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Myths Revisited
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 REVISITAR O MITO | MYTHS REVISITED

Organização: Abel Nascimento Pena, Maria de Jesus C. Relvas,

Rui Carlos Fonseca, Teresa Casal

Capa: Sandro Botticelli, O Nascimento de Vénus, ca. 1485 (pormenor)

Conceito gráfico: Maria de Jesus C. Relvas

Paginação: Ângela Andrade

© EDIÇÕES HÚMUS, 2015

End. Postal: Apartado 7081
4764-908 Ribeirão – V. N. Famalicão
Tel. 926 375 305
E-mail: humus@humus.com.pt

Impressão: Papelmunde, SMG, Lda. – V. N. Famalicão

1.ª edição: Fevereiro de 2015
Depósito legal: 387047/15
ISBN 978-989-755-112-3

Revisitar o Mito-V2.indb 835 23-01-2015 07:07:25

 THE APOLLONIAN FEATURES OF PINDAR’S PYTHIAN ODES
Emilio Suárez de la Torre!

The aim of this paper is to determine the degree of influence that the Apollonian
universe – myths, cults, traditions of every kind – has exerted on the composition
of Pindaric odes for a winner in the Pythian Games. It has been observed that
some important traits, belonging to the realm of Apollo, permeate the Pindaric
odes as a whole, as is the case with oracles and prophecy!1. Nonetheless, it lacks a
precise and systematic analysis of the different features that could be motivated by
the nature of the Delphic sanctuary, where the victory takes place. To reach our
objective, it will be necessary to combine some of the achievements of the differ-
ent pragmatic and contextual methods used so far, with a specific observation and
evaluation of the religious and mythical features interspersed in the Pythian odes.
In the first part of the paper I will follow a chronological order in the analysis of
those odes that are unquestionably Pythian, highlighting what could be deemed
as ‘Apollonian’ in each of them. In the second part, I will discuss those odes that,
despite their classification by the transmission as Pythian, their grouping appears
as a problematic one. In the third and last part of the paper, I will try to group the
main features and to extract some general conclusions.

1. THE UNQUESTIONABLE PYTHIAN ODES

Pythian 10 (498 BC) For Hippocleas of Thessaly

In this first Pindaric ode the explicit Delphic and Apollonian elements are as much
significant for our purpose as other implicit or symbolic aspects. The poet couples
Delphi and Thessaly since the beginning, when he says that “Pytho and Pelinna
are calling upon me”!2 and remembers that the valley of Parnassos “proclaimed the

* Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona.

1 See the exhaustive analysis of all the appearances of Apollo in Pindar of Stéfos (1975). For the theme of
prophecy and divination see Duchemin (1958), and, more specific, Suárez (1990) and Athanassaki(2009).
2 l. 4, !""# $% &'() *% +,- *. &%"/00,120 !π3%/ | 4"%3, *% π,15%6. All the translations are by Race (1997).

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 winner [...], the best of the boys who ran the diaulos” (8-9)!3. Yet, it is his invoca-
tion to Apollo what represents a clear assertion of the winner being protected by
Apollo and, at the same time, it links this divine favour to the genealogical quali-
ties!4. The association of Apollo’s designs ($75%,) with the innate qualities (*.
8'990%0:6) are the key to understand the victory. The father who can see his son
to win the Pythian prize – “the greatest of prizes”, *; $:9/8*’ !:("<0 – must be
judged blessed (%=5,>$<0).
However, it is the central myth of this ode that is charged with the most im-
portant Apollonian meaning, by fusing an Apollonian myth both with a paradig-
matic personal perspective and a political one!5. On the one side, Perseus deeds
conform a clear heroic model for the young winner; on the other side, the descrip-
tion of the Hyperboreans’ northern country!6, painted as a blessed Apollonian
region free from sickness and aging, functions in general terms as a mythic paral-
lel to the northern region of Thessaly. This is not surprising, taking into account
that at this period Thessaly played an important role in the administration of the
Delphic sanctuary!7. Pindar has also enhanced some details that reinforce the con-
nection between the Hyperborean country, the Delphic victory and its Thessalian
celebration, as can be seen in the description of the Hyperborean feasts, where the
laurel functions as a link between the mythic territory and the victory!8.

Pythian 12 (490 BC), for Midas of Acragas

The poem sings a victory in the Pythian musical contest. The poet develops a per-
fect ‘mimetic’ myth, narrating the invention by Athena of the 2?"/26 (@A026 (l. 8)
to accompany the lament of Medusa’s sisters when she was beheaded by Perseus.
Once again this hero appears as a paradigm for the young winner, who is a master
in the musical technique invented by the Goddess!9. The resources to link this

3 Ll. 8-9, B &,@0C88/26 ,=*.0 $'D.6 / 5/,'"25@2$E0 Fπ,*20 π,G5<0 !0H%/π%0.

4 IJ2""20!"9"'+K"5L"!0(@MJ<0"*H"26"!@DC"#"*%"5,G$2026"N@0O0*26",?P%*,/·
Q B $H0 J2' *%216 9% $R5%8/ *2S*L TJ@,P%0·
Q *. 5U 8'99%0U6 V$WHW,+%0 XD0%8/0 J,*@.6 (10-12).
The proof is that Phrikias (probably Hippokleas’ father) had also won at Delphi (ll. 15-16, with the men-
tion of the W,('"%>$<0QYJ.QZ>@@,6QJ%*@E0Q[Q!9)0).
5 See Köhnken 117-147.
6 The mentions and descriptions of the Hyperborean people in Pindar were analyzed in detail by Stéfos
27-41.
7 See Suárez (1998).
8 Pyth 10. 38-40: \218, 5L 2=+ !J25,$%1 / *@]J2/6 VJ- 8^%*H@2/8/: J,0*_, 5U D2@2- J,@(H0<0/
"'@E0 *% W2,- +,0,D,G *L ,="`0 520H20*,/ / 5C^0a *% D@'8Ha +]$,6 !0,5R8,0*%6 %b",J/0Cc2/8/0
%=^@]0<6. “And the Muse is no stranger / to their ways, for everywhere choruses of maidens, sounds
of lyres, and pipes’ shrill notes are stirring. With golden laurel they crown their hair and feast joyfully.”
9 Pyth. 11. 6-7, d""#5, 0/+C8,0*, *HD0a, *C0 J2*% / &,"";6 V^%S@% (@,8%/E0 e2@9]0<0 /2?"/20 (@A020
5/,J"HP,/8L 4(C0,: “(who) defeated Hellas in the art which Pallas Athena once invented /by weaving
into music the fierce Gorgons’ deathly dirge…”. The Pindaric version seems to contradict the tradition
according to which this nomos was invented by Olympos (Ps. Plut. De mus. 7, 1133 d-e), though Burton,
(25) argues that Pindaric version refers to the aition of the invention, whereas the attribution to Olym-
pos should belong to a ‘historical’, latter phase (accepted by Bernardini [1995: 680]).

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 myth with the Delphic contest are clear. This song of lament became the 0f$26
π2"'+:^,"26, which functions as a reminder of contests where people flock!10. The ques-
tion would be: where is the Apollinism? In my opinion the most obvious link is
the parallel between the local musical contest and the Delphic central myth – the
killing of the Pythian dragon by Apollo – which was the theme to be performed
by the participants in the contest. The problem is the lack of precise information
concerning the exact date of the beginning of this modality, but even more prob-
lematic is the fact that we lack information about the performance of the 0f$26
π2"'+:^,"26 in a Pythian context!11. At first sight, it could seem that Pindar means
that the performance with which Midias won was the 0f$26 π2"'+:^,"26!12. In
fact, the Pindaric witness would be unique. Yet, I think that nothing in the Pin-
daric text drives necessarily to this interpretation, when carefully analyzed. Pindar
says that the 0f$26 π2"'+:^,"26 is still used in his own days to remind people of
the celebration of games (l. 25), and relates the use of the aulós to the Boeotian
territory of Orchomenos!13. But it is not necessary to infer from his description
that this nomos was the same that was performed by Midias. My proposal is that, by
means of this mythical parallel, the 0f$26 π2"'+:^,"26 is mirrored in the π'(/+.6
0f$26 that gave the victory to Midas. Athena, the goddess venerated in the Del-
phic sanctuary and protector of Perseus, invented the technique!14 mastered by
the winner, who is under the patronage of Apollo and who has enacted the local
founding fight of the god.

Pyth. 6 (490 BC), for Xenocrates of Acragas

An important trait of this ode is that it was composed to be performed in situ, as
is stated at its beginning!15. Less unanimous is the answer to the question whether
it was performed by a chorus in a procession approaching the Apollonian temple
or by a solo singer at the moment of the arrival to the temple!16. However, that the
ode is composed for a Delphic context is beyond discussion, though some hints
related to hypothetic subsequent Sicilian ‘reperformances’ cannot be discarded!17.

10 Pyth. 12. 24, %=+"%E ",288]<0 $0,8*A@L !9M0<0.

11 On the nomos polykephalos see Bernardini (1995: 680).
12 So Bernardini (1995: 681).
13 Pindar likes to link his homeland with the winners’ countries –mostly Sicilians.
14 See Köhken 1971***, rejected by Bernardini (1995: 680).
15 l. 3-4, N$^,".0 V@/W@]$2' /D(20.6 V6 0Cg20 J@282/D]$%02/, as we proceed to the enshrined / navel of the
loudly rumbling earth.
16 Giannini 542-543, argues that the verb 2XD2$,/Qhas usually a perfective meaning, what excludes the pos-
sibility of the chorus marching along the via sacra. According to this interpretation it must have been
sung by a soloist before the temple. As for the first point, I must remark that the compound verb could
be excluded from this rule. And I see no constringent argument supporting the monodic performance.
17 Morrison (2007) 41-46 does not discard a Delphic evocation for a Sicilian audience in the context of
a symposium organized by Thrasiboulos, Xenocrates’ son. He illustrates with this ode his concepts of
‘primary audience’ –with a choral performance -, ‘secondary audience, -the ‘reperformance’, only with
the lyre- and ‘terciary audience’ –for instance, the symposia in Theron’s times, taking into account that
he is praised in the ode.

13

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 In accordance with the environment, the song in honour of the victor and his land
is called a “treasure house of hymns” (F$0<0 (h8,'@f6), a typical Pindaric meta-
phor from the realm of architecture!18, by means of which he enhances the power
of poetry as more lasting that the material works of art (ll. 10-14)!19. The front of
this musical building will announce the victory “won in the dells of Krisa” and it
will survive “in men’s speech”!20. The rest of the ode underlines the virtues of a
good son, establishing a parallel between Xenocrates and his father Thrasibulos
on the one hand and Antilochos and Nestor in the mythical realm on the other
hand!21. The poet closes the praise with a short catalogue of Xenocrates’ virtues: in-
telligence in the use of wealth, absence of injustice or insolence, musical ‘wisdom’,
devotion for Poseidon and the equestrian art, and ‘sweetness’ when he shares the
company of friends in the symposium!22. A good aristocratic profile indeed, with
some qualities belonging to the realm of Delphic and Apollonian wisdom: the rea-
sonable measure and the fondness for poetry.

Pyth. 7 (486 BC), for Megacles of Athens

This ode brings us again to Delphi, where it was performed, like the previous one.
It is the shortest Pindaric ode, but it concentrates a good amount of interesting
references and is dedicated to a member of the powerful Athenian family of the
Alcmeonidai!23. Athens and the kin of the winner are strongly praised in the first
strophe, where an architectonic metaphor reappears!24. This fits perfectly with the
motif used as main link of the Alcmeonidai with Delphi, namely the reconstruc-
tion of Apollo’s temple in 548 BC!25. This fact is eulogized as an extraordinary deed
celebrated by all Athenian citizens. The ode ends by reminding the changing for-
tune of men, a very prudent allusion to the vicissitudes of the Alcmeonid!26.

Pyth. 11 (474 BC)!27, for Thrasydaeus of Thebes.

This is a very ‘Theban’ ode, but not less ‘Apollonian’ than those performed at Del-

18 Cf. also Ol. 6.1, Pyth. 7.3 and fr. 194.1. The position is at the beginning of the ode. For these images see
Bernard (1963); Bernardini (1967); and Steiner (1986) 52-65.
19 Not only architecture, but also sculpture: see Nem. 5.1 ss.
20 ll. 14-18: ^C%/ 5U J@]8<J20 V0 +,(,@i / J,*@- *%i, j@,8OW2'"%, +2/0C0 *% 9%0%_ /"]92/8/ (0,*`0 /
%?52P20 k@$,*/ 0G+,0 / Z@/8,G,/8/0 V0 J*'D,16 !J,99%"%1.
21 In the middle of the ode, as a transition to the myth, is placed the precept of Chiron concerning the
honours dues to Zeus and fathers (ll. 19-27).
22 ll. 47-55: 0]l 5U J"2S*20 m9%/,/ m5/+20 2?(L YJH@2J"20 nW,0 5@HJ<0, / 82^G,0 5L V0 $'D218/ &/%@G5<0 /
*G0 *L, o"H"/D(20, m@D%/6Qp6QqJJ/E0QV8]5<0, $C", r5]0*/ 0]l, &28%/5E0, J@28HD%*,/. / 9"'+%1, 5U ^@s0
/+,- 8'$J]*,/8/0 B$/"%10 /$%"/88E0 !$%GW%*,/ *@h*.0 J]020.
23 A clear scheme of this genealogy can be found in Gentili 555. Interesting remarks on the relationship of
the ode to its historical and political circumstances in Athanassaki (2011).
24 l. 3/4 +@hJ15tQ!2/5E0uQSee above, n. 17.
25 On the legend and sequence of temples see Sourvinou-Inwood (1979), Suárez de la Torre (2002).
26 If the ode was performed in 486, then it coincides with the exile of Megacles, ostracized in 487.
27 For a recent and clear-cut discussion of the date, see Finglass (2007).

14

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 phi!28. The poet accumulates many mythical references to Theban heroines – in
the opening part- and heroes –in the end-, and develops more extensively in the
central part the myth of Orestes. Yet, the majority of these mythical themes are
charged of Apollonian traits. The list of Theban heroines summoned in the in-
vocation at the beginning of the ode, with a gradually increasing length of the
syntactical units, includes Semele, Ino-Leucothea, and Alcmena, who are invited
to join Melia at the local sanctuary of the Ismenion. Melia is an Oceanid, who gave
two children to Apollo, Tenerus and Ismenus, the eponym of the sanctuary men-
tioned here and of the local river!29. Tenerus is a prophet and is usually linked to
the sanctuary of Apollo Ptoeus!30. Pindar mentions Melia in other three poems: a
hymn that begins by a catalogue of famous Thebans, of which the two firsts names
are those of Ismenus and his mother!31; Paean 9 (A1 Rutherford)!32, performed at
the Ismenion after a solar eclipse!33, and including a mention of Tenerus too!34;
and Pean 7 (D7 Rutherford)!35. Yet, the Apollinism of the ode is not limited to this
kind of ‘matching’ Theban and Delphic cults, but reappears in the central myth,
the so-called ‘little Oresteia’ (ll. 17-40). The resource used to link the Delphic
competition to this myth is to describe the Parnassian territory as “the rich fields
of Pylades, the host of Laconian Orestes”!36, adopting at the same time a Dorian
version of Agamemnon’s abode!37. I will not discuss now the details of the Pindaric
version, but I call the attention to the fact that all the accounts of Orestes’ ac-
tions underline the decisive role of Apollo –and Delphi- in the development of his
revenge and subsequent events. Moreover, this vengeance enhances the justice
due, inside the genos, by a son towards his father, something particularly relevant
in the frame of an epinicion in which the winner is a young, whose father is also
praised in the same ode –and, by the way, his name is Pythonikos!38. Once again the
genealogical element becomes important in the context of these laudatory songs.

Pyth. 9 (474 BC), for Telesicrates of Cyrene.

This is undoubtedly the Apollonian ode par excellence, and for very understandable
reasons. The local myths concerning the origins of the territory and the foundation

28 Important commentaries: Young (1-26), Bernardini (1995: 647-70) and Finglass (2007).
29 Olivieri 165-171; Kowalzig 371-389.
30 Schachter (1981-94) I. 59; Olivieri 202-215; the main source is Pausanias 9.23.6.
31 Fr. 29.1 S-M.
32 Fr. 52k 34-43 S-M.
33 Probably the eclipse of 463 BC.
34 ll. 41-43.
35 Fr. 52g 4 S-M.
36 V0 !^0%,16 !@2O@,/8/ &'"C5, / 0/+`0 PH02' vC+<026 w@H8*,.
37 On this ‘political’ version see Finglass 86. For Homer, and later Sophocles, the palace of Agamemnon
was in Mycenae; for Aeschylus and Euripides it laid in Argos. However, the lyric poets place it in Lace-
daemon (Stesich. fr. 216 PMGF, Sim. fr. 549 PMG).
38 But it could be an epithet, “Pythian victor”.

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 of the city by Battos and the Theraeans, as well as the cults and traditions of the
city!39, offered a special Apollonian frame perfectly profited by the poet, who links
once again, in a masterful manner, the Pythian victory with the local background
and the family of the ruling clan of the Battiadai, and adding a Theban touch!40.
Perhaps the most original constituent of this ode is the myth of Apollo’s love
for Cyrene, which is full of original aspects in its narratives and in its particulars.
The poet shows that this territory is a blessed land, thanks to its divine ‘coloniza-
tion’: Apollo took Cyrene from Thessaly to Lybia and their marriage was presided
by Aphrodite. This myth is anticipated in a few lines at the beginning (5-13) and
then developed with details concerning the genealogy of Cyrene!41, her particular
way of life and character, the consultation of Apollo to Chiron –who predicts the
forthcoming union and offspring of the couple-, and the foundation of the city
(14-70). Linking myth and actuality, Cyrene is described as “one most beautiful
and famous for prizes in the games”!42, and then the poet mentions the Pythian
victory, which is a motif of glory for the victor’s homeland and an added appeal
for him, who has won “delightful fame from Delphi”!43. We find again a link with
Pindar’s homeland when he remembers the victor’s prices won at the Theban Io-
laia, a mention that allows the poet to sing the local heroes Iolaos, Heracles, and
Iphicles (79-89a). There is also a perfect ‘ring’ of motifs, as the poet begins by
relating Apollo’s union with Cyrene and, at the end, remembers how Alexidamos
– Telesicrates’ ancestor – won his bride in a footrace that had a mythic model in
the contest organized by Danaos to marry his daughters (103-125).
The ode is then manifestly full of Apollonian motifs. First, by means of the
Apollonian origins of land and city; second, by the role played in it of love, beauty,
youth, and the link between games and marriage, both in the mythical – starting
by Apollo himself – and the actual world!44; and finally, by the introduction of such
motifs as prophecy and wise advise, paradoxically requested by the god who pre-
sides over those realms.

Pyth. 1 (470), for Hieron of Syracuse (D-E).

Apollo is mentioned at the beginning as patron of music and master of the lyre (in
fact, phorminx), the instrument being described as “rightful possession of Apollo and

39 See Chamoux (1953) pour l’histoire de la dynastie et les circonstances précises de chacune des odes
Cyréneennes (Pyth., 4, 5, 9).
40 On this ode see Stéfos (42-58), Felson (1978), Suárez (1984), Calame (99-116).The Theban lines are
79-89, and include the praise of Heracles, Iolaos and Iphicles. They have been the subject of much
discussion and some scholars have even proposed that the ode had been composed for a performance in
Thebes, what seems to me innecessary.
41 For the importance of genealogical references in Pindar see Suárez de la Torre (2006).
42 ll. 69-70: x0, +,""G8*,0 J]"/0 / !$^HJ%/ +"%/0C0 *L !H("2/6.
43 ll. 71-75: +,G 0'0 V0 &'(`0G 0/0 !9,(Ha Z,@0%/C5, / 'q.6 %=(,"%1 8'0H$/P% *ODa, T0(, 0/+C8,/6 !0H^,0%
Z'@C0,0, k 0/0 %?^@<0 5HP%*,/, /+,""/9O0,/+/ JC*@a /5]P,0 q$%@*;0 !9,9]0*L !J. y%"^`0.
44 These aspects are connected to the ‘ephebic’ aspect of Apollo’s traditions and social values in Greek
society in general and Dorian in particular.

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 the violet-haired Muses”!45 and as the commander of song and dance. This Apol-
lonian opening is immediately followed by the exaltation of the power of the music
upon Zeus’ eagle: the bird and the sceptre, coupled with the effects of music and
the remembrance of the aoidoi, constitute a kind of divine paradigm for Hieron’s
power and the magnificence of the celebration. The antistrophe (7-12) is closed by a
clear ‘ring-composition’, as the poet underlines that music is capable of enchanting
the minds of all deities, “through the skill of Leto’s son and of the deep-breasted
Muses”!46. Then Pindar develops a real hymn to Zeus (13-33), including a Typhon-
omachia, that allows him to tie Zeus-Typhon-Aetna (the mountain) and Hieron-Vic-
tory-Aetna (the re-founded city of Catane). It is as if the Delphic landscape would
form a contrast to the Sicilian mountain. The city is now glorified thanks to Hieron’s
Pythian victory (32 and 35-38). This part leads to a new Apollonian invocation, that
enumerates the main Panhellenic cult centres of Apollo: “Lord of Lykia. Oh Phoe-
bus, you who rule over Delos and who love Parnassos’ Kastalia spring, willingly take
those things to heart and make this a land of brave men”!47. As for the rest of the ode,
there are actually no more specific Apollonian motifs, but it must be highlighted
that the opening of the poem marks in some way the subsequent development.
First, the myth selected by Pindar!48 – Philoctetes – refers us to the Trojan cycle and
to an episode where an arch – the Apollonian twin of the lyre – is in the core of
the narration; and arch given to Philoctetes by Heracles, who had received it from
Apollo. And second, the lyre – again, the phorminx – reappears at the end of the ode,
when the poet contrasts Phalaris negative fame with Croesus’ glory and, implicitly,
with Hieron’s, of whom never will be said that “no lyres in banquet halls welcome
him in gentle fellowship with boys’ voices”!49, but just the contrary.

Pythian 4 (462 BC), for Arcesilas of Cyrene

This extraordinary!50 ode, composed for Arcesilas IV, the last king of the Battiad
lineage, develops the story of the colonization of Cyrene by Battos and the
Theraeans, but Pindar links it with the expedition of the Argonauts. The reason
for this link is the local tradition that among the Argonauts was the ancestor of
the Battiadai, Euphamos, through his union with a Lemnian (Malache, according
to the scholia). Although this ode is not so manifestly ‘Apollonian’ as, for instance,

45 Pyth. 1. 1-2, 4J]""<026 +,- b2J"2+C$<0/8O05/+20 \2/8E0 +*H,020. Race (1997: 213, n. 1) notes that a
more accurate translation could be “possession that speaks on their behalf ”, because the usual meaning
of 8305/+26Qis “advocate”. But the weight here lays on the link that the lyre creates between Apollo and
the Muses; do not forget that Apollo is \2/8,9:*,6 (fr. 94c, recalled by Cingano [1995: 328]).
46 Pyth. 1. 12, !$^G *% v,*2G5, 82^Ga W,('+]"J<0 *% \2/8E0.
47 39-40, vO+/% +,- yC"2' !0C88<0 z21W%, &,@0,882S *% +@C0,0 Z,8*,"G,0 ^/"H<0,/ V(%"R8,/6 *,S*,
0]l */(H$%0 %?,05@]0 *% DM@,0.
48 ll. 50-55.
49 97-98, 2=5H 0/0 ^]@$/99%6 YJ<@]^/,/ +2/0<0G,0 /$,"(,+;0 J,G5<0 NC@2/8/ 5H+20*,/.
50 The particularities are in its unusual length, in the narrative structure and features of the myth, and in the
inclusion of an unexpected plea for a friend – Damophilos – who perhaps commissioned the ode. Very
important the commentary by Braswell (1988). For the organization of the narratives see Calame 67-98.

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 Pythian 9, it is in my opinion quite significant that the main tool used to organ-
ize the structure is a chain of predictions, accumulated in the first half of the ode,
and recalled at the end of it. This oracular!51 quality of the ode appears since the
beginning. In the first strophe we are told that the Pythian priestess prophesied
the colonization of Libya by Aristoteles-Battos. This prophecy, says the poet, had
the additional warranty of Apollo’s presence in the sanctuary!52 (2=+ !π25C$2'
4π]""<026 *'D]0*26). This oracle is presented as the ‘recovering’ of another older
prophecy, this time uttered by Medea to the Argonauts!53, in which some decisive
episodes of the expedition of the Argonauts are included. This part of the narra-
tives is closed, in a first partial ring-composition, by a new mention of the Pythian
oracle, with the additional detail of the triple salutation to Battos by the priestess
and the spontaneous nature of the prediction – i.e., without a previous question
concerning this theme, because Battos intention was to consult about his ‘stam-
mering’ voice!54. After a second mention of Arcesilas’ Pythian victory, granted by
Apollo and Pytho (66-68), the account of the Argonauts’ expedition begins. The
oracular constituent is equally important at different moments of the story, and
other Apollonian motifs are interspersed. First, it had been established by the
gods and predicted to Pelias (see (:8^,*20!55) “that Pelias would perish because
of the proud Aiolidai, at their hands or through their inflexible counsels”!56. Pelias
received the oracle at Delphi, “at the central navel of the tree-clad mother”, warn-
ing him against the “man with one sandal” who would come to Iolcos from the
mountains!57. As Jason arrives in the agora the citizens have doubts on his identity,
and the list of possible candidates discarded is formed by Apollo himself, because
of his beauty, the Aloadai and Tityos, because of their physical qualities!58. A good
part of the account is filled by episodes at Iolcos: the feast with his cousins and
their proposal to Pelias to reach a solution in order to recover his hereditary right

51 Suárez (1990).
52 Pyth.4. 4-8, T0(, J2*U D@'8H<0 y/.6 ,bh*`0 JC@%5@26, /2=+ !J25C$2' 4J]""<026 *'D]0*26, qH@%, /
D@A8% 2b+/8*A@, {C**20 +,@J2^]@2' v/WO,6, q%@;0 / 0E820 |6 }5h "/J~0 +*G88%/%0 %=C@$,*20 / J]"/0
V0 !@9%00]%0*/ $,8*i, “where long ago the priestess who sits beside the golden / eagles of Zeus proh-
esied when Apollo was not away that Battos would be the colonizer of fruit-bearing Lybia”.
53 Pyth. 4. 13-56.
54 Pyth. 4. 59-62. • $C+,@ 'qU &2"'$0C8*2', 8U 5L V0 *2O*l "]9l / D@h8$.6 €@(<8%0 $%"G88,6 y%"^G526
,=*2$C*l +%"C5l /k 8% D,G@%/0 V6 *@-6 ,=5C8,/8, J%J@<$H020 / W,8/"HL m$^,0%0 Z'@C0a, 5'8(@]2'
^<0E6 !0,+@/0]$%020 J2/0; *G6 T8*,/ J@.6 (%`0, “O blessed son of Polymnastos, it was you /whom the
oracle, in accordance with that speech, exalted through the spontaneous cry of the Delphic Bee,/ who
thrice bade you hail and revealed you to be/the destined King of Cyrene”.
55 See the commentary of Giannini 448-449.
56 Pyth. 4. 72-73, (H8^,*20 •0 &%"G,0 / VP !9,'`0 ‚b2"/5E0 (,0H$%0 D%G@%88/0 ƒ W2'",16 !+0C$J*2/6.
57 Pyth. 4. 74-78, •"(% 5H 2q +@']%0 J'+/0i $C0*%'$, ('$i,/ J;@ $H820 N$^,".0 %=5H05@2/2 „h(U0
$,*H@26 /*.0 $202+@RJ/5, JC0*<6 V0 ^'",+_ 8D%(H$%0 $%9C"a,/ %…*tQ †0Q ,bJ%/0`0Q !J.Q 8*,($`0Q V6Q
%=5%>%"20Q[D(f0,Q$f"‡Q+"%/*E6Qˆ,2"+2S‰Q[[QP%1026Q,X*tQ•0Q!8*f6u
58 Pyth. 4. 86-94. See that Tityos belong to Parnassian mythology. Otos, Ephialtes and Tityos were killed
by the gods for having tried to rape goddesses –Leto in the case of Tityos.

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 to be the ruler!59. Pelias’ answer, which will trigger the Argonautic expedition,
adds two new prophetic items. Phrixos appeared to Pelias in a prostagmatic!60 dream
and required to receive due funerary honours in his homeland!61. As usual, Pelias
consulted the Delphic oracle, which ordered that an expedition to the Kolchis
must be made!62. To Jason’s call many heroes are sent by the gods to participate
in the voyage. Zeus sent Heracles and the Dioscuri, Posidon Euphamos –the an-
cestor of the Theraeans- and Periklymenos; Hermes Echon and Eurytos; and the
Boreas sent Zetes and Calais (171-187). In the case of Apollo, the text presents
a problem of interpretation due to the context and other parallels. Pindar says
that VP 4π]""<026 5U ^2@$/9+*;6 !2/5E0 π,*s@ /T$2"%0 %=,G0h*26 w@^%O6 (176-
177)!63. Although the context could support an Apollonian paternity of the “father
of songs”, taking into account that the rest of the heroes are sons of the afore-
mentioned gods, the problem is that Pindar says in fr. 128c, 11 (from a threnos!64)
that Orpheus’ father is Oeagrus. The possible solutions proposed so far are: (a)
to accept that Pindar knows both genealogies!65; (b) that VP 4π]""<026 means
“from the realm of Apollo”, as was proposed in Antiquity!66; (c) that VP 4π]""<026
T$2"%0 means that Orpheus “came from Apollo”, as equivalent to “he was sent
by Apollo” (Braswell); and (d) that Orpheus had received his art “from Apollo”,
connecting it with ^2@$/+*;6 !2/5E0 π,*s@ (Gentili!67). It is not easy to adopt a
decision, but it must be emphasized that the context makes it difficult to discard
the genealogical link. There is a clear variatio in the enumeration of gods and their
sons: Šh0.6 'q2- *@%16... •"(20..., 52/2- 5’Y‹/D,1*,/ !0:@%6, o0028>5, 9:026..., VP
4πf""<026 5U...w@^%36...π:$π% 5’ d@$E6... 5/5>$2'6 'q236 and the absence of a
genealogical link would be slightly bizarre here. The audience is important: it is
not the same to speak of Orpheus in a Sicilian funerary context, in a threnos for a
tyrant familiarized with Orphic doctrines, than to sing an epinicion for a king of
Cyrene, among whose ancestors was a member of the Argonautic expedition!68.

59 The terms of this solution – herds, cattle and land property for Pelias, and political power as sole ruler
for Jason- are identical to those suggested by Jocasta in the Stesichorean fragment 222B Davies to rec-
oncile Eteocles and Polynices. See a comprehensive analysis of this text in Morenilla-Bañuls (1991).
60 For this dream typology see Gil (103-130).
61 Pyth. 4. 159-163, +H"%*,/ 9;@ Œ;0 ‹'D;0 +2$GP,/ /z@GP26 V"(]0*,6 J@.6 ‚bR*, (,"C$2'6,/ 5H@$, *% +@/2S
W,(O$,""20 m9%/0,/ *i J2*L V+ J]0*2' 8,M(h /T+ *% $,*@'/E6 !(H<0 W%"H<0. /*,S*C $2/ (,'$,8*.6
•0%/@26 b~0 ^<0%1. On the sense of the expression “to bring back his soul” –a motive not found other-
wise-, see Giannini (1995) ad loc.
62 Pyth. 4. 163-164, $%$C0*%'$,/ 5L VJ- Z,8*,"Ga, /%b $%*C"",*]0 */. +,- |6 *CD26 N*@O0%/ $% *%OD%/0 0,-
J2$JC0, “I have inquired of the oracle at Kastalia / if some expedition must be made, and it orders me to
provide conveyance by ship as soon as possible”.
63 A good discussion of this passage can be found in Cannatà-Fera 155, Braswell 255-256 and Giannini
(475).
64 Fr.56 Cannatà-Fera.
65 The paternity of Apollo was accepted by Asclepiades of Tragillus (FGrHist 12. F 6a).
66 The schol. ad Pyth. 4, 313ª (II p.139 Dr.) makes a parallel with Hes. Th. 94 ss. But see Braswell 256.
67 “E venne il citarista / padre dei canti per virtù d’Apollo / Orfeo molto lodato”.
68 To complicate things we can underline the fact that the prepositionQVP means not necessarily “son of ”,

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 In the account of the beginning of the expedition, Pindar highlights the role
of the diviner Mopsos!69, acting here as a specialist in ornithomancy and the in-
terpretation of lots, confirms that the omens are favourable!70, what is followed
by a series of positive signals sent by Zeus, after which Mopsos exhorts them to
take the oars!71, and navigation begins. After the account of the arrival to Aietes’s
land and the recovering of the Golden Fleece (205-248), the return is much more
concentrated. At this point Pindar uses ring-composition to connect this final part
with the initial series of predictions. First, he mentions the Lemnian episode and
the later settlement of Euphamos’ descendants in Thera (251-257). The Delphic
oracle sanctioning the colonization of Libya, and anticipated by Medea!72, is evoked
for a third time!73. The last part of the ode is filled by the plea for Damophilos, at
the end of which we find again an Apollonian element, this time referred to the
local traditions, as the exiled is described as missing his homeland, and mostly the
“symposia at Apollo’s fountain” and the musical entertainments with his friends!74.

Pythian 5 (462 BC), for Arcesilas of Cyrene.

Composed for the same victor as the previous one, though without including
a mythical narrative and centred in a more direct praise of Arcesilas and of the
charioteer Carrhotos, this ode has no shortage of Apollonian motifs, most of them
related either to Delphi and its monuments or to the past of Cyrene and its cultic
reality!75. First, since it commemorates a Pythian victory, the kômos of celebration
is qualified as a “delight” – properly, a “toy” – of Apollo (4π2"")0/20 m('@$,)!76,
and the encomion for Carrhotos includes the evocation of Delphic monuments and
its surroundings, such as the Castalia source, the Crisaian hill and the main tem-
ple, where Carrhotos has hanged, as a votive offering for the victory, the chariot!77.

but only “descent of ”. However, as far as I know, there is no genealogy of Orpheus that could reinforce
this interpretation.
69 On this diviner see López Ruiz (2009).
70 P.4. 190-191, +,G „C 2q $C0*/6 N@0GD%88/ +,- +"C@2/8/ (%2J@2JH<0 q%@216 / \]‹26 m$W,8% 8*@,*.0
J@]^@<0, “Then the ser Mopsos, prophesying for them by means of birds and sacred lots, gladly sent
the host on board”.
71 P. 4. 200-202, +C@'P% 5L ,=*216 // V$W,"%10 +MJ,/8/ *%@,8+]J26 r5%G,6 V0GJ*<0 V"JG5,6 / %b@%8G, 5L
YJ%DM@h8%0 *,D%/E0 V+ J,",$E0 m+2@26, “The seer bade them // fall to the oars, as he expressed cheer-
ful expectations. From under their swift hands the rowing proceeded tirelessly”.
72 Cf. supra.
73 Pyth. 4. 258-261, T0(%0 (i.e., from Thera) 5L ?$$/ v,*2G5,6 TJ2@%0 v/WO,6 J%5G20 /8K0 (%`0 */$,16
N^H""%/0, D@'82(@]02' / 5/,0H$%/0 (%120 Z'@C0,6 / N@(]W2'"20 $A*/0 V^%'@2$H02/6, “And from there
the son of Leto gave your family the plain of Libya / to make prosper through honors coming from the
gods, and the divine city of golden-throned Kyrene to govern”.
74 Pyth. 4. 293-296, !""L %?D%*,/ 2="2$H0,0 02S820 5/,0*"R8,/6 J2*U / 2Ž+20 b5%10, VJL 4J]""<0]6 *%
+@C0a 8'$J28G,6 V^HJ<0 /('$.0 V+5]8(,/ J@.6 nW,0 J2""C+/6, T0 *% 82^216 /5,/5,"H,0 ^]@$/99,
W,8*Cc<0 J2"G*,/6 •8'DGa (/9H$%0.
75 See Krummen 98-154.
76 Pyth. 5. 23.
77 Pyth. 5. 30-42. As Giannini 523 rightly observes, the +'J,@>88/020Q $:",(@20 (39-40) alludes to the

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 There is even the interesting detail of the existence at this time of a wooden statue
of the god attributed to Cretan artisans, what fits well with the old mythical links
of Crete and Delphi, as described in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo!78. Second, the
ancient colonization of Cyrene by Theraeans is remembered again, what means
that Apollo’s favour for Battos is at the forefront. In this case, Pindar not only
evokes Apollo’s oracle, but he relates also the extraordinary qualities with which
the god endowed the hero – able to put to flight the wild beasts –!79, in order to
prevent his oracle not to be fulfilled, and describes the powers of Apollo, in medi-
cine, music, prophecy!80 and, not the least, as main god of the Dorians, because he
guided the Heraclidai in the occupation of their territories; and the descendants
of those ancestors were the founders of Cyrene!81. After this historical part, the
poet connects with the local cult of Apollo Carneios!82 and alludes to a settlement
of Cyrene prior to the arrival of the Theraians, this time by the Antenoridai, after
the fall of Troy. The poet links the contemporary processions in honour of Apollo,
the old sanctuaries of the city, and the paved sacred road, to that Trojan past!83,
and he concludes this part by the mention of the tomb of the hero-founder, Aris-
toteles-Battos!84. This is indeed a deep immersion in the Apollonian nature of local
traditions and rites, which bounds past and present in a very tight way. Finally, the
god appears again some lines before the close of the ode, when the poet returns to
the victory and the actual celebration: “It is fitting for him (i.e. Arcelisas) in a song
/ by young men to call upon Phoebus of the golden lyre, // since he has obtained
from Pytho / in recompense for his expenditures, / the gracious victory song”!85.

Pythian 8 (446 BC) for Aristomenes of Aegina

Much has been said about the possible historical circumstances surrounding the
ode, concerning the relationship of Aegina to Athens, but this question is not
pertinent for the present analysis!86, although some hints could point to those
political circumstances, such as the embedding of the core of the ode between
an invocation to Hesychia and a final call for freedom, supported by the Aeacid

beams of the roof, from which the offering was hanging, and the expression *:9%gQ&,@0,88>lQ(41) is a
synecdoche for the “temple”.
78 HHAp. 538 ss.
79 P. 5. 57-59, +%10]0 9% +,- W,@O+2$J2/ /"H20*%6 J%@- 5%G$,*/ ^O920, /9"`88,0 VJ%G 8^/0 !JH0%/+%0
YJ%@J20*G,0 /B 5L !@D,9H*,6 T5<+L 4J]""<0 /(A@,6 ,b0i ^]Wl, •^@, $s *,$Ga Z'@C0,6 !*%"s6
9H02/*2 $,0*%O$,8/0.
80 P. 5. 63-69, p +,- W,@%/E0 0]8<0 / !+H8$,*L m05@%88/ +,- 9'0,/P- 0H$%/, /J]@%0 *% +G(,@/0, 5G5<8G *% /
\218,0 2•6 †0 V(H"‡, !J]"%$20 !9,9~0 /V6 J@,JG5,6 %=02$G,0, /$'D]0 *L !$^HJ%/ $,0*Rg20.
81 P. 5. 69-75.
82 P. 5. 77-81.
83 P. 5. 82-93.
84 P. 5. 93.
85 P. 5. 103-107, *.0 V0 !2/5_ 0H<0 / J@HJ%/ D@'8C2@, z21W20 !JO%/0, // TD20*, &'(<0](%0 / *. +,""G0/+20
"'*R@/20 5,J,0E0 /$H"26 D,@G%0.
86 See, for instance, the summary of this question in Burnett 225-227.

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 heroes!87. What is significant for my purpose is, once again, the choice by the poet
of elements that strongly bound Apollo, Delphi and prophecy to the victor and
his homeland. In this case, it was quite natural for Pindar to do that, because of
the important links between Aegina and Delphi, as can be verified by the fasci-
nating Paean 6!88. The first mythical reference illustrating how the gods punish
hybris, that is, the death of the king of the Giants, Porphyrion, by Apollo’s arrows,
shows the way in which Pindar could give a more Apollonian shift to a myth in a
Pythian ode: the version known to Apollodorus!89 mentions Heracles as Porphy-
rion’s killer. And this mention facilitates the transition to the celebration of the
victory, since Apollo is presented as kindly welcoming the victor crowned with
laurel!90. The next lines, dedicated to sing the family’s victories, leads to the next
mythical motif, related again in some way to Apollo’s realm, represented now by
the diviner and warrior Amphiaraos!91. The mention of the diviner presupposes a
consultation by the participants in the second expedition against Thebes, that of
the so-called Epigonoi, commanded again by Adrastos. Pindar’s account synthe-
sizes some important traits of an oracular prediction, as presented in poetic tradi-
tion. He underlines the ‘enigmatic’ character of the prediction (l. 40, ,b0>P,*2).
This does not mean that the prophecy is ‘obscure’ – in fact it is quite clear –, but
that it gives substantial, but concise, hints which will be well understood by the
consultant. It begins by an assessment of the transmission of qualities from father
to son – an important motif in an epinician contest!92 –, what could be considered
an equivalent to some usual oracular ‘salutations’ by the prophesying subject, –
usually the Pythia. The power of the diviner – who is now dead but responding
from his manteion!93– allows him to see the members of the expedition who come
for the consultation, and most conspicuously his own son, Alcman, identified by
the serpent painted on his shield – a new mantic motive. The prophetic language
includes periphrastic constructions to describe the subjects of the predicted facts:
Adrastos is “he who suffered in a former defeat, / is now met with news / of better
omen, the hero Adrastos”!94. The death of his son – Aegialeos – is announced first

87 Exhaustive analysis and commentary by Pfeijffer 423-602. See now the interesting remarks concerning
the purpose of the ode in Athanassaki (2011).
88 D’Alessio-Ferrari (1988), Rutherford (1997; 2001: 298-338), Hedreen (2011). See also Suárez de la Torre
(1997).
89 1.6.2.
90 Pindar reminds both, Typhos (see Pyth. 1) killed by Zeus’ thunderbolt, and Porphyrion’s by Apollo’s
arrows. See ll. 17-20: 5$E(%0 5U +%@,'0i /*]P2/8G *L 4J]""<026: p6 %=$%0%1 0]l / ‘%0C@+%/20 T5%+*2
ZG@@,(%0 V8*%^,0<$H020 / 'q.0 J2Ga &,@0,88G5/ y<@/%1 *% +M$l, “… for they were overcome/ by a
thunderbolt and the arrows of Apollo, who graciously / welcomed the son of Xenarkes from Kirrah,
crowned / with Parnassian foliage and with a Doric victory revel”.
91 On Amphiaraos see now Sineux (2007) and Terranova (2013).
92 Pyth. 8, 44-45, ^'_ *. 9%00,120 VJ/J@HJ%/ / V+ J,*H@<0 J,/8- "A$,, “By nature the noble resolve from
fathers / shines forth in their sons”.
93 On the identification of this manteion, see Giannini 573-574.
94 I have altered intentionally the word order of Race’s translation, to reflect the original sequence of the
utterance.

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 in a more allusive way – “but in his own household / he will fare otherwise”, and
then made explicit!95.
The mention of Alcman leads now to another linkage with the actuality of the
song and to a new mantic motive!96. First, the poet says that he is glad to dedicate
now his song to Alcman – he calls this part a hymn – who, being his neighbour and
guardian of his possessions, met him in his way to Delphi and uttered prophe-
cies!97. At this point Pindar brings in an invocation to Apollo as Delphic god who
has granted the victory to the laudandus, and initiates then a long final section
dedicated to praise the victor’s lineage and to the importance of this victory, along
with some gnomai concerning human nature and its limits, compensated by the
shining light the moments of glory cast upon men.

2. TWO DOUBTFUL ‘PYTHIAN’ ODES: ‘APOLLINISM AS A CLASSIFYING TEST

Apollonian, but not ‘Pythian’: Pyth. 3 (post 475 BC) for Hieron of Syracuse
This ode has no mention of a victory that could be considered the reason for its
composition. Pindar speaks indeed of a Pythian victory, but not a recent one, as
the adverb π2*: shows!98. If it this allusion what has motivated its inclusion among

95 This is the whole passage (44-55):

‘^'_ *. 9%00,120 VJ/J@HJ%/
Q Q V+ J,*H@<0 J,/8- "A$,. (,H2$,/ 8,^U6 45
Q Q 5@C+20*, J2/+G"20 ,b(E6 4"+$E0L VJL !8JG526
Q Q 0<$`0*, J@`*20 V0 ZC5$2' JO",/6.

Q Q B 5U +,$~0 J@2*H@a JC(a

Q Q 0S0 !@%G2026 V0HD%*,/
Q Q •@0/D26 !99%"Ga 50
Q Q I5@,8*26 n@<6: *. 5U 2X+2(%0
Q Q !0*G, J@CP%/. $2S026 9;@ V+ y,0,`0 8*@,*2S
Q Q (,0]0*26 N8*H, "HP,/6 'q2S, *ODa (%`0
Q Q !^GP%*,/ ",i 8K0 !W",W%1

Q Q IW,0*26 %=@'D]@2'6 !9'/C6.’ 55

96 Pyth. 8. 56-60, D,G@<0 5U +,- ,=*.6 /4"+$E0, 8*%^C02/8/ WC""<, „,G0< 5U +,- F$0l,/ 9%G*<0 ’*/ $2/
+,- +*%C0<0 ^O",P V$`0 /YJC0*,8%0 b]0*/ 9E6 N$^,".0 J,@L !2G5/$20, /$,0*%'$C*<0 *L V^C‹,*2
8'99]02/8/ *HD0,/6, “I too am glad to pelt Alkman with wreaths and sprinkle him with song/, because
as my neighbor and guardian of my possessions, he met me on my way to the earth’s famed navel and
employed his inherited skills in prophecy”.
97 I side with those who see the poet as the subject of this event; the alternative proposal, which sees in
the members of the chorus the protagonists of this prediction, has also a good amount of followers. See
a good summary of the opinions in Burnett 231, n. 22 (she adheres to the second interpretation). The
prophetic qualities of Alcman are mentioned only here, but this is no anomaly, since the inheritance of
mantic powers is usual in the diviners’ families.
98 Pyth. 2. 72-74. *i $U0 5/5O$,6 DC@/*,6, /%b +,*HW,0 Y9G%/,0 m9<0 D@'8H,0 +`$]0 *L !H("<0 &'(G<0
,X9",0 8*%^C02/6. /*2K6 !@/8*%O<0 z%@H0/+26 “"L V0 ZG@@a J2*H, /!8*H@26 2=@,0G2' ^,$- *h",'9H8*%@20
+%G0l ^C26 / VP/+]$,0 +% W,(K0 J]0*20 J%@C8,/6, “And if I had landed, bringing with me /two blessings,
golden health and a victory revel to add luster to the crowns from the Pythian games, which Pherenikos
once won when victorious at Kirrha,/ I swear that I would have come for that man as a saving light out-

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 the Pythian by the Alexandrians, we cannot say, but it is at least clear that they
have considered it a kind of complementary encomiastic ode for the powerful
Syracusan leader, that deserved to be added to the rest, not the least by its strong
Apollonian features. Its consolatory nature is beyond doubt!99, combined with a
extremely encomiastic tone!100 in the second part of the ode!101, as if Pindar had
judged praise to be the best antidoton against suffering, like a particular epode. As
for the Apollonian motifs, these are connected with the main ‘medical’ content,
which has lead to the choice of the myth of Asclepius, Apollo’s son, under a dou-
ble perspective. On the one hand, it illustrates the loss of the ‘due measure’, as
the punishments of Asclepius and Coronis show!102. On the other hand, it empha-
sizes Apollo’s powers, especially his omniscience, expressed in a kind of ‘miniature
hymn’ embedded in the ode!103. Then the ode shifts to a series of thoughts involv-
ing the poet and his good wishes towards Hieron and how he would like to soften
Hieron suffering sending him a new Asclepius and a song of victory, as in past
times (59-76). He also affirms to pray for Hieron to Theban deities, such as the
Mother of the Gods and Pan (77-79). Finally, he focuses on thoughts concerning
human nature and its limits, and how the gods give evils and good alternatively,
as can be seen in the stories of Peleus and Cadmos (80-106). He closes the ode by
emphasizing the power of song to preserve the glory, as can be proved with Nestor
and Sarpedon and the effects of epic poetry (107-115).
I would like to emphasize that, although this is not a Pythian ode composed to
celebrate a precise victory, it is important to realize that, at the moment of sending
to Hieron a consolatory piece, he has chosen an Apollonian orientation and that
the only allusion to a contest included in the ode evokes Delphic victories. In that

shining any heavenly star”.

99 See, for instance, Young 27-68, and Slater (1988).
100 Gentili rightly observes that it is an ode with some important features that distinguish it from the oth-
ers. According to him, it is not properly an encomion, but a “encomio impuro” (81, with n. 7), as far as it
is more consolatory than encomiastic. But what I argue is that it is precisely the consolatory nature that
is enhanced by means of a particular laudatory tone.
101 See the way he describes the qualities of Hieron in ll. 70-72 and again in ll. 84-85: summing both pas-
sages, Hieron is qualified as W,8/"%36 and ",9:*,6Q”Q*3@,0026. The first term is given by Pindar only to
dynastic rulers (the other example is Telesicrates?). The second, ",9:*,6, is a ‘strong’ word, curiously
inherited from Mycenaean times, and used by the poet only for mythical heroes (see Suárez de la Torre
[1977]). The use of this term for Hieron could remind of his founding activity in Catania (Etna). More
problematic is the use of *3@,0026, in which Gentili sees an ironic tone (79): “nel momento stesso in cui
Pindaro tesse l’elogio del monarca per la sua prestigiosa posizione politica, ne adombra con sottile ironia
l’aspetto negativo”. Yet, an intention of enhancing the great power of Hieron, softened by its coupling
with ",9:*,6, cannot be discarded.
102 See Currie 344-405 for a very acute analysis of the importance and possible significance –with mystical
connotations- of the motif of “death and immortalization by fire” that pervades the ode.
103 Pyth. 3. 28-30, 2=5L T",(% 8+2J]0 V0 5L m@, $h"25]+l &'(`0/ *]88,/6 mg%0 0,2S W,8/"%K6 /v2PG,6,
+2/0E0/ J,@L %=('*C*l 90M$,0 J/(M0, /JC0*, b8C0*/ 0]l• ‹%'5H<0 5L 2=D kJ*%*,/: +"HJ*%/ *H 0/0 /2=
(%.6 2= W@2*.6 T@92/6 2?*% W2'",16, “But she (sc. Coronis) did not elude the watching god, for although
he was in flock-receiving Pytho as lord of his temple, /Loxias perceived it, convinced by the surest con-
fidant / his all –knowing mind. / He does not deal in falsehoods, and neither god / nor mortal deceives
him by deeds or designs”.

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 sense, this is properly a deliberately ‘false’ Pythian ode, in which the consolatory
power of poetry, as an Apollonian activity, is enhanced.

Neither Apollonian nor Pythian?: Pythian 2 (doubtful date)!104, for Hieron of Syracuse.
This is a very particular ode, the least ‘Apollonian’ of all the Pythian odes, if com-
pared with the rest. Despite this first statement, it is necessary to take into ac-
count that there are two brief Apollonian ‘touches’: the affirmation that Cyniras,
the Cypriot priest of Aphrodite, enjoyed the special favour of Apollo!105, and the
gnomic assertion that it is always necessary to know one’s limits and maintain the
due measure!106, in terms quite similar to the Delphic precept “know thyself ”!107.
However, the remaining features of the ode are not only inappropriate in a Pythi-
an ode, but even anti-Apollonian, as my subsequent enumeration of elements will
show. It is then perfectly understandable that since the IVth century BC the clas-
sification of this ode were a controversial issue!108. The Alexandrian grammarians,
the authors of ancient scholia and many scholars have looked for alternative possi-
ble victories or even types of song, instead of a Pythian victory ode. The names of
Nemea, Athens, Olympia, Syracuse, and Thebes!109, are among the candidates, and
some other could be added!110. Yet, I want to emphasize the possibility of seeing in
Pythian 2 not only a simple victory song!111, but also an ode that combines a strong
political intention, aimed to counteract critical opinions against Hieron, with a
claiming of the values of Pindaric praise poetry.
The particular character of this ode can be detected in a series of features
that I will succinctly enumerate now!112. To begin with, whereas there is no specific
mention of the place of victory, there is no doubt that the ode celebrates a victory
with the four-horse chariot, and not an old one – there is no π2*: – nor something
similar – but a very recent one, which motivates this Pindaric composition. The
ode confirms that Hieron has usually the protection and assistance of the goddess

104 See a good summary of the proposals concerning the nature and date of the ode in See a good summary
in Cingano 43-47, who concludes that either 470 (Delphi) or 468 (Olympia) would be the most prob-
able. According to my proposal, the Delphic victory could be discarded.
105 Pyth. 2. 15-18, +%",5H20*/ $U0 !$^- Z/0O@,0 J2""C+/6 / ^E$,/ Z'J@G<0, *.0 B D@'82D,1*, J@2^@]0<6
/V^G"h8L 4J]""<0,// q%@H, +*G"20 4^@25G*,6, “The voices of the Cyprians often celebrate / Kinyras,
whom golden-haired Apollo heartily befriended, // the priestly favorite of Aphrodite”.
106 Pyth. 2. 34, D@s 5U +,*L ,=*.0 ,b%- J,0*.6 B@E0 $H*@20, “One must always measure everything by one’s
own station”.
107 It is then possible that these features have contributed to its inclusion among the Pythian odes.
108 Timaeus’ opinion was that it was a sacrificial song. cf. Cingano 43-44.
109 Compare the different opinions in Bowra 410, Grim 8-9, Carey 43-46, Most 60-67, Morrison 95-96.
110 From my point of view, the best candidate is a Theban local festival – Iolaia, Heracleia. It must be taken
into consideration the possibility of locating this victory at the Poseidonian festival of Onchestos, men-
tioned in fr. 94b 46 (a daphnephorikon); on this festival see Schachter (1981-1986, vol. II: 207-221).
111 That there was a concrete victory cannot be disputed: lines 3-6 are clear-cut and incontrovertible, be it
at Thebes or in another place. In this case the description as ‘political epistle’ must be discarded.
112 As I have detailed them in a precedent article (Suárez de la Torre: 1992). I refer to this work for more
precisions. See now Brown (2006).

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 Artemis – who is venerated at Syracuse – and of Hermes as patron of the games!113,
but a third divinity, whose name is not expressed, is vital for these victories. It is
the god Poseidon, alluded first when the poet qualifies the chariot as “shaking
the earth”!114, an epithet otherwise exclusive of the god, and then more explicitly
when he says that Hieron invokes Poseidon as “the wide-ruling god who wields
the trident”!115. These words are no clue to guess a victory place. Nor seems it to be
the declaration of the poet that he is coming from Thebes bearing the song!116, tak-
ing into account that he refers very often to their songs and himself as travelling
from his homeland to celebrate the victory!117.
The next particular feature of the ode is his distinction either of two different
varieties of ode or, alternatively, of two different parts of the ode!118 (ll. 62-71): the
syntactic construction seems to establish an opposition between *f5% $U0... $:"26
(67-68) and *. Z,8*f@%/20 5U V0 ‚b2">5%88/ D2@5,16 (69). However, neither of
these interpretations is fully satisfactory, and it remains the suspicion that perhaps
the poet introduces here a rhetorical apology, not devoid of humour, for having
given a military and exhortative tone to this part of the ode, more suitable for a
different context, like that of the homonymous Spartan song!119.

But perhaps the most surprising trait of the poem is the presence of abundant
Archilochean elements, what arises the suspicion that the mention of Archilochus the
blamer in lines 54-56!120, in a clear ‘detachment’ from iambic poetry, is not an iso-
lated element in this poem. Moreover, these Archilochean features are more evident
if we focus on the so-called Cologne Epode (fr. 196A West) and compare it with this
Pythian ode. The parallels I see are, first, in the election of themyth – Ixion –, which
incorporates such themes as the confrontation between father-in-law and son-in-
-law!121, the broken promise or the portrait of Ixion in terms next to those of a lewd

113 ll. 9-13.

114 l. 4, *%*@,2@>,6QV"%">D(2026.
115 ll. 11-12, N@82*@>,/0,0Q%=@'W>,0Q+,":<0Q(%f0. I surmise that it must be understood that Hieron is assisted
by the two deities and he calls upon Poseidon every time he is preparing his chariot for competition.
116 ll. 3-4.
117 Cingano 366.
118 So Race (1997, vol. I: 239, n. 1). See a discussion of the different hypothesis in Cingano (391-392), who
defends the interpretation of the Castoreion as a different song send by the poet to Hieron (so the
scholia 125 abc, 127 = II 52-53 Dr.).
119 See ll. 63-65, 0%]*,*/ $U0 !@R9%/ (@C826 /5%/0`0 J2"H$<0• ’(%0 ^,$- +,- 8U *;0 !J%G@20, 5]P,0 %Y@%10,
*; $U0 V0 qJJ28],/8/0 m05@%88/ $,@0C$%020, *; 5L V0 J%c2$CD,/8/ (“courage is a help to youth/ in fear-
some wars, and from them I proclaim that you have won that boundless fame of yours, /while cam-
paigning both among horse-driving cavalrymen and among infantrymen”). After this praise begins the
apology, with a captatio benevolentiae (ll.66-68),based on the fact that Hieron combines the (@C826
of youth with W2'",-QJ@%8W3*%@,/ that allow him to appreciate the different tonalities in rhythm and
contents of this ode.
120 %Ž520 9;@ Œ+;6 V~0 *; J]""L V0 !$,D,0Ga /‹29%@.0 4@DG"2D20 W,@'"]92/6 TD(%8/0 / J/,/0]$%020, “for stand-
ing at a far remove I have seen / Archiclochos the blamer often in straits as he fed on / dire words or hatred.
121 With the parallel Ixion-Aeoneus, Archilochus-Lycambes.

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 man!122. There is also an interesting intertextuality connected with this myth. In Il.
14, 154 ss., in the well-known scene of Zeus’ seduction by Hera, the god alludes to
his passion for Ixion’s wife (317-318). The action described in the Cologne Epode is
to be located, with a high degree of probability, in the local shrine of Hera. We have
then a double evocation: (a) of the Cologne Epode as expression of Archilochean
lewdness, with the implicit evocation of the Homeric scene; (b) of the couple Zeus-
Hera and the punishment imposed by Zeus to Ixion, with an exemplary character,
due to the parallel Ixion-Archilochus. Other series of connections can be detected
at the linguistic level. The clearest examples are the following: P. 2.26, $,/02$:0,/6
^@,8>0 – $,/0f"/6 fr. 196A 20; P. 2. 34 $:*@20 (Ixion) – $:*@, fr. 196A 30 (Neob-
ule); P. 2.38 %Ž526 Yπ%@2D)*,*, – %Ž526 m$<$20 fr. 196A 5; in P. 2. 42 a cloud begets
the Centaur m0%' D,@>*<0 – Neobule has lost her D#@/6. But this is not all. There
are other possible, perhaps less evident, links between this poem and Archilochean
poetry. For instance, one of the rare mythical references in Archilochus is to the
episode of Centaur Nesos’ death by Heracles, when he tried to rape Deianeira!123;
here Pindar remembers the origin of Centaurs, as a consequence of Ixion’s aberrant
pretensions!124. The resemblance is perceived also at the gnomic level: Pindar claims
his fidelity towards his friends and hatred against his enemies, comparing himself
to a wolf!125, and this assessment has an astonishing parallel in Archilochus fr. 23 W.,
including the zoological example – though of a very different nature: Vπ>8*,$,> *2/
*.0 ^/"[:20]*, $U0 ^[/]"%10[,/ *.]0 5’ VD(@.0 VD(,>@%/0 *% [+,]- +,+2[8*2$%10] / $3@$
$hP (14-16)!126. The list could be enlarged!127, but I think that it may suffice to accept
that Archilochean poetry has in this ode a special weight.
Summing up, what I argue is that this ode, if we let aside for a moment the
problem of the victory that was in its origin, is again a very encomiastic ode for
Hieron, in which the poet has made a great effort to counterbalance negative and
hateful opinions expanded by Hieron’s enemies. As a representative of the poetry
of praise, and with great subtlety, he makes use of the means of blaming poetry,
and transforms them in an antidoton – as if it were a magical weapon –, aimed to
highlight Hieron qualities!128.

122 See the parallel of $2/Df6‰Q"#9026Q+,-QYW@/8*76 of the Archilochean biography with the expression FW@/6Q
%b6Q,=#*,0QYJ%@#^,020
123 Frr. 286-288 W.
124 Pyth. 2. 35-40.
125 Pyth. 2. 83-85 ^>"20Q%XhQ^/"%10•Q[QJ2*-Q5tQVD(@.0Qk*tQVD(@.6QV~0Q"3+2/2Q5>+,0QYJ2(%382$,/‰Q[Q!""tQm""2*%Q
J,*:<0QB5216Q8+2"/,16, “Let me befriend a friend,/ but against an enemy, I shall, as his enemy, run him
down as a wolf does, /stalking now here, now there, on twisting paths”.
126 “I know how to befriend a friend and hate the enemy and curse him (like an) ant”.
127 For instance, metrical anomalies, sometimes conciding with the description of abnormal beings. For
more details I refer to my article of 1992. The particularity of the accumulation of animal parallels has
been analyzed by Bell (1984).
128 Perhaps it is not superfluous to remind that an Archilocheian hymn of victory was sung by a kômos at Olym-
pia (the well-known *70%"",Q+,"">0/+%, fr. 324 W-among the spuria), as Pindar remembers in Ol. 9. 1-4.

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 3. CONCLUSIONS

The research has shown that the way Pindar adapts his Pythian victory songs to
the Apollonian nature of those contests relies on three main resources, which are
the same we find in other odes used to structure and organize the development
of the poem:
The choice of myth. It must be emphasized that ‘myth’ constitutes very often
the ancient history of the founders of the territory and/or the ancestors of the victor.
The parallels and links between the homeland of the victor and the victory.
This aim is attained through different procedures: allusive language, parallels be-
tween cults –mostly Delphi and the local one.
The role of Apollonian attributes or spheres of action, such as divination –
predictions, sanctuaries, diviners- and music.
Additionally, the analysis of Apollonian elements can be applied as a test to
odes unduly grouped in Antiquity as Pythian: Pythian 3 is a fully Apollonian ode,
but it does not commemorate a victory, whereas Pythian 9 is an epinicion, but its
features contradict a Delphic victory.

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 ÍNDICE

5 PREFÁCIO
7 PREFACE

1. MITOS NA LITERATURA ANTIGA

MYTHS IN ANCIENT LITERATURE

11 THE APOLLONIAN FEATURES OF PINDAR’S PYTHIAN ODES

Emilio Suárez de la Torre
31 O RETRATO DE CLITEMNESTRA NA LITERATURA GREGA
Joaquim Pinheiro
41 IPHIGENEIA PARTHENOS
Nuno Simões Rodrigues
49 CONSIDERAÇÕES DE COMO OS MITOS ESCATOLÓGICOS DIRIGEM-SE MUITO MAIS
À VIDA DO QUE À MORTE
Izabela Bocayuva
59 “NÃO FOI DESTA MANEIRA QUE O TOURO CARREGOU SOBRE O DORSO O PESO
DO AMOR” (BATRAC. 78-79)
Rui Carlos Fonseca
69 O MITO DE TAGES NO DE DIVINATIONE
Giuseppe Ciafardone
75 MATERNIDADES MALDITAS
Cristina Santos Pinheiro
85 VICIMVS VICTI PHRYGES: EQUIPARAÇÃO ENTRE VENCIDOS E VENCEDORES,
TROIANOS E DÁNAOS, NO AGAMÉMNON DE SÉNECA
Ricardo Duarte
99 AMOR MORBUS EM PHAEDRA: O MITO E A DOUTRINA ESTÓICA DOS AFFECTUS
Ana Filipa Isidoro da Silva
107 THYESTES DE SÉNECA: O TEATRO DA FRUSTRAÇÃO DA ALMA HUMANA. ENTRE A
TRANQUILLITAS ANIMI E O FUROR REGNI
Mariana Montalvão Horta e Costa Matias
119 READING CLASSICAL MYTHS IN LATE ANTIQUITY: MACROBIUS’ PROPOSAL OF
LITERARY IDENTITY IN COMMENTARII IN SOMNIUM SCIPIONIS
Julieta Cardigni

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 2. MITOS NA LITERATURA MODERNA E CONTEMPORÂNEA
MYTHS IN MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE

133 MITOLOGIA E MUNDIVIDÊNCIA MANEIRISTA EM O LIMA DE DIOGO BERNARDES

José Cândido de Oliveira Martins
145 O MITO DE DON JUAN E LES LIAISONS DANGEREUSES DE LACLOS
Ana Isabel Moniz
155 SERVINDO A CIRCE
Margarida Vale de Gato
165 A PRESENÇA DO MITO NA POESIA DE JULES LAFORGUE
Guacira Marcondes Machado
171 TRAÇOS DE UMA REFLEXÃO MÍTICA SOBRE O FEMININO EM O LIVRO DE ALDA DE
ABEL BOTELHO
Rui Sousa
187 APOLLINAIRE E A RELEITURA DOS MITOS EM ALCOOLS
Silvana Vieira da Silva
199 THE RECEPTION OF MYTH IN FERNANDO PESSOA
Maria João Toscano Rico
217 BABEL AND MERLIN REVISITED IN C.S. LEWIS’S THAT HIDEOUS STRENGTH
Maria Luísa Franco de Oliveira Falcão
225 O MITO DE NARCISO E A LITERATURA DE INTROSPECÇÃO
Anna Faedrich Martins
239 ULISSES E O VELHO SANTIAGO
Maria Mafalda Viana
251 RECEÇÃO MÍTICA EM AGUSTINA BESSA LUÍS
Maria do Carmo Pinheiro e Silva Cardoso Mendes
261 RESSIGNIFICAÇÕES DO MITO CLÁSSICO DO MARAVILHOSO NO LIVRO FITA VERDE
NO CABELO, DE JOÃO GUIMARÃES ROSA
Nerynei Meira Carneiro Bellini
273 O MITO REVISITADO NA FICÇÃO DE ANGOLA: O DESEJO DE KIANDA E A
PARÁBOLA DO CÁGADO VELHO, DE PEPETELA
Maria Cristina Batalha
283 O RESSURGIMENTO DE VÉNUS
Joana Marques de Almeida
291 “THE MYTH TO END ALL MYTHS”
Alexandra Cheira
299 REVISITING THE TUDOR MYTH IN SANDRA WORTH’S THE ROSE OF YORK TRILOGY
Susana Paula de Magalhães Oliveira
307 DO CAOS AO COSMOS
Helena Malheiro
317 A INEXORABILIDADE DO DESTINO DO MITO GREGO NA MODERNIDADE ATRAVÉS
DA POESIA DE SOPHIA DE MELLO BREYNER ANDRESEN
Maria da Conceição Oliveira Guimarães

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 3. MITOS NAS ARTES
MYTHS IN ARTS

331 RECYCLING MYTHS IN BYZANTINE ART

Livia Bevilacqua
343 AFRODITE E EROS, REVISITADOS POR FRANCISCO DE HOLANDA
Teresa Lousa
351 EROS PLAYING WITH WALNUTS IN THE COMEDIES OF JORGE FERREIRA DE
VASCONCELOS
Silvina Pereira
363 O MITO INSTÁVEL DE ORESTES E HAMLET
Henrique Miguel Carvalho
373 A PRESENÇA DE ALCESTE NA MÚSICA ERUDITA
Ana Alexandra Alves de Sousa
383 TRISTÃO E ISOLDA: O MITO DO AMOR IMPOSSÍVEL
Gianmarco Catacchio
391 OS MITOS ARTURIANOS NA PINTURA DO SÉCULO XIX
Ana Margarida Chora
403 PAIXÃO, SABEDORIA E NARRATIVA MÍTICA NA XILOGRAVURA DE HEIN SEMKE
Joanna Latka
413 ALGUNS APONTAMENTOS NA MITOLOGIA DAS “LOUCAS”
Isabel Henriques de Jesus
423 CAGE WAKES UP JOYCE
Ana Luísa Valdeira
433 MARGARET ATWOOD’S THE PENELOPIAD
Sara Paiva Henriques
445 PERCY JACKSON: O LADRÃO DE MITOS
João Peixe
453 BITE ME! BUT PLEASE BE SEXY ABOUT IT – O MITO DO VAMPIRO NO CINEMA
José Duarte

4. MITOS NA HISTÓRIA E NA FILOSOFIA

MYTHS IN HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY

471 THE THEBAN MYTHS IN HERODOTUS: NOT YET A NEGATIVE PARADIGM

Pierpaolo Peroni
483 SCIPIO AEMILIANUS AND ODYSSEUS AS PARADIGMS OF PRÓNOIA
Breno Battistin Sebastiani
495 RECONFIGURAÇÕES MEDIEVAIS E MODERNAS DO MITO DE ATLÂNTIDA
Margarida Santos Alpalhão
503 A CHEGADA DO CARDEAL ALEXANDRINO A LISBOA (1571)
André Simões

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 517 FROM OBSCURITY TO THE PANTHEON OF PORTUGUESE AMERICAN HEROES:
RECYCLING PETER FRANCISCO FOR ETHNIC MINORITY ‘FEEL GOOD’ AND UPLIFT
Reinaldo Francisco Silva
529 IRACEMA PARA ALÉM DAS EXPECTATIVAS
Tito Barros Leal
539 CASSANDRA REVISITADA
Sandra Pereira Vinagre
551 O MITO COMO LEITURA DA HISTÓRIA
Ivone Daré Rabello
559 A ERÓTICA DO ÊXTASE
Lolita Guimarães Guerra
575 DEVOLVER O FOGO AOS DEUSES
Sofia Santos

5. MITOS NA CULTURA POPULAR

MYTHS IN POPULAR CULTURE

587 RARIDADE E DIVERSIDADE COMO FACES DA MESMA MOEDA

Marina Pelluci Duarte Mortoza
595 MITOLOGIA NA FÁBULA
Ana Paiva Morais
Teresa Araújo
607 TEMAS MÍTICOS NOS CONTOS POPULARES PORTUGUESES
Cristina Abranches Guerreiro
615 “A SERRANA” E “A GALHARDA”, DOIS RETRATOS DA MULHER DEVORADORA NO
ROMANCEIRO DE TRADIÇÃO PORTUGUESA
Ana Sirgado
625 A LENDA DAS ÁGUAS SANTAS DO VIMEIRO
Natália Albino Pires
637 O HERÓI MÍTICO E A IMAGEM DO PRÍNCIPE NOS CONTOS DE JOSÉ LEITE DE
VASCONCELOS
Teresa M. Gonçalves de Castro
651 MITO E CONTO POPULAR
Maria Auxiliadora Fontana Baseio
659 AS MÃOS DOS PRETOS, DE LUÍS BERNARDO HOWANA
Maria Zilda da Cunha
671 ANGELA CARTER E BARBA-AZUL
Cleide Antonia Rapucci

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 6.MITOS NA RELIGIÃO E NAS CIÊNCIAS
MYTHS IN RELIGION AND SCIENCE

685 THE JUDGMENT BETWEEN HORUS AND SETH AS A PARADIGM FOR THE
JUDGMENT OF THE DEAD
André de Campos Silva
697 REVISITANDO O MITO EGÍPCIO DAS LUTAS ENTRE HÓRUS E SET
José das Candeias Sales
715 DA PALAVRA AO ACTO
Miguel Pimenta-Silva
727 LILITH: FROM POWERFUL GODDESS TO EVIL QUEEN
Maria Fernandes
737 ENTRE MITO E CIÊNCIA
Abel N. Pena
749 A MIGRAÇÃO DOS PORTENTOS
Isabel de Barros Dias
763 O MITO DA CRIAÇÃO NO CORÃO E O SEU REFLEXO NA MÍSTICA SUFI
Natália Maria Lopes Nunes
777 REVISITAR A CATÁBASE
Daniela Di Pasquale
789 REMINISCÊNCIAS DE VERGÍLIO NA OBRA POÉTICA DE PEDRO JOÃO PERPINHÃO
Helena Costa Toipa
805 NARCISO E LEONARDO NA PERSPETIVA DE FREUD
Isabel Castro Lopes
815 À PROCURA DE UM FINAL FELIZ, OU A NARRATIVA ADÂMICA REVISITADA POR
LLANSOL
Cristiana Vasconcelos Rodrigues

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