 2) when acting assertively might please an authority figure; and 3) when seeking
Bornstein’s assertions have been contradicted by other work (Leising et al., 2006), which
demonstrated that higher levels of DPD symptoms were correlated negatively with assertive
behavior in short role-plays judged by both the participant and the confederate of the role-play (r
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= -.42, p < .001 and r = -.36, p < .001, respectively). This was true even when the participants
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were explicitly directed to behave assertively.
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with DPD, other behaviors or self-presentation strategies often noted are self-deprecation and
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simultaneous enhancement of the other person, in addition to various forms of help-seeking,
compliance, cooperativeness, and suggestibility (Bornstein, 1997). After briefly discussing these
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behaviors in earlier works, Bornstein (2012) conducted a more thorough and systematic review
of strategies used by the individual with DPD. The first is supplication, in which the individual
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accentuates his or her own weakness or makes his or her fears salient to the other. With
ingratiation, the person will draw attention to favors s/he has done for the other person, or point
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out his or her own contributions. In exemplification, the person visibly exaggerates his/her effort
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unique skills, and emphasizing his or her accomplishments. And lastly, with intimidation, the
studies show that DPD can have a fairly manipulative component and the individual may not be
Continuing our discussion of social behavior and effects of DPD, every single published
study examining peer adjustment and dependent behaviors reports a significant negative
correlation between level of dependency and popularity levels reported by peers (r’s ranging
from -.22 to -.64) (Bornstein, 2012), which is congruent with other work stating that DPD traits
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are socially undesirable (Birtchnell, 1991). Other studies show that while it is widely assumed
that the DPD individual will rely primarily on one figure, they are often dependent on more than
one person and will gravitate toward the individual most likely to provide support and
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reassurance at that time (Bornstein, 1997). This suggests that the social networks of individuals
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with DPD can be larger than clinical wisdom might suggest.
Individuals with DPD can be quite strong academically (King, 2000). Specifically,
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dependent traits are positively associated with classroom attendance and college GPA. These
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findings are in contradiction of the relationship with low levels of Conscientiousness noted
above. They also attend to medical problems more quickly than more autonomous individuals,
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which also brings the Conscientiousness issue into question. It seems as though self-reported
Conscientiousness has an inverse relationship with DPD traits when self-report is used, but it has
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a positive relationship when assessed behaviorally. This could be a function of their core belief
that they are incompetent or capable of completing tasks on their own. This belief is likely
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exaggerated, which explains why the objective behavioral measures indicate otherwise. In
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addition, individuals with DPD are exceptionally efficient at reading subtle social cues such as
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facial expression, presumably due to their need to be able to behave in a way that maximizes
probability of care (Bornstein, 1998a, 2012). These findings paint a picture of what the
individual with DPD looks like interpersonally and in society: they can be drawn to figures of
authority as young adults, are quite motivated to obtain the care they need, and will engage in a
variety of behaviors (not all of which are submissive or compliant) in order to do so.
Consequences of DPD
So far, topics such as comorbidity, gender and cultural considerations, and the history of
PD have been examined. One important and often overlooked area of the literature to consider
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revolves around the associated ramifications of this disorder. To clarify the term “consequences,”
this section is not intended to suggest a temporal, causal relationship between DPD and the
variables described here. What is intended is the identification of variables that are associated
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with the presence of DPD. Unfortunately, due to the research design of the majority of DPD
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research, we are typically unable to identify causal relationships in this area.
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DPD and suicidal ideation and attempts. For example, DPD was the strongest predictor of
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suicide attempts using Wave 1 NESARC data in depressed individuals. This was particularly true
for men (Bolton et al., 2008). DPD was more strongly correlated with suicide attempts than any
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other Axis I or Axis II condition, though it should be noted that borderline PD was not assessed
in NESARC in Wave 1. This is a very notable and important finding. DPD was more associated
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with suicide attempts than mood disorders and a number of other psychopathology and
demographic variables. Thus, there is something unique about DPD that accounts for this
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relationship, despite its comorbidity with other syndromes. These features result in an increased
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Loas et al. (2005) compared patients with addictive disorders to a control group and
found that suicidal ideation was twice as likely to occur with the presence of dependent
personality disorder, (χ² = 7.20, df = 1, p < .01; OR = 1.99). The risk was even higher with
additional comorbid Axis I pathology. In bulimic patients (both male and female), female
alcoholics, and male drug abusers, the presence of coexisting DPD increased likelihood of
suicidal ideation anywhere from two to nine times in these individuals (OR = 2.65 for bulimic
patients to 9.42 for male drug abusers). Gagnon, Davidson, Cheifetz, Martineau, and Beauchamp
(2009) compared personality pathology in youth (ages 14-25) who had attempted suicide versus
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those who had completed it, and determined that DPD was significantly higher in the group of
completers. However, they were forced to rely on interviews with a variety of informants for
diagnosis in the group who had completed suicide. Despite the problem with its methodology,
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this is the only study to the author’s knowledge that assessed for DPD in individuals who had
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completed suicide with the exception of NESARC data, so there is little other choice but to note
these preliminary results which are consistent with the other studies discussed above.
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Klonsky et al. (2003) examined a sample of 1,986 military recruits to identify
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relationships between personality and deliberate self-harm. Using the Schedule for Adaptive and
(Cohen’s d = .80, p < .0001), as well as the DPD diagnostic scale. Those who deliberately self-
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harmed also received significantly higher peer nominations for DPD. More specifically, they
were nominated more often for DPD criterion 8 (feeling unrealistically afraid of being left
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alone). Self-harmers also scored significantly higher on a number of other traits as well,
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The risk of abuse is another area of concern in DPD. Using analysis of variance
(ANOVA), DPD was found to be the most prevalent disorder (21%) in a group of 42 women
who were seeking treatment at a shelter and who had been in multiple abusive relationships, a
rate which was significantly higher than a group of 33 women who had only been in one abusive
relationship, as well as 52 control subjects, F(2, 126) = 6.37, p = .002 (Coolidge & Anderson,
2002).
Continuing our discussion of DPD and various important outcomes, the relationship
between DPD and health should not be overlooked. Individuals with higher levels of DPD
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features are more likely to embrace the “sick” or “patient” role (Greenberg & Bornstein, 1988).
They also have higher levels of health-related anxiety and medical costs than individuals without
dependent traits (Tyrer, Tyrer, & Barrett, 2012). Doctors frequently overlook personality
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pathology in their patients, and Axis II behavior tends to erode the doctor-patient relationship.
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Unrecognized PDs contribute to substantial health care costs (Hueston, Werth, & Mainous,
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Conversely, symptoms of DPD can be beneficial in certain situations and contexts. Those
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with DPD seek medical attention quickly when faced with physical or psychological illness
(Bornstein, 1995a; Greenberg & Bornstein, 1988), and they are particularly compliant with
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medical treatment (Bornstein, 2012). In addition, DPD features are positively associated with
employment status in a study on PDs and functioning in a sample of 132 women who had
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received mandatory substance abuse treatment five years earlier (Jansson et al., 2009). However,
individuals with DPD may also overutilize medical services, have longer hospital stays, and have
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significantly increased odds of receiving public welfare service (Bornstein, 1995a; Vaughn et al.,
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2010). This last finding is congruent with other research showing that DPD is inversely related to
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Loas et al. (2011) found that 66.7% of a group of participants with Dependent PD had a
history of somatic disease, which was significantly greater than a group of individuals with no
personality disorder (16.8%) as well as a group that combined all of the other PDs (29.4%), χ² =
18.3, df = 1, p < .0001. Other interesting relationships between health and DPD have been noted
as well. Individuals with DPD have high levels of subjective memory complaints that are
uncorroborated with objective memory assessment (Park et al., 2012). Individuals with DPD
were also found to be 5.54 times more likely to report having peptic ulcers than those without
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38
DPD using NESARC data (Schuster, Limosin, Levenstein, & Le Strat, 2010). While the self-
report in this study was not objectively corroborated, the results suggest that individuals with
DPD either rate themselves as being higher in health problems, or they actually have higher
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levels of health problems (in this case, gastric or peptic ulcers), both of which has negative
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consequences for well-being.
Treatment of DPD
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DPD is often treated using Cognitive Therapy, a primary tenet of which is that PDs manifest via
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cognitive biases that maintain the disorder. Cognitive Therapy takes the stance that childhood
schemas underlie the maladaptive emotions and behaviors of individuals with PDs (Arntz,
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Weertman, & Salet, 2011). Cluster C is considered to be the most ‘treatable’ compared to the
other clusters (Bender, 2005). CT may be particularly effective for DPD because it can focus on
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patients’ beliefs about themselves, as well as their fear of being judged (Borge et al., 2010).
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ineffectual (Bornstein, 1998a). Others, however, have reported that gains from CT for DPD are
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modest, and that integrated approaches might be better able to capture the complexity of DPD, as
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they conceptualize the individual from multiple perspectives. For example, a CTB/existential
approach might be useful because both approaches tie back to the view of the self as weak and
helpless: CBT through the examination of faulty schemas, and existential theory via an
inauthentic self (Bornstein, 2004). Simon (2009) conducted a meta-analysis of treatment for
Cluster C disorders, and found that social skills training was effective across different settings
and populations, and there was support for CBT and psychodynamic as well.
meets criteria for DPD, but to understand the specific contexts under which the criteria manifest.
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For example, for criteria 1), difficulty making everyday decisions without advice and reassurance
from others, it would do well to discern under what scenarios this criterion is particularly true.
The therapist can particularly motivate the individual with DPD by indicating that active
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behavior can enhance the therapeutic relationship, which would likely lead to increased
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compliance on behalf of the client (Bornstein, 1995a). Clinicians should also consider DPD to be
a marker for the presence of other psychopathology, particularly anxiety and mood disorders
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(Bienvenu & Brandes, 2005).
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Cluster C clients may be more inhibited and avoidant of conflict than other clients. They
experience frequent guilt and self-directed blame. Their traits may actually serve to enhance the
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therapeutic alliance and they may be more engaged in therapy. They are friendly, complaint, and
less likely to terminate prematurely than individuals with other PDs. One of the drawbacks of
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being overly compliant, however, is that resistance can manifest in particular ways, such as
withholding important information or changing the subject. It may also be a struggle to find ways
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to enhance autonomy in these clients (Bender, 2005). DPD clients may also make more requests
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Treatment of DPD in men requires several unique considerations. Dependent men may be
especially reluctant to discuss their feelings, due to thinking those feelings are unacceptable, or a
fear of being judged by the therapist. Normalizing dependency needs can be helpful for this
population (Berk & Rhodes, 2005). It can also be useful to encourage clients to extend their
Finally, DPD clients may have difficulty with termination. One way to address these
concerns is to have the client taper treatment gradually, beginning with having sessions weekly
to once every other week (Berk & Rhodes, 2005). Some studies have shown that treatment of
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Axis I disorders can be helpful for Axis II disorders; accordingly, treatment of panic disorder
using structured CBT, for example, may result in a successive attenuation of DPD symptoms as
the anxiety and panic become more manageable. (Borge et al., 2010).
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Future Directions of DPD Research and Conclusions
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Dependent personality has received very little empirical attention, despite its presence in
the DSM for the last 32 years (Smith et al., 2009; Loas et al., 2002). The research attention it has
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received has quite often been qualitative, anecdotal, methodologically flawed, and/or published
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in journals with low impact factors, where it does not receive much attention.
DPD was nearly deleted from DSM-5 before publication, only to be retained at the last
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second after much heated debate. After reviewing the literature, it is clear that this was the best
decision. Despite issues with comorbidity, there is something unique and discriminate about this
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constellation of symptoms that is consistently associated with several maladaptive and serious
outcomes related to health and well-being. However, despite these findings, we are still left with
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very real questions of diagnostic reliability and validity in DPD. There is very little empirical
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information on the validity of DPD as it appears in DSM-IV-TR. Trull et al. (1987) conducted an
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extremely informative and thorough analysis of the DPD construct in DSM-III, but because the
criteria have changed so dramatically since that time, the usefulness of those findings are limited.
There have been few to no studies since that time that are equivalent to Trull et al.’s empirical
rigor on DPD for DSM-IV data. What is clear is that DPD overlaps to an excessive degree with
avoidant PD, and to a lesser extent with borderline and histrionic PDs. As mentioned earlier in
the paper, making the motivations behind the behaviors more salient in the criteria could be quite
Part of the inconsistency in what we know about DPD stems from excessive levels of
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variability in the research conducted on DPD: studies vary by research design, modality, settings,
and populations, as well as diagnostic precision and assessment instruments and methods. This
makes replication and generalizing the findings difficult (Simon, 2009). In addition, much
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research on DPD is done internationally. As DPD is argued by many to be a Westernized,
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culture-bound disorder, studies done in other cultures, while informative, may also not be
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Much of the research on DPD used data from DSM-III, and these data are often completely
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disregarded. It is important to be aware that due to the shifting operationalization and requisite
number of criteria, earlier results may not be valid or even comparable to today’s version of
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DPD. However, it is also important to be intimately aware of and familiar with the research upon
DPD is one of the lesser-studied personality disorders. It is interesting to consider the source
of this discrepancy. Following publication of DSM-III, there may have been a genuine
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preference for some PDs over others in terms of interest that was generated. Consequences of
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certain PDs tend to draw more attention (borderline and antisocial, for instance), which may have
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prioritized those disorders over the others. Researchers may be unaware of the associations
between DPD and suicide. It is also interesting that studies of DPD rarely appear in psychology
or psychiatric journals with high impact factors compared to other disorders. The fact that much
however, this lack of research in top journals fails to make the area thrive.
One purpose of this paper was to identify areas in the realm of DPD of which there is little to
no information. After conducting a review of the available literature, several important areas of
further research have been identified. Biological or physiological studies have been noticeably
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42
neglected and may be rich sources of information in DPD. To date, no published studies exist
that have examined imaging with DPD (Bornstein, 2011). This type of study may or may not be
informative; however, we are unable to arrive at that conclusion until there is more information.
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There is also a dearth of studies examining familiality and probands. Studies that focus more on
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physiology could assist us in filling fairly basic but essential gaps in the literature.
One other major methodological problem with the body of work on DPD stems from post
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hoc hypotheses and explanations. In other words, researchers often throw in all 10 PDs to see
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which one “sticks.” When DPD unexpectedly shows up as significant, it often seems as though
researchers attempt to explain the finding after the fact. This has led to a fragmented knowledge
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of DPD – there are theory-driven findings and “accidental” findings. However, PD researchers
are placed in a difficult position, as the exclusion of other Axis II disorders in the study of DPD
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can lead to faulty results as well. A compromise between the two approaches is recommended: to
include other PDs, but only those with a sufficient theoretical justification for doing so. With
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regard to etiology, more longitudinal studies regarding SAD as a precursor or risk factor for DPD
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are needed.
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grossly neglected in the empirical literature. As the United States continues to become
increasingly multicultural, more emphasis should be placed on gender and ethnic awareneness
and cultural sensitivity for both clinicians and researchers. DPD does indeed pathologize certain
cultures, particularly those of a collectivist orientation, as well as the individuals within them
who value relatedness over individuation (Chen et al., 2009). In addition, there is a dire need for
Certain age groups within this disorder are understudied or ignored entirely. Additionally, the
criteria need to be more specific to developmental stage. Some of the current criteria are not
abnormal for adolescents, and research has shown not only that DPD symptoms can manifest
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well after adolescence, but that if they do occur in adolescence, symptoms may not be chronic
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(Grilo et al., 2001). Therefore, the DSM-IV-TR assertion that DPD begins in adolescence and
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Regarding cognitive processes of DPD, further research studies on implicit tasks are
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recommended, as salient DPD-relevant responses in personality measures are likely to result in
unwanted social desirability bias. Accordingly, implicit or behavioral measures may be very
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useful to include with informant report to avoid the problems inherent in PD self-report. There is
also a lack of longitudinal information regarding comorbidity of DPD with other disorders. It is
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still unknown whether DPD puts an individual at risk for an Axis I disorder or vice versa
(Bienvenu & Brandes, 2005; Bornstein, 1995b). It is essential to uncover and understand the
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course of this disorder in tandem with others. Because of its interesting but understudied
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relationship with health status, further prospective or longitudinal studies are also needed that
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examine DPD as a predisposing factor for health outcomes, and also as a potential consequence
One other issue to address in the literature is the lack of community samples. Community
samples in PDs are often thought to be an inconvenience or a limitation due to high levels of
positive skew, low prevalence rates, and small mean differences. However, because of the ego-
syntonic nature of PDs, it is surprising that such emphasis has been placed on psychiatric
samples. Some have called for replication of clinical findings in community samples (Loranger,
1996). Additionally, use of psychiatric samples can render the study and its results unclear
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44
because the researchers fail to control for Axis I disorders (Gude et al., 2006). Clinical samples
can inflate the prevalence of Axis II pathology (Klonsky et al., 2002) and make it difficult to
identify specific relationships. While one could argue that studies that include various Axis I
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comorbidities have more external validity, this practice currently adds chaos and noise to an
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already fairly messy and exploratory area of study. This is particularly true when very different
classes of Axis I disorders are included (mood, anxiety, substance, and eating disorders, for
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example).
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Many consider Borderline PD to be most strongly associated with suicide attempts on Axis
II. However, results discussed in this review suggest that DPD is overlooked as a potentially fatal
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condition (Bolton et al., 2008; Loas et al., 2005). Specifically, it appears to have a distinct
possibility of being associated with violence toward the self or others. Women with DPD are
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more likely to be in multiple abusive relationships, men with DPD have the potential to become
abusive, and any individual with DPD is at elevated risk of suicidal ideation or attempts, and/or
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an increased association with deliberate self-harm (Klonsky et al., 2003). These are hefty
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arguments against the DSM-V Work Group’s prior assertion that DPD has low clinical utility,
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and can be considered evidence in favor of the validity of the construct of DPD.
treatment when we are still unsure exactly what the disorder is. According to Division 12 of the
modality or treatment for DPD considered to have strong or even modest empirical support. In
addition, prevention of PDs is rarely discussed in the literature; prevention of these disorders
would save time and tremendous burden both to the individual and those around him/her.
Finally, individuals with DPD have demonstrated higher levels of accurate self-report than
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individuals with the other disorders (Jacobsberg et al., 1995; Klonsky, Oltmanns, & Turkheimer,
2002). It is interesting to consider whether features of this disorder are related to insight or self-
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This paper covered several major areas relevant to DPD, as well as a thorough investigation
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into its past and future. Previous volumes of the DSM have made the mistake of moving forward
largely on the shoulders of clinical wisdom and theoretical-based rationale. A number of specific
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areas for research that would bolster our knowledge of this construct were discussed, as well as
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methodological limitations typically seen in this area of study. Excessive levels of dependency
are harmful to the self, to relationships, and in a larger way, to our healthcare system and our
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culture and society. This paper identified several next steps to take in our continued exploration
of enmeshment and reliance on others at the expense of reliance on the self and mastery of one’s
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environment.
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Highlights
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wellbeing, and functioning
Much of the research this disorder is built on is theory-based rather than empirical, and
is often methodologically flawed
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