Unit I-II

B.A.
(Programme) Semester-V History
SKILL ENHANCEMENT COURSE (SEC)

Popular Culture
Study Material : Unit I-II
SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING

University of Delhi
Department of History
Editors : Sh. Prabhat Kumar
Dr. Rajni Nanda Mathew
Graduate Course
SKILL ENHANCEMENT COURSE (SEC) (SEC
Popular Culture
Study Material: Unit I-II
Contents
Unit I : Understanding Popular Culture : Some Issues

Lesson 1 [a] Defining Popular Culture: Popular Culture as Folk Dr. Nabanita Sharma 1-13
Culture, Mass Culture, as the ‘Other’ of High
Culture, People’s Culture etc.
Unit II : Some Aspects
spects of Popular Culture in India
[a] Religion and Everyday Practice
Lesson 1 (i) Festivals and Rituals : Case Studies of Navaratri in Ketholenuo Mepfhü-o
Mepfhü 14-28
Madras / Urs in Ajmer / Kumbh Mela &
Lesson 2 (ii) Everyday Healing and Petitioning the Divine : Case Dr. Iqbal Ahmad 29-40
Studies of Jinns in Delhi / Popular Hinduism /
Tantric Practices
Lesson 3 (iii) Sacred Spaces, Sacred Geographies: Pilgrimage and Ketholenuo Mepfhü-o
Mepfhü 41-54
Pilgrim Practices
[b] Performative Traditions
Lesson 1 (i) Orality, Memory and the Popular: Case Studies of Drishti Kalra 55-67
Women's Ramayanas in the Andhra Pradesh
Lesson 2 (ii) Theatre and Dance Dr. Kanak Rele 68-95
Lesson 3 (iii) Music: Popular Music and Technology; Case Studies Shikha Gautam 96-108
of Devotional Music/The Ghazals and the Cassette
[c] Food Cultures
Lesson 1 (i) Recipes and the National Project: Popular Recipe Dr. Nabanita Sharma 109-121
Books (ii) Food and Public Cultures of Eating: Udupi
Hotels, Dum Pukht, South Asian Food in a Global World
(iii) Cultures of Consumption: Tea Tea-Coffee and the
Indian Middle Class
[d] Making of a New 'Public'
Lesson 1 (i) Popular Art: Imagining the Nation in Calendar Art Rajshree Sahai 122-134
Lesson 2 (ii) Print Media : Amar Chitra Katha Shilpi Ghosh 135-140
Lesson 3 (iii) Cinema: Constructing Family, Gender, and Marriage Sanchita Srivastava 141-154
through
hrough Popular Cinema
Editors: Sh. Prabhat Kumar

Dr. Rajni Nanda Mathew
SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING

University of Delhi
5, Cavalry Lane, Delhi-110007
UNIT I : UNDERSTANDING POPULAR CULTURE: SOME ISSUES
LESSON 1
[a] DEFINING POPULAR CULTURE: POPULAR CULTURE AS FOLK
CULTURE, MASS CULTURE, AS THE ‘OTHER’ OF HIGH CULTURE,
PEOPLE’S CULTURE ETC.
Dr. Nabanita Sharma
Structure
1.1 Learning objectives

1.2 Introduction
1.3 Folk culture, mass culture, people’s culture, the “other” culture
1.4 Popular cultures of cinema, print, music and consumption
1.5 Summary
1.6 Glossary/keywords
1.7 Self Assessment Questions
1.8 Reference
1.9 Suggested Reading
This lesson will help students understand the definition of culture and popular culture.
There are different meanings and expressions of popular culture. It often takes the shape
of folk culture. In the latter half of the twentieth century, popular culture has found
expression in different forms of media such as television, print, cinema and music. These
make popular culture people’s culture; something that finds meaning through
interpretations of the readers or consumers. Popular culture has also taken the form of
mass culture, as something produced for the people, by the people. This gives popular
culture a binary structure and makes the “other” of the high culture. High culture is
associated with the elite and aristocratic section of society; who are often a numerical
minority. As opposed to that, popular culture is celebrated by the vast majority of
“ordinary” people. They find a sense of similarity, comfort and entertainment in the
various kinds of popular culture.
1.2 Introduction
Popular culture is an evolving subject of study. Its beginning can be traced back to the
last century when, as a part of culture study; popular culture emerged. To understand
popular cultures we have to understand what culture means. Culture is a way of life; it is
a process that shapes our thinking and outlook toward the world at large. An individual or
a community's culture is reflected in how he/they perceive, creates and circulates certain
information provided in “texts” (a text can be any object, event or commodity that can be
meaningful). Culture is a process of making a shared meaning, but cultures are not
harmonious (Storey, 1996). And the "texts" can be interpreted in many different ways.
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Cultural studies focus on the relation between culture and power, which means one
interpretation would prevail over the others. Culture study was defined in the early and
mid-twentieth century as popular culture from above (influenced by structuralism and
political economy) and popular culture from below (inspired by “history from below” and
social history). In the popular culture from above, the idea is that the capitalist mode of
production dictates certain ways of life. In the popular culture from below, the idea is that
popular culture emerged spontaneously. In the late twentieth century, several new
elements and dimensions emerged within cultural studies. These include the questions of
gender, queer theory, post-modernism, post-structuralism, psychoanalysis and post-
colonial theory (Storey, 1996).
Antonio Gramsci and Michel Foucault have analyzed how culture and power work.
Gramsci's concept of "hegemony" was introduced in culture study in the late twentieth
century. The modern world is divided based on class, gender, age, ethnicity and sexual
orientation. In the field of popular culture within culture study, these divisions have been
identified and contested. In this way, popular culture is the space where the interest of
dominant groups and subordinate groups collides. Hall argues that the articulation of texts
also determines culture. This articulation is influenced by different aspects such as
context and accents. Due to these influences, culture is always a site of negotiation where
hegemony can be attained or lost (Storey, 1996). The application of Gramsci's idea of
hegemony has provided a new way of studying popular culture. In this, agency and
structure work together in shaping culture.
Michel Foucault’s study provides a new dimension in the form of “representation” in
culture study. Representation makes reality meaningful and representation also helps in
sharing and contesting meanings created by different individuals.Meanings are created in
discourses and in discourses "power produces knowledge". This exercise creates a
"regime of truth" where individuals with power create knowledge and meanings and
circulates the truth in the world (Storey, 1996). Cultural studies have used these ideas of
Foucault to discuss how power can be used positively to establish the truth and
disseminate it amongst the people in general. Different mediums can be used to
disseminate this meaning and knowledge. In the rest of this lesson, these mediums will be
discussed in detail to understand the meaning and varieties of popular culture. There are
different methods to study and interpret popular culture. I have discussed them in the
following sections of this lesson.
Check Your Progress
1. What is the theoretical background for the idea of popular culture from above?
(a) Marxism
(b) Structuralism
(c) Queer-theory
(d) Feminism
2. Cultural studies focus on the relations between culture and ____.
(a) Art
(b) Meaning
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(c) Texts
(d) Power
Answers
1. (b), 2. (d)
1.3 Folk culture, mass culture, people’s culture, the “other” culture
In different contexts, popular culture is labelled in different ways. Sometimes it is
considered a part of a tradition and termed folk culture. Pop music is an example of how
it became a part of America's popular culture. Popular culture often takes the form of
mass culture, something a large group of people connect with. Cinema, fashion, music
and consumerism explain the mass character of popular culture. Also, popular culture is
not something simply imposed on people. Constant negotiation between what is imposed
and what is adopted by people creates popular culture. And in a class-divided society,
different subcultures emerge that assert their identity through different mediums of
popular culture such as music, fashion and dance. In that way, many subcultures in
popular cultures create an identity which helps people to navigate through class, race,
ethnic and religious differences. In this part of this lesson, I have discussed how various
mediums such as television, cinema, shopping, music and dance help create and recreate
popular culture over time.
One of the best-known forms of mass culture is television. In the twenty-first century, it
is a global medium of articulating meanings. The programmes broadcasted through
television should be meaningful to be considered for presentation and consumption.
Television programme producers find meaning in "raw materials of everyday life", create
meanings out of these materials and prepare presentations. When the audience acts upon
such presentations, it becomes another set of discourse. These discourses further lead to
another round of production of meanings and knowledge. There is no fixed way of
creating meaning through television as the creation of meaning depends on how the
audience reciprocates certain meanings interpreted by the television, and the cycle of
meaning creation continues.
The act of watching television is a social practice and can be interpreted in different
ways. Watching a programme can mean an individual needs to isolate herself from the
rest of the family for a while. It can also mean that individual wishes to connect with a
family member who enjoys a certain programme. It can be used as a reward (by letting
children watch a show) or punishment (by depriving)(Storey, 1996). Dorothy Hobson has
contributed to ethnographic work in popular culture through the medium of television.
Hobson interviewed television viewers and watched television with some of her
“subjects” of research. She concludes that television programmes are viewed by different
audiences for different reasons under different domestic and social circumstances. And
the viewer draws different meanings by watching the same programme. Despite these
differences, television is an integral part of popular culture as people connect their
everyday lives with their favourite television programmes (Storey, 1996). Storey argues
that the interpretation of television programmes is limited as these programmes are
structured and the viewer can only interpret them in social and discursive context.
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Hobson further argues that television programmes help in creating a cultural space for
women, as while discussing their favourite soap opera; they can discuss what is
happening in their daily lives. These discussions around soap operas create a space which
is similar to oral culture, as argued by Mary Ellen Brown. Also, talking about problems
faced by a fictional character provides the opportunity to discuss real-life problems of
real characters, as the amount of fear and shame associated with real-life problems gets
reduced. IenAng’s study of the Dallas television show shows what makes a programme a
part of popular culture. It evoked emotional realism as opposed to empiricist realism and
classic realism. Ang used the “ideology of mass culture” to separate her correspondents
into four categories. Those in the first category strongly disliked the programme, because
it is mass culture. The second category sometimes found pleasure, because the
programme is mass culture and makes fun of the programme itself. In that way this
category finds pleasure. The third is that of fans; they consume the programme for what
the programme is offering. That is, they enjoy it for its mass character. The fourth
category is that of populists; those who believe that one person's pleasure is equal to
another person's pleasure. If someone enjoys watching something, others could not do
anything about it.
Television as a cultural commodity circulates popular culture in “financial” and
“cultural” economies, as argued by John Fiske. The financial economy is all about
exchange value, while the cultural economy concerns with meanings, pleasures and
identities. Both these economies interact regularly. It gives the audience the power to
determine the products available on television. The financial economy supports the
process of homogenization and the cultural economy supports resistance to such
homogenization. Fiske views popular culture as a site where the forces of dominance are
resisted and escaped by popular tactics. These resistances make dominant ideologies
work hard to remain relevant.
Like television, fiction is another kind of mass culture. In a text, problematic is associated
with the historical period in which the text is produced; what the text include and what it
excludes. Hans-Georg Gadamer argues that meaning is not inherent in a text; the reader's
understanding of the text is the interpretation of a text. That interpretation is also
determined by the context in which the text was read. Also, preconceptions do not mean
false judgments and the materiality of a text remains visible to the readers. In the process
of understanding a text, preconceived ideas are confronted by the materiality of the text.
Wolfgang Iser says that the act of reading produces the meaning of a text. And this
meaning is dynamic. Hans Robert Jausssays the historical context or the time in which a
text was produced determines its meaning. Stanley Fish adds to this discussion by saying
that there is no one single way of reading a text. And its meaning can vary depending on
the reader. Meanings are constructed by the interpretative communities of readers.
In Bond and Beyond (1987), Tony Bennett and Janet Woollacott have discussed the
different ways in which the character of James Bond is portrayed in the different cultural
and “ideological economy” in films and novels. Bennett and Woollacott point out that
popular literature is a space with changing historical context and having a 'complex and
contradictory range of ideological discourses and counter-discourses. Bond character
remained popular for several decades in the latter half of the twentieth century due to the
character’s ability to express a variety of cultural and political issues. The character of
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James Bond remained malleable with time. This character was also popular due to its
ability to appeal to the idea of “British nationhood”; at a time when the British colonial
empire was declining globally in the 1950s. Dr No, the first Bond film broadened the
social base of the character and ideologically reconfigured it. In the subsequent decades,
several Bond films such as From Russia, With Love, Goldfinger and Thunderball portray
the character of a British hero in the context of the cold war and east-west relations.
Against the communist ideology of East European countries, Bond’s character
represented individualism. Also, the appearance of “the Bond-girl” and changing
narrative surrounding these encounters between Bond and his female co-worker
undermined the feminist discourses of that time and try to establish phallocentric gender
identity. These films not just make the novels well known and expose them to more
probable readers, but the films also help readers read the novels in certain predisposed
ways. Bennett and Woollacott used the term "inter-textual" to describe the process. The
novels and films are united by the character of Bond. The character of Bond determines
the classification of "texts" (films, novels etc.). Bond found the best representation in the
films hence, even though novels were written earlier than films, films remained the most
dominant "text" and provided an interpretative framework through which novels can be
read. “Inter-textual" or network of texts determined what we can make out of a text and
find the meaning of the character of Bond. Text and its context exist together and are
inseparable. A text’s meaning can be interpreted only by the act of reading. Inter-textual
networks help in the act of reading and deciphering the meaning of a text.
Another category of fiction, roman fiction has been discussed by scholars in the last
century. Dismissiveness, hostility and disrespectful mockery dominate feminine readings,
as argued by Tania Modleski in Loving with a Vengeance. These works of literature
narrate the problems of day-to-day lives. However, there is a need to remodel these
feminist readings, as argued by Modleski. Rosalind Coward agrees that the number of
romance fiction has increased with the rise of feminist discourses. The nature of these
romance fictions is regressive as they adore male power and portray females in a sexually
passive way. Janice Radway in her research carried out in “Smithton”, interviewed forty-
two romance readers, all female. Smithton women have attempted to define what
romance fiction should contain. These ideal fictions should contain fantasies of
reciprocity and care from men. Radway claims that romantic fantasies are regressive as it
carries the reader to a fantasyland where the “hero” would nurture the female and shower
her with attention. These are thesame things, in real life; she is expected to do every day.
In these romance fantasies, ideal romance is something that can provide care, protection
and passion. Through care, protection and passion from a man, a woman can find her
identity, as the narrative pattern of romance novels shows. And if a romance fails to
provide these, romance will be a failed romance.
Reading romance fiction can be interpreted in different ways. The act of reading as well
as the meaning derived from the texts can be a challenge to patriarchy. At the same time,
a happy ending in romance fiction gives psychological pleasure and makes a reader (in
this context, female reader) forget her debased social role and accept patriarchy all over
again. Radway believes that women do not seek shelter in reading romance fiction if they
are content in life. In the cultural practice of reading fiction, the reader's use and
interpretation play a key role in deriving meaning. IenAng, while criticizing Radway’s
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approach to romance readers, argues that feminists are not the 'guardians of the true path'.
Ang says that if readers derive pleasure in reading fiction, it serves the reader's purpose of
deriving pleasure. And this pleasure can work in women's favour. These writings
establish that reading as a cultural practice is not an isolated process. And fictions as
cultural commodities are part of a social fabric interwoven by daily routines and other
cultural consumptions. Readers as a group of consumers are not monolithic and simple
recipients of romances. They also evolve and help shape the pattern of production of
romance fiction.
Check Your Progress
1. How a television programme becomes a part of popular culture?
a) through interpretation
b) through entertainment
c) by creating identity
d) all the above
2. Which of the following can limit the interpretations of a "text"?
a) historicity
b) inter-textuality
c) the material in the text
d) none of the above
3. Which of the following is not a Bond film?
a) Bond and Beyond
b) Dr No
c) From Russia, With Love
d) Thunderball
4. Who among the following authors has written about James Bond?
a) IenAng
b) Rosalind Coward
c) Tania Modleski
d) Janet Woollacott
Answers
1. d), 2. d), 3. a), 4. d)
1.4 Popular cultures of cinema, print, music and consumption
Cinema is another component of art and culture. Due to its mass appeal, it remains an
essential element of popular culture. Films play a crucial role in articulating messages
related to socio-political identities to the world/society at large and become mass media.
When the study of popular culture emerged in the 1970s, the category of the film was
studied by using the method of structuralism. Ferdinand de Saussure is considered the
founder of structuralism. He argues that language is divided into “signifier” and
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“signified”. These two combined produce a “sign”. Saussure also distinguished between
“langue” and “parole” and says that langue is the rules of a spoken language and parole is
how actually a language is spoken by individual speakers. Langue finds meaning in the
exercise of parole. This distinction helped in developing the idea of structuralism. The
grammar of a language and the underlying structure make meaning possible. Cultural
texts and practices can be studied using the underlying structure of langue (rules) and
parole (how the rules are manifested).Claude Levi-Strauss also emphasize the
homogeneity of structure in studying myths. Myths can offer meaning if anthropologists
can identify the rules and regulations of the myths. All myths aim at resolving society's
problems and contradictions. Will Wright and Laura Mulvey offered classical
structuralism and post-structuralism explanation of cinema (Storey, 1996).
Wright has used these ideas of structuralism to explain how Hollywood Western
articulates certain ideas to the rest of the society. Western evolved through various stages
in its career; from “classic”, “transition theme”and finally to “professional”. And in this
evolution, it had two basic structural divisions: “inside” and “outside”. Inside society is
good, strong and civilized while the outside society is bad, weak and wild. Not just this
binary structure of inside and outside, but narrative structure of “classic” as a hero-centric
society, in “transition theme” hero becomes as part of the binary narration and in
“professional” phase, society is imbibed with the values of a corporate economy. In all
these phases of Hollywood Western, the goal is to help people attain the “American
Dream”.Mulvey in her post-structuralism cinema study has argued that the goal of films
is twofold. First is the "pleasure of looking", which means objectifying other people
(mostly female) and deriving pleasure by looking at them. Second, a woman is a
“signifier of the threat of castration”. Mulvey’s portrayal of the audience is homogenous
and passive and she has not touched upon the varying narratives portrayed in cinemas.
Christine Gledhill argues that in the decade of 1980s, there was a renewed interest by
feminist scholars in mainstream popular culture. Jackie Stacey, along with Gledhill insists
that women are not passive consumers of the male gaze. Stacey separates cultural studies
from film studies in her research and establishes three discourses: escapism, consumerism
and identification. Many women respondents to Stacey's research questions viewed
cinema as a way of escaping the reality of scarcity, manipulation and such negative
feelings. Stacey opines that not just the "text" of cinema but the whole act of going to the
cinema brings a feeling of luxury and escapism (Storey, 1996). Female audiences often
try to identify themselves with their favourite star by imitating their behaviour or by
following their fashion. These imitations were not merely fueled by the desire to become
as glamorous as the film star is, but also to become confident and assertive. The cinema
also gave women an opportunity to become a consumer. Women in different countries
did not have the means and fortune to consume the same costumes or cosmetics as a
Hollywood star would. So we cannot say that cinema promoted consumerism in the mid-
twentieth century itself. But it provided a framework in which women as a separate group
of consumers emerged. Stacey's study offers a new perspective to studying the "male
gaze" of Hollywood.
Like cinema, the press can also serve as a cultural element, if people can connect to it.
Peter Dahlgren in his study of the press as a form of popular culture argues that
storytelling connects the press with popular culture. Analysis and storytelling help us
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make sense of the world. Journalism is usually of analytic mode, as it tries to provide
information. Colin Sparks argues that the difference between popular press and quality
press is in the presentation. Both of them offer the same news but the method of narrating
the news is different. Popular press offers a "total" picture. In the context of the popular
press, John Fiske's opinion on popular culture can be used. Fiske believes that popular
culture is progressive but not radical. Popular culture helps create meaning which would
change or modify any social norm. But popular culture never attacks or overthrows any
social norm overnight. Fiske says that the popular press despises official press and
alternative press as it functions at the border between public and private. The official
press functions to maintain power and create a group of believing citizens. The popular
press offers something which can be utopian or fantasy, but its presentation of news in a
different way from that of the official press makes it popular. Popular press thrives on
relevance, not fact. And relevance cannot be dictated from above, it emanates from
below. The popularity of a press is determined by its acceptability amongst the people.
Popular productivity turns popular press into popular culture.Ian Connell calls the popular
press "fantastical or fabulous reportage”. Through news reporting, the popular press
circulates ideas of a divided moral economy between the haves and have-nots. The
popular press also served the purpose of informing people about different aspects of
society and serving as a mass media(Storey, 1996).
Like the popular press, print also connects people and helps shape and mould culture at a
mass level. A literary magazine entitled Jackie targeted teenage audiences and trained
young girls about their gender roles in society. Through four codes or strategies, the
magazine tried to appeal to its readers: codes of romance, domestic life, fashion and
beauty and pop music. Romance dominated the other codes and the magazine promoted
romantic love as the ultimate purpose of a girl's existence. Several women's magazines
appeared in the mid and late twentieth century. They appealed to the readers through
entertainment and bits of advice on domestic and social life. These magazines also
published serial romantic novels and pulp fiction. The editorial section offered women
readers a sense of commitment that their everyday life problems would be resolved by the
magazine. The initial research conducted by Hermes on the role of magazines as a
medium of popular culture was not promising. Readers often dismissed the whole
exercise of reading magazines as meaningless. However, Hermes identifies certain
specifications made by readers about their experience of reading these magazines.
Readers associated “relaxation”, “practical knowledge”, emotional learning and
connected knowing” and “easily put down” with the whole experience of reading. These
repertoires prepare a reader to face the world; armed with practical knowledge and
emotional intelligence. Hermes concludes that the popular culture of reading magazines
gives women a temporary sense of empowerment (Storey, 1996).
Photographs, illustrations and advertisements in popular print culture also act as popular
cultures. Roland Barthes has focused on “signification”, which is an addition to
Saussure’s “sign”. Signifier and signified together constitute a sign and in the second
level of signification, the sign cat can be used as a signifier/signified. Barthes also
emphasized the context of publication. Depending on the context of the publication; an
image can be read in three different ways. First would be the "symbol" itself. That means
what is visible in the image/illustration. The second interpretation can be the "alibi" or
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what the image/illustration represents. The third possible read can be as a "myth
consumer", one who simply accepts the narrative. Barthes identified another category of
readers, the mythologist who creates the myths around the image. Barthes explains the
process of “relay” in which texts help interprets images that already carry their meanings.
When the same image is used with different texts its meaning changes and this process is
called "anchorage", as explained by Barthes. The use of linguistic texts with images helps
in reading the exact message in the images and reduces the chances of misreading the
images. Reader's social knowledge (both historical and cultural) helps deduce meaning
from the images (Story, 1996).
Another form of popular culture is music. In the late twentieth century, music became a
part of everyday life. So much so, that an individual's taste in music determines her sense
of self. Theodor Adorno (On Popular Music, 1941) was the first scholar to categorize
popular music based on a few characteristics. First, popular music is standardized by
nature. To conceal this nature, the music industry tries to follow the pseudo-
individualisation method. It makes the standardized music sound less repetitive. Second,
popular music encourages passive listening. One does not need to pay attention to
consume such music. Thirdly, popular music works as “social cement”. Popular music
encourages listeners to adjust to day-to-day life. This adjustment leads to the creation of
“obedient” and emotional groups of people; which facilitates their oppression,
exploitation and misery (Frith, 1983). Peter Golding and Graham Murdock (1991) argue
that in the political economy of culture the attention is on access to and availability of
cultural texts rather than their meaning. In the political economy of culture, it is assumed
that the music industry determines the value of the products it produces and consumers
remain passive (Storey, 1996). Leon Rosselson differentiates between folk music and
“capitalist music” and says that folk music is genuine and pop music is not capable of
representing the world. To support his argument Rosselson used a newspaper entry from
the Sunday Times. Contrary to such beliefs, Simon Firth's data show that the music
industry struggles to appeal to the taste of people and only 10 per cent of the labels make
money. Economic value is always different from cultural values; and the consumers
determine the cultural values (Storey, 1996). There is a clear difference between the
power of the "culture industries" and the power of the "culture influence". Even though
sometimes the two appear the same, they are inherently different. Industries do not
always promote ideologies. Capitalism works based on demand for certain products.
Capitalism does not create demand. Also, capitalism is not the same as individual
capitalists and their profit-seeking nature. Hence the focus should be on consumption and
not the mode of production. The music industry's survival depends on its ability to meet
the listener's demands. The music industry is a medium through which competing ideas
flow. In the case of teenage listeners, they feel connected to certain kinds of music, dance
and such ways of "emotional realism" which sets them apart from their parents or adults
in society. In that way, pop music becomes folk or people’s music (Storey, 1996).
David Riesman (1990) identified the consumption of music as a subculture. This pattern
of music consumption helps create subcultures and groups around them. The youth
subculture around the act of music consumption helps create community identity (real or
imagined). Ethnography or creating a cultural identity of "oppressed, subordinate or
minority groups” has been discussed by Paul Willis in Profane Culture (1978). Culture
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industries help such groups create their own cultures. Willis used homological analysis to
find out how two sub cultural groups: hippies and motorbike boys use subculture to create
cultural meanings for their respective groups. The motorbike boys chose the subculture of
pop music. Of that culture, their specific preference was for rock’n’roll. This particular
kind of music resonates with their identity and helps them attain a sense of authenticity,
masculinity and security. The bike-boys subculture identified itself with rock’n’roll pop
due to several reasons. One is the historicity of the music, its association with aggressive
masculinity; its promotion of fast movements and lastly, the singles (and not a group of
songs in a label) in rock’n’roll that appealed to the bike boys.
The subculture of hippie’s taste in music was determined by their use of drugs (cannabis
and acid or LSD: lysergic acid diethylamide). These drugs were also used by some of the
musicians of that age and it makes the hippie culture feel connected to certain kinds of
music production and consumption. "Progressive" rock is their choice of music. In hippie
culture, the secret code is that the combination of drugs and music makes the experience
of listening complete. One difference between "bike boys" culture and "hippie culture" is
that bike boys consume what is already produced by the music industry; whereas hippie
culture produces musicians who in turn create music for the hippie culture. These two
examples show that marginal groups make their meanings from the cultural elements
available to them and sometimes create their own culture.
Roland Barthes uses the concept of "grain" to say that meaning of a song itself is not
important. How the song is sung is also important. Barthes explains that the act of
enjoying music is similar to “plaisir” and it gives “jouissance”, a sense of euphoria. That
makes music enjoyable, even if one does not agree with the lyrics. Pop music
incorporates languages and words of everyday use into the lyrics. This process makes pop
music one inherent part of popular culture. This mass appeal of pop culture also makes
politicians use this platform to reach out to people. Pop musicians also create music that
is categorized as "politics music"; music that explicitly talks about political events and
developments. Political pop also includes kinds of music that have political messages.
Rock against Racism (RAR) is one such collective of musicians who opposed racism and
organized concerts to spread their message. The Sun City Project against apartheid is
another political pop musicians group of the late twentieth century. Many such
collaborations, charities and concerts have been organized by pop musicians. The success
of these events shows that pop music’s significance in popular culture has become global.
Consumption also helps in studying popular culture. Cultural studies are concerned with
consumption due to two reasons. First, theoretical reasons; to find out different meanings
that a “text” can produce. Ann Bermingham argues that since the seventeenth century,
mass consumption has remained a means through which people can participate in the
making and transformation of popular culture. Joyce Appleby's position is different as she
believes that people consume because they are "infected with artificial wants" and are
deprived of doing "nobler activities”. Amanda Vickery offers a different perspective on
consumption. She says that consumption is not just about the purchase, but the act of use
and possession also. The latter two contribute to shaping/remodeling popular culture. The
second is consumption's political nature. Capitalist industries produce ideologies along
with products. But culture cannot be produced in industries. Culture is produced by
people through their everyday activities. Consumption is one of those everyday activities
10
(Storey, 1996). A youth subculture is one such space where consumption plays a key role
in shaping cultural identity. Youths try to break away from parent culture (of working-
class parents) by adopting some new consumption patterns while still holding on to some
patterns of their parent culture. Mod and punk are some of the terms used for different
youth cultures that assert their cultural identity through the consumption of a certain type
of dress, music and accessories.
Dance and fandom are some other aspects of popular culture consumption. Henry Jenkins
compares fans with scavengers who take the best that they find from a text and create
their own culture around their "loot". In filking (related to certain kinds of songs) there is
a common opposition between fandom and “mundania” or mundane reading of “text”.
Mundane reading lacks depth while fandom read is intense. Fandom is a way of refusing
the mundane way of consuming popular culture, as argued by Henry Jenkins. Fan reading
involves intellectual and emotional intensity. That does not mean that ordinary, everyday
consumptions cease to exist. Hence Lawrence Grossberg terms fandom as the elite
section of the passive consumers. Fisk argues that the 'difference between a fan and an
ordinary reader is in "excess", that a fan is an excessive reader of popular culture’
(Storey, 1996).
Shopping has emerged as another popular culture in the last century. Rudi Laermans
argues that departmental stores transformed shopping into modern shopping and goods
into symbolic goods. Concepts of "window shopping" and "just looking" also came up.
Michael B. Miller believes that departmental stores also contributed to changing
consumer behaviour. Shopping centres started serving different groups of people in
different ways. Some would go shopping; some would just hang out with friends. Mike
Presdee has used the term "proletarian shopping" to describe those groups of consumers
who actually do not buy anything, but avail the benefit of public facilities offered by a
shopping complex.
Like music and shopping, globalization can also influence popular culture. We have to
understand the clear difference between globalization and consumerism in capitalist
economies. The presence of global products does not mean everyone would consume the
same products. However, globalization is often considered synonymous with American
capitalism. Globalisationis often viewed as a threat to local popular culture, and
sometimes it is considered as something that mixes with popular culture and takes a
unique hybrid shape. Many associate globalization with American culture does not
recognize that America is not the only global centre of power and America's popular
cultures are not monolithic. As observed by Edward Said (1993), no culture is single, ‘all
(cultures) are hybrid, heterogeneous, extraordinarily differentiated and unmonolithic’.
Nederveen Pieterse (1995) argues that 'globalisation is the hybridity of hybrid cultures.
The whole idea of cultures as always hybrid and further hybridized by globalization helps
in imaging cultures beyond the narrow boundaries of race, ethnicity, religion, nationality
and so on. Popular culture is very similar to globalization. Popular culture is not simply a
culture of the oppressed, imposed from above or emerging from below, nor is it static. It
is neither “authentic” nor imported. It is a continuous interaction between the above and
the below, resistance and incorporation, authentic and commercial. Similarly,
globalization is a result of continuous interaction between the global and the local.
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Check Your Progress
1. Who is the founder of structuralism?
a) Ferdinand de Saussure
b) Michel Foucault
c) Adam Smith
d) Claude Levi-Strauss
2. Hollywood Western helped in shaping popular culture through ____.
a) Cinemas
b) Theatre
c) Plays
d) Musical concerts
3. Who calls the popular press "fantastic"?
a) John Fisk
b) Ian Connell
c) Colin Sparks
d) Claude Levi-Strauss
4. Which of the following helps shape youth subculture?
a) Music
b) Cinema
c) Television
d) Romance literature
Answers
1. a), 2. a), 3. b), 4. a)
1.5 Summary
This lesson is about the different theories that exist to study popular culture. Structuralism
and political economy believe that culture as an everyday practice is imposed from above.
Socialist views argue that popular culture is determined by the people. Gramsci's idea of
hegemony helps students understand that popularity is not simply an imposed way of life.
Also, popular cultures do not simply reflect the struggle of people against power or "elite
culture". Popular culture is dynamic, interacting and works with various media. Cinema,
print, music, consumption (food, fashion, entertainment, etc.) and globalization act
together in shaping popular cultures. Here people do not act passively. They decide what
suits their ethnicity, race, gender, class and national identity. Culture is dynamic and so is
popular culture. It constantly struggles with the hegemon/power to take a shape.
1.6 Glossary/keywords
Capitalism, cinema, consumerism, globalization, magazine, music, press, print, television
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1. What are the various views in popular culture? Enumerate.
2. Define popular culture. How is it different from elite culture?
3. Discuss different ways in which popular culture can be defined. What is the
relationship between popular culture and elite culture?
1.8 Reference
Storey, John (1996).Cultural Studies and the Study of Popular Culture: Theories and
Methods. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
1.9 Suggested Reading
Storey, John (1996).Cultural Studies and the Study of Popular Culture: Theories and
Methods. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
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UNIT II : SOME ASPECTS OF POPULAR CULTURE IN INDIA
[a] RELIGION AND EVERYDAY PRACTICE
LESSON 1
(i) FESTIVALS AND RITUALS: CASE STUDIES OF NAVARATRI IN MADRAS,
URS IN AJMER, KUMBH MELA
Ketholenuo Mepfhü-o
Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Festivals
1.2.1 Types of Festivals
1.2.2 Types of Rites at Festivals
1.2.3 Functions of Festivals
1.3 Rituals
1.3.1 Types of Rituals
1.3.2 Significance of Rituals
1.4 Case Studies
1.4.1 Navaratri in Madras
1.4.2 Urs in Ajmer
1.4.3 Kumbh Mela
1.5 Conclusion
1.6 Key Words
1.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
1.8 Self-Assessment Questions
1.9 References
1.10 Suggested Readings
1.0 Objectives
The aim of this lesson is to introduce you to the meaning and nature of festivals and
rituals. The intended learning outcome of this lesson is for the learners to understand:
 The meaning and various types of festivals and rituals.

 Understand the role of festivals and rituals in the religious and cultural life of the
society and why they are important to individuals and communities.
14
 Understand how festivals and rituals are sites of contestation and affirmation of
identities, power and assertions.
1.1 Introduction
Festivals and rituals are universal aspect of human existence from birth to death. Every
society across the world has festivals and rituals that are intimately linked to the
materiality of social life, spiritual and metaphysical realms. Festivals and rituals not only
pervade every stage of the personal but also the community at large, negotiate social
identities, and reproduce structures of power and inequalities. As such, they provide a
rich lens to study the continuity and change of the social, religious and cultural aspects of
the society.
This lesson is divided into three sections. The first sections talks about festivals, types of
festivals and functions of festivals. The second section talks about rituals, the different
types of rituals and the significance of rituals. The third and last section discusses how
festivals and rituals changed and evolved over time through three case studies – Navaratri
in Madras, Urs in Ajmer and Kumbh Mela.
1.2 Festivals
Festival is a social phenomenon common to all cultures and across all civilizations. The
word “festival” is derived from the Latin word festum. Latin had two words to denote
festive events, festum for public merriment and revelry, and feria which mean abstinence
from work in honour of the Gods. These two words were used synonymously as the two
type of festive events tended to merge together.Festivals are periods of celebration and a
moment of significance for a group of community.
Festival is widely defined as a recurring social event which may take multiple forms and
is accepted and performed by members of a community united throughethnicity, religion,
language or historical bonds. Member of a community may participate, directly or
indirectly, in a festival because its functions and symbolic meanings are viewed as
essential to their social identity, its historical continuity and to its physical survival
(Falassi, 1987: 2).Thus, “The festival is a shared sequence of emotional experiences
based on symbolic interaction” (Smith, 1972: 170).
Falassi gives four cardinal points for festive behaviour - reversal, intensification,
trespassing and abstinence. During festivals, people engage in behaviours which are
usually regulated to a degree, abstain from something they normally do, and inverts
patterns of daily social life (Falassi, 1987: 3).As such, it has a definite temporal and
spatial dimension. Festivals are followed by food and drinks, sometimes the wearing of
traditional clothes, songs and dance, decorations, processions, merry making etc.
1.2.1 Types of Festivals
There are various types of festivals or reasons for celebrations:
1. Seasonal festivals – these celebrations are held to mark a change in seasons such
summer solstice and winter solstice, celebration of harvests etc. These are
15
celebrated periodicallywhen people escape from work and engage in joyous
celebrations.
2. Religious festivals – festival of gods and saints or events in a religious calendar
year such as Christmas, Diwali etc.
3. To celebrate or mark transitions in life such as weddings, rites of passage etc.
4. Anniversaries of historical events.
5. To mark the death or birth of a hero or god.
6. Honour gods and goddesses.
7. Community celebrations following communal work, hunting expeditions etc.
8. State or national festivals.
9. Modern festivals such as music festivals.
1.2.2 Types of Rites at Festivals

Rituals or rites are the building blocks of festivals which are quantitatively recurring and
qualitatively important to festive events. Festivals are time specific whereby the daily
routine and time is modified and interrupted by a temporal dimension dedicated to special
activities. Rituals in a festival vary according to the type of festival being observed.
Broadly, some of the rites in a festivals are:
1. Rites of sacralisation - An area is reclaimed, blessed, adorned and forbidden to
normal activities in order for it to serve as the theatre of festivals.
2. Rites of reversal – symbolic inversion of stratifications and identities in a normal
life of a society e.g. masquerade with males dressed as females and vice versa.
3. Rites of conspicuous display – symbolic elements of the community are displayed
for it to be touched, adored or worshipped e.g. sacred shrines, relics or objects.
4. Rites of conspicuous consumption – the consumption of food and drinks during
feasts or banquet. Traditional meals or blessed food are served during festivals to
represent fertility, abundance and prosperity. Ritual food such those of Christian
communion are a means to communicate with god.
5. Ritual drama – dramas are usually staged during festivals to demonstrate the trials
and triumph, history, golden age of a community or the life of deity or saint for
whom the festival is dedicated.
6. Rites of exchange – at festivals, money and goods are exchanged to express the
equality of members of a community under laws of reciprocity.
7. Rites of competition – during festivals, members of a community may engage in
games and competition whereby outstanding members are rewarded with prizes
reaffirming some of most values upheld by the community.
8. Rites of revalorization - which marks the end of festivities and return to the spatial
and temporality of daily life. (See Falassi, 1987: 4-5).
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1.2.3 Functions of a Festival
Festivals, whether based on religion, ethnicity, or on seasons etc. serves various functions
in the religious, cultural and social fabric of a society. Some of the functions and
significance of festivals are:
1. Festival renounces and then announce culture, sustaining and renewing the
lifestream of a community and giving sanction it its institutions.
2. It is observed to bring prosperity, rain, to honour someone or something.
3. Promote social cohesion, collective emotions and loyalty as during festivals an

individual can identify themselves with others and with the community at large.\
4. Celebrations such as coming of age ceremonies, marriage, etc. marks the

assigning of a new role to the individual and how they must behave in a new way.
5. Festivals means big profit or losses for business or the redistribution of wealth
where gifts are exchanged or large donations are made to celebrate the occasion.
6. Celebrations of an important person or event in the history of a nation can be co-

opted to promote patriotism or devotion to a particular political ideology.
7. Festivals are important and continue to hold sway among human beings because it
presents them an avenue to feel connected and in tune with their world in a
significant way. (See Falassi, 1987: 3-7).
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1. The word “festival” is derived from the Latin word _______________.
2. Festivals brings social cohesion. True or false.
3. What are festivals? Answer in about 150 words.
1.3 Rituals
Ritual is hard to define because it is vast and complex and can very vastly across cultures
and through history.Rituals has been performed throughout human history because not
only does it serve a personal purpose but it also serves sociocultural and religious
purposes. Rituals involve power, meanings and actions(Salamone, 2004: 5).
Different scholars have given different definitions of rituals and based on their
definitions, ritual can be broadly defined as socially standardised repetitive formal
behaviour constituted of patterned and ordered sequences of words and acts endowed
with symbolic meaning which serves as an important means ofchannellingemotion,
guiding cognition, and organizing social groups. Rituals are performed and enacted at
certain places and time (Snoek, 2006: 6-7).
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There are different rituals observed and performed marking different occasions,
transitions and actions from birth to death of an individual and society at large. Rituals
can be performed both individually and collectively as well.
1.3.1 Types of Ritual
Rituals can be broadly divided into the following:
1. Rite of passage - Rites of passage, also known as life-cycle rites are ceremonies
that marks the transition from one stage of social life to another such as birth,
coming-of-age initiations for boys and girls, marriage, and death etc. When these
rituals are performed, it is taken as the establishment of a new way of being and
the individual who has performed or gone through the ritual is recognised as
having a new identity and as a member of the community.
2. Calendrical rites –These rituals occur periodically and predictably marking
seasonal change, weather, agricultural cycles and other social activities.
This type of calendrical ritual can be further divided into seasonal celebrations
and commemorative celebrations.
a. Seasonal celebrations – These are festivals and rituals based on
agricultural cycles such as planting, sowing, harvesting seasons.
b. Commemorative celebrations – these type of festival and ritual are
done to recall important historical events, whether or not the date is
accurate such as the celebrating the 25thof December as the birth of
Jesus in the Christian calendar even though it is nota historical fact.
3. Rites of exchange and communion –These rituals involve offerings from people to
a god with the expectation of receiving something in return such as a good
harvest, long life, redemption etc.
4. Rites of affliction – These rituals are done to mitigate or remove affliction. These
type of rituals are sought out to exorcise, heal, purify, protect someone from
afflictions such as sin, the “pollution” of menstruation etc.
5. Feasting, Fasting and Festivals –These type of rituals involves the public display
of religious and cultural sentiments. Fasting islinked to sacrality as they may be
prescribed by a religion e.g. Christians and Muslims practice fasting because it is
associated with important revelations and events in the life of the central spiritual
leader.People participate in feasting, festivals and fasting rituals because it marks
them as part of a community whether that community is egalitarian or
hierarchical.
6. Political rites –These rituals are performed to construct, display, and promote the
power of political and state institutions such as kings, village elders or the
political interests of distinct constituencies and subgroups. Examples of political
rituals are the coronation of the Queen of England, or the Nazi “Heil Hitler” salute
etc.(See Bell, 1997: 108-128).
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1.3.2 The Significance of Rituals
Rituals are performed repeatedly, and continues to be observed because it serves multiple
purposes for an individual and community. Some of the significance of rituals are:
1. Control over nature and the naturalization of cultural order. Through rituals like
the rites of passage, biological processes and natural cycles are rendered as
cultural events of great importance. Through these types of rites, continuity and
links between generations and the root value system of an individual and society
are maintained (Bell, 1997: 94-95).
2. Rituals brings social cohesion, and ensures conformity to societal structures. It
establishes and confirms social relationships and power structures within a society
(Salamone, 2004: 5).
3. It brings the individual into the community, maintains social bonds and
establishes a social entity through common values and categories of knowledge
and experience.
4. Rituals such as the calendrical rituals gives social meanings to the passage of time
and the renewing cycle of days and years. Rituals such as rituals to ask for rain or
fertility of the land brings into congruence human activities and attitudes with the
rhythms of the environment and the larger cosmos.
5. Rituals can create a sense of profound connection between humans and the divine
as through rituals, the interdependence between human beings, gods, demons,
ancestors are articulated.
6. It offers an avenue to overturn, invert, parade or reshape religious, social and
cultural value systems.
7. It gives shape, maintains, and clarifies the shared values and norms of a
community and legitimizes them.
8. It transforms and renews the conceptual structures underlying community life.
(See Bell, 1997: 89-136).
1. Death and marriage rituals are part of the rite of ______________.
2. Calendrical rituals can be further divided into __________ and ____________.
3. Why are rituals important? Answer in about 150 words.
1.4 Case Studies
Rituals and festivals are not static, they evolve and change over time. As such, they are an
important avenue for studying cultural changes and continuity. The same festivals and
rituals which have been celebrated and performed for centuries could simultaneously
affirm values of continuity but at the same time offer the experience of these values to
people with different expectations and needs.
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Three festivals, Navaratri in Madras, Urs in Ajmer and Kumbh Mela have been studied to
see how festivals and rituals changes, what propels these changes and also how it remains
unchanged in certain aspects.
1.4.1 Navaratri in Madras
Navaratri, also known asNavaratra, Mahanavami, DurgaPuja, Dasara, and/or Dassain is a
nine-night festival during which rituals honouring the goddess in the forms of Lakshmi,
Durga, and Saraswati are performed.“Navaratri” is a Sanskrit term that literally means
“nine nights.”The festival is primarily associated with the Hindu epic Devi Mahatmyam
from the Markandeya Puranain which the goddess Durga defeated the demon
Makisasura and his army, and cut off his head. The festival marks an auspicious time to
worship the goddess in several forms. The festival lasts for nine nights and ends with a
celebration called Vijayadasami (tenth day of victory).
This case study will look at Navaratrifestival in Madras (Chennai), the capital of Tamil
Nadu state. In Tamil Nadu, the Navaratri festival falls during two periods, one during the
lunar month of Pankuni(mid-March to mid-April) and another during the lunar month of
Puratacci(mid-September to mid-October).
The Navaratri festival was popular as a ritual of kingship and was performed annually to
renew sovereignty in southern India during the Vijayanagar period (thirteenth through
sixteenth centuries C.E.). However, the nature of the festival shifted. Today, although it is
public festival and is observed in some goddess temples, the festival has largely become a
heightened domestic ritual and affair mainlyperformed by upper caste families in the
form of nightly rituals and display collections of miniatures (Wilson, 2018: 241).
During the Navaratri festival in Madras, families display a collection of miniatures called
kolu where clay/porcelain/plastic three-dimensional images/dolls of gods and goddesses,
political figures, cultural scenes (such as weddings and temple festivals), and food items
are displayed in a tiered manner. Each evening during the festivals, families open their
homes to their friends and neighbours to come and see their displays. Competitions are
also held as part of the festival and judges are appointed to go into the homes and judge
the display at their discretion. These displays are usually the domain of the women in the
family and they are responsible for the accumulation and preservation of the collection.
During the festivals, visitors to the homes are served snacks, given small gifts and partake
in singing devotional songs, jokes and gossip with their hosts. Most gift items are
emblems of feminine beauty and domesticity such as combs, mirrors, cups, and bowls
etc.
Typically, before going to bed at night, the kolu maker disperses the day’s arti (a copper
plate, usually filled with water, vermillion, and a few tulasi [holy basil] leaves) water to
wash off the kolam (geometric pattern made with rice flour) in front of the kolu and her
front door and prepares fresh arti for the next evening. This ritual renews the potency of
the arti, protecting the kolu from the numerous eyes that will look upon it (Deeksha,
2018: 267).
20
The kolu collections and the manner in which it is displayed varies from house to
house.Common threads of the display are the display of goddesses, the killing of demons,
worship of young girls and married women, communal dancing etc. At the centre of the
display are usually images of the goddesses Saraswati, Lakshmi, and Durga, and a
kalacam(the decorated bronze water pot that is worshiped as the icon of the goddess
during the festival). Along with the goddesses, figurines representing women icons such
as Indira Gandhi, Mother Theresa etc. are also displayed as shakti power of women.
Women in various capacities such as mothers, scientists, actresses, office workers,
teachers, students are also represented.Another popular set of display is the depiction of a
village which are displayed with the intention to celebrate the village aspart of southern
India's distinctive heritage, fidelity to natural products and ways of life. Display of this
kind may contain grains and products of agriculture (See Hancock, 1999: 246-252).
As these were not simply displays but were also part of a competition, the displays are
judged based on the originality, artistry and their monetary value i.e., the hospitality gifts
and snacks served, the furnishings of the homes and the quality of clothing, jewellery,
and cosmetics.Thus, the kolu displays involved the display of status and reinforcement of
class inequality(Hancock, 1999: 247-248).At the same time, the kolu displays becomes an
avenue for women to exercise their creativity in displaying the prosperity of their family.
Displaying prosperity functions as both an aspiration and an assertion (Deeksha, 2018:
269-270).
The Navaratri as manifested in the domestic space of homes largely under the purview of
women produces a variety of complementary yet disparate performances and
celebrations. On one hand, it grounds the individual to their locale through the emphasis
on fertility and virility of the earth via the ritual use of grains and gifting of food. On the
other hand, it mediates the relationship of the individual and family with their community
as they invite their neighbours into their home, and their neighbours’ become part of
important domestic rituals (Caleb and Sen, 2018: 9-10).
The spatiality and materiality of kolu displays are also a commentary on womanhood as
the boundaries and boundary crossings between public and domestic, rural and urban,
tradition and modernity become a catalyst for imagining possible lives(Hancock, 1999:
247).
The display of kolu while being traditional also reflects the changing times as with each
passing decade, the display might change as the societal and institutional influences in
one’s identity changesand the materials available to make the dolls, as kolu displays
represent identities of people and landscapes (Deeksha, 2018: 65).
1. Navaratri literally means ________________.
2. Navarati is celebrated uniformly throughout India. True or false.
3. What is kolu? Answer in about 150 words.
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1.4.2 Urs in Ajmer
Urs is a six day festival to mark the death anniversary of Mu’in al-Din Chishti. During
the seventh Islamic month of Rajab, pilgrims from the Indian sub-continent congregate at
Ajmer, Rajasthan, at the tomb (dargah) ofKhwaja Mu’in al-Din Chishti to celebrate his
annual death anniversary (Urs).
Mu’in al-Din Chishti who is also commonly known by the epithet Khwaja Gharib Nawaz
(Patron of the poor), established the Chishti Sufi order in the Indian sub-continent.Mu’in
al-Din Chishti was born in Sijistan, an eastern province of Persia, but was forced out of
his town by invasions, and became an itinerant until he settled in Ajmer. What
distinguishedMu’in al-Din Chishti’s teachings and practices was that he localised Sufi
practices while his contemporaries where interested in maintaining boundaries between
Islam and Hinduism. He incorporated practices of the Hindu yogi practices like shaving
the head of new members, the use of devotional music (sama) for worship etc.He rejected
all worldly materials (tark-i-dunya) and this rejection was the foundation of his Sufi
beliefs. Any possession of worldly material was considered to be a distraction and an
impediment to the spirituality of an individual.
The priority of pilgrims during the festival, is to enter Mu'in al-din Chishti’s tomb and
make their prayers as often as possible. Before entering the queue to the tomb, pilgrims
purchase rose garlands and silk sheets richly embroidered with Quranic verses to perform
a ceremony called laying of the cloth (Chadar charana). Once they enter the inner
sanctum of the shrine, the devotees bow low and kiss the tomb and offer prayers of
thanksgiving and prayers of petition. Devotees scatter red rose-petals over the tomb, and
a few privileged are given petals lying there to eat which is believed to bring the pilgrim
closer to Khwaja Chishti. Pilgrims also spend time circumambulating the mausoleum,
and sitting in its vicinity in passive silence to reflect on the life and message of Khwaja
Chishti and to absorb his spiritual presence (Currie, 1989: 119-120).
Pilgrims follow the ritual of dropping bags of rice, lentils or money to re-enact Khwaja
Chishti’s message of relieving worldly property for inner peace. The acceptance of alms
given by pilgrims to beggars, enables pilgrims to earn religious merit and fulfil one of the
requirements of their religion. The dargah is not only a pilgrimage site for Muslims but is
also visited by Hindus, Christians, Jains, Sikhs and Buddhist because of the message and
identity of Mu'in al-din Chishti as a patron of the poor which transcends ethnic, religious,
class, and nationality boundaries.
During the festivals qawwali Sufidevotional concerts are a major part of the festival.
Qawwali music during the Urs creates an extraordinary sacred time for the pilgrims
where they can re-visit Khwaja Chishti and visualize him protecting the poor and
defeating evil forces.Qawwali music is not just a public celebration of KhwajaChishtibut
also serves as an important sacred narrative through which pilgrims can connect and
internalise the festival and its message. These rituals and practices are designed to
engender spiritual and social solidarity among pilgrims, a new community which is based
on the Khwaja Chishti’s teachings of love and equality (Huda, 2003: 64-73).Scholars
have argued that the Urs festival and the associated rituals seeks to establish an ideal
religious community where pilgrims leave their daily religious, class and caste
22
differences to partake in prayers together, clean the floors of the courtyard, drink rose
water from the same bowl during qawwali concerts etc.
The development of Urs and the tomb (dargah) at Ajmer as the site of pilgrimage is a
study of contradictions and how festivals and rituals can change and evolve over time.
Although Mu’in al-Din Chishti and his immediate Sufi successors preached and practiced
the rejection of worldly materials and any affiliation with the state, the structural
development of the shrine was largely due to political patronage from the Delhi Sultans,
Mughal rulers, Rajputs, Nizams of Hyderabad, British Empire and modern Indian
government.
After the death of Mu’in al-Din Chishti, his tomb became a site of worship and
pilgrimage. His tomb and the surrounding area was developed by endowments from
various rulers in contradiction tothe non-state affiliation stand of the Chishti order. These
endowments increased the popularity of the Chishti order and transformed the rituals
performed by pilgrims at the dargah (tomb).Emperor Akbar (1556-1605) made fourteen
visits to the dargah, dedicated a massive cauldron (deg) for food preparation, established
a college (madrasa) on the grounds of the dargah and built a masjid that was named after
him. Today, the masjid is used for the five daily ritualistic prayers. Jahangir and Shah
Jahan also made endowments and constructed buildings. After conquering Ajmer in
1709, Ajit Sing of Jodhpur repaired the masjid and the dargah. In 1911, Queen Mary of
Britain visited the dargah and endowed the repairs of the water tanks and the area where
pilgrims perform.Since the independence of India,President Rajendra Prasad and Indira
Gandhi attended the Urs in 195land 1977, respectively. The dargah of Mu’in al-Din
Chishti is an official state historical monument (Huda, 2003: 64). The endowments and
sponsorship from kings and rulers not only changed the dargah structurally but also
reinforce the Chishti Sufi theology.
The inscriptions on tombs and mosques endowed by rulers and kings are examples of
how the dargah's physical structure was shaped by political involvement and how these
influences shaped how pilgrims view these spaces as majestic and timeless holy spaces.
Sufi rituals are in turn centredonthese structures, and often dictate the space where people
can move around and interact with other pilgrims, which reinforce the political-royal
history and spiritual presence of Khwaja Chishti in the dargah (Huda, 2003: 65).
Ajmer is not only a sacred centre, it is also a market place. During the Urs, prices of
commodities and services soar, businessmen comes for the duration of the festival to sell
their wares. These short-term traders specialize in regional products and objects
associated with the cult of Mu‘in al-Din— pious compilations of anecdotes about him,
hats to be worn in the shrine, rose water to be scattered over the mausoleum, petals to be
placed on his grave, and embroidered cloth covers to adorn it (Currie, 1989: 131-132).

1. Mu’in al-Din Chishti is also commonly known by the epithet ___________.
2. Urs is a multi-religious festival. True or false.
3. What is Urs festival? Answer in about 150 words.
23
1.4.3 Kumbh Mela
TheKumbh Mela is a major Hindu festival and pilgrimage that takes place every twelve
years. The words “Kumbh Mela” translates as “the festival of the urn.” According to
legend, the gods and demons once fought for possession of a pitcher (kumbh in Sanskrit)
that contained the nectar of eternal life. However, in the struggle four drops of the nectar
were spilled upon earth and that is why a mela (festival) is held every twelve years in the
four different sites where the drops of the nectar felt. The most famous of these festivals
is the Kumbh Mela held in the city of Allahabad where the sacred Ganges and Yamuna
Rivers and a third mystical river, Saraswati river,come together to form the triveni
(confluence of three sacred rivers).During the festival, more than 3,600 acres of land are
covered with tents, where millions of pilgrims camp out for the 41 days of the festival.
The pilgrims come from all social and economic backgrounds – from the rich to the
poorest, from holy man to ordinary believers and even from different religions (Bell,
1997: 119).
Pilgrims come to bathe at the confluence of these rivers in the month of Magh (January-
February) with the belief that immortality is accessible at this site and at this time. While
the river Ganga has long been worshiped as having the power to wash away sins, the
confluence of the three sacred rivers is considered to be much more powerful and
pilgrims come to immerse themselves in the waters of these rivers and scoop up water in
their hands to offer to heaven. Spiritual purification is one of the main purpose and ritual
of the Kumbh Mela.The quintessential image of the Kumbh Mela is the institutional
processions of the sadhu (Hindu religious ascetics who have renounced the worldly life).
Immortality is not only accessed through the process of bathing in the river but also
through an audience with the sadhus who attend the festivals,as these holy men are seen
as conquerors of death (Maclean, 2008: 11).
The history of how Kumbh Mela came to occupy such an important and major site of
festival and pilgrimage is a history of how festivals and rituals can become sites of
contestation and of power subversion and assertions.A number of factors such as the
extension of Pax Britannica across northern India, the extension of the railways, and the
efforts of the pragwals (the traditional river priests of Allahabad) who look after the
festival and guide pilgrims through rituals,underpinned the changes in the nature of
pilgrimage to Allahabad in the mid-nineteenth century.
Although some might suggest that the history of Kumbh Mela is ancient, there is a lack of
evidence to support such claims. Scholars instead argue that Kumbh Mela is a relatively
recent phenomenon in Allahabad and that it was adapted from festivals elsewhere
particularly Haridwar. The way in which the mela in Alllahabad developed into the
quintessential Kumbh Mela is attributed to Allahabad’s pilgrimage priests who saw an
opportunity after the rebellion of 1857 to create an arena of sovereignty through a
religious festival.Conflict began to arise between the pragwalsand the British with the
attempt of the British to regulate and profit from melas and collect tax from pilgrims after
Allahabad was ceded to the British in 1801. In 1806, the British imposed a pilgrim tax of
one rupee per person. This was not liked by the pragwals as the more money the British
24
collected from the pilgrims, the less there was for them. The tension between the
Britishand thepragwals reached a peak when the pragwals joined the rebellion of 1857
(Maclean, 2003: 881-882).
As a festival which is attended by people from different regions, and from different socio
economic background, the Kumbh Mela played an important role in spreading
information. The implications of this was not lost on the British as they began to see the
mela as powerful conduit of not only diseases but rumours, sedition and nationalism. As a
festival where sadhus commanded reverence and influence, the mela was seen by the
British as a dangerous ground for breeding seditious attitude towards them. The British
feared that the adoration of ordinary pilgrims for holy men might also result in pilgrims
emulating their seditious attitudes toward the colonial state. For the British, the Kumbh
Mela needed regulation and control, whereas for the Indians, the festival was a religious
and sacred sphere where foreign interference was intolerable (MacLean, 2008: 2-3).
Even today, Kumbh Mela is seen as a potent site for influencing perceptions and politics.
The perception of the Kumbh Mela and sadhus as upholding and representing the
righteousness of Hindu society, became a powerful idea in Hindu nationalist politics in
the closing decades of the twentieth century as they represent an alternative source of
power and governance (MacLean, 2008: 17). At a time when they were facing elections,
images of politicians such as Sonia Gandhi in 2001 and Mulayam Singh Yadav in 2007
immersing themselves in the triveni was widely broadcast in order to encourage the
Hindu public to think of them as being immersed in Indian or Hindu culture.
Some suggests that the Kumbh represents a microcosm of India, as it encourages the
pilgrim to imagine the nation as the mela contains a panorama of peoples who have come
with the common desire to bathe in the sacred waters of the triveni. (see MacLean, 2008:
introduction)
1. The word “Kumbh mela” translates as _______________.
2. Triveni is the confluence of the rivers _______, _______, and _____________.
3. Kumbh Mela is mainly attended by sadhus and pilgrims. True or false.
4. Why do pilgrims attend Kumbh Mela? Answer in about 150 words.
1.5 Conclusion
Rituals and festivals are part and parcel of an individual and community life. They are the
building blocks of a society as they bring social cohesion and sense of belonging to a
larger whole. Rituals and festivals have also evolved over time to bring into articulation,
continuity and changes that affect the individual and community at large, and how
religious, cultural and social identity, and even political affiliations are contested and
asserted through festivals and rituals.
25
1.6 Key Words
Festivals, Rituals, Navaratri, Urs, Kumbh Mela
1.7 Answers to Check You Progress Exercises

1. See section 1.2
2. See section 1.2.3
3. See section 1.2
1. See section
3. See section
1. See section
3. See section
1. See section
2. Seesection
3. Seesection 1.4.3
4. seesection
1.8 Self Assessement Questions
1. Festivals are symbols of our cultural syncretism. Do you agree? Give reasons for
your answer.
2. In what ways have popular festivals and rituals changed over time. Discuss with
reference to any one case study.
3. Spread of festivals is due to patronage given to them. Explain.
1.9 References
 Bell, Catherine. Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, New York: Oxford

University Press, 1997.
26
 Currie, P.M. The Shrine and Cult of Mu’in Al-Din Chishti of Ajmer, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1989.
 Falassi, Alessandro. “Festivals: Definition and Morphology” in Time out of Time:
Essays on the Festival,ed. by Alessandro Falassi, Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press, 1987. 1-7.
 Hancock, Mary Elizabeth. Womanhood in the Making: Domestic Ritual and
Public Culture in Urban South India, Colorado: Westview Press, 1999.
 Huda, Qamar-ul,“Khwâja Mu'în Ud-Dîn Chishtî's Death Festival: Competing
Authorities Over Sacred Space,” Journal of Ritual Studies 17, no. 1 (2003): 61-78.
 Maclean, Kama, “Making the Colonial State Work for You: The Modern
Beginnings of the Ancient Kumbh Mela in Allahabad,” The Journal of Asian
Studies62, no. 3 (2003): 873-905.
 --------------- Pilgrimage and Power: The Kumbh Mela in Allahabad, 1765-
1954, New York: Oxford University Press, Published to Oxford Scholarship
Online: September 2008. DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195338942.001.0001
 Salamone, Frank A. Encyclopaedia of Religious Rites, Rituals and Festivals, New
York: Routledge, 2004.
 Simmons, Caleb, Moumita Sen, “Introduction: Movements in Navaratri,” in Nine
Nights of the Goddess: The Navaratri Festival in South Asia, ed. by Caleb
Simmons, Moumita Sen and Hillary Rodrigues, Albany: State University of New
York, 2018, 1-22.
 Sivakumar, Deeksha, “Display Shows, Display TellsThe Aesthetics of Memory
during Pommai Kolu,” in Nine Nights of the Goddess: The Navaratri Festival in
South Asia, ed. by Caleb Simmons, Moumita Sen and Hillary Rodrigues, Albany:
State University of New York, 2018, 257-274.
 Smith, Robert Jerome. “Festivals and Celebrations” in Folklore and Folklife: An
Introduction ed. by Richard M. Dorson, Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1972, 159-172.
 Snoek, Jan A.M. “Defining ‘Rituals’” in Theorizing Rituals: Issues, Topics,
Approaches, Conceptsed. by Jens Kreinath, Jan Snoek and Michael Stausberg,
Leiden: Brill, 2006, 3-14.
 Wilson, Nicole A. “Kolus, Caste, and Class: Navaratri as a Site for Ritual and
Social Change in Urban South India,” in Nine Nights of the Goddess: The
Navaratri Festival in South Asia, ed. by Caleb Simmons, Moumita Sen and
Hillary Rodrigues, Albany: State University of New York, 2018, 237-256
 Bell, Catherine. Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, New York, Oxford

University Press, 1997.
27
 Falassi, Alessandro. “Festivals: Definition and Morphology” in Time out of Time:
Essays on the Festival,ed. by Alessandro Falassi, Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press, 1987. 1-7.
 Hancock, Mary Elizabeth. Womanhood in the Making: Domestic Ritual and
Public Culture in Urban South India, Colorado: Westview Press, 1999, 246-254.
 Huda, Qamar-ul,“Khwâja Mu'în Ud-Dîn Chishtî's Death Festival: Competing
Authorities Over Sacred Space,” Journal of Ritual Studies 17, no. 1 (2003): 61-78.
 Maclean, Kama, “Making the Colonial State Work for You: The Modern
Beginnings of the Ancient Kumbh Mela in Allahabad,” The Journal of Asian
Studies, Vol. 62, No. 3 (2003): 873-905.
28
LESSON 2
(ii) EVERYDAY HEALING AND PETITIONING THE DIVINE : CASE

STUDIES OF JINNS IN DELHI / POPULAR HINDUISM / TANTRIC
PRACTICES
Dr. Iqbal Ahmad
Structure
2.1 Objectives
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Aspects of religion and Popular Culture
2.4 Public veneration of Jinn saints at Sufi Shrine
2.4.1 The healing power of Dargah
2.4.2 Petitioning Jinn-saints: Firoz Shah Kotla
2.4.3 Magic and Popular Religion
2.5 Defining Popular Hinduism
2.5.1 The Cult of Jagannath
2.5.2 Religion in the Age of Mass Media
2.6 Origin and meaning of Tantra
2.6.1 Characteristic features of Tantrism
2.6.2 Practice of Tantra
2.6.3 Bauls of Bengal
2.7 Conclusion
2.8 Key Words
2.9 Reference
2.1 Objectives
After reading this unit students will be able to:
 Understand the overlap between religion and popular culture
 Recognise the practice of popular religion through a case study: Petitioning Saints
and Jinns
 Learn about a few basic concepts of Sufism as a popular manifestation of popular
religion
 Manifestation of syncretic tradition in the Jagannath cult
 Understand the meaning and concepts of Tantrism and its difference from Vedic
Hinduism
29
2.2 Introduction
In this unit, we will try to understand how popular religion is manifested in practice
through three case studies. We will try to make sense of the popular practice of three
distinct traditions. The chapter will familiarize the theoretical understanding of popular
culture and its relation to ‘great tradition.’ Through discussion on the ritual practice
at Dargah, and tantric practices the chapter will expand our conceptual horizon of
religion and culture.
In common parlance, religion and culture are understood as two distinct fields of study.
However, when one tries to dissect and understand the two categories it becomes difficult
to characterize them. The slippery nature of the distinction between culture and religion is
the reason why it is difficult to track the source of certain practices: where does culture
begin and religion end and vice versa? Thus, religion and popular culture can only be
understood through their interaction. In other words, it is more fruitful to study their
interaction rather than define the terms.
The lesson is divided into three parts in which popular manifestation of the religious
tradition is discussed:
 Everyday healing and petitioning the divine
 Popular Hinduism
 Tantric Practices
2.3 Aspects of religion and popular culture
What do we mean by religion? We will try to understand how religion is manifested in

everyday life, and how religion and culture in inextricably conjoined in a manner that it is
impossible to separate cultural praxis from the faith of devotes. Religion as it is
understood today has to do with the way colonial or orientalist scholars defined it. The
ways of defining religion have Christian-western bias accrued from the orientalists’
notion that the colonized people have no transcendental religion but have culture only and
therefore they needed to be civilized through Christianity- the religion of the colonial
masters. The idea that there is a transcendental God in Abrahamic religion conflicted with
multiple embodiments of gods and goddesses, rites and rituals. That awareness of western
bias in defining religion is important because it will allow us to understand religion and
popular culture as part of a single social matrix.
In every religion, there are certain practices, rituals, and injunctions, which are supposed
to be followed as a necessary condition of piety or dharma or proper conduct. In Hindu
cosmology, the duties of each varna/ caste are different and therefore the dharma is
closely allied with the rank of a caste in the ritual hierarchy. It is following the caste-
specific dharma that would determine proper social behaviour. However, we know that
these divisions are not necessarily followed in letter and spirit; neither does the everyday
practice of religion neatly align with what is considered proper in the eyes of the religious
authority. Moreover, the capacious understanding of religion allows Hindus to follow
different deities or practices of worship without the uncertainty of being ostracized as in
30
the case of Islam or Christianity. The idea of biddat (innovation) or blasphemy is foreign
to Hinduism, it is the innovation and accommodation which have been the rule in the
historical evolution of Hinduism.
In contrast to this, a strict code of pious behaviour is expected in the orthodox tradition of
Islam. At the same time, it needs to be emphasized that many of these practices are not
approved in the textual tradition or canonical text of these respective traditions. To be
fair, diverse often contradictory religious practices are accommodated within Hinduism
without being bracketed as aberration or innovation, Islam is a Semitic religion that has
strong rules on whether or not certain religious practice is permission or not, or, conforms
to the Quran and Hadith, two of the main fount of Islamic law. It should also be
emphasized that these ‘deviant’ or heterodox practices were attached since the early days
of Islam. Islamic scholar Sahab Ahmad argued that in the long history of ‘exploratory
tradition’ which implied seeking meaning not only through the foundational text of Islam
but rather the Sufi poetry, dance and devotional practice that has long been integral to
Sufism, was ways of seeking multiplicity of truths. Anthropologists have argued such
popular disobedience should be understood as a site of resistance against the imposition
of pious norms. Nonetheless, as in life so the case of religion, actual religious injunctions
are seldom followed not only are they broken but new elements are incorporated into an
old practice.
The picture depicts the visual manifestation of popular culture. The visual depiction of
local veneration of a Sufi traverses the boundaries of communities around elite popular,
local and religious. (The picture is taken by the author at a local Dhaba in Talwandi
Sabo, Punjab).
In this next section, we see how everyday religious practices diverge from the prescribed
morality entrusted to the adherent, especially in the case of rituals associated with Sufism.
We will see how popular religious practices do not conform to prescriptive norms.
2.4 Public veneration at Sufi Shrine
The city of Delhi is dotted with tombs of Sufis who began to arrive in India in the
thirteenth century. Khanqahs (hospices) are the places where Sufis along with their
followers lived and met visitors for spiritual guidance. These old khanqahs (hospices)
inhabit the spiritual legacy of Delhi for many centuries. These Dargah are the site of
cultural confluence as well as inter-religious cooperation, compassion, brotherhood and
harmony. In the medieval period, these Sufi masters attracted a large number of poets,
intellectuals, artisans and religious figures which gave Delhi the sobriquet Hazrat e Dilli,
Dilli Sharif. According to SadiyaDehlvi, Delhi came to be associated with a sacerdotal
space on par with the holiest sites in Islam such as Makkah, Madina and Baghdad.
Besides, many early Sufi masters of the Chishti order lived in Delhi thereby enhancing
the sanctity and spiritual status of the city. Sufi masters’ liberal interpretation of Islam
also brought them into direct conflict with the Islamic jurists who gave precedence to the
literal and liturgical aspects of Islam. The exegetical disagreement is as old as the history
of Islam itself. Moreover, the all-embracing persona of Sufis attracted rich and poor,
nobles and common folk alike.
31
The religious aura of these sacred spaces or shrines is not marked by orthodoxy. People
thronged these places to rid of worldly woes. These places are known for the intercessory
power of the Pirs to resolve the worldly concerns of the pilgrim. In certain sense, the
concern of the devotee is more secular and less burdened by the wish to seek religious
merit. It is no wonder that poor, destitute and despondent people, cutting across the
boundaries of religion, caste, and ethnicity, visit for the redressal of mundane causes.
Some of the shrines are known for the redressal of special maladies. Some of the letters to
jinn-saints are about seeking marriage alliances, curing incurable diseases, and warding
off evil omens on the family. Generally, Women outnumber men as visitors to the Dargah
at Firoz Shah Kotla to petition the jinn-saint.
2.4.1 The healing power of Dargah
Dargah used to serve as the centre of learning and welfare. Khanqah (hospice), on the
other hand, is used as a spiritual retreat for Sufi travellers, murids (initiates) and students,
fakirs and dervishes. The literal meaning of Dargah means ‘door of the court.’
Historically, Sufi are believed to possess the power of intercession to God. It means that
Saints of exalted status have the power to mediate between God and the ordinary devotee.
The intercessory power of the Sufi acts as a bridge between God and ordinary sinners
who cannot approach them directly.
The offering of flower and a chadar, a plain or decorative cloth, are offered to drape the
grave of the Pir. Some of the devotee tie wish-thread to the trellis or the lattice panel
separating the grave from the courtyard. Some of the devotees even write letters in
anticipation of their wish being fulfilled, problem resolved and supplication being
answered. When the wish is fulfilled the pilgrims return to the dargah of
the Pir for shukrana, a sort of thanksgiving. Urs (death anniversaries) is a festive
occasion when devotees visit a shrine annually. Devotes believed that Dargah is plentiful
with barakah (grace).
2.4.2 Petitioning Jinn-saints: Firoz Shah Kotla
NanheMiyan is a jinn-saint in the ruins of Firoz Shah Kotla, the popular belief is that his
spirit is made from smokeless fire. The letter is addressed to the jinns in the form of
complaints (shikwa). In style, the intimate letter contains the minutest of details as if
someone had bared her heart in full confidence to the well-wishers. The space allows the
expression of wishes that traverses the moral worldview of society. These practices often
challenge normative morality. In such a social world, men and women overcome gender,
religious and caste and class divides. Saints are propitiated to bless something which does
not fit into the prescriptive morality of the pleader. For example, marriage between Hindu
and Muslim couples. These prescriptive practices or everyday morality are, in fact, in a
constant tussle with what is proper or pious as per orthodox tradition.
In principle, the intercessory power of jinns is legitimized through his association as a
friend of Almighty God. The exalted place of God, in the ethical worldview of a common
devotee, is inaccessible to the common people, it is through the mediation
of Aulia, (friend and helper) of God, that a devotee can reach out to the most supreme and
32
the exalted. However, it is difficult to speculate as to how many of the devotees believe
that they are praying to God and not His deputy laying in the grave.
It is not unusual that the spiritual hierarchy of piety closely follows the logic of the
medieval state and bureaucracy. Letters are deposited to various places where the
presence of jinns is popularly accepted. Letters hold a clear mark of how people write an
application and deposit at government offices. It carries the address, signature and even
photographs of the plaintiff as if the services were to be properly delivered at the
designated place. Anthropologists and Psychologist may have different interpretations of
the belief and worship of mass behaviour but for our purposes, it can be argued that:
religion, culture, magic, superstition, and belief are intricately intertwined in such a
manner that it is difficult to separate various strands of religion and popular culture.
2.4.3 Magic and Popular Religion

Jafar Sharif’s Qanun-i-Islam (Islam in India) published in 1921 devoted a whole chapter
to magic. Sharif mentions that invocation (da’wat) of spirits is an important part of magic
through which Jinns were commanded to appear. The invocation could be done for
temporal or spiritual purposes. It means that in not so the hoary past, magic was not
considered outside the realm of faith or belief even in the orthodox tradition. Before the
reformist movement of the nineteenth and twentieth century, magic was intertwined with
the culture and religion of everyday life. In his political reading of this practice,
AnandVivekTaneja opined that “the religious act of petitioning a jinn-saint in the ruins of
a sultan’s palace is also political- reimagining the subject’s relation to the state.” (Taneja:
2017)
Thus, it is very late in the history of religion that a set of dogma is set apart from the
world of magic, spectre and phantom to distinguish from superstition. There is an
unmistakable imprint of colonial scholars who studied Indian society and religion where
Christianity was placed as a frame of reference to pass biased judgement on everything
including religion. Since the late nineteenth century, a cast of reformist intellectuals tried
to see their religion from the rational, critical eyes of the British conqueror. The result
explains the disappearance of magical or totemic elements from a standard understanding
of religion. Jinn worship that we encounter in the precinct of Firoz Shah Kotla Fort is an
example of a few religious practices that are castigated as superstition.
Check your progress exercise 1
A. State True or False:
(i) Jinn worship at the dargahis popular only among the Muslims.
(ii) NizamuddinAuliya is believed to reside in Firoz Shah Kotla fort.
(iii) Vedic religion is an example of Popular religion.
(iv) Khanqah is place where Sufi saints are buried.
(v) It is believed that Barakah (grace) is attached to a Sufi shrine.
33
2.5 Defining Popular Hinduism
Hinduism is a composite pantheon of theism, polytheism, animism and pantheism,

agnosticism and monotheism. It has no single creed or mode of worship. It does not
recognize dogma and cannons as is the case with Semitic religions. For Indian
philosopher Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, Hinduism is a way of life than a form of thought;
it gives freedom of thought but enjoins its followers to a strict code of practice- of the
Hindu system of culture and life. In other words, what is of import for a Hindu is conduct,
and not so much a belief.
It is difficult to define ‘religion’ ‘culture’ and ‘popular’ Part of the difficulty in defining
these terms lay in slippery lines that divide these distinctions. The phrase popular
Hinduism has the connotation of its association with the masses, and its difference from
the religion of the elites. Its association with the animistic or magical world of the masses
is in contrast to pompous adherence to the scripture or engagement with philosophical
speculation. However, for our convenience, popular Hinduism can be understood as a
mixture of Brahmanical doctrines and various local deities, and other cultic or animistic
beliefs and practices of the masses. Popular religion is a curious mixture or fusion of God
and Goddess of Vedic or Puranic origins and ritual observances with those of worship of
local deities what has been described by sociologist Robert Redfield as ‘little’ tradition-
the religion of masses or peasant or non-elite to distinguish from ‘great’ tradition of the
elite of any given society. Such hierarchical upscaling of ‘great’ and ‘little’ tradition have
been contested by scholars. Though we know from an empirical study that it is not always
the masses who adopt and assimilate the practice of the religious elite or tenets of the
‘great tradition’ rather elite are also influenced by the popular practices of religion in the
sense that it is two-way traffic, though not of equal measure.
This working definition can be contested by asking questions like how would one decide
if certain practices or deities are central or peripheral to Hinduism. We know that in the
long and checkered history of Hinduism, many local non-Brahmanical gods or goddesses,
sects and traditions were incorporated and later assimilated into Hinduism, in time, these
practices became part and parcel of the Hindu religious system. When a local deity takes
a centre stage as the god and goddesses of the Hindu pantheon it also losses its
independent identity. Despite that, we see variations in terms of the relative importance of
a god or goddess in a certain region. In the world of belief, it is not only the gods or
goddesses but there are evil spirits as well, the propitiation of which is as important as
making sacrifices and offerings to avert the anger of a deity.
2.5.1 The Cult of Jagannath
The development and origin of the cult of Odisha are shrouded in mystery. Scholars hold
the position that the cult of Lord Jagannath has a tribal origin. The commingling of
diverse traditions around Jagannath is an example of religious syncretism. It was during
the Ganga rule that these various Brahmanical sects- Saivism, Vaisnavism and Saktism-
blended with the Jagannath cult. Later, it was enshrined in a stone temple in Puri.
Jagannath triad represents Vishnu as Jagannath, his brother Balabhadra and their sister
34
Subhadra. The syncretic triad represents three sects of Hinduism- Vaisnavism, Saivism
and Saktism.
Though Jagannath is considered the avatar of Vishnu, the ritual observance and
iconographic details attest to the fact that it is not derived from a monolithic tradition.
Nilakantha Das has drawn our attention to claim that the cult is of Jain origin. Similarly,
some scholars have argued that the triad represents- the Buddha, the Dhamma and the
Samgha and therefore its origin lies in Buddhism. There is a visible Saivite element of
Lord Jagannath as depicted in the Ugra (terrible) expression in the sculpture of Konark.
Legend has it that, a group of an original tribe called Savara worshipped Jagannath as
Nilamadhava. The tribal priests who performs rituals of Jagannath were descendent of
Savara priests who were invited by the king Yayati with a wooden idol of Jagannath to
worship the deity. Thus, the cult of Jagannath shows a long and durable syncretic
tradition which accommodated not only the various Brahmanical sects but also the local
tribal deity. The process was also facilitated by the patronage of a long line of dynastic
kings.
2.5.2 Religion in the Age of Mass Media

In modern times, the print of deities or sacred figures in the form of the lithograph is
mechanically reproduced and widely circulated. Different gods and goddesses known to
hold special power are suitably bedecked. For example, a picture of Lakshmi, goddess of
wealth and material prosperity, carefully curated in a wooden box is hung on the wall or
kept in the corner above the cash counter. Similarly, the god Ganesh and goddess
Sarasvati are special benefactors who are worshipped for their special power. The
circulation of the mass-produced inexpensive image, according to a scholar, contributes
“growth of a new and distinctly popular omnipraxy.” (Babb: 1995).
Popular media, also known as the cultural industry, has also shaped people’s sense of
religiosity in a novel way, not so much change, rather this media has intervened in the
religious life of people. The visual media, for example, popular programmes on TV or in
movies, allowed ritual exchanges of glances through the screen between god and
goddesses and the audience/devotees. The act of viewing popular series based on
mythological storytelling traverses the domain of religious and secular. Religious or
devotional content has held away in the Hindi cinema, however, TV serials like
Ramayana and Mahabharata had created a different niche of audience altogether.
(1) The ritual of Navakalevarais performed in …temple.
(i) Shirdi (ii) Tirupati (iii) JagannathPuri (iv) Sabrimala
(2) The popular TV serial Ramayana was created, written and directed by…
(i) Ramanand Sagar (ii) B. R. Chopra (iii) Satyajit Ray (iv) GovindNihalani
35
(3) Religious experience cannot be analysed by ...
(i) Figures (ii) Intellect (iii) Symbol (iv) Analogy
(4) The celebration of death anniversary of a Pirat a Dargahis known as….
(i) Milad (ii) Urs (iii) barakah (iv) shukrana
(5) Which Temple is also known “Black Pagoda”?
(i) Sun Temple, Konark (ii) Banke Bihari Temple, Vrindavan
(iii) Jagannath Temple (iv) Sabrimala
2.6 Origin and meaning of Tantra
The tantric tradition of Hinduism and Buddhism is said to begin from the 5th CE
onwards. Mantra occupies a central place in both traditions. Some scholars trace the
beginning of the tradition to the first century of the common era. Traditional knowledge
in Hinduism is divided into two branches: Vedic and Tantric. Tantra is a way of knowing
and understanding the universe, and mysteries of life. Scholars have pointed out that, in
the early time Tantra had no particular religious import. The word Tantric appears in
Vedic text in the sense of loom. Etymologically, the word sprang from the
root tan meaning to spread or propagate. The word was used in the sense of the guiding
principle of any work. Thus the word had a secular connotation in the earlier phase of its
life. Later it came to acquire exclusive religious air. In the latter sense, it meant the
scripture through which knowledge is propagated. Many of the orthodox followers of
Vedic tradition did not support the practices and tantric rites. Its followers were derided
and the practice disparaged. In time, Tantra became a separate branch of knowledge
outside the pale of Vedic religion.
There is a concept of Pancopasana within Hinduism, that is, the worship of Visnu, Siva,
Sakti, Ganapati and Surya. Pancopasana too has some aspects of tantric ritual. These
sects are approved by Smrtis and Purāna and followed by Varnasrama. Alongside this,
there was an equally strong tradition of atimargika which conflicts with the Brahmanical
and Puranic texts and therefore not approved by them. According to Devi Bhagavata, the
scriptures/texts which conflict with Sruti (Vedas) and Smrti (Brahmanical legal manual)
are bracketed as the tamasa category.
2.6.1 Characteristic features of Tantrism
During the colonial period, the rituals associated with tantrism is condemned alike by
colonial and reform-oriented nationalists. The tantric practice was disparaged as amoral,
regressive and superstitious. The writings of Indian scholars echoed the value-laden
judgement of the orientalists.
There is no agreed definition of Tantrism among scholars. It has been part of the Indic
tradition- Buddhism, Hinduism and Jainism. In modern times, modern construction of
Tantrism is associated with the occult, esoteric and mechanistic rituals. A set of belief and
practices are seen in its various sects- Auls, Bauls, Sahajiyas, Kapalikas, Nathas,
36
Lokayatas etc. In all these sects, supreme importance is given to the body (deha, Kaya),
besides its ethical and social values. The central importance of the body is because of the
belief that the body is a microcosm of the universe and therefore mysteries of the cosmos
can be found in the body through certain bodily rituals. Tantra even influenced the
emergence of Sāktism in Hinduism and Vajrayāna in Buddhism. Due to its association
with the common people, Tantra also assimilated popular cults and rituals. It is no wonder
that the cult of Mother Goddess and fertility rites were assimilated into the Tantra.
Saktism is a very important element of Tantrism but it is not the same, tantra comprises a
wide range of beliefs and practices, and is allied to a range of indic traditions including
Buddhism and Jainism.
The primary meaning of Yoga is union, joining or junction is very different from its
popular meaning. However, in the popular imagination, it means separation, disunion,
and disjunction which is closer to the word viyoga. Later commentators have also dilated
upon the detachment of mind senses and intellect from the external world to the world
within, that is, the transcendent person of brahman or Purusa.
Lokayata tradition emerged in the medieval period as a kind of opposition against the
stifling social structure of the caste system. It was mostly led by the lower caste people. It
is the heart wherein lies the abode of God, and not in the liturgical customs. It was also
against the caste system. According to tradition, guruvada and dehatattva were two
fundamental tenets of the movement. Guruvada means the significance of a teacher or
preceptor who guides toward the spiritual quest. Dehatattva considers the human body as
an important site of spiritual or religious experience.
2.6.2 Practice of Tantra
Like all the followers of popular religion, the adherents of tantra were people from the
lower rung of society. It continued parallel to the Vedic tradition incorporating within it
the lived heterodox practice of the time. As the Vedic knowledge was monopolized and
the text became obscure it rose into prominence as a ‘great tradition.’ Simultaneously,
Tantra tradition flourished among the low caste people.
Colonial ethnographers documented this kind of religious practice. One such British
officer in Bengal, L.S.S. O’Malley has noted the cult of Machandali, a local Pir of repute
in 24-Parganas named MachandaliSaif. He was a fisherman by caste. A miraculous story
is associated with his origin. Legend has it that, he disappeared when a barber was
shaving his head, upon his return, drenched in sweat, the bemused barber asked him of
his whereabouts. He narrated the story that he pulled back a drowned ship when he was
invoked by the crew. The barber thought it a made-up story and contemptuously made
fun of it. As a punishment for his disbelief, he and his family died soon after. Machandali
or Mochara is none other than Minanatha one of the Adi-Siddhas (five great teachers) of
Natha tradition. He is revered as Avalokitesvara by the Buddhists. Thus it is an important
example of how a local deity is shared in three different traditions- Hindus, Buddhists and
Muslims.
37
2.6.3 Bauls of Bengal
Apart from the diversity of sects, and multiple modes of belief and worship, scholars have
also identified cross-fertilization of the religious tradition of Islam and Hinduism
especially the Sufi version of Islam. In some cases, there is a similarity in certain
concepts. For example, the idea of a Guru, preceptor or Pir as someone who guides or
initiates a disciple into its order is common to both- Sufism and Tantrism.
Similarly, the Bauls of Bengal are the best example of syncretic culture; they traverse the
division of religion and caste and their songs are intended to invoke monermanush- the
inner man. The philosophy of Bauls is a medley of different sects – Vaishnavism, Tantra
and Sufism even Buddhism. Their songs are a philosophical rendition of syncretic
tradition in a lyrical form. in other words, songs are an instrument to propagate their
philosophy.
A. Fill in the Blanks:
(i) ……………of Bengal is worshipped by Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims.
(ii) …………….is chief god represented by Jagannath cult.
(iii) …………….is believed to fulfil the wishes of the devotee in the ruins of Firoz
Shah Kotla fort.
(iv) ……………gave the theory of Great tradition and Little tradition to
distinguish between popular and elite religions.
(v) Petition addressed to the jinn-saints is colloquially known as………..
B. Write a short note
(i) Lokayata tradition
(ii) Jagannath cult
(iii) Pilgrimage as Indian culture, discuss with an example
C. Long Questions:
(i) Define popular culture. How is popular culture different from elite culture?
(ii) Analyze the relation between Magic and popular religion
2.7 Conclusion
We have tried to understand how religious traditions are perceived and expressed in
popular culture and how local culture influence major religious tradition. They influence
each other, and in the process, get shaped. Hinduism, according to Sheila J. Nayar, has
always been aware of itself as Hinduism. Religion and popular culture are in constant
dialogue with each other, rather than both being a static entity, religion and culture
influence and shape each other in a manner that it is difficult to say where culture ends
38
and religion begins. Baul songs in Bengal are an example of how religion and culture
interact and inform each other.
2.8 Key Words
Khanqah: is a house or abode of a Piror Sufi where they gather for spiritual retreat.
Omnipraxy: The act of worship and ritual practice to a portrait of god, goddesses or
deity everywhere.
Pancopasana: believer in the idea of impersonal, formless god (Mayavadi), however,
they imagine five forms of gods- Vishnu, Siva, Durgadevi, Ganesha, Surya.
Urs: is the death anniversary of a Sufi/Pir.
Answer to Check Your Progress Exercise 1
(i) False
(ii) False
(iii) False
(iv) False
(v) True
(1) JagannathPuri
(2) RamanandSagar
(3) Intellect
(4) Urs
(5) Sun Temple, Konark
A. Fill in the Blanks:
(i) Machandali
(ii) Vishnu
(iii) NanheMiyan
(iv) Robert Redfield
(v) Shikwa
B. Write a short Note
(i) See Section 2.5.1
(ii) See section 2.4.1
(iii) See section 2.2, 2.3.2, 2.3.1
39
C. Long Questions
(i) 2.1, 2.2, 2.4
(ii) 2.33, 2.2
2.9 References
 Kakkar, Sudhir, Shamans, Mystics and Doctors: A Psychological Inquiry into

India and its Healing Traditions, Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1991.
 Mohammad, Afsar, The Festival of Pirs: Popular Islam and Shared Devotion in
South India, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2013.
 Oberoi, Patricia, Freedom and Destiny: Gender, Daily and Popular Culture in
India, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006.
 Rege, Sharmila, “Conceptualising Popular Culture: Lavani and Powda in
Maharashtra” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 37, no. 11, pp. 1038-1047.
 Taneja, AnandVivek, Jinnealogy: Time, Islam and Ecological Thought in the
Medieval Ruins of Delhi, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2017.
 Waghorne, Joanne Punzo, Diaspora of Gods: Modern Hindu Temples in an
Urban Middle Class World, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004.
40
LESSON 3
(iii) SACRED SPACES, SACRED GEOGRAPHIES: PILGRIMAGE AND
PILGRIM PRACTICES
Ketholenuo Mepfhü-o
Structure
3.1 Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 What is a Pilgrimage?
3.3.1 Definition of Pilgrimage
3.3.2 Who is a pilgrim?
3.3.3 Motives for Pilgrimage
3.3.4 Sacred Places and Sacred Geographies
3.3.5 The Coming Home of Pilgrims
3.4 Pilgrimage in Different Religious Traditions
3.4.1 Pilgrimage in Hinduism
3.4.2 Pilgrimage in Buddhism
3.4.3 Pilgrimage in Islam
3.4.4 Pilgrimage in Christianity
3.4.5 Pilgrimage in Jainism
3.4.6 Pilgrimage in Sikhism
3.5 Influences and Significance of Pilgrimage
3.5.1 Politics of Pilgrimage
3.5.2 Communitas
3.5.3 Literature
3.5.4 Architecture
3.5.5 Economy
3.6 Conclusion
3.7 Key Words
3.10 References
3.1 Objectives
The aim of this lesson is to introduce students to the meaning of pilgrimage and the
nature of pilgrimage. The intended learning outcome of this unit is for the learners to
understand:
41
 The meaning of pilgrimage, the nature of pilgrimages, and why people go on
pilgrimages.
 The evolution of pilgrimage in different religious traditions.
 Understand what shaped pilgrimage and how pilgrimages shape cultures, spaces,
politics, and economy.
3.2 Introduction
Although pilgrimage may seem to be an ancient practice grounded in old beliefs and
practices, it has not faded, rather, it has gained new energy as it was augmented by the
development and advancement of transportation and communication technology. As
such, it is a relevant and important phenomenon that propels and moves pilgrims, culture
and religions around the world.
This lessonis divided into three sections. The first section discusses the meaning and
nature of pilgrimages, pilgrims and the question of sacred place. The second section deals
with pilgrimage practices in different religious traditions and discusses the evolvement of
pilgrimage and pilgrim practices in those religions. In the last section, the influences and
significance of pilgrimages has been examined through different factors such as politics,
economy, culture etc.
3.3 What is a Pilgrimage?
Pilgrimage is an old practice in the history of human kind. It began to develop as an
institutional practice with the establishment of major religions such as Christianity,
Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Judaism. The etymology of the word pilgrimage lies in
the Latin word, peregrinatio which mean “wandering about” or “being a foreigner.”
There are many factors which constitutes a pilgrimage, and reasons why a pilgrimage
becomes a pilgrimage. These factors will be explored in the following sub-sections.
3.3.1 Definition of Pilgrimage
In the simplest terms, pilgrimage is a journey undertaken by a pilgrim to a sacred site in
search and hope of a meaningful encounter with the divine.
Two of the seminal scholars on the study of pilgrimages, Turner and Turner defined
pilgrimage as a “liminoid” or “quasi-liminal” phenomenon. They argue that pilgrimage
happens in a liminal state i.e. a state where there is a suspension of normal societal
stratifications, where the pilgrims temporarily abandon the cares and structures of their
mundane life and gets way from “occasions of sin”, and go on a journey seeking the
divine for salvation and a strengthening and revivification of faith. On this journey, they
meet fellow pilgrims forming a communitas which is anti-structure in nature as there is a
breakdown of normal social structures of inequality.However, since pilgrimage is a
voluntary and not an obligatory mechanism to mark a transition within the mundane
sphere of an individual, Turner and Turner defined pilgrimage as a liminoid phenomenon
(Turner and Turner, 1978: 253-254).
One of the basic elements of a pilgrimage is movement. A pilgrim moves from one place
to another for the pilgrimage. Does this mean that all movements to sacred places,
42
irrespective of how short they are, can be called pilgrimages? Can a weekly visit to a
church, temple or mosque be called a pilgrimage?
Turner and Turner have propounded that pilgrimage involves the movement of a pilgrim
away from their local environment. The Turners’ argued that pilgrimage is the journey to
a sacred site or holy shrine located at some distance away from the pilgrim's place of
residence and daily labour (ibid. 4). Therefore, rather than stating that a pilgrimage must
exceed or cover a certain amount of distance, pilgrimage canbe defined as movement that
is "longer than local." Thus, a pilgrimage is, “an event consisting of longer than local
journeys by numerous persons to a sacred place as an act of religious devotion”
(Stoddard, 1997: 45-49).
Pilgrimage is a journey with a destination which the pilgrim undertakes, for a variety of
reasons, with the hope of an encounter with the divine or a spiritual awakening. Thus,
“Pilgrimages operate in a tension between the movement of unsure feet and the promise
of arrival, at a place where certainty abounds. People journey from far and wide to stand
in defined and delineated places that offer the promise of a meaningful encounter” (Plate,
2009: 264).
A pilgrimage is incumbent upon the movement of the body of the pilgrim to a definite
destination. Thus, a pilgrimage cannot happen without:
a. A pilgrim who makes the journey.
b. A destination, a sacred place.
3.3.2 Who is a Pilgrim?
With the ease in travel, pilgrimage sites are visited by people belonging to different faiths
and from all over the world. For example, a tourist might mark in a visit to a sacred site in
a country she/he is visiting. While visiting that site, a tourist may also indulge in the
rituals practices or may even have a moment of spiritual connection. Because, they have
made a journey to a sacred site, can they be considered as pilgrims? On the other hand, a
pilgrim may also visit palaces or monuments on their way to a sacred site. As such, who
can be considered as a pilgrim?
Diana Eck differentiates between a tourist and a pilgrim by defining a tourist as someone
who goes to “see the sights” while a pilgrim is someone who goes for a darsan (seeing or
beholding) of a sacred place or image. She further states that pilgrims who go on journeys
are not merely sightseers, but “sacred sightseers” whose interest is not to see the
picturesque place, but in the sacred place where darsan may be had (Eck, 1998: 5). A
pilgrimage begins when a pilgrim makes a vow to undertake a journey in supplication to
God and with a purpose in mind. Therefore, the intention of a traveller at the start of a
journey is what defines a pilgrim and a pilgrimage.
A pilgrim is someone who abandons the restrictions of their daily lives and the routine
practice of their faith and goes on a journey to connect with elements and structures of
their faith in their most sacred forms. Once a pilgrim has undertaken a pilgrimage, it is
generally believed that they have taken a spiritual step forward (Turner and Turner, 1978:
13-15).
43
3.3.3 Motives for Pilgrimage
The primary reason for pilgrimage is to seek access to God and divine intervention.
Within this motive, there are a multitude of reasons and purposes for which a pilgrimage
is undertaken. Broadly, pilgrims go on pilgrimages:
(1) To request a favour, such as the birth of a son, the protection from a disease,
material wealth, etc.
(2) To offer thanks such as the safe birth of a child or for general conditions.
(3) To fulfil a vow made as thanksgiving for favours previously requested.
(4) To express penitence, to endure suffering as an act of worship or sacrifice as a
punishment.
(5) To meet an obligation, such as religious obligation to participate in one or more
pilgrimage activities e.g. the Hajj pilgrimage.
(6) To gain merit and salvation (Stoddard, 1997: 56).
3.3.4 Sacred Places and Sacred Geographies
A pilgrimage cannot happen without a destination, and for a movement to be called a
pilgrimage, the destination has to be considered as sacred.What makes a place sacred?
There are different reasons why a place or site may be considered as sacred in a given
religion.
Places mentioned in narratives and holy books of a religion are considered as sacred. For
example, Jerusalem, which is mentioned in the bible as being the place of numerous
important events in Jesus’s life, is considered by Christians as the Holy Land. Some of
the oldest pilgrim centres in the world are places which are mentioned in the sacred texts
of a religion as being the site of the birth, death and mission of the central spiritual figure.
These places become sacred because it serves as a connection to the spiritual authority of
the religion, and the pilgrims, by visiting these places, seeks to imitate or unite with the
founder in spirit. These places also serves as a powerful reminder of the works and
message of the founder and are generally believed to affirm and heightened one’s
spiritual awareness. Not only the founder, but sites associated with the disciples, saints
and martyrs of the faith may also come to be considered sacred (Turner and Turner, 1978:
33-34).
Places acquire the status of sacredness because it is associated with the founder of the
faith after their death. For example, Buddhist pilgrimages to Bodh Gaya and Sarnath.
These place acquired sacredness because it is associated with important milestones in the
life of the founder. As such, not only the place, but relics associated with the central
spiritual figure began to be regarded as sacred. Not only places, but relics of the central
spiritual figure, objects associated with an important event in the religious history of a
particular faith may also become sacred.
Sites associated with a holy man or with the events a holy person’s life may become
important sites of pilgrimage. The sites associated with the body of a holy person or
her/his relics may acquire the status of sacredness which were not necessarily associated
44
with them during their lives. Sacred sites like these are established by attaching a
charismatic influence of a holy person or event within a given space (Coleman and
Elsner, 1995: 134).
Certain places where visions of the founder were seen or where apparitions of the
founder, disciple, and saints were sighted or places where divine power of God is
believed to have manifested may also become pilgrim shrines. Pilgrimages sites are
believed to be places where, “where miracles once happened, still happen, and may
happen again” (Turner and Turner, 1978:6).
Sacred sites may be connected and can form sacred geographies, for example, the char
dham (four dwelling) pilgrimage which takes a Hindu pilgrim in a circumambulation of
India with Badrinath in the north, Puri in the east, Rameshvara in the far south, and
Dvaraka in the far west.
3.3.5 The Coming Home of Pilgrims
When a pilgrim goes on a pilgrimage, she/he brings back an object (holy oil, images,
water, soil etc.) with them as a reminder of the journey they took, their identity as one
who has made the pilgrimage, and as a tangible connection with the sacred experience,
thereby, bringing in a sacred influence into the everydayness of their lives. These
souvenirs may also be incorporated into local ritual practices at home and can link a
network of sacred geography, for instance, the waters of the Ganges are dispersed to other
pilgrimage centres throughout India.
These souvenirs also acts as advertisement for the pilgrimage site, and they may even
become relics themselves, example, the collections of sixth-century Byzantine lead
ampullae from Palestine given by the Lombard queen Theodolinda to the cathedral
treasuries at Monza and Bobbio in Italy in the first quarter of the seventh century
(Coleman and Elsner, 1995: 100-101).
1. Turner and Turner referred to pilgrimage as a ____________ phenomenon.
2. Every journey to a sacred site is a pilgrimage. True/False.
3. What makes a place sacred? Answer in about 150 words.
3.4 Pilgrimage in Different Religious Traditions
The practice of pilgrimage is different across different religious traditions. It differs in
how it developed and how it informs and shapes the identity of its adherents.
3.4.1 Pilgrimage in Hinduism
The Hindu pilgrimage is called a yatra and they go on yatras to tirthas (fords, crossing or
crossing over). “The tirtha is a place of spiritual crossing, where the gods are close and
the benefits of worship generous” (Eck, 2012: 7). The ancient literatures of Hinduism
such as the Vedas, Upanishads and Mahabharata mentions tirthas. In the Vedas, the fire
alter was seen as a place of spiritual crossing, and the Puranas used the term tirthas to
mean the spiritual ford that is the destination of the pilgrims. During the first millennium
C.E., pilgrim journeys called tirthayatras, became increasingly prominent in religious life
45
and literature. Tirthayatras are believed to unburden a person from their sins and sorrows,
and acts as a spiritual purification.
A Hindu might go on a yatra to a specific tirtha for a particular reason or need. One
might go to a place like Tirupati in Andhra Pradesh for family well-being or for financial
successto Kashi, Gaya or Prayaga for the rites of the dead. Kashi (city of lights) is held to
be a place of spiritual liberation and death in Kashi is considered as liberation.
Banaras or Varanasi is considered as one of the holiest sites of Hindu pilgrimage.
However, the pilgrimage sites of Hinduism in India is not just confined to a specific site
and Banaras also forms as part of an extensive network of pilgrimage sites across India
constituting a sacred geography connected to one another through local, regional, and
Trans regional practices of pilgrimage.
Bhardwajsuggested that Hindu pilgrimage sites may be viewed as "a system of nodes at
different levels":
(1) Pan-Hindu, e.g. Badrinath
(2) Supraregional, e.g. Hardwar, Ujjain
(3) Regional, e.g. Kangra, Jwalaji
(4a) Sub regional (high), e.g. Naina Devi
(4b) Subregional (low), e.g. Mansa Devi
(5) Local, e.g. Baijnath, Bhagsunag
Based on his findings, he suggested that the high-level sacred places are visited for
general purification and the lower level such as the regional and sub-regional shrines
cater to a specific purpose of the pilgrims. At the pan level, the linguistic and area
diversity of the pilgrims were at the maximum and this diversity decreased successively
at the lower levels. The high level places throw light on the aspects of Hinduism which is
upheld by the diverse cultural regions of India and the lower nodes illustrates the
diversity within Hinduism and the local basis of integration (Bhardwaj, 1983: 145-162).
3.4.2 Pilgrimage in Buddhism
Although the Pali Tripitaka does not mention any merit or advantage of pilgrimage, the
later Buddhist works mentioned “ladders to heaven” whereby purification from sins could
be achieved by living or bathing at sacred places. Buddhism pilgrimage can perhaps be
traced back to the notion of pabbajja (going forth) and pabbajita (the one who set out).
Pabbajita was someone who has abandoned the world.
Soon after Buddha’s death (parinirvadta), the practice arose among his followers to visit
places consecrated by him and where his relics lie. His relics were distributed among
devotees at various places, who began to build stupas after the founder's death. The most
important pilgrimage sites in Buddhism are linked to the live of Buddha.
Buddhist pilgrimage is based mainly on the following four places which are considered as
sacred:
a. Where Buddha was born (Lumbini in Nepal)
b. Where Buddha attained enlightenment (Bodh Gaya in Central Bihar)
46
c. Where Buddha delivered his first sermon (Sarnath near Banaras)
d. Where Buddha died and attained mahaparinirvana (Kushinagar in Uttar Pradesh)
It is at Bodh Gaya that Buddha is believed to have attained enlightenment under a pipal
tree. During pilgrimage to Bodh Gaya, pilgrims place their offerings and pour their oil
and scents at the foot of the oldest pipal tree, which they regard as the very same under
which Buddha sat (see Bharati, 1963: 153-157).
3.4.3 Pilgrimage in Islam
One of the most well-known Muslim pilgrimage is the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca in Saudi
Arabia. It is a pilgrimage that is laid down in the Quran as one of the five pillars of
Islamic faith. It is incumbent on every Muslim to make the pilgrimage to Mecca at least
once in their lifetime, provided health and funds permit, to show reverence and devotion
to the will of God.
The foundation of the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca can be said to have been laid down by
Muhammad. He was born in Mecca around AD 570, received his first revelations in the
neighbourhood and began to preach the restored message of Abraham among the
inhabitants of Mecca, and in AD 624, he is said to have hada revelation about Mecca as
the correct direction for prayer, the qibla.
The hajj is performed during a “single, sacredly charged time” as it not only brings
together believers of the faith together but also at the same time – hajj is carried out
between the eighth and the thirteenth days of the twelfth month of the Muslim year.It is
held that a hajj carried out at some other time is seen as a “lesser” pilgrimage (an umra, or
'visitation').
As a practice enshrined in the Quran, the pilgrimage is made up of a series of formal rites.
Before a pilgrim enters the sanctity of Mecca, the pilgrim prepares by vowing to abstain
from worldly actions. The identity of the pilgrim is also informed by the garb they put on
during the pilgrimage as it is believed that on judgement day, they will meet God in the
clothes they wore in Mecca. Men put on robes made of two plain white sheets, while
women wear plain dresses.All markers and signifiers of wealth and personal adornments
are forbidden and pilgrims perform a rite of purification including the ritual washing and
the cutting of hair and nails, actions which are not be repeated until the end of the
pilgrimage.
For the Muslims, Mecca is the centre of the world and Kaba is the centre of Mecca. The
pilgrim is supposed to “greet” the Holy Mosque of Kaba by performing a brief prayer and
circle around the Kaba seven times.Objects that touch the Kaba are considered to be
sacred whether they are the black cloth that covers it, the rainwater that falls from its
walls, or the whisks of brooms used to sweep its floors (see Coleman and Elsner, 1995:
53-60).
3.4.4 Pilgrimage in Christianity
The Holy Land (area roughly between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea) is
considered to be one of the holiest place of pilgrimage by the adherents of the Abrahamic
religions – Christians, Jews and Muslims. The significance of the land for Christians
47
stems from the significance of Jerusalem as it is the place in which Jesus is said to have
preached, crucified and resurrected.
Pilgrimage to the Holy Landbegan in earnest after the victory of Constantine over
Licinius in the eastern half of the Roman Empire (AD 324). His victory united the eastern
and western halves of the Mediterranean for the first time under a Christian monarch.
After his victory, Constantine set out to establish Christianity as the dominant religion of
the empire. A result of this was the emergence of pilgrimage as a Christian ritual. It also
led to the building of large basilicas, the creation of a public liturgy and the use of art in
worship and church decoration.
In 420, when Rome was conquered by Alaric the Goth, and after the eastern provinces of
the empire were conquered by the Arabs in the seventh century, pilgrimage became to the
Holy Land became difficult. It was never easy to begin with, however, after the empire
was conquered and different political powers came into the picture, travel became more
difficult. Because of the difficulties involved in the journey, the act of the travel in
pilgrimage itself acquired importance almost on the same level as that of the rituals and
relics at the sacred centre.
By the tenth century, Muslim tolerance of Jews and Christians in Jerusalem had given
way to militancy and violence. This led to the creation of a sacred landscape in Europe.
Although pilgrimage sites have existed in Europe before, there was a proliferation of
pilgrimage centres, churches and shrines in the eleventh and twelfth century Europe
which can be seen as part of the response to the loss of the Holy land. In Europe, Rome
emerged as an important site of pilgrimage as it boasted not only the tombs of St Peter
(the rock of the Church) and St Paul (apostle to the Gentiles), and fragments of the True
Cross, but also the presence of Peter's living embodiment, the Pope.
In post Reformation Europe, pilgrimages increasingly became a symbol of Catholic
renewal and a means to cure the soul. During the Thirty Years' War, pilgrimages became
symbols of victory over opponents, thus, the nobility, bishops and religious orders
actively promoted religious journeys, and over time ever more splendid buildings were
constructed at significant sites. By the nineteenth century, with improvements in travel
and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1860, travel became more accessible and the Holy
Land once became a focus of pilgrimage (see Coleman and Elsner, 1995: 80-128).
3.4.5 Pilgrimage in Jainism
'Jainism' is a religion propounded by Jina (one who has conquered the worldly passions)
and Jainas are the followers of Jina. According to the Jaina tradition, Lord Rshabhadeva
was the first Jina. He was also known as the first Tirthankara, i.e., one who guides the
people to attain liberation.Rshabhadeva was followed by 23 Tirthankaras and they tried
to reform the society and preach the religion as handed over to them from the times of
Rshabhadeva (Sangave, 1959: 47).
Jainas go on pilgrimages to tirthas which they considered to be a place which shows the
way on how to cross the ocean of Saṁsāra (worldly life characterised by reincarnations
and rebirths). These tirthas are usually connected with the lives of great persons who
have achieved liberation, and so those who visit them would be able to attain Atmajagrti
48
(self-enlightenment). Therefore, every Jaina is advised to visittirthakshetras for purifying
their faith in Jainism.
The Jainas divide their tirthakshetras into two broad categories, namely:
1.Siddhakshetras or Nirvanakshetras: Places where either the Tirthankaras or other
ascetics realised their liberation or emancipation. For example, Sammedasikhara,
Satruñjaya in Kathiawar, Gajapantha, Mängitungi in Bombay Province, Kunthalagiri in
Hyderabad State, etc.
2. Atilayakshetras: Places associated with the lives of tirthankaras and important events in
the life of a tirthankar. For example, Kundalapura which is considered to be the birth
place of Lord Mahavira, Kampila in the U. P. where the 13th Tirthańkara, Lord
Vimalanatha, took to religious life,etc.
Jainism prescribes pilgrimage to its adherents to visit a tirthakshetra, and even if they die
along the way of the pilgrimage, it is believed that they will gain merit. Those who are
not in a position to undertake a pilgrimage could also gain merit by helping a personon
their way to tirthakshetras, moreover, they will gain additional merit if they bear the
expenses of thepilgrims. Much like the Jaina Kings and Ministers in the past, rich Jainas
lead Jaina sanghas to tirthakshetras, and for this act they are given the honorific title of
Sanghapati, Sanghavi, Sanghai or sanghave by the Jainas (ibid. 277). The act of financing
the expenses of communal pilgrimages are believed to prevent parigraha - the sin of
taking satisfaction in possessions since it involves spending large sums of money.
However, Coleman and Elsner argued that the sponsors of such pilgrimages gain not only
moral status but economic benefits as they gain a sound financial reputation through the
demonstration of their ability to spent large sums of money, “so that donations are both
expressions of piety and also, in effect, self-advertisements” (Coleman and Elsner, 1995:
157).
3.4.6 Pilgrimage in Sikhism
The founder of Sikhism, Nanak, was not a supporter of pilgrimage according to the
reports, and is reputed to have told pilgrims in Mecca that God is everywhere and not just
in one particular place. However, after the death of the tenth guru, Gobind Singh,
succession was invested in both the community of Sikhs and a collection of the teachings
of the Gurus called the Guru Granth Sahib or the Adi Granth (First Collection). The
Granth Sahid is considered to be a sacred text vested with great symbolic meaning and a
true object of worship. Any building or space which has the Granth Sahib getstrans
formed into a place of worship as the text itself is considered to be sacred.
One of the most important and central place of pilgrimage for Sikhs is the Golden Temple
in Amritsar. It is a place of worship and a site of pilgrimage. In the sixteenth century, the
fourth guru, Ram Das, excavated a pool here and his son later built the Darbar Sahib,
which now contains the famous Golden Temple and the original copy of the Granth
Sahib. The temple occupies a central position in the geography of the town and occupies
an area of about 30 acres. The temple complex has a walkway for pilgrims to do the ritual
of circumambulation and on the day of Baisakhi (Sikh New Year), Sikhs come to the
temple to bathe in the pool. The Golden templeserves as a visual means of mobilising the
community and it is where Sikhs gather to celebrate significant events in Sikh history.
49
Sikhs also visit Hemkund Sahib (a lake surrounded by a number of peaks in the Garhwal
Himalayas near Badrinath) as a place of pilgrimage. It was here, that the tenth guru,
Gobind Singh, is believed to have performed penance and to have become one with God.
Sikhs go on pilgrimages crossing political and geographical boundaries such as that
between India and Pakistan(see Coleman and Elsner, 1995: 162-165).
1. Hindu pilgrimages are called ____________.
2. Jaina tirthashetras are divided into two, namely _________ and ____________.
3. Pilgrimage is sanctioned by religious text in all religions. True/False.
4. What is Hajj pilgrimage? Answer in about 150 words.
3.5 Influences and Significance of Pilgrimage
Pilgrimage shapes and is shaped by various political, social, economic and cultural
changes. Some of the influences and significance of pilgrimages has been given below.
3.5.1 Politics of Pilgrimage
Pilgrimages and the how pilgrims chose their destination are directed and influenced by
changes in politics as seen in the section “Pilgrimage in Christianity.” Not only are
pilgrimage destination sites of contestation but they can also be used to invoke the
legitimacy of rulers through an invocation of the divine. For example, during the
medieval period in England, kings visited holy sites in connection with specific political
actions and to invoke saintly aid to achieve specific political goals (Swanson, 2012: 30).
Many important sites are sacred to more than one denomination or even religion, with
competition and conflict arising as much as cooperation. As pilgrims traverse across
countries, crossing geographical boundaries and cultures across different periods, it has
been influenced by and has influenced the politics, culture and patterns of trade.
Pilgrimages are shaped not only by local and regional history but is also shaped by
national and world history as well. It has at times been linked with popular nationalism,
with peasant and anti-colonial revolt etc.(Turner and Turner, 1978: 32).
3.5.2 Communitas
Turner and Turner proposed that during pilgrimages, pilgrims formed a communitas with
fellow pilgrims which is based on equality and solidarity in opposition to the normal
societal structures. They viewed pilgrimage as a transcendental event undertaken by
pilgrims as an opportunity to do away with the stratification, inequality, and as an escape
from the mundane struggles and meanings of their life. It is anti-structure. They reasoned
that this was the reason why there was a resurgence of pilgrimage (ibid.38).
Scholars have noted how pilgrimage can bring together people of different ethnicity and
culture together and create a sense of belonging and oneness as they congregate and
worship together. Pilgrimage is believed to affirm the identity of a pilgrim to their
religion where they might feel a heightened sense of belonging to their religious
community and an intensification of faith. For Hindus, the vast network of interconnected
50
pilgrimage sites helps create a sense of Indian “nationhood” as a shared living landscape
encompassing all the complexity and diversity within it (Eck, 2012: 15).
There are different positions that scholars have taken on the question of pilgrimages
creating communities. Bhardwaj believes that pilgrimage to sacred places may be of
some social value to certain castes such as the scheduled castesas Brahmans or other
higher castes cannot avoid coming into physical contact with low castes in the rush of
pilgrims. Furthermore, the prasada (food offered to the deity and later distributed among
pilgrims) cannot be refused by any person even if it comes from the hands of the
scheduled castes. Therefore, he posits that pilgrimage offers the scheduled castes a
semblance of equality, in at least the limited sacred precincts of a temple (Bhardwaj,
1983: 151-152).However, Coleman and Elsner argue that pilgrimage practices, in fact,
retain many of the discriminatory caste practices at some Hindu shrines, where concerns
about the “polluting” touch of lower castes keeps those classified as “untouchables” from
entering into some shrines. When “untouchables” were admitted into the golden temple
of Vishwanath at Benares in 1954, a second Vishwanath temple was constructed as a
protest against their presence (Coleman and Elsner, 1995: 154).
3.5.3 Literature
Pilgrims wrote about their pilgrimages, about what they saw, what they felt and what they
experienced, and these in turn led to legends, myths, literature and folklore. Most of the
great pilgrimages produced high culture.
Most major pilgrimage centres become subjects of devotional literature from which
knowledge about the differences in culture and changes in practices, patterns and beliefs
could be gleaned. Often the movement of pilgrims across countries and within a country
led to the spread of knowledge and cultures. Some scholars have held that the great roads
extending from Germany and the Low Countries through France to Santiago de
Compostela in Northern Spain did more to spread knowledge and appreciation of the
Romanesque style of architecture than any other mode of communication (Turner and
Turner, 1978: 23-26).
3.5.4 Architecture
Pilgrimage by its very nature provided an avenue for art and architecture as pilgrim
centres not only functioned as sacred sites but also sought to inspire awe in the pilgrims
through its the architecture and environment. The way in which a pilgrim is guided
through the various stops inside a sacred building or area is designed to inspire devotion
and reverence. Pilgrimage art and architecture also sprung up in sites considered as sacred
such as the building of stupas at sacred Buddhist sites, Jain temples etc.
Pilgrimage architecture could be used as a site for assertions and challenges to religious
and secular authority during the medieval period. For example, Chartres in France which
was one of the prime pilgrimage sites of the high Middle Ages. Chartres was a testament
to the splendour of the architecture, sculpture, and stained glass of France. These stained
glass not only displayed the doctrinal images of the faith but also contained images of the
different classes of people who would have been visiting it. The representation of royalty,
aristocracy, priesthood and common people in images served to impose an idea of an
ideal and society, however, these very stained glasses represented the contestations and
51
challenges in the medieval society as aristocratic families and tradesmen guilds vied with
each other to donated windows (Coleman and Elsner, 1995:112-115).
3.5.5 Economy
By the very nature of the movement of pilgrims across boundaries, both regional and
international, pilgrimage engenders and supports the development of markets and
economies along its route and at the site.
As transportation technologies improved and pilgrimage became institutionalised and
routinized, pilgrims began to arrive in organised groups on specific days or in accordance
to a carefully planned calendar. In order to cater to the needs and requirements of
pilgrims, an elaborate system of licenses, permits, pilgrims’ lodging, sellers of food and
clothing, fairs, mercantile transactions etc. developed. Not only these, but also a trade in
holy wares such as rosaries, devotional statues and pictures, edifying literature and
sacramental objects developed for the pilgrims to purchase and take it home with them
(Turner and Turner, 1978: 25).Pilgrimage has always had an important economic
dimension and presented opportunities for entrepreneurs to make money. In the 15th
century, before inventing movable-type printing, Johannes Gutenberg was engaged in an
innovative enterprise at Aachen to produce mirrors that would allow pilgrims to better see
the relics that were put on display every seventh year (Kristensen, 2012:73).
Pilgrimage centres generate a socioeconomic field and plays an important role in the
growth of cities, the development of roads, markets etc. Pilgrimage to a particular shrine
could be advertised and promoted, increasing the prestige of the shrine, which in turn
attracts not only pilgrims but also tourists leading to the development and prosperity of
the town or region in which it is situated (Pazos, 2012: 2).
Check Your Progress Exericse 3
1. Pilgrimage destinations are sites of ___________ and ____________.
2. There is a breakdown of social hierarchies and inequality during pilgrimage. True/
False.
3. How has pilgrimage affected the market and the economy? Answer in about 150
word.
3.6 Conclusion
Pilgrimage continues to be an important activity and a relevant act to the devout. As part
of a religious act, pilgrimage presents an interesting aspect of living a faith where
questions of identity as an individual and as part of a religious group are formed and
contested. Pilgrimage as an institution and practice has also evolved time, shaping and
being shaped by the changes in the secular world.
3.7 Key Words
Pilgrimage, Pilgrims, Sacred Places, Significance of Pilgrimage.
52

1) See section 1.2.1
3) See section 1.3 and the subsequent sub-sections
4) See section 1.3.3.
Pilgrimage is the spirit of Indian culture. Discuss.
Discuss the social significance of pilgrimage. Do you agree that they embody sacred
spaces.
3.10 References
 Bharati, Agehananda, “Pilgrimage in the Indian Tradition,” History of Religions 3,
no. 1 (1963): 135-167.
 Bhardwaj, Surinder Mohan.Hindu Places of Pilgrimage in India: A Study in
Cultural Geography, California: University of California Press, 1973.
 Coleman, Simon and John Elsner. Pilgrimage: Past and Present in the World
Religions, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995.
 Eck, Diana L.Darsan:Seeing the Divine Image in India. 3rd ed. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1998.
 -India: A Sacred Geography, New York: Harmony Books, 2012.
 Kristensen, Troels Myrup, “The Material Culture of Roman and Early Christian
Pilgrimage: An Introduction,” Journal on Hellenistic and Roman Material
Culture 1 (2012): 67-78DOI:10.11116/HEROM.1.3
 Pazos, Anton M. “Introduction,” In Pilgrims and Politics: Rediscovering the
Power of the Pilgrimage, edited by Anton M. Pazos, Surrey: Ashgate Publishing
Limited, 2012,1- 8.
 Plate, Brent S. “The Varieties of Contemporary Pilgrimage,” CrossCurrents 59,
no.3 (2009): 260 - 267.DOI:10.1111/j.1939-3881.2009.00078.x
53
 Sangave, Vilas Adinath. Jaina Community: A Social Survey, Bombay: Popular
Book Depot, 1959.
 Stoddard, Robert H., "Defining and Classifying Pilgrimages," (1997).Geography
Faculty Publications. 2. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/geographyfacpub/2
 Swanson, Robert N. “Political Pilgrims and Political Saints in Medieval England.”
In Pilgrims and Politics: Rediscovering the Power of the Pilgrimage, edited by
Anton M. Pazos, Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2012,31- 45.
 Turner, Victor and Edith Turner.Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture:
Anthropological Perspectives, New York: Columbia University Press, 1978.
 Coleman, Simon and John Elsner. Pilgrimage: Past and Present in the World
Religions, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995.
 Turner, Victor and Edith Turner. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture:
Anthropological Perspectives, New York: Columbia University Press, 1978.
54
[b] PERFORMATIVE TRADITIONS
LESSON - 1
(i) ORALITY, MEMORY AND THE POPULAR: CASE STUDIES OF WOMEN'S
RAMAYANAS IN THE ANDHRA PRADESH
Drishti Kalra
Structure
1.1 Learning Objectives
1.2 Introduction
1.3 Orality and Literature
1.4 Feature of oral narratives
1.5 Women's Ramayana Oral Tradition in Telugu
1.5.1 Brahmin Women's Songs
1.5.2 Structure of the Songs
1.5.3 Telugu women's songs are negotiated and bargained
1.5.4 Non-Brahmin Songs
1.6 Conclusion
1.7 Glossary
1.8 Important Qestions
1.9 Bibliography
1.10 Further Readings
After reading this lesson, students will be able to understand
• Oral narratives as a source of historical research
• Construction of women's identity in oral narrative
• Relations between Valmiki's Ramayana and the oral retellings of Andhra Pradesh
• Difference between Brahmanical and non-Brahmanical Songs of Telugu women
1.2 Introduction
Oral tradition refers to cultural knowledge and practice transferred verbally from one
generation to another. Messages or testimonies are vocally shared in speech or songs and
may take the shape of folklore, proverbs, dramas, songs, or chants.In this manner, it is
feasible for a community to transfer oral history, literature, law, and other knowledge
through generations without the need for a writing system. Thisblock,
however, familiarises you with how vernacular oral tradition is refashioned with specific
ideologues by looking at particular case studies of Ramayana in Andhra Pradesh.
55
Recent research on the Ramayana oral tradition of Telugu women has revealed the
specific structures through which they create space for themselves in a patriarchal
society.Similarly, Narayana Rao seesthe distinction in these songs. On the one hand, he
found Valmiki Ramayana "the public Ramayanas,'' pointing out the accepted values of a
male-dominated world" on the other hand; he found Telugu songs are more relatedto the
public events (coronation, war),which are displaced by domestic ones, even some of the
songs challenge Rama's honesty and stressing the issue of the sufferings women faced in
patriarchal dominion.
1.3 Orality and Literature
Orality is the verbal form of literature that preceded written literature. The former also
includes wall paintings, which were the most noteworthy early adaptations of oral
storytelling, such as the Italian paintings of the Saoras of Ganjam in Odisha, which means
to write on the wall. Walter J Ongdivided it into three basic categories primary, secondary
and residual orality. Oral has been the most essential source leading to the formation of
cultural texts because they have controlled the cultural life of human societies and have
been considered influential in the realms of religious worlds of the communities.
However, history and orality seem inappropriate, mostly because history is thought of as
a more formal subject, a quasi-scientific discourse, and what is referred to as "modern
historiography". However, orality is usually perceived as a tale built on the thin ice of
memory. Can history be formed from orally transmitted narratives? However, with the
arrival of the meta history of theorists, such as Hayden White, the boundaries between
literature and history have progressively blurred. Orality has been identified as one of the
critical sources of history and influenced creative writing to a considerable degree. Thus,
there are linkages between orality and writing
Both Pollock and Christian Novetzke discuss the link between writing and orality.
Pollock makes several significant general points: The orality of Vedic and post-Vedic
knowledge (the Upanisads, Panini's grammar) is real enough, but it has too frequently
been regarded as indicative of a general alleged Indian indifference to writing. Even
though the cultural value placed on memorization (kanthästa, or kept in the throat, as
Pollock reminds us) "left obvious traces in secular written culture", "from the time
writing was developed the literary culture that arose, the culture of kavya became
indissolubly associated with manuscript culture, to the extent that the history of the one
becomes intelligible without taking into consideration the history of the other. Stuart
Blackburn makes a similar claim for South India, noting that the early Sangam corpus of
Tamil literature (third century CE, but collected and anthologized only in the eighth
century) values both writing and orality: 'Many of the poems are portrayed as though
uttered or sung by bards, while, on the other hand, many give attention to the function of
the poet-scholar. The term "oral-literate", which V. Narayana Rao used to characterize
pandits, poets, and storytellers who work within a culture that isorally transmitted and
literate at the same time,may be applied to a wide variety ofgenres, including stories,
song poetry, sermons, the mixed kirtankara performances that Novetzke speaks about,
and the theatrical chapbooks, which were one of the most popular types Indeed, the sheer
physical presence of a book during a performance, even if it was not consulted, has been
shown to operate symbolically as an authorizing gesture.
56
Check your progress
a) Italian paintings of the Saoras of Ganjam in Odisha, which literally means?
i. To write on the wall
ii. Seeing paintings
iii. A place to live in
iv. Engrave or carve on wall
b) Sangam corpus of Tamil literature can be dated to
i. 3rd century BCE to 8th century CE
ii. 2nd century BCE to 6th century CE
iii. 6th century BCE to 2nd century CE
iv. 3rd century BCE to 5th century CE
Activity- 1
From the information and experience that you already have regarding ‘literature,’ check
the choices that for you are indicative of writing that may be considered ‘literature.
• Creativity
• Permanence
• Amenable to constant improvisation
• Artistic record of life and events
• Appeals to emotions
• Imagination plays a vital role
• Vocal and aural elements are important
• Role of memory is crucial
• Presence of author
• Performance-based
• Grounded in specific time
• Changing shape continuously
Now examine which of these may be used to oral story-telling and folklore. What
characteristic, therefore, divides ‘oral’ from ‘written’ literature? Which of these elements
appear to you as belonging to both Oral Literature and Written
1.4 Feature of oral narratives

The development of oral epics in regional languages paralleled the crystallization of
cultural, literary, and historical areas. Several oral narratives in India are on the verge of
historical processes. While some portray the conflicts of a fundamentally transformative
era in socio-political history, others could have a romantic personality that expresses the
range of emotions associated with deeply tragic love among characters. Moreover, oral
narratives can be categorized according to their themes: martial, normativity,
cultural, sacrificial, geographical and sensualrather than exclusively heroic. Felix Oinas
57
discusses three qualities that exemplify the Indian oral narrative: natural, poetic and
heroic. He commented that folk (or oral) epic ballads are narrative poetry of formulaic
and decorative styles that deal with the exploitation of remarkable people. These triad
traits though also prevalent in other Afro-Asian epics. Following the same epistemology,
we will explore the triadic nature of the narratives.
The heroic character of the panegyric and sorrow has prompted historians to conclude
that they are "pre-epics". New research demonstrates that certain African "praise poems"
are epical. According to Brenda Beck ("Core triangles in the Folk Epics of
India"), specific performances of the Annanmar epic include more panegyric qualities
than narrative aspects. On the other hand, Komal Kothari emphasizes the function of
appreciation in the performance of Rajasthani folk epics in the article "Performers, Gods
and Heroes in the Oral Epics of Rajasthan".
The second essential quality of the oral narrative is its lyrical nature. Indian oral epics are
essentially poetic. However, according to the text, there has been a shift from poetry to
songs in several Indian oral epics. BeckBlackburn's"Patterns of Development for Indian
Oral Epics" and J.D Smith's"Scapegoats of the Gods: The Ideology of the Indian Epics"
have stressed that the language of the Indian epics is more affected by song rhythms than
by poetic meter. Although prose and non-sung passages (vacanam, Varta, and arthav) are
concurrently employed to enhance song content, the song often takes centre stage in epic
performances.
The third essential element of a narrative is its aspect of nature. Numerous tales indulge
in supernatural happenings, defining it as a force or a power beyond humanness. It is
commonly connected to God, demigods, demons, devils and spirits. For instance, the
character Ravan was considered to have ten heads and 20 hands. Indian oral narratives
often explore both the natural and supernatural worlds. In Indian culture and Hinduism,
the divine and humans are inextricably intertwined. The divine and devoted are
inseparable parts of one another. Indian oral narratives contain a categorical system
comprising martial, sacrificial, and amorous epics. Military epics generally deal with
battles and political struggles.
Check your progress
c) "Core triangles in the Folk Epics of India", written by
i. C.F Keys
ii. Brenda Beck
iii. Tracy Pitchman
iv. Alf Hiltebeitel
d) What are the three qualities discussed by Felix Oinas for Indian oral narrative-
i. Natural, stylistic and Valour
ii. Natural, poetic, and heroic
iii. Poetic, heroic and Valour
iv. Stylistic, natural and poetic
58
1.5 Women's Ramayana Oral Tradition in Telugu
In India, Ramayana is more than a narrative with stories; it is a vocabulary that
articulatesmany claims. As a result, women in Andhra Pradesh have been writing long
songs to express their desires. We explore two types of songs performed by upper-caste
Brahmin women and lower-cast women. Andhra Brahmin women do not see Valmiki as
authoritative, as they are more associated with the Sanskrit literature ascribed to the
legendary Valmiki. Sita and Rama's lives were touched by Valmiki throughout these
songs, although he was not always an ideal presence.
The tales of the Ramayana are recounted in numerous songs, some extensive and others
short. These are performed at residential meetings, generally, in the backyards of
Brahmanical families or by small numbers of elderly women singing for themselves
while completing household chores, majority of women who sing the Ramayana songsare
from families who have not had much exposure to English education and metropolitan
lifestyle, wherein singing such songs is considered old-fashioned. However, they are
informally schooled in Telugu even though their audience is generally family and
neighbours from similar backgrounds.
Notably, these songs do not mention several well-known Ramayana incidents. On the
other hand, episodes that interest women are prominently portrayed, such as pregnancy,
birth, love of a spouse, the anxieties of parents-in-law, and games played by brides and
grooms in wedding ceremonies. Even so, children, unmarried young women, or
newlyweds may attend the festival at their mothers' houses
1.5.1 Brahmin Women's Songs
These songs givea detailed account of women suffering such labour pain and tedious
childbirth methods, accompanied by anguish, giving a detailed version of how a pregnant
mother delivers the baby while standing up and clinging onto a pair of suspended ropes
from the ceiling. Another important theme of these songs is rituals that pertain to
household affairs. Here, the man is portrayed as the bridegroom, Rama, who is dominated
by the subservient desires of the women encircling him. Inaddition to the rites, the songs
show several games Sita and Rama perform during the marriage and their marital life in
the joint home. In all such games, Sita emerged as a victor.Rama even attempted to trick
artfully to escape defeat. Furthermore, attached auspiciously, these women in Brahmin
houses were defenders of family wealth. Women are the embodiment of the goddess
Laksmi, the goddess of prosperity.
In these songs, the bride enters her husband's house with her auspicious right foot. Even
in the event of achild, the ladies take all required precautions to rid the newborn child of
the evil eye. Women also present Brahmins and sages who bless the child with a
sumptuous feast. The rituals described in these songs—the naming ceremony and the
ceremony of placing the boys in new cribs—illustrate how crucial women were
throughout these events. The cribs were made especially for the occasion and included
full details of their designs and decorations. Even the humour is infused with the
feminine: when Kausalya gives the women split peas that have been cooked and seasoned
as part of a traditional gift, they grumble among themselves that the peas weren't salted
enough.
59
Intriguingly, we learn defence in these songs for Sita's father Janaka's decision to institute
a suitability test for Sita's potential marriage, a shield seldom seen in Valmiki's Sanskrit
text. During Sita's first recital of the story, Siva's bow, lying in her father's house, was
softly taken away. Janaka was impressed by her strength and decided that the only man
who could string the bow was qualified to marry her. Only a hero could defeat another.
This justification is not limited to female Ramayana songs; it is offered in several literary
Ramayana manuscripts, including Tulsidas's Ramcaritmanas. However, this day has a
special significance in the framework of women's hopes for a mate who is well matched
to them. When the personality features of the potential husband are often left to chance,
women in arranged marriages dream about having a partner who loves them and whom
they admire. Therefore, it is crucial that Sita's love for Rama, whose attractiveness her
friends have informed her about, is expressed in the song. Sita develops feelings for him
and experiences Varaha's suffering. The song subtly depicts traditional ways of love that
are maintained while being apart. Sita was concerned that Rama wouldn't string the bow
properly. She implores the gods to lend a hand with the strings.
Rama's devotion to Sita is discussed in the section that follows. When he arrived, he saw
the bow. He was certain that he could easily shatter it. He wanted to make sure Sita was
very appealing, however. He desires that Laksmana, his brother, meet Sita first. He gave
Laksmana the charge of making sure Sita's feet were little, her hair was black, her
complexion wasn't dark, and her waist was toned. Women's songs tend to emphasize on
Rama and Sita's shared love rather than the actual breaking of the bow, which is
described in literary Ramayanas in great detail and with much emotion. In this society,
wives often feel discontent with their husbands since they picked them and do not really
care for them. As a result, their desires are satisfied by a thorough portrayal of Rama and
Sita's mutual love and yearning.
The two most important stories in the early volumes of Valmiki's Ramayana were the
birth of Dasaratha's sons and Kaikeyi's cunning scheme to send Rama to the wilderness.
Each of these incidents is skillfully altered in "Santagovindanamalu" such that women are
praised for bearing sons, and Kaikeyi's demand loses its obnoxious undertone. According
to the song, Kausalya advised Dashratha first to adopt Sant as their daughter. This
modification was substantial. A male should be the firstborn according to traditional
Brahmin family norms. Even though it isn't frequently said out loud, disappointment is
there when a girl is born as the firstborn. A firstborn girl is favoured in this story because,
as a representation of the goddess Laksmi, she bestows prosperity on the home, causing
males to be born.
With the events of the Ramayana's later chapters, the innocence, joy, love, and light
humour of the song's end, and Sita's life begins to experience serious difficulties. The
women in these songs are not weak or helpless but relatively strong and able to defend
themselves against Rama's cruel treatment. They are instead perceptive, resourceful, and
everything but shy. In one chapter, Rama resolves to do penance after abandoning Sita
while she is still pregnant. He set up a golden figure to carry out the ritual as custom
requires him to have a wife. The figure has to be cleaned, and Shanta, Rama's sister, must
clean the figure. However, since she was not consulted when Sita was left behind, Shanta
objects when requested to do the bathing, taking a solid stand for another woman.
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These songs gave affectionate attention to Laksmana, one of the male characters. He is
close to Sita, empathizes with her worries, uplifts her, and even protects her when things
are tough. In the Valmiki Ramayana, Rama sends Sita into the forest under the guise of
fulfilling her desire to see the hermitages, giving Laksmana the order to leave her there
and come back. This story claims that Rama gave Laksmana the order to murder her.
However, after learning that she was pregnant, Laksmana decided against killing her.
Instead, he kills a hare and shows Rama the blood as evidence. To invite the spouses to
the celebrations, Rama sends Laksmana to the hermitages while he prepares for her
funeral. Sita queries Laksmana about Rama's intentions as he enters the forest. Laksmana
tells the story that they are engaging in a special rite to rid the palace of evil forces,
sparing her more suffering. Urmila, Laksmana's wife, bemoaned the savagery with which
her husband had killed Sita. She, like Shanta, asked to be stained as well. Laksmana,
unable to contain his rage and determination, informs them that Sita is still alive,
pregnant, and about to give birth. After she gives birth, Laksmana goes to the bush to
meet with her.
Another song about Urmila, whom Valmiki seldom mentions, is also included in this
collection. What happens to Urmila after Laksmana spends fourteen years travelling to
the wilderness to join his brother? The women's version claims that Urmila and
Laksmana made a deal to swap sleeping and waking hours. Laksmana will stay awake to
continue serving his brother without interruption while Urmila sleeps for the whole 14
years. Sita advises Rama that Laksmana should be persuaded to see his wife. The latter is
still sleeping, fourteen years later, after Rama had been successfully restored to the
kingdom and Laksmana had helped him at the palace. Laksmana softly rouses Urmila in
her bedroom. However, Urmila doesn't recognize him and believes that a stranger has
entered her bedroom. She inquires, cautioning him against the immorality of wishing for
another man's wife.
Check your progress
e) "Santagovindanamalu" explains which part of Ramayana
i. Rams exile
ii. Dasharath vowed to kekayi
iii. Sita and Ram's marriage
iv. Birth of Luv kush
f) In Telugu songs, Women were considered an embodiment of ______
i. Durga
ii. Laxmi
iii. Saraswati
iv. Vaishnavi
g) What is senagalu?
i. Ginger
ii. Split beans
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iii. Split peas
iv. Cabbage
Activity-2
Look at several works in your mother - tongue where the writers has used folk elements
in the interpretation of the Ramayana narrative. How does this change the effect of the
story?
1.5.2 Structure of the Songs

The song's structure, which started with Rama's adoration before moving on to the matter
of issue, may seem rather conventional at first glance. Still, it takes on significance when
considered in the context of the place and time in which they were performed. The songs
are often performed in the middle of the afternoon after the midday meal, when all of the
family's male members have retired to the front part of the house for sleep or
conversation, with the younger members likely playing cards. After a delicious supper,
they seek some time to themselves to relax and sleep till nighttime. After finishing their
daily tasks, the women are, for the time being, released from their marital and family
obligations. This is their time, and they are free to do anything they choose as long as
they do not violate the rules of positive conduct. Therefore, this time is mainly shielded
from the needs of the men, for whom women must otherwise fulfil their duty-bound
tasks, similar to the room in the house where the songs are played.
There are three sections to the Brahmin house. Men often sit at the front and conduct
business, greet guests, or converse with one another. Men and women may engage in a
more neutral setting in the centre of the house. The kitchen and a verandah that extends
into the backyard are located at the rear of the home; here is where the women
congregate. The house's rear door is used by visitors, servants, and low caste people to
communicate with the women. Here, women are somewhat liberated from their husbands'
scrutinizing gaze and have some control over their own lives. Men are even reprimanded
for remaining in the home's backyard. Male members of the wife's family may, however,
enter.
The composition's structure was an exact reproduction of the home's design. Each song
begins with a respectful devotion to king Rama. In these songs, Rama is not just God, as
in the bhakti Ramayanas, but also the yajaman, the lord of the home, although one who is
not entirely in command.
1.5.3 Telugu women's songs are negotiated and bargained
In these songs, women never outwardly question propriety; instead, they behave properly
and even give themselves counsel that the male household patriarchs would embrace and
appreciate. The songs have a simple, homey, and pleasant tone; there is no overt or
violent expression of opposition to male domination. Therefore, daughters-in-law take
special pride in upholding the customs of honouring their mother-in-law. Both Kausalya
and her in-lawEven while respect for authority should always be shown, what comes after
it may seem quite different. Some polite people are fervently opposed to the Rama's
knowledge, integrity, honesty, and morals. As a young bride, Sita is gentle, sweet, and
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utterly subservient to her husband and the household's elders; she never challenges Rama
and her other superiors. The wives of Rama's brothers interrogate Rama as well, but they
need Shanta's assistance.
In Indian mythology, female characters often play the damsels in distress or meek
animals in need of protection, with male heroes taking centre stage. The Ramayana, in
particular, contains several patriarchal stories that unreasonably portray women as
victims.The postcolonial theories have given a voice in modern retellings of the
Ramayana, however, to provide their viewpoint on timeless stories. In order to tell us
narratives with tropes turned on their heads, to give us reconstructed missing sections,
and to give us more fair and logical conclusions, many writers of modern mythical fiction
are embracing feminist crusades "Liberation of Sita", written by renowned Telugu
(feminist) writer the Volga and translated into English by Vijay Kumar and C.
Vijayasree, is a superb feminist adaptation of Sita's Ramayana based on Telugu songs.
This publication is an anthology with five short stories in it. Four minor characters from
Valmiki's Ramayana that Sita encounters and interacts with are Surpanakha, who has lost
her beauty; Renuka, whose sculptures inspire awe; and Ahalya, who lives a hermit's
existence; and Urmila, who has attained her inner peace. Even though the plot is non-
linear, we view Sita as a persistent learner who starts her marriage as a naïve and
innocent girl who grows in insight and knowledge along the way.
Sita's Ramayana is really about female solidarity and cooperation rather than a revolt
against patriarchy. Each story is just as much about the other women as it is about Sita:
Surpanakha, Ahalya, Renuka, and Urmila. We hear the voices and stories of these ladies
who had experienced terrible injustices; some of them, it has been believed, resemble
Sita's experiences at the time. "She had a sense of kinship and a connection with them
when she realized their pain was the same. Sita realized she was not alone after she
learned about the struggles of others." These women's individual experiences have given
them a wealth of knowledge and insight, which is eventually imparted to Sita at the very
moment that she needs it. Their experiences are heightened, and Sita recalls and hears
their voices throughout the book. Her inner voice ultimately gains strength from the
direction she receives from these ladies who look out for her and care for her. This bond
she forges with these women encourages her to uphold sisterhood, a welcome diversion
from the clichéd themes of conflict, doubt, judgement, and competitiveness in the
Ramayana.
Much emphasis is placed on Sita's mental conditioning of the "truths" and "dharmas" she
fervently adhered to her whole life. The genuine meaning of success for a woman does
not lie in her relationship with a man, Surpanaka says to Sita ("I've learned that the real
definition of success for a woman does not reside in her association with a man"). Ahalya
advises Sita on how to deal with those who are suspicious of her honesty and who do so (
"Sita, what exactly does an inspection entail? Yes, distrust is present. Wouldn't it be
better to put your faith in your guilt or innocence instead? "). Renuka advises Sita to stop
identifying herself only in terms of her family, such as a wife or mother. Urmila instructs
Sita to delve within herself till she finds the truth about herself. She urges Sita to liberate
herself and defend herself alone.
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Sita's release celebrates womanhood and the power of decision-making. Sita challenges
the foundational principles of truth and religion to find inner peace and liberation. As
Renuka so eloquently puts it: "One can only come to understand the truth via experience.
And you inform them of all you learn. You could realize the truth of my statements when
you learn more about the world." After all, the primary foundations of feminism are
curiosity, challenging the world, and debunking ingrained preconceptions, and this book
joyfully presents them to the world.
In addition to providing a modern context that makes the teachings more applicable from
a 21st-century outlook, feminist retellings of magnificent epics like the Ramayana and
any mythical story are essential for rejecting the authoritarian principles that underlie
them. These authors show Sita as somebody who was no longer used as a tool to further
the agenda of others or as a prize in a man's conquest by making way for new ideas inside
the old discourse. She had the freedom to create a universe where she felt liberated. As
feminists, it is the kind of society we want to see
Check your progress
h) A brahmin home is divided into how many parts in south India?
i. One
ii. Two
iii. Three
iv. Fourthi
i) The Liberation of Sita, written by
i. Volga
ii. A.K Ramanujan
iii. T.S Khajanchi
iv. T. Vijay Kumar
1.5.4 Non-Brahmin Songs
The Ramayana songs sung by non-Brahmin women exhibit a similar strategy of
undermining authority while seeming to embrace it. These songs are neither as numerous
nor influential in non-Brahmin women's repertoires as in Brahmin women's. Songs by
non-Brahmins performed by women when they are working in the fields, milling wheat,
or playing kolatam (a musical dance performance in which players walk around each
other while smashing wooden sticks in their hands).
Malas, an untouchable group, make up most women working in agriculture in Andhra.
These castes' women create their own income, labour in the fields alongside men, and
lead far less controlled and restricted lifestyles. The practice of gender segregation is not
as prevalent as among the upper castes. However, women are allocated labour that is
perceived to need less competence, such as weeding and transplanting, sowing, and
harvesting, and are paid less than men. Women also participate in teams that males
generally lead. The household activities carried out by these women are distinct from
those of the men. However, the division is not as unique as it is among the upper castes.
Males from lower castes, for instance, do not see caring for and feeding their children as
demeaning.
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The Ramayana songs sung by non-Brahmin women serve as an example of this
inequality. Songs often focus on female themes, such as Sita's time spent in the
wilderness, Ravana's kidnapping of Sita, and Rama's battle with his sons Kusa and Lava.
However, depictions of women's ceremonial responsibilities, ambitions, and inner battles
within a joint family are not very popular. In addition, there are few stories about covert
sexuality, feminine modesty, or games played by spouses and wives.
Unlike Brahmin songs sung in the backyards of households, these songs are performed in
rice fields. It's interesting how parts selected from the places where ladies sing while they
start with a basic tale but end rather abruptly seem quite unfinished. One wonders
whether low-caste women's disinterest in finishing what is not theirs is not reflected in
the open style of labour songs. The Ramayana's framework, with its regal settings and
brahminical ideals, belongs to others, unlike the open fields where they toil; thus, rather
than showing an incapacity to create a refined song, it is a sign of rejection.
Check your progress
j) What is kolatam?
i. A painting
ii. Collective rangoli making
iii. Collective play of music and dance
iv. Festival celebration
1.6 Conclusion
Why do women sing these songs? Edwin Ardener put forth the idea that muted groups
manifest patriarchal dominance. This group includes women and members of the lower
castes in India. Ardener asserts that muted groups are not peaceful groups. They exhibit
themselves, but in the name of the dominant narrative. The lyrics of the female Ramayana
songs do not transform their performers or listeners into feminists, and they have no
impact on men who have heard them. None of the studies revealed a negative attitude
toward the public, masculine Ramayana version. Do women sing a song for themselves,
consciously following the lyrics' messages? According to studies, their singing is so
routinely performed that they seem to understand the message subconsciously rather than
consciously. Another intriguing query is whether or not people pay attention to the
discrepancy between what they sing at home and what they hear out front.
Do they talk about these issues amongst themselves? Women sing texts that are not
mystical.Their messages are straightforward, their language is simple, and they rebel
against male dominance.Perhaps the song's strength comes from the lack of overt
opposition.These songs are sung by women who prefer to function within the patriarchal
family structure rather than try to overthrow it. They are not particularly interested in
directly challenging authority. These songs seem to adore internal freedom. Women only
speak out against the head of the household when such release is in danger due to an
oppressive power he is using. Even then, they compromise his authority rather than
openly opposing him. These songs are a core component of the brahminic ideology that
educates Brahmin women and helps them develop their awareness in a way appropriate
for living in a world that is ultimately ruled by men.
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1.7 Glossary
1. Epistemologyis the theory of knowledge, especially about its methods, validity,

and scope, as well as the distinction between justified beliefs and opinions.
2. Oral Epic - It is the narrative poetry attributed to a story found in oral form
performed by professional singers and the ethnic people
3. Varaha - separation
1.8 Important Qestions

Short Question Answers
1. What are the oral narratives with textual traditions? (section-2)
2. What is oral literate? (section-2)
3. Would you believe that voice belongs to oral culture and print exclusively to
written literature? If so, explain why; if not, explain why not. (section-2)
4. What are Oral Epics? (section-3)
5. What are the triadic features of the oral narratives? (section-3)
6. What are the senses of humour used by Telugu women in reciting songs? (section-
4.3)
7. How Lakshmana and Urmila were reformulated in these songs?(section-4.3)
Long Question Answers
1) What is the significant difference between brahmin and non-brahmin songs of
Telugu women
2) Howthe oral narrative of Ramayana tries to recreate the anxieties of Telugu
women
3) How the structure of the house is replicated in the structure of song representation
4) Give your personal views on the future of Telugu oral narratives in India
5) Are these songs feminine negotiation or contestation
6) Are the mere songs recitals for Telugu women or a source of change in their lives
7) Differentiate between Valmiki's Ramayana and Telgu's oral narrative of women
Answers to Check your progress
a) (i) b) (i) c) (ii) d) (ii) e) (ii) f) (ii) g) (iii) h) (iii) i) (i) j) (iii)
1.9 Bibliography
 Harmony: New essays on the folklore of India, edited by Stuart H. Blackburn and
A. K. Ramanujan, pp. 105–30
 Belief and the Problem of Women, Edwin Ardener, pp. 1–17 and 19–27
 M. N. Srinivas, "Some Telugu Folk Songs," Journal of the University of Bombay,
vol. 13, no. 1, July 1944, pp. 65–86, and vol. 13, no. 4, January 1945, pp. 15–29
 Epics and Ideologies: Six Telugu Folk Epics, by V. Narayana Rao, in Another
Harmony, edited by Blackburn and Ramanujan, 131-64
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1.10 Further Readings
 Changing ideas and episodes in India: an edited collection, Blackburn, S. H. and
Ramanujan, A. K. 41–75. Print. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986.
 Literary Cultures in History: South Asian reconstructions. 2003: University of
California Press, United Kingdom.
 The Ramayana of Valmiki. 7 volume Critical Edition Oriental Institute, Baroda,
1960–1975. Print
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LESSON 2
(ii) Theatre and Dance
Dr. Kanak Rele
Structure
2.1 Theatre Culture in India
2.1.1 Introduction
2.1.2 The Classical Theatre
2.1.3 Ancient South Indian Theatre
2.1.4 The Folk Stage
2.1.5 Search for a New Theatre
2.1.6 The Bengal Theatre and Others
2.1.7 The Professional Theatre
2.1.8 The Urban Theatre
2.1.9 Conclusion
2.1.10 Suggested Readings
2.2 Indian Classical Dance
2.2.1 Natyashastra
2.2.2 Dance
2.2.3 Bharata Natyam
2.2.4 Mohini Attam
2.2.5 Kathakali
2.2.6 Manipuri
2.2.7 Odissi
2.2.8 Kuchipudi
2.2.9 Kathak
2.2.10 Conclusion
All artistic endeavours of human beings are symbols through which they communicate
their deep feelings and emotions which are beyond ordinary speech. Music, dance and
drama (collectively termed as the performing arts) are irrevocably interwoven in the
Indian context.
2.1 Theatre Culture in India
2.1.1 Introduction
Rabindranath Tagore once said that a nation’s culture is judged by the standard of its
theatre. The great Russian actor and producer, Stanislavsky, described the stage as an
index of the aesthetic taste of a nation. And in his characteristic way Bernard Shaw
declared, “A national theatre is worth having for the sake of the nation’s soul”. The
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literature of each language abounds is plays which have never been produced and which
may not be worth producing, but which may have poetical and other literary qualities to
sustain them. But they do not belong to the theatre. In the art of the theatre the written
play is something like the script in the art of the film.
It no doubt furnishes the basis, the framework, and the substance of the play as
produced. But there are other things besides the written play which go to make the
final performance. There are the actors and actresses, there is the producer, there are
scenic arrangements and lighting effects; costumes and make-up are equally
important, and very often there is music. The art of the theatre is a composite art, and
a product of collaboration between artists and technician
2.1.2 The Classical Theatre
Ancient Hindus had a very high conception of the art of the theatre. The art of drama
which included dance – was fashioned out of the four Vedas (Natyashastra). The words
were taken from the Rigveda, the abhinaya or visual representation was taken from the
Yajurveda, the music from the Samaveda and the rasa from the Atharvaveda. The art is
extolled as capable of securing the four-fold objectives of life, of increasing one’s fame,
promoting self-confidence, and increasing one’s skill in handling men and things. It is
described as an art which helps the growth of generosity, firmness, courage and grace. It
will drive away pain, sorrow, despair and mental affliction. The following characteristics
of a drama as narrated by Brahma, according to the introductory chapter of Bharata’s
Natyashastra, demonstrate the highly developed and comprehensive conception of drama
which the ancient Hindus had:
“The drama is a representation of the state of the three worlds. In it sometimes there is
reference to duty, sometimes to fame, sometimes to peace, and sometimes laughter is
found in it, sometimes fight, sometimes lovemaking, and sometimes killing. This teaches
duty to those bent on doing their duty, love to those who are eager for its fulfillment, and
it chastises those who are ill-bred or unruly, promotes self-restraint in those who are not
disciplined, gives courage to cowards, energy to heroic persons, enlightens men of poor
intellect and gives wisdom to the learned... The drama, as I have devised, is mimicry of
actions and conducts of people, which is rich in various emotions, and which depicts
different situations. This will relate to actions of men, good, bad and indifferent, and will
give courage, amusement and happiness, as well as counsel to them all. The drama will
thus be instructive to all, through actions and states depicted in it, and sometimes arising
out of it. It will also give relief to unlucky persons who are afflicted with sorrow and
grief of overwork, and will be conducive to observance of duty as well as to fame, long
life, intellect and general good, and will educate people. There is no wise maxim, no
learning, no art or craft, no dance, no action that is not found in the drama. Hence I have
devised the drama in which meet all the departments of knowledge, different arts, and
various actions.”
While Greek Drama was growing in the 6th century B.C. during the celebration for the
festival of Dionysius which was brought from Egypt, Indian drama had also developed;
for, dance, music, dialogue etc. are already in the Vedas and historians of Indian Drama
have held that Indian Drama had a native origin, a religious and ritual origin. In the 5th
century B.C., Panini speaks of two hand books of Aphorisms for actors (Natasutras). In
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the 4th century Maurya court the minister-poet Subandhu in his Vasavadattanatyadhara
experimented a new form of drama. The first proper Sanskrit drama grew out of the
festival of Indra’s Banner and was the initiation of acts of God, the triumph of Gods over
demons. Out of this developed the Heroic play (Nataka) depicting godly kings of the
Epics. From this high epic theme, the play had, by the 5th and 4th centuries B.C., come to
historical kings like the romantic Udayana.
Bhasa was a great pre-Kalidasa dramatist. He handled with consummate skill themes of
love and separation, interlinked them to political fortunes and schemes and even
produced a number of one-act pieces. The ancient theatre in the distant past evolved a
variety of forms. The theatre reflected the social milieu of Courtesan, clown etc. and
portrayed allegorical characters like faith, fortitude and knowledge. While the Heroic
play held before the people the ideal of the noble kings of the Epics and Myths, the social
play (Prakarana) in one or two acts presented the pretensions of the higher rungs of the
society and the vice of the lower sections. Bharata’s Natyashastra (2nd century B.C. – 2nd
century A.D.) gives a full and rich picture of the classical theatre, the ten types of play,
three kinds of play-house, the variety of the play, its sentiments and aesthetics, speaking,
acting, make-up, production, qualities of spectators, music etc. The Natyashastra is the
most elaborate treatise of the ancient world on Drama.
The contributions of the great trio, Kalidasa, Sudraka and Bhavabhuti to the classical
theatre are well known. Visakadatta is another noteworthy name in this context. He had
the genius to harness and exploit politics. King Harsha wrote Nagananda. Rajasekara
wrote Karpuramanjari in pure Prakrit. In the 9th and 10th centuries, a number of irregular
and shorter forms grew. About fifteen varieties of these, referred to as uparupakas (minor
theoretical forms) are described in works of dramaturgy, attesting the freedom,
imagination and experimentations.
Even if most of the themes of the classical plays and some of the forms of classical drama
may not command today the appeal they once had, the classical conception of dramatic
art, its technique of presentation of mood and character in the play and of producing it on
stage, will not fail to attract the thoughtful playwrights, producers and critics today
because of their intrinsic value and essential aesthetic quality. Bharata described Drama
as both drishya and sravya; to be seen and heard.
The Sanskrit drama opens with a prologue in which the manager and compassion converse
and introduce the poet and the play. The theme is organised in acts called ankas, ranging
from four to ten. There may be a change of scene within the act, but no scenic divisions
within an act are indicated. The acts contain a continuous action not exceeding the duration
of a day. The acts may have an introductory scene with higher or lower characters, the
purpose of this being to give the link or continuity in the story and to enlighten the audience
by narration, report or dialogue; about events which could not be shown on the stage in the
course of main acts. No character can enter without having been indicated already. The text
of the play is in mixed prose and verse style, the verse appearing wherever there is need for
a striking expression or heightened effect. Like the mixture of prose and verse, there is also
a mixture of the learned and popular tongues, the higher strata and the educated male
characters speaking Sanskrit and the lower classes and the ladies, barring courtesans,
speaking Prakrit, sometimes of different kinds; according to the number and nature of the
lower characters. The action may be of short duration or one spread over years, and,
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similarly played in specific place or spread over different places. The theme may be taken
from well-known epics or invented or mixed; even when the story is well known, the
dramatist could make innovations to suit his dramatic idea and purpose, for what the
Sanskrit drama endeavours to present is a harmonious character and harmonious emotional
impression in the spectator’s hearts. The drama should have a happy ending.
The older and major forms of drama (Rupaka), took into its fold later and lesser forms,
the uparupakas, different kinds of dance-drama. These uparupakas passed on the art to
regional dance-dramas in Sanskrit-cum-local language and in pure local languages.
Ankia Naats, Yatras, Yakshaganas, Bhagavata Naatakas, Krishnattam, and Kathakali.
These uparupakas preserved the tradition and genius of indigenous theatre, and supplied
the materials, methods and means for all pioneers in modern times to revive and re-create
an Indian theatre in authentic style, in contrast to the other modern stage which had
hitched itself to a distant star in an alien sky and had since been spending its energies
mainly in trying to catch up with trends and models abroad.
2.1.3 Ancient South Indian Theatre
An account of the ancient South Indian theatre is available in the Arangerru Kaadai of
Silappathikaram and the learned commentary of Atiyarku-Nallar while there are about a
dozen lines in the epic; the commentary runs to over 20 pages. Several other works like
Agathyam, Bharatam, Muruval, Jayantham, Guna Nul, Seyirrium and Kuttu Nul were
available. It is obvious that there must have been a large body of ancient dramatic works
in Tamil to have necessitated so many treatises on the grammar of drama. Indeed the
classical division into Iyal, Isai and Natakam shows that the Tamil drama had an
independent position.
In ancient Tamilnadu, Natakam was a sub-division of Kuttu or dance. The institution of
dance was purified and brought under two main divisions Shanti Kuttu (intended for the
enlightened section of the community) and Vinodakuttu (for backward sections).
Shantikuttu embraced among others Abhinayam and Natakam (For example Kathakali).
Silappathikaram counted among the artistes qualifications not only beauty of form and
proficiency in music and dancing, but also birth in a good family. However, early Tamil
works show that dancing girls and prostitution were recognized as a necessary social
institution of Marutham (the land of paddy fields, wealth and luxury). Among the
various classes of Vinodakuttu may be mentioned Kuravai, Tholpavai, Vidushaka Kuttu
and Veriyaattu. Various forms of acting and drama in Tamilnadu and Kerala have to be
understood against the background discussed above.
The dramatic representations can be divided into three classes: (1) Indigenous (Kuttu,
aattam etc.) including those acted in temples and those acted in public places other than
temples. (2) Imported (Yatras) (3) Devil dances and propitiatory dances such as the fire-
dance, Bhadrakali dance etc.
Yatras are prevalent only among Brahmans, and the actors should be only Brahmans.
The performance was sacred and took place in the temple. The representation seems to
have been imported. The actors are called Bharatas and the play in sometimes called
Bharatanatyam. It is also called Sakkiyar Kuttu (Sakkiyar is a Malayalam Corruption of
the Sanskrit Slagya = “celebrated” “best”). Some people also perceive it as a corruption
of Buddhist deriving it from the Buddhist play Nagananda.
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2.1.4 The Folk Stage
The decadence of Sanskrit drama was due by the 10th century A.D. Sanskrit language had
ceased to be the language of the people. Over different regions it had developed into
different well-established dialects known as apabhramsas. Each apabhramsa dialect was
soon to assume a form – to be known by the 15th century in its trial form – as one of the
modern Indo-Aryan languages. This language of the people was still far from creating its
own literature though, in some first literature made its appearance by the 12th century
A.D. In contrast, the South Indian languages, not derived from but only influenced by
Sanskrit, had a literature of their own by 9th century A.D. Naturally between 9th and 16th
centuries there could not be written dramas. Absence of written plays, however, should
not mean absence of the theatre. Over centuries and under the influence of the
Natyashastra theatre artistes had developed into a distinct caste called “charanas”. These
charanas could be taken as the descendants of the Sutas (bards of the epic days). They
recited the traditional stories and received patronage from the kings and nobles. This
patronage added to their repertoire. In addition to the traditional heroic poems, the bards
would now sing the glories of their patrons and their ancestors. Royal patronage gave a
fillip to the rejuvenation of the Indian theatre (Lakshmana Sena of Bengal and King of
Jodhpur can be cited as examples).
The rise of the cult of devotion (Shaivism and Vaishnavism) influenced the theatre in two
ways. Firstly, it induced a number of kings in different parts of the country to build
temples. The increasing number of temples meant increasing number of ‘play-houses’
and a direct encouragement to dance and drama. In many instances the dancers and
Sutradharas were assigned to these temples. It was their duty to arrange shows of dance
and drama. Every architectural work of the time has concerned itself with the dramatic
arts by caring an entire show in all its details. Often times, the king himself would be the
composer (and even the choreographer) of a dance-drama. The institution of Charanas
had brought into existence moving groups of performers and these groups could travel to
different places and give their offerings (in the form of shows) to the deity.
It was no longer in the medium which people could not understand but was enacted in the
vernacular. The Bhaktas (Saints) sang their songs conveying knowledge and experience
to the people directly and naturally. It is a historical fact that the beginnings of literature
in most of the Indian languages can be traced to the songs and sayings of these saints. The
Bhakta could not only sing but also dance in gay ecstasy. With increase in popularity, his
dance and song led to community-singing and community-dancing. He sang mostly about
the life and deeds of God. The epic Bhagavata, dealing with the life story of Krishna,
provided most of the inspiration. Between the Saint (the individual) and God, there was
no longer any intermediary, which fact often times, turned a song into a dialogue. For
example in Jayadeva’s Gita-Govinda, we come across a dialogue between Radha (the
individual self) and Krishna (the universal God). The folk-stage of India has to be
understood against the background discussed so far.
2.1.5 Search for a New Theatre
It is interesting to note that the decline of the Mughal empire and the dawn of the modern
theatre took place almost simultaneously.Upto the 18th century, the folk-literature was
active and growing, without a new Kalidasa or Bhavabuti. The learned were more and
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more developed to evolving and establishing different schools of philosophy with the use
of Sanskrit. In the courts of kings, poets and writers were respected more for their
knowledge of both Sanskrit and the regional language. The upper strata of society were
two busy with political affairs to be interested in the arts. It was easier to find a
Sayanacharya who wrote commentaries on the Vedic collections than a Kalidasa even as
late as Vijayanagar empire. The rise and popularity of the folk theatre rejuvenated by the
influence of Bhakti doctrine seem to have established the theatre as a pastime only for the
‘lower’ people. Mitravinda-Govinda, in the Kannada written in 1896 by an army officer
Singaraya is an example of the kind of plays that were available. Translations and
adaptations of earlier plays were undertaken under the patronage of kings. In a country
like India no man had his existence in society except as a member of a caste. The British
conquest created two new castes, the superior untouchable (mlechcha) the conqueror, and
the newly educated Indians (another untouchable caste) who feared and flattered, hated
and admired, and obeyed and initiated the superior mlechhas’. Out of the conflict
between these two groups was born the modern Indian theatre.
2.1.6 The Bengal Theatre and Others
The British had settled in Bengal much earlier than in any other part of India. The newly-
educated class of Indians thus first came into existence in Bengal. For their entertainment
the Britishers depended on ‘home’ products. In respect of theatre, too, we can imagine
them either putting up English plays themselves or arranging for visiting groups from
‘home’. Against this background we come across Herasim Lebedeff (Russian adventurer)
and Mr. Goloknath Doss translating and staging two comedies Disguise and Love is the
best Doctor, on the 7th of November 1795. The next 50 years witnessed a great upsurge in
the establishment of modern theatre. The changed and changing outlook brought about by
English education was responsible for the establishment of the first Bengali theatre by
Prasanna Kumar Tagore in 1831. Here English plays were produced by Indians. English
translation of Uttara-Rama-Charita was also staged. When a new audience comes into
existence the search for a new theatre was also set in motion. Similar things were
happening at Sanghi in Maharashtra. The performance of a Dashavatara (Yakshagana)
play was staged. One Vishnudas, in 1843 prepared a mythological play called
Sitasvayamvara. (see for details The Marathi Theatre 1843-1960, published by popular
Book Depot, Bombay, 1961). It is this performance which laid the foundation of Marathi
theatre which grew and by 1925 reached the pinnacle of its glory. The freedom of speech
for the clown and the make-up of the demons show the influence of Yakshagana. But the
signing of songs by different actors is a significant departure from tradition.
It is interesting to find an attempt to blend tradition and modernity. In Bengal, the
Lebedeff theatre had created a desire in the new audience for suitable plays.
Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar and Merchant of Venice were rendered in Bengali. English
models provoked nostalgic respect for the best in our own tradition. The first play giving
expression to social reform was Kulin-Kul-Sarbasva, written in 1854 by Ram Narayan
Tarkaratna dealing with the problem of polygamy. Under play Inder Sabha was staged in
1853. Parsi Natak Mandali was founded in the same year. The Sepoy Muliny of 1857
inspired the Indian Theatre. Bengal and Maharashtra, the two regions where the spirit of
revolt against East India Company was more active, took the lead. In 1872 the National
Theatre was built in Kolkata. Vishnu Das Bhave became active in Bombay. Vinayak
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Janardan Keertane wrote many plays on 1857 themes. Dinabandhu Mitra wrote Nil-
Darpan. These are indications that a class of dramatists were coming into existence
which considered that a play should hold the mirror to social conditions. Between 1857
and 1870 not only were more plays written but also more and more performances given
(For example, Michael Madhusudhan Dutt).
2.1.7 The Professional Theatre
Bombay is a commercial centre, the Parsis a commercial community and the professional
theatre is a commercial venture. The Sangli production encouraged repeat of shows, to
maintain a group of actors and to go to cities like Poona and Bombay to stage plays.
Vishnudas Bhave rented a play-house in Bombay and collected money. His first Hindi
play, Raja Gopichand recorded a collection of Rs. 1800 in one night. The promise of
good returns encouraged the commercial venture.
Within ten years there were almost a dozen groups in Maharashtra. They were yet to
become theatrical companies. With the construction of play-houses and with assured
audiences in cities, the situation changed. The performances came to be organised on a
regular basis. Parsi companies came into existence by 1850s. They visited South India
also. Karnataka through up the first professional group in 1877 at a place called Gadag.
Sarasa Vinodhini Sabha and Sumanorama Sabha came up in Bellary. The types of plays
produced in South were mythological. Professional theatre became achieve throughout
India.
2.1.8 The Urban Theatre
It is commonly believed that the advent of Indian films was one of the main reasons for
the decline of drama. The conversion of play-houses into cinema houses, the desertion of
stage-actors for the films and play-wrights being attracted to writing film scripts are cited
as the reasons. With the new education, a new outlook was being formed. A large number
of educated Indians were enamoured by English plays. They studied them in their schools
and colleges but not the Sanskrit plays. But in the last two decades of 19th century we find
translations of Shakespeare’s plays, Kalidasa, Bhavabuti, Harsha and Bhattanarayana.
Social plays were also written (For example, Sangit Sharada in Marathi). Rabindranath
Tagore’s plays are classic examples of urban theatre. Valmiki Pratibha (1881),
Raktakarabi (1924), Mukta Dhara, Nalir Puja and Taser Desh are the most important
ones. It is obvious that Tagore was trying to evolve the type of drama suited to its
essential purpose. His poetical dramas recall the earlier traditional form of Sanskrit plays.
His symbolic dramas are a protest against what was current then in initiation of
Shakespeare’s plays. He has no stage-directions about the setting etc. because real drama
lies in the poetry of writing. Since his expression was more on the expression of the
meaning, he experimented with dance-dramas as well.
The first elements of realism were introduced in the 1920’s by Sisir Kumar Bhaduri,
Naresh Mitra, Ahindra Chowdhri and Durga Das Banerjee. Probha Devi and Kanakvati
were two able actresses. Sisir Kumar Bhaduri dominated the Bengali stage for half a
century and he took the art of acting to new heights. It was he more than anyone else who
brought about the transition from formal rhetorical acting to modern realistic acting on
the Indian stage.
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As a result of the political consciousness among the masses a ‘progressive’ or what is
called leftist tendency emerged in 1930’s. The idea of ‘progressivism’ influenced
literature and drama. To imperialism were added dictatorships like Fascism and Nazism.
When the Second World War began, some of the progressive writers were nationalists (in
the sense they yearned for India’s Freedom). They organised the IPTA. It included
writers like Khwaja Ahmed Abbas and Manmath Ray and it provided scope and
encouragement to actor-producers like Sombhu Mitra. It brought out new dramatists, new
actors, new themes and an active theatre. Under the leadership of Kamaladevi
Chattopadhyaya, the Indian National Theatre (INT) came into existence. This had a
socialist thought from the left wing of the Indian National Congress. They were also
nationalists. Significantly the first production of the INT was a ballet based on Nehru’s
The Discovery of India. INT is an all India institution with its branches all over India.
2.1.9 Conclusion
Through poetry and drama man reveals himself to himself. He mirrors his soul, he
expresses the desires, the urges, the hopes, the dreams, the successes and the failures in
his struggle to make himself at home in the world. Kavya is of two kinds – Shravya and
Drishya. The latter is nataka or drama. The dramatist or the playwright delights us by the
perfection of his art, its variety, its music, and its mood. The dramatist shows us the
heights and depths to which man can rise and fall. He induces in us sympathy for the
good and hatred of the evil. He affects our feelings directly and conveys ideas indirectly.
Folk theatre is a popular medium which has enthralled the spectators for a very long
period of time.Its various forms in different regions of India have provided a lot of
diversity in terms of expression. The tradition of Jatra, a form of itinerant theatre that
borrowed the tales from the epics, mythology and folk stories often with an objective to
present a reformist – social or religious – message was very popular in Bengal in 18-19th
century. The other variants of popular theatre were spread all over India – Nautanki in
Uttar Pradesh, Tamasha in Maharashtra, Lila in Orissa, Swang in Punjab, Yakshagana in
Karnataka, Bhavai in Gujarat, Kathakali in Kerala etc. in which itinerant troupes moved
from place to place to present their shows.
Folk theatre is for the entertainment of the masses so there is an earthy quality to its
presentations. It is able to connect with the local audience as it is in the local language
and the symbolisms used in the presentations are also culture-specific. It creates more
impact, available at a lower budget, has huge flexibility, and has more credibility and
familiarity.
Puppetry is one of the most popular traditional media for communication. The word
sutradhar (string-holder) is derived from theatre. It provides education as well as
entertainment. The puppets can impart learning on agriculture, health, gender – justice,
removal of superstitions, maintenance of communal harmony, employment and other
issues of relevance. There are various kinds of puppetry for instance, string puppetry, rod
puppetry, shadow puppetry etc. Colloquial language and familiar situations make this art
hugely popular with the audience.
Moreover, street theatre or nukkad – natak has also become more widespread lately
where it is being used to create awareness on various contemporary issues of rele
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A. Fill in the blanks:
(i) Vasavadattanatyadhara is a drama written by ____________.
(ii) Bharata describes drama as both __________ and __________which means
‘to be seen and heard’.
(iii) Natakam was a sub-division of _______ or dance in ancient Tamilnadu.
(iv) ____________ were a distinct caste of the theatre artists who were influenced
by the Natyashastra.
(v) The Indian National Theatre (INT) came into existence under the leadership of
____________________.
B. State ‘True’ or ‘False’:
(i) Harsha wrote Nagananda.
(ii) Bhasa was a great dramatist who lived before Kalidasa.
(iii) Dinabandhu Mitra wrote Nil-Darpan.
(iv) The earliest reference of music is found in Samaveda.
C. Short Questions:
1. Highlight important features of Classical theatre.
2. Give a brief account of ancient south Indian theatre.
D. Long Questions:
1. Examine the theatre culture in ancient India.
1. Balwant Gargi, Theatre in India, Published by Theatre Arts Books, 1962.

2. James R. Brandon, Introduction, in Baumer, Rachel Van M., and James R.
Brandon, eds. 1981. Sanskrit Theatre in Performance. Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1993.
3. Manomohan Ghosh, tr. The Natyaśāstra, Granthalaya, Calcutta, 1967.
4. Pramod Kale, The Theatric Universe, Popular Prakashan Pvt Ltd, 1974.
5. Farley Richmond, “India” in Banham, Martin, ed. The Cambridge Guide to
Theatre, Cambridge, 1998.
6. Farley Richmond, “The Political Role of Theatre in India”, Educational
Theatre Journal, Vol. 25, No. 3, October 1973, pp. 318-334. (Retrieved
October 2015, from http://www.yavanika.org:
http://www.yavanika.org/classes/reader/richmond.pdf)
7. Sudhi Pradhan, ed., Marxist Cultural Movement in India; Chronicles and
Documents, (1936-1947), Vol. I.
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2.2 Indian Classical Dance
Art is one of the most essential activities for the mere existence of man, just as religion is.
It is the fundamental need of human beings to communicate. Bereft of the means of
communicating with other human beings a man ultimately loses all his senses and either
degenerates to the animal level or even dies. Art is communication at the deepest and
lasting level.
True art has that indestructible quality that outlasts life, conditions, trends and all the
changing conditions of this dynamic world. And transcending the barriers of time it
effects people in a very deep and moving manner. This is true of all art and specially of
dancing which because it is totally dependent on the human body, is the most malleable
art. And it is the oldest one.
The cultural history of Bharat is of a very ancient origin – something that cannot be
pinpointed. One can surmise that it is probably one of the oldest cultures in existence
today. This culture is made of many glorious facets – just as a diamond is. One of them is
its robust and thriving theatrical tradition. By theatrical it is meant all that which pertains
to what we term as the performing arts – drama, music and dance. All the three are
irrevocably interwoven in the Indian context. Drama and dance appear to be like two
sides of the same coin wherein music (sangeeta) playing the binding force. In the Indian
context drama (naatya) cannot be devoid of dance (nritta and nritya) and music (sangeeta
– both geeta and vaadya). All the three arts have played a very major role in the social
life of our country from time immemorial. As early as the 5th century B.C. the cultured
sophisticated section of the society had felt the need to regularise the diverse theatrical
practices abounding in the country which was then referred to as Jambudveepa. It was but
natural that the vast geographical expanse that constituted the country which teemed with
diverse Aryan tribes would bring their own cultural ethos. At the same time the original
inhabitants had their own very well established cultures. The coming together of these
diverse traditions in different parts of the country resulted in rather individualistic cultural
strains. But one fact that emerges with certainty is that music, dance and drama were an
integral part of human life. The country was very steadily achieving a cohesive social
fabric, the cohesiveness embracing religio- philosophical thoughts, familial norms,
economic governance and that unavoidable element, entertainment, which is essential for
the well being of a normal human being. At some stage very early in its evolution the
society also gave forth the caste system which resulted in polarisation of its members.
The so called lower strata of the society had its own channels of entertainment, the higher
strata having its own which was certainly sophisticated and well planned. It is to regulate
this sophisticated element that an effort of gigantic magnitude was initiated which
resulted in a text of unparalleled foresight and efficacy – The Natyashastra (Science of
Dramatergy) enveloping the performing arts, delineating a very definite and precise set of
rules which guides the triad of drama, dance and music. A later development dictates that
the authenticity of any performing art is tested on the dicta of this particular set of rules
propounded in the Naatyashaastra. The Natyashastra is attributed to the legendary sage
Bharata and the scholars and performers of every era have sworn allegiance to it. As for
the components of this art of naatya (which includes the other performing arts music and
dance) Bharata says “I shall create a fifth Veda on naatya with itihasa and which includes
all shastras and will give a review of all the shilpas”. And again he states:
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“There is no wise maxim, no learning, no art or craft, no action that is not found in
the drama (naatya)”.
The Natyashastra is thus neither a treatise exclusively for drama as advocated by some
nor a treatise on dance as believed by some other votaries. On the contrary the rules
guiding the practice of dance have to be very carefully and discerningly culled from the
dicta of Bharata generally meant for drama. Once this sifted and sieved set of rules is
determined dance emerges as an independent art yet it continues to be an integral part of
drama.
About the nature of his naatya, Bharata states, “When human nature comprising joys and
sorrows is depicted by the means of representation (abhinaya) like aangika, saattvika etc.
it is called naatya”.
Without going into a detailed study of the dicta of the Natyashastralet us turn to the
technique that it delineates. In the above referred shloka Bharata introduces us to the
component “abhinaya” and its two varieties – aangika, saattvika.
Before a person can achieve anything, he or she must breathe and move. This movement
is the source of life and dance is the supreme movement which was very essential to
primitive life. Failure to understand and appreciate dancing is failure to understand not
merely the supreme manifestation of physical life, but also the supreme symbol of
spiritual life. What then is dancing and its significance?
Dancing in its widest sense is the personalised human reaction to the appeal of a general
rhythm which marks not only human life but the universe. Dancing is an arrangement or
pattern in space as architecture and painting and sculpture are and employs spatial
rhythm. And like music, it is an arrangement in time employing rhythm. Thus dance is
the only art which can be called time-space art, employing rhythm in both the spheres –
audible and visual.
The earliest evidence of the art of dancing in India comes from the post-neolithic culture
– Indus Valley Civilization or the Harappan culture, which “in all its maturity was in
existence at the beginning of the third millennium B.C.”. There are two very beautiful
statuettes – that of the torso of a male dancer from Harappa and a copper figurine of the
dancing girl from Mohenjo-Daro. These figures not only stand testimony to a very
advanced stage of the artistic creativity of the sculpture but also to the fact that dance as
an art must have played sufficiently important part in the life of the people and were in an
advanced stage of development. For these statuettes appear to be conveying the
tremendous relationship of man’s innermost nature to that of the force of the external
nature surrounding him. There have been a good number of statuettes from the
excavations in this area but none seem to come in this class where a very definite physical
attitude is sought to be conveyed.
Historically the flowering and popularity of the performing arts have fluctuated from era
to era. Upon a systematic inquiry, there emerges a very definite and precise set of rules
which guide these performing arts – especially music, dance and drama. Another fact that
emerges is that the authenticity of any performing art is tested on the dicta of this
particular set of rules. And unanimously this set of rules has been attributed by scholars
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of every era to the unique text called the Natyashastra ascribed to the legendary sage
Bharata.
2.2.1 Natyashastra
The Natyashastra (science of Dramaturgy) by Bharata is a unique work of Sanskrit
literature. Judging by its title, this voluminous text should deal with theatre, but it is in
fact, an encyclopedia which deals with allied subjects and arts which go with the theatre
and successful stage presentation. The aim of not only the art of naatya but all arts
according to the ancient Indian art thought which can more appropriately be termed as
Hindu thought, is the creation of Rasa (the aesthetic object) through the Rasasvaada (the
aesthetic experience). The instructions as given in the Natyashastra envelop chiefly:
The dramatist In the writing of the play, the language to be
employed characteristics of different types of
plays and the analysis of their structure.
The stage manager and Their qualifications, the ritual that they
director follow, their duties etc
The actor and the actress Their qualifications, physical attributes,
proficiency, characterization, casting.
The pooja and preliminaries The entire ritualistic aspect connected with the
stage presentation according to Hindu thought
The auditorium Specifications, construction and the religious
ceremony to be conducted for consecration
The greenroom Manager Costume and makeup of the different characters
The music Musical accompaniment for a stage presentation
which include the theory of music in general
singing of songs, playing of various types of
instruments, taalas etc
The dance The dance movements appropriate for men and
women and their classification
As found in the Natyashastra the technique of naatya (drama) which applies broadly to
dance as well consists of the following three major components.
1. Dharmee (modes of presentation).
Dharmee is of two types – lokadharmee and naatyadharmee. The Indian dramatist very
early in the history of development of this art realized that to determine the correct
technique of the presentation of naatya (inclusive of dance) the exact place and quantum
of realism will have to be very accurately laid down. The lokadharmee is the realistic
mode of presentation where the natural behaviour of people is represented on the stage.
The naatyadharmee is highly conventionalized or stylised mode of presentation.
The former appears to be more natural while the latter is definitely studied and
preconceived as well as preplanned.
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2. Vritti (styles of composition).
Bharata lists four vrittis – bhaaratee (verbal), saattvatee (grand), aarabhatee (energetic)
and kaishikee (graceful).
3. Abhinaya (type of acting).
This can be termed as representation. Bharata lists four abhinayas saattvika (to do with
the soul), aangika (to do with the body), aahaarya (make up, costuming etc) and
vaachika (spoken words, songs etc). The etymology of this term is very interesting and
revealing. This term is of the greatest importance to the study of dance as it is undertaken
today.
abhi : near, towards
ni (naya) : conduct, guide
abhinaya : conduct, to represent on the stage, mimic.
The term abhinaya thus can be interpreted as “an act of conducting towards or near”. This
act of conduction is towards the spectator from the stage and is of the nature of mime.
The thing to be conducted is the idea, subject or the soul of the stage presentation. So it is
quite natural that this act of acquainting the spectator with the central ideas or theme of
the stage presentation should be of various kinds like the bodily movements (aangika),
spoken word (vaachika) etc. And the most important thing to be remembered is that this
particular act of conducting towards is performed by the performer.
This would mean that abhinaya is the primary means or vehicle for the communication of
the experience of the world; so drama (naatya) and dance are stage presentation where
the experiences of the world are communicated by means of abhinaya. Thus there cannot
be any drama or dance without abhinaya.
At this juncture it would be pertinent to understand Dance.
2.2.2 Dance
Dancing in its widest sense is the personalised human reaction to the appeal of a general
rhythm which marks not only human life but the universe. It is this rhythm which
regulates the universe and is the most essential and basic requirement of human life. It is
this rhythm which is called “laya” in Indian art philosophy that influences all the physical
and spiritual manifestations of life. And dancing based and woven round rhythm then
assumes a tremendous importance for man and also assumes spiritual qualities.
It is the fundamental need of human beings to communicate. Art is communication at the
deepest and most lasting level. Transcending the barriers of time it affects people in a
very deep and moving manner. This is true of all art and specially of dancing, which
because it is totally dependent on the human body, is the most malleable art. And it is the
oldest art.
The art of dancing then would mean two distinct components.
Dance
Form: Tangible Content: Intangible
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To the Indian concept of dance, neither of the components by itself could sustain the
totality of dance.
The content of dance down the ages was religion and various philosophical thoughts. One
and all, these spiritual and intellectual beliefs of the people strived to take man nearer to
the Supreme and to ultimately merge with the Supreme and achieve “moksha”
(Salvation). For those who were of a simpler turn of mind, who could not grasp the higher
metaphysics provided by the lofty schools of philosophy, Hinduism found an answer in
the simple mode of “bhakti” (devotion) which would lead them towards the Supreme and
“moksha”.
The form of dancing is a more tangible concept. It is very easy to observe and study the
form of dance as it exists today. It is also an easier task to know of the form of dancing
through ages from sculpture, painting and the evidence available from literature.
Apart from leading the practitioner and the beholder towards “moksha” all true Indian
arts (and more so classical) have a second and an equally important aim to achieve- that is
the creation of the supreme aesthetic experience – the “Rasa”.
In India eventual classicism was based on the gradual development of the composite
theatrical tradition towards a well defined form governed by a set of definite rules which
emerged gradually the set of rules being codified in the Natyashastra which appears to be
the only extant text on dramaturgy available to us. Rather than calling it a text one should
call the Natyashastra a workman’s manual.
If one looks around the classical dance scene today one notices the fact that almost all the
dance styles adhere to the Natyashastra whereas individually they may also follow some
regional text or a more concise one like the Abhinayadarpana or the Bharataarnava –
both attributed to Nandikeshvara.
It needs to be noted here that the term “nritya” as we understand it today has not been
used by Bharata – there is no mention of this term in the Natyashastra. The entire aim of
the Natyashastra dicta is to ccreate Rasa (aesthetic experience or enjoyment) and it sets
about to achieve this aim by the practice of the two dharmees, four vrittis and four
abhinayas. It also deals with what can be termed prosody, music inclusive of talas and
other co-related subjects.
Just as after Bharata the new term to describe emotive dance adopted by practioners and
scholars alike–nritya there emerged another dichotomy in the classification of dance –
tandava and lasya. Bharata uses the term tandava rather frequently. It appears that in
Bharata’s opinion any dance should be kept under the taandava category. The term lasya
is once again not used by Bharata – the word used by him is “sukumara” that is the gentle
or delicate dance. Yet today we very freely use the terms taandava for male oriented and
lasya for female oriented dance.
This leads to the following categorisation:-
Types of Dance
a) Nritya which is abstract dance; in the Natyashastra it is either discussed as
tandava or under the general category of aangikaabhinaya and is dealt with
under various movements of different parts of the body.
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b) Nritya which does not find any mention in the Natyashastra the term having
come into vogue in the subsequent centuries. A study of other texts based on
the Natyashastra like the Abhinavabharati, Sangeetaratnakara,
Bhavaprakasha and others highlights the fact that this type of dance is geared
towards the projection of bhavas which are mental or emotional conditions
inherent in human psyche in general.
c) Taandava which is the vigorous dance suitable for male representation.
d) Laasya which is the gentle or delicate dance suitable for female representation.
Abhinayas Let us now consider the four abhinayas.
i) Saattvika abhinaya
Saattvika abhinaya is all human activity (abhinaya) which is directly the result of the
concentrated mind – as rising in the ‘manas’ – and is employed in either nritya or naatya
because of its imitating human nature. Saattvika abhinaya is that sentiment (rasa) which
is creaged by the psychological state (bhaava) of the mind on the particular situation.
This rasa permeates among the spectators, thereby enveloping them also in the
concentration experienced by the dancer. Thus it is the Saattvika abhinaya of the dancer
which guides the enjoyment and experiences of the spectator, in whom the sentiment or
rasa is created directly due to the bhaava as being expressed by the dancer, or rasika.
(one who enjoys the presentation)
Bharata lists eight basic emotions (sthaayi bhaavas) giving rise to the eight sentiments
(rasas) at the aesthetic universalized, depersonalized but intenssely human level.
Sathaayi bhava Rasa
Rati Shringaara (enchantment or erotic)
Haasa Haasya (laughter)
Shoka Karuna (sorrow or pity)
Krodha Roudra (Anger)
Utsaaha Veera (Courage or Valour)
Bhaya Bhayaanaka (Fear)
Jugupsaa Bibhatsa (Disgust)
Vismaya Adbhuta (Wonderment)
To these was later added the Shaanta Rasa which came up as a result of the
intensely moving bhakti cult appealing to the masses.
(To watch nine Rasa or navarasa visit
http://onlinebharatanatyam.com/2008/03/10/navarasa-the-nine-moods/)
Bharata also lists 33 vyabhichaari bhavas or transient states.
ii) Aangika abhinaya
This abhinaya deals with the physical activities and movements of the body and
is represented by gestures and postures.
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Bharata divides the bodily movements as ;
i) Pertaining to the body itself which he calls shaareera which is manifested
through the major limbs (angas) – shira (head), vaksha (chest), kati (waist),
paarshva (sides), trika (hips), uru (thighs), hasta (hands) and pada (feet).
ii) Pertaining to the face which he calls mukhaja and is manifested through the
minor limbs (upaangas) – bhru (eyebrows), puta (eyelids) , taara
(eyeballs), naasaa(nose) , adhara (lips), chibuka(chin), ganda (cheeks),
danta (teath).
iii) Cheshtaakrita – Pertaining to body in general which is again of three types
– shakha, ankura and suchaa.
Out of these types of aangikaabhinaya it is the mukhaja combined with the
hasta that is most relevant to the conveying of ideas and the creation of rasas.
This does not mean that the others have no part to play; the body functions as a
whole and so the other parts of the body have to follow suit. It only means that
the other parts play a secondary role.
The later texts have added one more classification and that is pratyangas where
the movements of the grivaa (neck), baahu (arms), jaanu (knee) gulpha (ankles)
also have been included.These works are the later works like Abhinayadarpana,
Sangitaratnaakara etc., a fact which confirms the premise that the post Bharata
period saw the emergence of dancing as an equally important art with an
individuality all its own. Dance has primarily to do with the movements of the
body and thus it is but natural that the concept of aangika abhinaya would
receive greater importance.
iii) Vaachika abhinaya
This abhinaya deals with the use of speech and vocalisation in naatya as well as
dance representation. This would include the svaras (the musical notes to be
sung in the songs, playing of instruments etc)., sthana (pitches), kaaku
(intonation) etc. In dance it also includes the songs or lyrics which accompany a
performance.
iv) Aahaarya abhinaya
This abhinaya deals with the use of costumes, jewellery, make-up etc., in
theatrical representation.
The above study brings home the fact with renewed vigour that same as there was a
tradition of the science of dramaturgy there developed in India an equally tradition bound
science of dance ,both being quite akin to each other nevertheless running along as two
definite and distinct streams. With the passage of time, unfortunately for India, one of the
streams – drama – all but dried up. But the mainstream of dance continued to flow and
still does. It has been able to do so because of the very definite set of rules guiding its
scientific presentation thereby maintaining its exquisite beauty – our classical
(shaastriya) dances
Examined against this background one begins to appreciate the unity in diversity of the
contemporary classical Indian dances.
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All these dance styles sprang from different areas of our country and are the products of
the culture of a definite ethnic group. And yet all trace the root source of their origins to
the technique of dance as first codified in the Natyashastra, the diversifying elements
being the language, musical mode, body kinetics and the overall aesthetic principles
being followed.
Let us have a brief introduction to different dance forms.
2.2.3 Bharata Natyam
Bharata Natyam is the glorious dance style from the southern state Tamilnadu. One
cannot hazard a guess as to when it arose out of the soil of the Dravida culture. One finds
references dating from the first few centuries of the Christian era to a very vigorous
system of dance and music being practiced at the highest professional level in the Dravida
country.
Today’s Bharata Natyam is the end product of this great tradition. It had several names
like Chinna Melam, Sadir, Dasiattam etc. It was also called “Bharatam” not after sage
Bharata; rather the term is derived from three essential facets of the style: “Bha” from
‘bhava” (mental state or emotion). “Ra” from “raga” (musical mode) and “Ta” from
“tala” (time measure).
Traditionally it was the proud privilege of the dancing girl “Devadasi” (servant of God)
to practice this glorious art. The roots of this system can be traced all over the country but
the system appears to be of a special significance in the South.
These devadaasis were servants of God but they were also great scholars, great experts of
their art and despite adverse conditions, it is they and their great spirit which have
perpetuated this art.
Bharata Natyam is designed as a votive offering to be placed at the feet of the Lord. As
such it must be remembered that most of the dance items are either religio-philosophical
in nature or are in the form of straight forward bhakti lyrics in praise of the glory of the
Lord. But it also has items which are secular in nature. It is intended as a solo
presentation but may have more than one dancer occasionally.
Technically Bharata Natyam has a judicious blend of both nritta and nritya. The Bharata
Natyam technique lays a great stress on the very correct and well defined lines that the
entire body specially the torso and the arms have to maintain. The erect and upright
position of the torso and the elegant stance of the shoulders thrown back, give it an
angularity which is crisp, at the same time attractive.
Nritya in Bharata natyam of course uses the Rasas specified by Bharata. For hastas (hand
gestures) it follows the Sanskrit text “Abhinayadarpana” by Nandikeshvara.
The musical mode is classical Carnatic with its elaborate tala system. The songs and
lyrics for the nritya items are, by and large, selected from the writings of the South Indian
saint-poets, the Tanjore quartet who created the present day repertoire and some
contemporary poets.
The aaharya (costumes) is usually uniform since it is a solo dance. No matter what sort
of a character the solo dancer is portraying there is no change in the costume. By and
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large the costume worn today is stitched. The jewellery is that worn by the Tamil brides –
appropriate for the bride of God, the devadasi.
Leading exponentsDr. Padma Subramanyam, Smt. Chitra Vishveshvaran, Smt. Alarmelu Valli, Smt.
Malavika Sarukkai, Smt. Leela Samson, Smt. Shanta and Shri. Dhananjayan.
Dr. Padma Subramanyam

(To watch the performance of Bharatnatyam by Dr. Padma Subramanyam, visit:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DlfprSrsrCo)
2.2.4 MOHINI ATTAM
Mohini Attam of Kerala a lyrical and enchanting dance form, became the sole vehicle for
feminine interpretation developed on the lines of the other classical dance styles of India.
It is a solo dance of sheer visual beauty, far removed from the ever-vigilant supervision of
the temple and the grip of rituals. Devotional fervour is permissible but not mandatory.
Religio-philosophical tenets are not allowed to interfere with the central idea of dance-its
soul-enchantment. The very name expresses its aesthetics (Maha Vishnu appeared as
Mohini the enchantress, and danced the dance of enchantment to cast a spell of his maya
on the danavas). the natural beauty of the Kerala landscape provides ample inspiration for
its lyrical and lilting movements. Its rounded body kinetics, the distinctive heave of the
torso and the soft walk create the sensation of the verdant paddy fields, the undulating
palm fronds and the rippling backwaters of Kerala.
Some scholars trace Mohini Attam to the second or the third century A.D. (to the era of
the great Tamil epic, Shilappadikaram), whereas others maintain that it was created in the
middle of the eighteenth century in the court of Maharaja Svati Tirunal of Travancore at
his behest. Neither premise is correct.
All the dance forms of India are the end products of a long process of evolution, change
and improvement in keeping with the constantly changing social structure. Since dance
and music were two very highly developed arts in the Shilappadikaram era, we may
surmise that Mohini Attam has its roots in the dance form which was practiced in Kerala
during that period. Literary evidence shows that it was very much in vogue in the
beginning of the seventeenth century A.D. and thus must have had its origins before that.
It is between 400 to 500 years old.
Mohini Attam is the dance that reflects the enchantment that is life, its enjoyment and
relish that creates the state of Beautitude. By its virtue it casts a spell of maayaa, a mesh
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net of illusion, on the beholder bathing him in the raaga of enchantment leading him
towards knowledge along the path of enchantment, and beauty.
In the past two decades Mohini Attam has been cast into a new repertoire rooted in the
rich Kerala theatrical tradition. Also an extensive use of Sopana Sangitam is being made
for the musical arrangement. Sopana Sangitam is a style of singing which is indigenous
to Kerala; it has some exclusive raagas not to be found in other systems, but by and large
the Carnatic raagas are adapted to the Sopana mode of singing.
Leading exponents: Dr. Kanak Rele, Smt. Bharati Shivaji, Smt. Kshemavathy, Smt.
Dipti Bhalla, Smt. Leelamma.
Dr. Kanak Rele

(To watch the Mohini Attam dance performance visit:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IZ6fSuXieKo)
2.2.5 KATHAKALI
Kathakali is the story dance from the southern state of Kerala. Kathakali literally means
“Katha” story and “Kali” means a dance or a performance. It is a composite art where
different actor-dancers take different roles. The stories are usually from the Indian epics
Ramayana and Mahabharata. Kathakali is a very majestic art and when you see the
costumes you realize how much thought and how much aesthetic values have gone into
the making of this art. The entire idea is of ‘total theatre’ where there are acting, music –
both vocal and instrumental and also the colour psychology and costumes playing equal
roles. A performance starts by lighting of the ceremonial lamp. It has just two wicks –
one wick is towards the audience and the other towards the stage. It signifies that the light
of knowledge must spread not only to the actors but also to the audience. And what is the
message? The message is very simple. It is “the victory of good over evil”. Kathakali can
be described as the “theatre of imagination” where demons and good beings clash in the
realm of imagination, where the good beings are eventually victorious.
Kathakali make-up is the most complicated and the most colourful of all the make-up in
the Indian classical dance styles. The make-up is called vesham and it follows the colour-
psychology.
The characters are divided into certain broadbased groups. The uttamacharacters that is
the lofty characters, the madhyama characters that is the middling characters and the
adhamacharacters that is the lowly characters. And each sort of character has its own
colour combinations as follows:
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For instance when there is a green base applied on the face which is called the pachha
make-up, it is meant for the good or high sort of characters. The middling characters have
a knife-like pattern kattipainted on the cheek. The lowly of characters, the thorough going
rascals are called the beard or taadiveshams and they have red and black colours
predominating. The cheek is outlined by a white outline which is called chutti and which
is made up of the strips of cloth which are bound together by a paste made up of rice flour
and lime.
Historically Kathakali is the end product of a long line of theatrical practices. The germs
of Kathakali are to be found in the Kutiyaattam the Sanskrit drama which has been the
preserve of the Chakkyar Brahmin community for almost 2000 years. There are reference
to be found in the Southern epic Shilappadikaram which describes a dance that
Chaakkyaar presented in the honour of the victorius king. The present form of Kutiyattam
was finalized in 1000 A.D. Together with the Chaakkyaar’s art flourished Nangyar
Kuttu performed by women. In the 16th century we come to the next phase in the
development in the Krishnaatam which presents the Krishna cycle in eight days. Later in
the 17th century developed the Raamanaattam which presents the Rama cycle. It is
Raamanaattam, which is no more practiced, which resulted in Kathakali.
Leading exponents : Shri. Kalamandalam Ramankutty Nair, Kalamandalam Gopi,
Nelliode Vasudevan Namboodiri.
Shri Kalamandalam Ramankutty Nair
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An Artist Shown Performing Kathakali
(Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=A+Kathakali+Artist&rlz)
2.2.6 MANIPURI
Manipuri is from the north-eastern state of Manipur. Manipur literally means “the city of
jewels”. It is indeed a jewel. Surrounded by very beautiful hills and verdant fields this
lovely state has given forth one of the jewels of Indian culture and that is Manipuri
dancing. Dancing is a way of life with the people of Manipur. The people are deeply
religious so no worship, no poojaa is possible unless it is accompanied by song and
dance. As such every inhabitant knows how to dance and sing and many of them also
play various instruments. The present Manipuri repertoire or the form was created
sometime in the end of 17th century and beginning of 18th in the reign of Maharaja Shri
Bhagyachandra. The present dance style, the classical part of it, has two major streams.
One is the sankeertana which is the devotional aspect and the other is raasa. The people
who are by and large Vaishnavite in their faith have deep religious fervour towards
Krishna and as such the different raasas that Lord Krishna is supposed to have performed
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with the gopis of Gokul on the banks of river Yamuna predominate in the presentation.
The gorgeous colourful costumes enhance the aesthetic beauty of the dance style which
has both tandava and lasya very well defined. The tandavaaspect is presented in various
drum dances Pung-cholom and dances with cymbals in the hands Karalalacholom. The
laasya aspect is presented by the ethereally beautiful and delicate movements
representing the gopis and Radha.
The early pre-Hindu dances of Manipur were of an animistic nature; then came dances
offered as worship to Shiva and Parvati in their native avataaras and then came
vaishnavism which put in deep roots and is the chief religion of the state.
The present Manipuri repertoire has three major streams:
i) Sankeertana which is deeply religious and ritualistic in nature,
ii) Raasas performed by Krishna and gopis,
iii) Lai Haraoba which is the oldest traditional stylized dance.
There are three types of Rasas – Kunja Rasa, Vasanta Rasa and MahaRasa. Kunja Rasa
describes the meeting of Radha and Krishna with the help of the sakhis in a kunjaor
arbour.
Vasanta Rasa describes the divine play of raasa by Krishna and the gopis and the
resultant jealousy of Radha and their eventual reconciliation. This dance is usually
performed at the time of spring and ends with movements representing throwing and
splattering of colour by Krishna and Radha which is reminiscent of the Holifestival.
Mahaa Raasa captures the spirit of the divine raasa danced in a circle by Krishna and the
gopis.
The Sankeertana is presented by the two types of choloms the Pung Cholom and
Kartaala Cholom.
Manipuri is characterised by its fluid movements. Each movement appears to flow into
the next one. It also has extremely graceful movements of the wrists and palms. Though
having a wide variety of taala patterns; unlike other Clasical dances, Manipuri does not
employ heavy and harsh pounding of the feet. The footwork is executed predominantly
on toes lending the dance its renowned ethereal quality. The female dancers appear as if
they are almost gliding in the air. Drum dances form an integral part of this dance style.
Almost every dancer knows how to play on the Pung and most male dancers perform the
Pung cholom. Pung cholom literally means the drum dance. Here the dancer dances with
the pung which is Manipuri percussion instrument. It is perhaps the most beautiful
manifestation of the abstract concept of taala being presented in a concrete form. The
dancer dances and accompanies himself with the drum.
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Leading exponents : Guru Singhajeet Singha, Jhaveri Sisters, Preeti Patel.
Guru Singhajeet Singha and his wife Charu Sija Mathur

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajkumar_Singhajit_Singh
Artists Performing Manipuri Dance

(To watch the performance of Manipuri dance visit:
http://video.webindia123.com/dance/manipuri/2/)
2.2.7 ODISSI
A 7th century A.D text Vishnudharmottara Purana says, “vinaatu nrityashaastrena
chitrasootram sudurvidam”. The sage propounding this text says that without the
knowledge of dancing the other plastic arts cannot be comprehended. This very clearly
shows the co-relationship of sculpture and dance. It is said that dance is mobile sculpture
and sculpture is frozen dance. In this context the classical dance style Odissi from Orissa
is a shining example. Odissi is redolent with sculpturesque poses which are reminiscent
of the glorious stone sculpture of Konark and other temples. Odissi is characterised by
simplicity of grace. Odissi is believed to have originated in the 10th century A.D. but got a
tremendous fillip in the 12th century when Poet Jayadeva, who was a great devotee of
Lord Jagannatha at the Puri temple, wrote his immortal love song Geetagovinda. It is said
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that he wrote it specifically for being interpreted in dance and music and his wife
Padmavati who was herself a devadaasi danced it in the temples of Orissa. These
devadasis in Orissa are called Mahaari. There is another wing of this dance which is
danced by nubile young boys called Gotipua and these are the boys who indulge in more
acrobatic dancing. Odissi, if one has to describe its characteristic, believes in the
exposition of beauty, its sculpturesque poses and the lovely tribhangi, that is the triple
bend in the body-always reminds us of the beauty of Indian art in general.
As we come down the centuries we find unbroken chain of the twin traditions of the
singing of the Geetagovinda as a daily ritual of the Jagannatha temple and the Mahaaris
dancing at fixed times as part of the temple rituals. By the 15th century A.D.
Vaishnavism as a religious sect became the main religion of the people of Orissa and the
Bhakti cult received a great impetus.
Technically Odissi is a highly stylised dance combining the precepts of Natyashastra,
Abhinayadarpana and Abhinayachandrikaa
Both nrittaas well as nritya wise Odissi has a thoroughly systematized and exhaustive
technique. The most prominent feature of the technique being the various bends –
bhangis – of the body, the tribhanga aspect or the triple bend in the body of the Indian
sculpture and iconography being fully exploited in Odissi.
The steps progress from the basic simple stamping of the foot accompanied by the neck,
waist and hip-bend. Sometimes the chest moves diagonically enhancing the sculpturesque
effect. Odissi being closeset to sculpture, utilizes the principles of image making like the
sootra, maana etc. Odissi movements combine in them crispness as well as lilt. The
positioning of the arms and hands is in the square. The movements usually follow the
direction and cadence of the sides and the kati and balance the entire structuring of the
dancing body.
Leading exponents: Smt. Sonal Mansingh, Smt. Kumkum Mohanty, Smt. Madhavi
Mudgal, Smt. Kiran Sehgal.
(To watch Sonal Mansingh’s Odissi dance performance visit:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ImYNOzlhFQU)
2.2.8 KUCHIPUDI
Kuchipudi is a dance style from the southern state of Andhra Pradesh. It can be rightly
called a dance drama. Kuchipudi, in effect, is the concept of total theatre where there is
the combination of all the four abhinayas like vaachika– spoken words, aangika –
physical movements, saattvika - that which has to do with the sentiments human
emotions and aaharya– the costuming.
Kuchipudi is a small little village in the Krishna district of Andhra Pradesh. And the
dance style or dance drama is traditionally practiced by very high caste Brahmins. It is
believed that it was created in the 15th century A.D. and later the saint Siddhendra Yogi
added a lot of vim and vigour into the dancing. The most characteristic feature of this
dance style is its scintillating and very vivacious footwork and body movements. It has a
lot of conquettery in it because it has to do a lot with the feminine aspect.
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The basic purpose of Kuchipudi is extollation of the virtues and great deeds of Lord
Vishnu and it follows the Bhaagavatam. In Kuchipudi traditionally no woman is allowed
to take part and the female roles are enacted by nubile Brahmin boys. It is also a
composite art in the sense that different actors enact different roles but no art can be
static. In the past three or four decades solo items have been created and are being
performed.
In the development of Kuchipudi two yogis appear to have played a key role. These are
Tirtha Narayana Yati and his disciple Siddhendra Yogi. Both of them were devout
bhaktas of Shri Krishna. Their great love manifested into outpouring of exquisite
bhaktiliterature. Tirtha Narayana wrote the Krishna Leelaa Tarangini in the form of a
musical opera. The disciple Siddhendra Yogi wrote the famous shringaarakaavya
Paarijaatapaharana. While presenting this in the form of dance-drama he shunned the
devadasisand, instead, selected nubile Brahmin boys to enact the roles. This dance drama
is performed even today and stands as a masterpiece in this genre.
The technique of Kuchipudi exhibits a fine balance between nritta, nritta and naatya
elements, the last preponderating in the vaachika abhinaya. Thus the Kuchipudi
actor/dancer not only sings his pieces and dances them but also himself/herself speaks the
dialogues.
Two very characteristic facets of Kuchipudi performance are the character of the
Sutradhaara (conductor) of the performance and the praveshadaru which is a small
composition of dance and song whereby each character announces himself/herself and
reveals his or her identity in the most skillfull manner.
Another special feature of the presentation is pagati veshamu which is a comic sequence
in a play but which is not from the original text. This is added to relieve the seriousness
of some of the original sequences and is acted out impromptu.
Leading exponents: Shri. Vedantam Satyanarayana Sarma, Smt. Yamini Krishnamurthy,
Smt. Shobha Naidu, Smt. Swapnasundari, Smt. Radha and Shri. Raja Reddy.
Yamini Krishnamurthy
(To watch Kuchpudi dance performance visit:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YbRX_cdTap8)
(To watch Smt. Yamini Krishnamurthi’s Odissi and Bharatanatyam performance

visit:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8CtoVaxA_xc)
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2.2.9 KATHAK
Kathak, the classical dance style from north India conjures up visions of scintillating
footwork and lightning chakkars (pirouettes). The word Kathak is derived from the word
Katha which means a story. In ancient times the wandering bards used to go from village
to village and recite chiefly the two epics- the Ramayana and Mahabharata. In order to
make their art more attractive they started adding song and dance into it.
Sometimes during the Muslim invasion the Persian influence came into the art brought in
by the dancing girls who were called tawaayafs and thus a very spiritual dance slowly
started turning into a court presentation. Today, what we see in Kathak is a blend of these
two streams. It has the courtly atmosphere at the same time it is highly spiritual.
With the advent of the Muslim rulers, from temple dance Kathak turned into a concert
dance. This resulted in two different streams developing – one relying on the Hindu
patronage in the court of Jaipur and the other with the backing of the Muslim, courts of
Delhi, Agra and Lucknow. Yet in both these streams Kathak came to be treated as a solo
art where the touch stone of excellence was the virtuosity of the solo dancers, specially
his command over laykaarior footwork.
Specially, in the Jaipur-stream the emphasis almost totally shifted on nritta making the
style a vehicle for forceful mechanical display. While the Muslim patrons had no
overpowering preference for mere rhythmical pyrotechnique; they fancied an art that was
full of human sentiments and worldly situations. Thus their brand of Kathak laid stress on
nritya full ofbhava. Thus this Kathak turned out to be more graceful and sensuous. This
stream came to be recognized as the LucknowGharana and it came into existence in the
time of Wajid Ali Shah of Awadh - The chief architect was one Thakur Prasad whose two
sons Kalka and Binda Din perfected it.
It is Wajid Ali Shah’s contribution to the development of Kathak which is noteworthy.
He was an accomplished dancer and musician and a good poet in Hindi and Urdu. He
spent lavishly on dance and music, much to the disgust of the British of the East India
Company, who dethroned him and exiled him to Calcutta and annexed his principality
Awadh. Till his death he lavished his pension on Kathak and music.
A noteworthy facet of the Kathak nritta is the chakkar or the pirouette or spin, which is
performed at a lightning speed and which and in a superbly balanced flourish and pose.
Leading exponents: Pandit Birju Majaraj, Smt. Kumudini Lakhia, Shri. Rajendra
Gangani, Smt. Uma Sharma Smt. Prerana Shrimali, Smt. Shasvati Sen.
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Pandit Birju Maharaj
(Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=Pandit+Birju+Maharaj)
(To watch Kathak performance by Pandit Birju Maharaj visit:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4V4ntveybTo)
2.2.10 Conclusion
The study of the origin and development of various forms of Indian classical dance, the
important constituents of performing arts, enable us to understand the artistic achievemnts
of people since ancient times. The evolution of different forms is linked to the socio-
economic and religious changes in different regions of the subcontinent.
A. Name the regions following dance-forms are associated with.
(i) Bharata Natyam (ii) Mohini Attam (iii) Manipuri (iv) Kathakali (v) Kuchipudi.
B. Name any two leading exponents of each of the following dance-forms.
(i) Kathak (ii) Odissi (iii) Kuchipudi.
C. State ‘True’ or ‘False’:
(i) Dr. Padma Subramanyam is a leading exponent of Bharata Natyam.
(ii) Pandit Birju Maharaj is a famous Kathakali dancer.
(iii) Wajid Ali Shah contributed to the development of Kathak.
(iv) Kuchipudi is a classical dance from Andhra Pradesh.
D. Short Questions:
1. Explain the salient features of Kuchipudi dance.
2. Give a brief account of the origin and development of Kathak.
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E. Long Questions:
1. Give an account of the Classical Indian Dance forms with reference to either
Bharata Natyam or Manipuri.
2. Do you subscribe to the view that Bharta’s Natyashastra was a workman’s
manual for drama, dance and music?
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercise 1
A (i) Subandhu (ii) drishya, sravya (iii) Kuttu (iv) charanas (v) Kamaladevi
Chattopadhyaya
B (i) True (ii) True (iii) True (iv) True
C Short Notes:
1. See sub-section 2.1.2
D Long Questions:
1. See sub-section 2.1.2 and 2.1.3
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercise 2
A (i) Tamil Nadu (ii) Kerala (iii) Manipur (iv) Kerala (v) Andhra Pradesh
B (i) Pandit Birju Majaraj, Kumudini Lakhia (ii) Sonal Mansingh, Kumkum Mohanty
(iii) Yamini Krishnamurthy, Raja Reddy
C (i) True (ii) False (iii) True (iv) True
D Short Notes:
E Long Questions:
2. See sub-section 2.2.1 and 2.2.2
2.2.11 Suggested Readings:
 Kapila Vatsyayan, Indian Classical Dance, Publication Division, New Delhi,
1974.
 Enakshi Bhavani, Dance in India, D.B. Taraporewala & Co., Bombay, 1965.
 M.Bose, Classical Indian Dancing, General Printers, Calcutta, 1970.
 Ragini Devi, Dances of India, Calcutta, 1962.
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LESSON-3
(iii) MUSIC: POPULAR MUSIC AND TECHNOLOGY; CASE STUDIES OF

DEVOTIONAL MUSIC/THE GHAZALS AND THE CASSETTE
Shikha Gautam
Structure
3.1 Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 The Pop Music and Technological Revolution in India
3.4 The Case of Ghazal Music Cassette
3.5 The Case of Devotional Music Cassette
i) Bhajans and Popular Music Cassettes
ii) Muslim Devotional Music and Popular Music Cassette
3.6 Conclusion
3.7 References
3.1 Objectives
After reading this chapter, stuents will be able to:
 Understand the popular culture and popular music;

 The role of technological development in the popular music;
 The role of Cassette technology in the penetration of popular music culture in
India;
 Transforming the traditional Ghazals and Devotional Music into the popular
music framework.
3.2 Introduction
Different cultural practices and their terminologies are identified by its specific
representation and the unique historical evolution witnessed by its practitioners.
Nonetheless the introduction of culture as a discourse was based on structuralist paradigm
reflecting the culture of the elite class only however this phenomenon has witnessed a
gradual shift as Raymond Williams (1958) has emphasised that “culture is ordinary”. In
addition to that, the popular cultures have been sprung as a form of resistance and protest
against the unequal socio-economic relationship in the society. In the era of 1980s, Stuart
Hall and French sociologists Louis Althusser has also argued that without understanding
the effects of political and economic ideologies, it would be difficult to understand the
effectiveness and power of cultural reproduction in society (Mahbub&Shoily, 2016). In
this lighta variety of sub-sections of cultural discourse could be identified as popular elite
culture, popular culture, and folk culture to name a few.Moreover, the broad
characteristics of different cultural practicesderived from a set of performing action,
96
belief, values and notions attached to it determine the overall shape of specific culture
and it also mark a distinction with the other cultural practices.
While we specifically look into the popular culture contrary to the elite culture, it is
characterised by Williams (1983) as “something that is liked by the masses and deemed
to be unworthy and inferior, deliberately seeking the attention and made be the people
themselves” (Grindstaff, 2008).When we zoom out the popular music in the macro
discourse of popular culture, it is clear that music is culturally generated from the popular
culture itself than coming out of a vacuum hence the popular music and related genres
should be seen in the existing cultural and commercial framework. The popular music in
this regard often seen as a residual of the high culture and folk culture that is uncertain
and unstable in nature and creates an interconnection among the social-cultural power,
values and musical meanings (Chakravarti, 2019).
While introspecting the technological intervention in the popular music, different theories
related to unification or homogeneity or contrary to that, decentralisation or
fragmentation through the media and the inter-relationship between media and popular
culture is already existing proposed by Stuart Hall (1999), Simon Frith (2007) and
Richard Middleton (1993) where culture was seen as an intrinsically associated with the
economy, power, industries and media institutions (Goggin, 2016). This
conceptualisation of Hall and others is inspired by Antonio Gramsci who believed that
the popular culture including music is an expression of corporate manipulation than an
expression of grassroot. Moreover, it is also a contested territory for explicit or symbolic
expression of hegemonic powers and their oppositional values as well (Manuel, 1993).
Despite of having variety of theories relating to monopolistic media producers and
resistance to it, music is always seen as a uniting component of the society that is
cosmopolitan in nature and believed to cross the barriers of social divides. Nonetheless,
the music industries based on the industrial mindset often try to serve music that
addresses the masses than focusing on the heterogeneity, diversity and being vocal about
the rights and concerns of minorities. Contrary to that, the heterogeneity and
decentralisation address variety of concerns through music thereby promoting
fragmentation in societies (ibid).
Check Your Progress
What is the theoretical basis for the culture and popular culture emerged from?
a) Marxism
b) Realism
c) Structuralism
d) Liberalism
Ans. c)
3.3 The Pop Music and Technological Revolution in India
Before the evolution of contemporary popular music in India, the folk music was
dominant with the rich reflection of regional culture, history, language and symbols
97
associated with it. It is only after the colonial period, the Indian bourgeoisie class has
emerged and adapted the colonial means of entertainment i.e, Angrezimusic and cinema.
After the independence, the indie music has arrived with the sense of freedom of
expression.
In this light, the Indian cinematic and musical realm is largely attached with Bollywood
movies1 and the increasing effects of Bollywood cinema in India has presented it as the
‘national cinema’ consequently overshadowing the regional cinema. The discourse of
musicology in India is still evolving and Peter Manuel has done extensive work on the
Indian musicology and tracing the developments since the last decades of twentieth
century. He has emphasised that there is no particular popular music exist in India due to
the heterogenous cultural traditions of the country and different genres of music has
received popularity at different time period. Nonetheless, the ‘perpetual hegemony’
Bollywood Hindi music has affected the masses to a large scale but with the
technological revolution in the music industry from vinyl records to cassette, satellite and
electronic music in the period starting from 1900 till now has significantly influenced the
popular music and its consumers in India.
The evolution of Indian music is divided by Kasbekar (2006) in four phases namely: 1)
the era of 1900s leading with intense competition between the foreign music companies;
2) subsequent domination of five years of His Master’s Voice (HMV) with Hindi songs;
3) the era of multiple new music companies with cassette culture in the 1970s (such as
Polydor and T-Series) and collapse of HMV and 4) the era of satellite revolution that
transformed the music industry altogether. There is an addition to these four phases that
has emerged after the emergence of internet and elevated forms of technologies that has
empowered the subaltern voices in listening and producing the particular kind of music of
their choice. The gradual development of music in India has reflected film music being an
integral part of Indian society and mass culture with significantly broader and diverse
audience base than in any other continent (Kasbekar, 2006; Chakravarty, 2016).
While look into the history of music in India, the commercial records started in 1902 just
after the invention of wax recording. In the starting period, there were about 20 recording
companies existed in India including Odeon, Nicole, Beca and Gramophone Company of
India (GCI) among others. Then the market of music was relatively smaller with
considerably less share of profit and they were unimportant for the colonies. Along with
that, the music market focused only the elites, princes and newly rich of that time as the
masses had no access to the recorded music in India. In the year of 1931, HMV became
the largest music company of India and ruled the music industry for nearly four decades
with Hindi film songs. Gradually, the masses also started to familiarise themselves with
the Hindi films and its music. As a result of these developments, within two decades of
Indian independence, the music industry started to thriving with different new music
companies that eventually put an end to the HMV’s monopoly (Kasbekar, 2006)
1
Bombay also known as financial city of India is the place where the cinema in India took birth and
replicating the Hollywood in America, Indian film industry is called as Bollywood.
98
These new music companies were supported by the technological innovations happened
around the world. Although, the protectionist policies by then Indian government had
banned the electrical goods but the migrants working in gulf have brought the cheap
Japanese two-in-one cassettes and radio players in India that transformed the music
experience and accessibility in India. The revolutionary cassette players are portable and
comparatively cheap than the earlier music records. The Congress Party’s Rajiv Gandhi
government in 1984 succeeded by Mrs. Indira Gandhi has significantly lowered the tariffs
on the import of electronic goods and this particular step has eased the local production of
cassettes in India. In this regard the year 1990 holds immense importance in this regard
as the liberalisation policies of Indian government have paved the way for speedy and
smooth technological transformation in India. With the introduction of LPG
(Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation of the economy) policies, the process of
commercialisation of cinema and music and this has also aggravated the number of music
companies operating in India at national and regional levels (Manuel, 1993; Kasbekar,
2006)
The new technology in the form of cassettes have presented gigantic transformations in
the socioeconomic scenario of the Indian entertainment in a variety of ways. While
looking into the transformations, the dominance of one-way communication and
monopolistic behaviour of the producers in the music industry has ended with
‘democratization of music’ and dispersal of significant number of genres targeting
different age group, communities, religions and regions. The customised music and cheap
technology have also led to the emergence of a variety of economic activities around it
related to the cassette making, producing and distribution of the music.The cassette
market has further received a boom through a decline in the prices of raw materials of the
cassette in the 1980s and companies like Orson-Sony, Onida-JVC, BPL and Bush-Akai
have benefitted from the liberalisation policies of Indian government and successfully
collaborated with domestic cassette companies to establish themselves in the Indian
market after 1990s. In addition to that, with the domestic manufacturing of cassettes, the
demand has also swelled up as the sales of music rose from U.S. dollar 1.2 billion in 1980
to U.S. dollar 21 billion in the year of 1990. Along with the cassette making industry, the
technological revolution offered a two-way opportunity for the music listeners, producers
and distributors. The listen and record facility of cassette has elevated the number of
music producers in the local genres, folk traditions and even promoted the distribution of
duplicate tapes. Thus, the owner of cassettes now has a variety of options to be a listener,
producer and distributor of the music cassettes (Kasbekar, 2006).
The liberation from the hegemonic tendencies of music producers and dominant music
genre (Hindi film music) that has previously been imposed on the listeners provided a
vast cultural space to the music producers to reflect and enjoy their own forms of music
addressing the heterogeneity of cultures in India with considerable economic advantages.
The portability and price factor of cassettes than the predecessor gramophone has
provided a deeper penetration of the musical transformations in Indian societies. These
tendencies have further witnessed a shift with the introduction of satellite in the Indian
music industry (ibid).
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The state-owned media of radio and television has been introduced by then Prime
Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi and it has helped in penetrating the music (Hindi, regional,
folk and classical Indian music) into the masses through the broadcasting of different
music and entertainment programmes. Nonetheless after embarking the satellite
revolution, the Indian television has gone through gigantic transformations that is largely
associated with the ongoing process of globalisation. The state-controlled media was
emancipated through the neo-liberal policies of the government that further paved way
for electronic media in India. Along with these developments, the Indian music
production and its dissemination has followed as Juluri (2002) termed as an aggressive
policy of ‘Indianisation’ through the homogenising the music that focused on the Juvenile
population of India. Viacom’s MTV and News Corporation Channel V were the carrier of
the marketing of aggressive Indianisation of the music through featuring vibrant and
exotic Indian songs reflecting the everyday lives of people in it. This construct and
shaping of the juvenile has made Lata Mangeshkar and A.R. Rahman far ahead in the
global list of music composers than Michael Jackson in the popularity survey conducted
among the youth. Along with these emerging tendencies, MTV and Channel V has also
broke the dominance of cinema over the music and introduced a variety of new genres to
the Indian youth including the international pop music, introduction of Video Jockey
(VJs), TV personalities who spoke exclusively on the issue of music and related trends.
The ‘MTV Generation’ has shaped in a way to imbibe both globalisation and nationalism
in the same fervour. In this way, the listeners of MTV and Channel V have found
themselves associated with a larger community of same musical taste in different music
genres around the world (Juluri, 2002).
By turning towards the millennium, along with the rapid increase in satellite television
channels, Compact Drive (CD), Video Compact Disc (VCD) and later the upgraded
version Digital Versatile Disc (DVD) has also arrived in the Indian music industry and
companies like T-Series, Saregama (previously HMV), Tips, Sony and Universal has
emerged as biggest music producers in India. These new devices have further re-
established the concept of distribution of music outside the cinema and provided wider
space to the regional, folk, devotional and Ghazal music.
Furthermore, technology does not only affect the ‘hardware’ of the music i.e., the
transition from gramophone and vinyl records to cassette and then CD/VCD/DVD but it
has significantly altered the dominant music genres as well. Since the independence, the
music was not only largely attached to cinema but dominance of some singers could be
witnessed as well. During the period of 1940s till late 1980s, Mukesh, Talat Mahmood,
Mohammad. Rafi, Kishore Kumar, Lata Mangeshkar and Asha Bhosle were some of the
names that were repeatedly being chosen to be the voice of the mainstream music of
India. There were particular duets such as Lata- Kishore were famous in the listeners and
it is only at the dawn of 1980s that other singers such as Anuradha Paudwal, Alka
Yagnik, Kumar Shanu and Udit Narayan came into the Indian music frame (Manuel,
2002).
In the millennium, the era of remixes has come to the music industry that has allegedly
deformed some of the classic songs of the Indian industries such as ‘Kantalaga’ and
‘Saiyaan din meinaana re’ but musicologists seen these remixes as an effect of Indian
classics meeting with the cosmopolitan music and worldwide trends in the music.
Furthermore, the proponents and singers of these remixes are a tool to generate more
100
commercial success and the youth also get familiar with the classic songs of the
Bollywood through these remixes. In this way for some of the producers, composers and
listeners, the remixes are a medium of destroying the original songs while for others it is
experimental, does not affect the original song, bridge the generational gaps of music and
above all it is a great source of reaping economic benefits as well (Beaster-Jones, 2009).
The next era of Indian music is dominant with the digital transformations continuing the
heterogeneity of the Indian music. In this era, the pen drive and YouTube has outrightly
captured the market leaving the cassettes and CD, VCD or DVD out of the sight. In the
previous era, the hegemonic and monopolistic behaviour has been challenged by variety
of new producers and cheap raw material that made the music accessible to everyone.
This time the ‘Do it yourself’ concept has widened the democratisation of music from
few hands to millions of people behind the internet. The untapped local cultural and folk
songs have also been captured by the local artists on the social media platforms and they
are experimenting with these genres in a way that can be compatible with the modern
music. Henceforth these local artists and production companies are now in clear rivalry
with the dominant music producers in the country (Manuel, 2014).
The music consumption in India has increased by 13% from 2015 to 2016 and this
elevated consumption of music is led by low data tariff, emergence of music application
and increase in Live Music Events and music festivals. The intervention of Artificial
intelligence (AI) has ensured better customisation and user experience henceforth
transforming the music industry in India. In the times of digitalisation of music, it has
maintained a parallel dominance with Bollywood Cinema with Electronic Dance Music
(EDM) both inside and outside of the Bollywood industry (FICCI Frames, 2017;
Chakravarti, 2019). These music festivals, real performances and the process of
conducting and the associated commercialisation takes place with huge youth
participation in all over the sub-continent and these developments have come together to
shape the long-drawn history of Indian music till date.
Check Your Progress

When did commercial musical records first emerge in India?
a) 1902
b) 1905
c) 1906
d) 1908
Answer: a)
In which decade of 20th century, the cassette and technological boom arrived in the realm
of music in India?
a) 1940s
b) 1960s
c) 1970s
d) 1990s
Answer: c)
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3.4 The Case of Ghazal Music Cassette
The transitional phase of 1970s and 1980s has characterised as variety of genres and
styles that have been re-introduced to the masses through the widespread dissemination of
commercial cassettes and the non-filmi genres such as the popular ghazals that has
transformed the traditional way of music i.e. playback singers and music producers. The
arrival of cassette as new technology and these new genres are overlapping in nature
henceforth it is conflicting and hard to understand which came first. However, it is
certain that the ghazal tradition has been revived by the advent of cassettes and it has
become popular among the rising bourgeoise of Indian society (Manuel, 1992; Kasbekar,
2006).
The term ‘ghazal’ is a form of poetry being performed in musical style. Before the re-
inventory tradition of ghazal in India, the Persian ghazals were quite successful. In India
the ghazal tradition can be traced back to the Mughal period where the light classical
mode consisted with sophistication, devotion and unrequited love, ridiculing the religious
extremism. After the fall of Mughal empire, the ghazals were patronised by the nobility.
After the British rule, the Gramophone has almost ended the tradition and, the ghazals
were revived after the arrival of cassette culture in India. This time it is structured in Urdu
by retaining its original subject matter and imagery but unlike traditional sophisticated
ghazals, simplified words and precomposed musical rendition have been incorporated to
cater the contemporary music taste of the masses (ibid).
Despite the fact that Urdu is primarily an Indo-Muslim cultural output, Hindus have long
appreciated and fostered the ghazal. Film ghazal, popularised by Talat Mahmood, Lata
Mangeshkar, and others, aimed at a modern and less sophisticated audience while
retaining some of the exotic and romantic overtones of the courtesan world and of Urdu
poem in general(Manuel, 1993).
Classical music and Urdu poetry aficionados, notably those who enjoyed Begum Akhtar's
renditions of the light-classical ghazal, retained a steady though small interest in the style
into the 1960s. Movie ghazals were still quite popular in the early 1970s, but their
popularity was waning. The departure of Talat Mahmood from the industry in 1970 was a
contributing factor, but the trend away from slow, melodic genres like ghazal and toward
fast, rhythmic music influenced by Western rock and disco also played a role.(ibid).
Furthermore, the decline of the film music industry, ghazal has recently become
increasingly popular. A large number of listeners, especially those who didn't go to
college for music theory, found that even the easiest ghazals were too difficult to
understand and too far removed from their everyday lives to be satisfying (Manuel, 1988,
1993, 2012).
Mehdi Hasan and Ghulam Ali are credited with introducing the modern Ghazal to the
world, in which they experimented with a wide variety of Indian and Western
instruments. As we have already seen, the late 1970s saw the rise in popularity of
cassettes and tape players in India and Pakistan. The wealthy, the middle class, and the
emigrant labourers from the Gulf were the primary owners at the time. Cassettes of
Mehdi Hasan, Ghulam Ali, and even more established artists like Farida Khanum and
102
Iqbal Bano were ubiquitous in bazaars by 1977, far outselling commercial vinyl records.
This may have happened because of the increased proportion of guest workers and the
lowered restrictions on imports that Pakistan has implemented. The modern ghazal, on
the other hand, was written with the intention of appealing to a much larger audience in
India; hence, it had to be simplified even further before it could be widely disseminated
via cassettes. The recording industry in India was still dominated by film music and
HMV, despite Polydor MIL's efforts (Manuel, 1993).
Foresighted executives at HMV and MIL saw immense untapped potential in the new
ghazal, despite the common perception that cinema music is on the wane (Rahman
1987:82). Actually, the booming cassette industry did more than just respond to the
surging demand for ghazal; it helped fuel that trend. The shift from record to cassette
format was the first and arguably most crucial step in the rise in popularity of ghazal
recordings, with annual sales being five times more in 1982 than in pre-cassette years.
HMV and MIL, two major record labels in the ghazal industry, saw the cassette format as
a tool to combat piracy.(ibid).
While the popularity of Mehdi Hasan and Ghulam Ali continued uninterrupted, HMV and
MIL (which were rapidly migrating to cassette format) began marketing a more
accessible, less challenging ghazal, with artists like Anup Jalota, Pankaj Udhas, and the
sibling duo Jagjit and Chitra Singh (none of whom, it may be noted, is Muslim). The
current ghazal owes a great deal to these musicians, especially Jagjit Singh, who gave it
its characteristic form and style. The music of Mehdi Hasan and Ghulam Ali, as well as
the earlier light-classical and film music styles, serve as inspiration for this idiom(ibid).
As may be expected, the modern ghazal has been criticised for the radical transformations
it has experienced in an attempt to reach a wider audience. Film or folk music remains the
preferred medium for the lower classes, who find it more approachable and less scary
than ghazal. But those who cherish the now-extinct light-classical form look down on the
contemporary ghazal as pompous and shallow. This latter viewpoint is frequently
expressed by music critics writing for newspapers(Manuel, 1988, 1993; Kasbekar, 2006).
Check Your Progress
Which one of them is the predecessor of Cassette technology in India?
a) VCD (Video Compact Disc)
b) DVD (Digital Versatile Disc)
c) Vinyl Records
d) CD (Compact Disc)
Answer: c)
The popular language for Ghazal in India is:
a) Hindi
b) Urdu
c) Turkish
d) English
Answer: b)
103
3.5 The Case of Devotional Music Cassette
i) Bhajans and Popular Music Cassettes

The audience's interpretation is often nuanced and may depend on a number of factors,
including the author's goal, the performance context, and the audience's predispositions.
This is especially true with ancient and modern Hindu and Indo-Muslim poetry, song, and
dance. There may be references to gods or the afterlife in many pieces of secular poetry
and music.(Manuel,1993).
For a classical performer like Onkarnath Thakur, performing a khyal (the traditional
classical form) can be an act of devotion, demonstrating that even secular music can be
done with a spiritual meaning. Further, all kinds of essentially secular music, even the
most global film songs, can be performed in temples (especially during nocturnal jagran
celebrations), where such music is perceived as a form of worship merely by its presence
in temples, entertaining the gods, attracting visitors, and constituting activity in general.
Even while most Rajasthani kathas (length sung stories) are secular in subject matter,
they are typically performed during religious events, such as temple jagrans (ibid).
If we narrow our focus to the Bhakti tradition, however, we find that music has long been
regarded as a means of connecting with God on a deeper, more spiritual level. Kirtan
(devotional singing) was emphasised by both Tukaram and his students as a means of
liberating the spirit and achieving ecstasy in the spiritual realm. ' Several famous singers
who made devotional music the focal point of worship at pushtimarg were among
Vallabhacharya's initial students. Among Rama devotees in the eastern Gangetic plain
and beyond, Tulsidas seems to have popularised the practise of singing bhakti git
(devotional song), as did Bengali kirtan among Chaitanya's followers. (ibid).
Hindu devotional musics have held a steady, if very insignificant, place in the market for
popular music for centuries. In contrast to the communal amateur singing sessions that
are more typical of popular worship, albums typically feature highly polished renditions
of bhajans delivered by professional vocalists. Eventually, bhajans recorded by classical
vocalists became familiar to art-music listeners; Bade Ghulam Ali Khan's "Hari Om
Tatsat" and D. V. Paluskar's (backed by chorus) short recordings, which contained
favourites like as "Raghupati Raghav," are two examples. There was a greater presence of
bhajans and artis than of other types of religious music in the soundtracks of films
(chanted hymns concluding a puja or prayer ritual) (Manuel, 1988, 1993, 2012).
One notable exception is the song "Om Jai Jagdish Hari" from the film "Purab aur
Paschim," which has become so popular that it is often performed in temple pujas.
Meanwhile, record labels (mainly HMV) began aligning new releases (across genres)
with the major Hindu festivals, such as the Nepalese Dussehra, Bengali Durga Puja,
Gujerati Navratri, and Maharastrian Ganesh Puja, when people usually buy gifts. Despite
these examples, Hindu devotional music has had a minimal presence on commercial
recordings.(Manuel, 1988, 1993)
A confluence of circumstances around 1980 gave rise to the first pop bhajans. Anup
Jalota and Pankaj Udhas are the two singers. One way to look at the bhajan style they
104
popularised is as a more mainstream continuation of the professional stage bhajan
tradition pioneered by the Paluskar and others. Jalota and Udhas use bigger backing
bands than their forebears did, but they nevertheless steer clear of the big orchestras,
grating violin parts, and disco-influenced rhythms of Hollywood's go-to score composers.
However sparingly, their use of improvised elements further links their method to the
tradition of light-classical stage bhajan. (Manuel,1993).
In all other ways, however, the modern commercial ghazal served as the primary
precedent and aesthetic basis for the pop bhajan. As we saw in the last chapter, ghazal
was the first kind of music to attain universal popularity apart from cinema. In the early
1980s, Jalota and Udhas were the most prominent Indian exponents of the modern ghazal,
pushing a simplified, less classical version of the ghazal style recently developed by
Mehdi Hasan and Ghulam Ali. Simultaneously, Jalota and Udhas began incorporating
their own renditions of bhajans into their concerts and producing cassettes of bhajans.
The majority of prominent non-Muslim ghazal singers, like Jagjit and Chitra Singh,
followed this tendency (ibid).
Bhajans have long been popular among a subset of our population.Now, however, the
attractive songs have successfully attracted the youth.Essentially, it is the cassette
medium which is responsible for the growing revenues instead of increasing interest.
Check Your Progress
Who is the ancient saint who popularised the practice of devotional vocal songs (Bhakti
Git) in India?
a) Kabirdas
b) Tukaram
c) Vallabhacharya
d) Tulsidas
Answer: d)
ii) Muslim Devotional Music and Popular Music Cassette
Since at least the thirteenth century, Muslim devotional music has played a prominent
role in the musical culture of North India. The orthodox Muslim community's lack of
enthusiasm for music has never had much of an impact in India.
In contrast to the Chishti and Naqshbandi Sufi groups, who used music as a route to
mystical annihilation, most Indo-Muslim dynasties enthusiastically supported royal music
and dance. Muslims, either the offspring of Central Asian immigrants or, more
commonly, the offspring of low-caste Hindu hereditary performers who converted to
Islam, made up the vast majority of professional musicians in the North by the
seventeenth century. Indo-Muslim culture was cultivated by aristocratic Hindus and
Muslims under the rule of the Mughals and, later, the nawabs of Avadh. Until the middle
of the twentieth century, when Indian Muslims further declined economically and the
Urdu language was allowed to degrade (as stated above), Urdu culture, including ghazal
and qawwali, continued to be enjoyed by Indians of all religions. While only Muslims can
105
now legally purchase Muslim devotional music, there are still 90 million Muslims in
India (11% of the total population), and another 115 million Muslims in Pakistan who
speak Urdu; together, these two countries make up a sizable market for commercial music
in the Urdu language (Manuel, 1988, 1993).
Qawwali is the most popular kind of Islamic religious music. In its traditional form,
qawwali is performed by one or two lead singers with accompanying chorus and
instrumentalists. The harmonium and the dholak barrel drum are the primary instruments,
and clapping rhythms are frequently used.
Qawwali, like many contemporary North Indian music genres, has a long history (it dates
back to the time of Amir Khusrau in the fourteenth century), although its modern form
seems to have emerged very recently. In the 1920s and 1930s, before being bought out by
HMV in 1938, the Colombo Gramophone Company sold a lot of qawwali records.
Qawwali songs remained influential and popular in the decades that followed, despite the
fact that many music purists were turned off by the commercialization of the genre and its
increasingly inane lyrics (ibid).
Cassettes appeared at the same time as Urdu began to drop dramatically in India. Maybe
it's because qawwali still uses relatively pure Urdu compared to pop ghazal that it's
becoming increasingly popular just among metropolitan Muslims. There are only a
handful of Sindhi cassettes made in Bombay that use the Urdu (Arabic/nast'aliq) script on
their labels, but Qawwali and other Muslim devotional genres are the only Indian musics
to do so. As a result, qawwali hasn't seen the same massive commercial cassette-based
craze as ghazal. While the reduction of live performances has been partially offset by the
widespread availability of cassettes, the former remains true. Recordings of chanted or
spoken sermons (taqrir) a lengthy devotional poetry sung to stock, relatively simple
melodies, without instrumental accompaniment, are also sold under the umbrella term
"Urdu Muslim devotional." (ibid).
Pakistani musicians, like the Sabri brothers, Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, and Aziz Mian, have
dominated the qawwali scene for the better part of four decades. Due to the indifference
of the Indian authorities against infringements of Pakistani copyrights, pirate cassettes of
Pakistani qawwali, na't, and taqrir are readily available in the country.
An often-cited example of how contemporary technology can be utilised to promote
traditional religion, rather than as a driver of secularisation and "modernity," is the
current trend of cassette-based devotional-music. Cassettes are now widely used to
disseminate religious messages, from urban, liberal, humanistic creeds to the most
superstitious, quasi-animistic forms of rural folklore. This is similar to how the
development of roads and public transportation has greatly increased attendance at
religious festivals across India (Manuel, 1988, 1993).
To convey the great diversity and depth of India's various kinds of local religious music
and discourse, cassettes have become the first and, in many cases, only mass media.
They've also become entertaining and informative ways to learn about other cultures.
Furthermore, cassettes are not a mass-free medium. It is undeniable that the proliferation
of cassettes has hurt the live performance industry in some areas. In addition, the usage of
106
cassettes in settings previously unaffected by media is surely introducing some
characteristics of homogeneity and depersonalization. In addition, cassettes frequently
assist to disseminate the impact of filmmusic aesthetics, which, depending on one's
perspective, may be seen as an enrichment or as a decadent commercialization (ibid).
Although cassettes have had a wide range of effects on religious life in India, not all of
them have been positive, they do fit into a larger pattern of commercialization, mass
mediation, and even modernization of devotional speech and practise in India.
Check Your Progress

Among different Muslim religious cults (Sufi Silsilah) in the medieval times, which of
them have used music as a tool to devotion?
a) Suharawardi&Qadiri
b) Naqshbandi &Chisti
c) Firdausi&Kubrawi
d) Shattari
Answer: b)
3.6 Conclusion
At the turn of the 1980s, cassette technology became the medium and impetus for the
launch of hundreds of independent record labels generating regional genres for niche
community listeners.In a world where capital and knowledge are increasingly mobile, it's
clear that people everywhere are becoming more and more intertwined; the
transformative power of the new media lies solely in its ability to connect the "local" to
its far-flung socioeconomic and objective causes. From this vantage point, it is clear that
the consequences of the so-called "information revolution" and the burgeoning "cassette
culture" on old socio-economic connections and ways of production are very small.
More than ever before, the development of an alternate means of communication is tied
to the emergence of brand-new forms of interpersonal connection. New forms of
communication do not necessitate the establishment of new social relationships. And a
different way of talking won't spark new friendships or romantic partnerships. Both go
through the same painstaking process of developing a mass audience at the same time.
3.7 References
 Beaster-Jones, J. (2009). Evergreens to remixes: Hindi film songs and India’s

popular music heritage.Ethnomusicology, 53(3), 425–448.
 Beaster-Jones, J. (2017). A.R. Rahman and the aesthetic transformation of Indian
film scores. South Asian PopularCulture, 15(2–3), 151–171.
doi:10.1080/14746689.2017.1407551
 Bhandari, Parul (2017), Towards sociology of Indian elites: Marriage alliances,
vulnerabilities and resistance in Bollywood. Society and Culture in South Asia,
3(1), 108–116.
107
 Bourdieu, Pierre (1984). Distinction: A social critique of the judgment of taste (R.
Nice, Trans.). Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press.
 Chakravarty, Devpriya (2019), “Popular Music of India: An Ethnomusicology
Review”, Journal of Ethics and Cultural Studies, 2019, Vol.6 No. 3, 111-122.
 Dasgupta, Sanjukta, Sinha, Dipankar, &Chakravarti, Sudeshna (2012), Media,
gender, and popular culture in India: Tracking change andcontinuity. New Delhi:
Sage.
 FICCI Frames (2017),Media for the masses: The promise unfolds (p. 294). KPMG.
 Frith, Simon (1996),Performing rites: On the value of popular music. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press.
 Goggin, Gerard (2016), “Media and Power after Stuart Hall”, Cultural Studies
Review, Vol. 22, No.1, March, 2016.
 Juluri, Vamsee(2002), Music television and the invention of youth culture in India.
Television & New Media, 3(4), 367–386. doi:10.1177/152747602237283
 Juluri, Vamsee (2003),Becoming a global audience: Longing and belonging in
Indian music television. New York: P. Lang.
 Kasbekar, Asha (2006) “Pop Culture India!: media, arts and lifestyle”, Santa
Barbara, Calif, ABC:CLIO.
 Kaushik, Preetam (2015)India promises to grow big on EDM, entertainment!
Business Insider India, Retrieved from http://www.businessinsider.in/India-
promises-to-grow-big-on-EDMentertainment/articleshow/47881629.cms
 Manuel, Peter (1988), Popular music in India: 1901–1986. Popular Music, 7(2),
157–176.
 Manuel, Peter (1993), Cassette Culture: Popular Music and Technology in North
India, University of Chicago Press: Chicago.
 Manuel, Peter (2012), Popular music as popular expression in North India and the
Bhojpuri region, from cassette cultureto VCD culture. South Asian Popular Culture,
10(3), 1–14.
 Manuel, Peter (2014). The regional North Indian popular music industry in 2014:
From cassette culture to cyberculture.Popular Music, 33(03), 389–412.
doi:10.1017/S0261143014000592.
 Parker, B. (2014). Beyond capital, towards myth: EDM fandom and dance practice.
In Mark Duffet (Ed.), Popular MusicFandom: Identities, Roles and Practices (pp.
37–54). London: Routledge.
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(c) FOOD CULTURES
LESSON 1
(i) RECIPES AND THE NATIONAL PROJECT: POPULAR RECIPE BOOKS (ii)
FOOD AND PUBLIC CULTURES OF EATING: UDUPI HOTELS, DUM PUKHT,
SOUTH ASIAN FOOD IN A GLOBAL WORLD (iii) CULTURES OF
CONSUMPTION: TEA-COFFEE AND THE INDIAN MIDDLE CLASS
Dr. Nabanita Sharma
(i) Recipes and The National Project: Popular Recipe Books
Structure
1.2 Introduction
1.3 Historical background of recipebooks
1.4 Recipes and the National Project of creating a cuisine
1.5 Summary/Conclusion
1.6 Introduction
1.7 Temple food in a globalized world: Udupi
1.8 Dum Pukht and global food in South Asia
1.10 Introduction
1.11 Tea: a popular drink
1.12 Coffee: the middle-class beverage
1.14 Glossary/key words
1.16 References
1.17 Suggested readings
This lesson will help students learn about food cultures as a part of the popular culture. In
South Asia, historically food cultures were determined by region, gender and caste
identities. In the colonial time, some new elements were added to the popular culture of
food. These blurred the divisions of caste, region and private/public sphere. In this lesson,
tea and coffee as popular drinks, restaurants and recipes have been discussed to
understand how global food cultures influenced food habits in South Asia; and how food
cultures originated in South Asia became a part of global food cultures by the end of the
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twentieth century. This lessonwill also help understand how recipes and recipe books
representing different regional cuisines contributed in creating a national cuisine in post-
colonial India.
1.2 Introduction
This section of unit ii introduces students to the popular culture in the context of food.
Food plays an important role in any civilization. In colonial India, various aspects
associated with food, such as cooking books, cuisines, recipes and eateries caught the
public imagination. In the cooking books, the recipes reflect the culinary habits, the
budgetary constraints and the market of food ingredients of the author and the readers.
The cuisines also reflect the social hierarchy of consumers. The tradition of writing and
using cookbooks is relatively new. In pre-industrial China, the Middle East and Europe,
recipes were written for the aristocratic society.These were categorised as "high
cuisines". The high cuisines were different from "low cuisines" in the ingredients and
display. The high cuisines contained ingredients not locally available. French cuisines
reflect these high cuisines. In China and Italy, on the contrary, high cuisines were usually
the regional cuisines (Appadurai, 1988). The tradition of writing is ancient in South Asia.
However, we do not see any conscious attempt to note down cuisines. A study of the
historical background helps us understand how verbal and written recipes in colonial and
post-colonial India helped in creating a national cuisine.
1.3 Historical background of recipebooks
Hindu culture has a long history of writing. Unlike in China or Europe, in India recipes
were not written down. Food was specific to an individual's gender, caste and class
identity. There were separate kinds of food for varied social groups. Inter-dinning was
restricted. The practices of fasts and feasts were used to mark caste or communal
solidarity and asceticism. The upper caste Hindus faced a high amount of restrictions on
their dietary practices. These religious norms and restrictions did not prevent the
emergence of regional cuisines. Recipes were transmitted orally and underwent
modification with time. However, the food of peasants was shaped by ecology and
climate.
In Ain-iAkbari, for the first time, we find mention of recipes. The Mughlai cuisines that
evolved in contemporary India take inspiration from the recipes mentioned in Ain. The
printing press disseminated recipes through books and journals. Recipe books were
written in vernaculars and English language. Proto-types of modern recipe books from
the nineteenth century are available in the Marathi language. In the twentieth century, the
number of cookbooks and magazines with recipe columns in them increased.Most of
them were written in the English language. Kala Primlani and Meenakshi Ammal were
some of the authors of these English language recipes and cookbooks (Appadurai, 1988).
The earliest printed recipe books in India are available from colonial times. Most of these
recipe books were written in the English language. These reflect the literacy rate,
ethnicity, gender and urban nature of readers. However, the effort to create a national
cuisine started in post-industrial, post-colonial times. In Indian national cuisine, regional
cuisines play an important role. The process of creating a national cuisine was slow and
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was hampered by moral and medical constraints. Food became a part of popular culture
slowly. Recipe books contributed to the process of placing food in the popular
imaginationin post-colonial India.
1.4 Recipes and the National Project of creating a cuisine
The cuisines that developed in colonial India did not reflect the essence of regional food.
In the Indian Army and in some communities such as the Parsi we still see a glimpse of
Anglo-Indian cuisines. After independence, an unannounced national project started to
create a national cuisine. However, it was not an easy process as food in India was
diverse, heterogeneous and has regional varieties. In this project of making a national
cuisine, cookbooks played a crucial role in circulating the idea of national cuisine.
The writing of recipe books started with the verbal exchange of recipes. After verbal
transmission, many of these recipes were noted down and published. These cookbooks
further reached those readers who were perhaps still living in their native place. Recipe
books also promoted inter-ethnic dining. Arjun Appadurai has used the term "Culinary
Cosmopolitanism" to explain these developments. Women working in multi-ethnic
workplaces felt the utmost pressure to cook cuisines that would meet the requirements of
their family and friends. As middle-class lifestyles increasingly homogenized, the
consumption pattern, including food consumption became diverse and cosmopolitan. For
the first few decades after decolonization, the recipe books were penned and read by the
middle-class or upper-middle class, professional, English-reading women in small towns
or big capital cities.The specialized recipe books helped middle-class women to save
money and time by offering several tips and tricks. The migration of people to urban
areas made them encounter people from other regions and sometimes even from different
states. It made them, curious about the food of other regions. Also, the process of creating
a national cuisine was going on. These encounters and the curiosity of educated working
women were addressed by the recipe books (Appadurai, 1988).
At this time, public eating places were increasingly used by Indians in urban places. This
practice broke the tradition of inter-ethnic dining. Home and restaurants became avenues
where people can eat and learn about new recipes. Other places where people had the
opportunity to try new recipes from different regions include street-side vendors, hostels,
trains and clubs. People adapted to this new life of eating different, multi-ethnic food in
public places, as they can maintain privacy and caste identity while eating. New
technologies were adopted in cooking, processing food and transporting cooked food or
ingredients from one region to other (Appadurai, 1988).
Despite the fast growth of recipebooks, there are some challenges in the attempt to create
a national cuisine. First, cuisines of smaller ethnic groups such as Parsi and Mapila are
underrepresented in theserecipe books. Second, recipe books written in the English
language reached out to a larger audience. Recipes that were written primarily in
vernacular remains restricted to the region of their origin. Thirdly, the manner of
promoting cuisines in the recipe books by the author transforms the recipe's actual ethnic-
geographic origin. For example, Shanta Ranga Rao entitled her book Good Food From
India, even though the recipes mentioned belong to a small community in South India
(Appadurai, 1988).
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In post-colonial India, the process of making a national cuisine is fueled by historical and
cultural contexts. Ethnic and regional varieties appear as a challenge in creating an all-
encompassing cuisine. In this process, the recipe books helped unwittingly. The recipe
books were aimed at helping the newly urbanized, mobile, cosmopolitan middle-class
Indians. A major section of them were working women and well versed in English
language. The recipe books served the targeted customers. In the process, they also broke
the caste and religious norms of Indians. One example of such deviation from norms is
the use of leftover food, which was considered "impure" in Hindu households. The recipe
books also made people curious about foods which were hitherto unfamiliar to them. This
led them to public eateries where people cutting across caste and communal boundaries
sit and eat together. All these interactions around food through recipes and recipe books
helped in creating food cultures in contemporary India.
Check Your Progress
1. Which of the following texts from South Asia first mentioned recipes?
a) Ain-i Akbari
b) Tuzuk-i Babri
c) Akbarnama
d) Jahangirnama
2. What were the challenges to the growth of a national cuisine in India?
a) Regional cuisines
b) Caste restrictions
c) Linguistic barrier
d) All of the above
3. Which of the following factors helped the most in creating a national cuisine in
post-colonial India?
a) Colonial past
b) Recipe books
c) Regional cuisines
d) High literacy
Answers
1. a), 2. d), 3. b)
(ii) Food and Public Cultures of Eating : Udupi Hotels, Dum Pukht,
South Asian Food in a global world
1.6 Introduction
The Public culture of eating in South Asia is a relatively recent development. Colonial
India was marred by poverty and hunger. In post-colonial decades, a public culture of
eating has developed. The ideas of globalization have also helped in creating this popular
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culture of eating out. The cuisines that have become popular are mostly of South Asian
origin with some fast food chains such as McDonald’s and Kentucky Fried Chicken
(KFC) gaining ground in the twenty-first century. The upper-middle class and middle-
class have fueled the public cultures of eating.
1.7 Temple food in a globalized world: Udupi
Generally, globalization is discussed in the context of trade and economic issues.
Discussions on food centre around sustainability and reliability of food supply. Global
issues such as global warming affect food supply chains. Uses of pesticides and
herbicides in growing food have negative consequences on health and the environment.
Amidst such discussions on food, recent emphasis is on consuming locally grown food.
In any discussion on globalized food, the focus is usually on fast food chains such as
McDonald's restaurants. However, foods that originated in non-western countries also
became globalized in the twentieth century. In the process, several factors played a key
role.
Few services and products of South Asian origin have found the global market. Yoga and
some cuisines can be counted in these services. In Hindu culture, food is often a part of
social norms. There are caste and gender hierarchies attached to the process of preparing
and eating food. This is reflected in food chains such as the Udupi restaurant chain that
became popular outside South Asia. Udupi restaurants are popularly known as "Udupi
hotels” originated from the traditional cuisines of a village with the same name in
present-day Karnataka. K. Krishna Rao opened Udupi Shri Krishna Vilas and Udupi
Hotel, the first pure vegetarian restaurants in colonial Madras in 1927. Traditionally,
meals cooked in the temples, by the local Brahmins were added to the menu of this
restaurant chain and represent the essence of Hindu eating habits. Krishna Rao himself
worked at several Matts and Temples as a cook and domestic help, before opening his
restaurants. In Bangalore, two Kota Brahmins opened a Udupi Sri Krishna Bhavan and
Janardhana Hotel in the same decade. Udupi restaurants started in the 1920s and by the
1970s they have outlets across the globe (Ray and Srinivas, 2012).
The menu started with simple meals that were served every day without much variety.
The meals served in the Udupi restaurants were mostly vegetarian. Chinese, Continental
and North Indian dishes were added to the menu by the mid-twentieth century. The
pattern of cooking and serving meals in the Udupi restaurants closely resemble the
temples (in Udupi) serving meal on its premise. Following the Hindu caste hierarchy, in
these restaurants, cooks were hired from the Brahmin caste. The other staffs are mostly
from lower castes. Initially, food was served on banana leaves. Eventually, aluminium
utensils were used to serve food. Restaurants such as Udupi adopted the traditional style
of mass eating at temples and other such religious establishments. Several temples across
India have this tradition of offering cooked food to devotees. And people of any caste can
walk in and take a meal. The restaurants took inspiration from these mass-eating
exercises. Amongst many such attempts, Udupi hotels have been most successful in
adapting to serve as arestaurant chain.
K. Krishna Rao opened several other hotels with titles such as Woodland and
Dashsprakash Hotel. In post-colonial India, outlets of these restaurants were opened in
almost all the major cities. In these hotels, the style of serving food to customers was
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similar to that of devotees receiving food in temples. Another entrepreneur Seetharama
Rao opened chains of restaurants that served mostly vegetarian meals cooked by
Brahmins. They also aimed at serving foods of one particular region where the owners
came from. For example, Tulu and Kota Brahmins opened most food chains such as
Udupi and MTR (Mavalli Tiffin Rooms). As the menu in these restaurants added Chinese
and North Indian meals, the caste composition of cooks also started becoming diverse.
The hotel owners followed the style of temple authority and took care of the employees in
their restaurants.
A series of Udupi restaurants opened in Bombay. Of these, the Kamath group’s Udupi
restaurants were the most successful. Udupi restaurants also started serving non-
vegetarian meals in various forms. It helped them to secularize their character and reach
out to a larger range of customers. The essence of Udupi, a temple town remained in
these restaurants. These groups of Udupi restaurants reached Atlanta and Tokyo.
Venkateshwar Kamath, the founder of Kamath groups helped many entrepreneurs of
other castes open new branches of Udupi restaurants. Udupi residential hotels also ceased
to display any religious symbols. However, compared to five-star hotels serving non-
vegetarian meals in air-conditioned rooms, Udupi vegetarian hotels remained pocket-
friendly. Varieties of Udupi restaurants opened in major commercial places in the United
States of America,where adiasporic community from Southern India resides. These
overseas restaurants are no longer restricted to hiring cooks of the Brahmin caste (Ray
and Srinivas, 2012).
These restaurants that originated in the Udupi region also carried with them the flavour of
the region. Packaged, ready-to-eat food and snacks prepared and marketed by MTR
reached global customers. These were also prepared and sold by diasporic communities
(Ray and Srinivas, 2012).Udupi hotels show the possibility that something as humble as
temple food can become global food. And a community that did not have the habit of
eating outside the home or temple can eat and stay at a shared place without any fear of
losing caste purity.
1.8 Dum Pukht and global food in South Asia
Another Indian restaurant that served food globally is Dum Pukht. Named after a cooking
style in which rice and meat are cooked in a closed pot, this restaurant discovered and re-
introduced Indian food of the Mughal era to a new food-conscious generation of Indians
in India and abroad. In post-colonial India, "Mughlai” food chiefly consisted of butter
chicken, naan and chicken tikka. Chef Imtiaz Qureshi reinvented dum pukht and many
other recipes that are considered a part of contemporary Mughlai cuisines. Chef Imtiaz
started his career in Indian Tobacco Company (ITC) hotels. He prepared and served
cuisines from the north-western part of the Indian subcontinent. To excel in the process,
he studied the cuisines served in different Indian hotels, as well as hotels in America and
England. After thorough research, Chef Imtiaz opened a restaurant named “Dum Pukht”
in Lucknow. Here he served Lucknow’s traditional cuisines; cuisines that emerged from
the Mughal royal kitchen. These cuisines have evolved historically and carry the flavour
and aroma of Turkish, Central Asian, Persian and North Indo-Pakistan regions. Awadhi's
regional influence is also visible in these recipes (Ray and Srinivas, 2012).
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Dum pukht is a style of cooking as well as a recipe. We find the earliest reference of this
recipe in Ain-i Akbari in which author Abu’l Fazl has mentioned several recipes. One of
those is dum pukht. This sixteenth-century text is followed by another text of the
eighteenth century that mentions dum pukht as a dish of rice and meat. Here the author
Francis Joseph Steingass describes dum as a recipe and a way of preparing a meal. Dum
pukht term has different meanings in different languages. All these meanings resemble
closely to modern rice and chicken dish cooked in a closed pot or sealed in the dough
(Ray and Srinivas, 2012).
The origin of dum pukht is obscure. Some narratives suggest that perhaps it originated
through hunting expeditions. Historically the dishes cooked in hunting expeditions were
cooked using a similar method, as we see in dum pukht. Similar dishes were also
prepared for mass feeding and special category of diners such as mourners. It appears that
this style of cooking emerged from a humble background in South Asia or Central Asia.
In the twentieth century, a connection between Iran and this type of recipe was made. In
Iranian description, dum pukht is described as a biryani-style meal (Ray and Srinivas,
2012). In the Awadh region of modern India, many consider dum pukht as the main way
of cooking Awadhi food. Many do not agree with the notion of Awadhi cuisine. Despite
such disagreements about the presence or absence of Awadhi cuisine, dum pukht
remained a dominant cooking style and recipe of Lucknow. The evolution of recipes that
are cooked in dum pukht style across South Asia and Central Asia shows that global food
cultures existed long before modern globalization happened (Ray and Srinivas, 2012).
A study of food cultures in South Asia in the post-colonial period shows how cuisines
have evolved within South Asia and outside. Different factors such as historical
evolution, religious practices, curiosity to taste "other" food, and pressure of becoming
"modern" by adopting new cuisines; made people in South Asia taste food from different
regions within and outside South Asia. The movement of people from South Asia made
food travel with people and helped in the process of globalization of food cultures. Local
food chains such as Udupi spread globally with thediasporic communities. Both Indian
recipes and fast food chains such as McDonald’s received popularity in the South Asian
cosmopolitan population. The study of cuisines such as dum pukht helps us study
globalization from a new perspective. Dum pukht as a method of cooking and as a recipe
evolved in different parts of Asia in medieval and modern times. It has a shared cultural
heritage which is parallel to globalized food such as burgers and pizza.
Check Your Progress
1. Who among the following is not associated with the Udupi hotels?
a) K. Krishna Rao
b) Venkateshwar Kamath
c) Seetharama Rao
d) Shanta Ranga Rao
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2. The earliest menu of Udupi hotels resembled the food cultures of the ____ in the
region of origin.
a) Brahmins
b) Temples
c) Servants
d) Devotees
3. Who authored Ain-i Akbari?
a) Abu’lFazl
b) ImtiazQureshi
c) Francis Joseph Steingass
d) None of the above
4. What is dumpukht?
a) A cuisine of Awadh
b) A Mughlai cuisine
c) Name of a restaurant
d) All of the above
Answers
1. d), 2. b), 3. a), 4. d)
(iii) Cultures of Consumption: Tea-Coffee and the Indian Middle Class

1.10 Introduction
In post-colonial South Asia, the new food culture of drinking leisurely refreshments such
as tea and coffee emerged. Traditionally South Asia has a tradition of relishing drinks
such as lemonade, butter-milk and curd in varied forms. Tea was introduced to the food
cultures in the early nineteenth century. At this time tea was also "discovered" in parts of
India. Britain, as a tea-drinking country, introduced tea to Indian elites. Soon Tea
manufacturing companies promoted tea amongst various classes and castes of people. By
the time India won independence, tea was an essential part of the Indian kitchen. Tea's
predominant place in Indian food culture is reflected invarious other forms of popular
culture including art, visual media and sound in post-colonial decades.
1.11 Tea: a popular drink
Tea was processed and advertised by the name of the place where plantations were
located. Assam tea, Darjeeling tea and Cachar tea are some of those. In colonial times, tea
and coffee were added to the list of drinks that can be consumed by the family together
and can be offered to friends and guests. Like in the rest of the World, in South Asia also
advertisements were used widely to add these drinks into the popular culture of
consumption.
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Tea as a drink was first consumed in South Asia by Europeans. British officials and
Europeans in India used to have tea parties with great fanfare. Drinking tea in a
communal environment was not common amongst the locals. Elite Indians started
following British officials by imitating such practices. Tea seeped into ordinary Indian
households through tea-selling companies such as Lipton. Such companies glorified tea
drinking habits and encouraged Indians to drink tea in British style to remain alert, move
up the ladder of social hierarchy and adopt "colonial modernity" (Bhadra, 2005).
The introduction of tea and coffee was not a smooth process. While many Indians
adopted these drinks readily, many did not. There were speculations about the ill effects
of drinking tea and coffee. At the time companies such as Lipton tried to make people
aware of the benefits of drinking tea. Careful propaganda around religion and health was
prepared to make more people drink tea. Individuals were hired to show demonstrations
of making tea and households were supplied with free samples. Colourful posters were
pasted in public places to make people realize the elegance of drinking tea. Lipton was
soon followed by Brooke Bond Company which sold tea in vacuum-packed tins. Balmer-
Lawrie & Co. followed different advertisement tactics to sell tea. Individuals also tried to
create awareness about how to drink tea. Tea preparation manuals were prepared in
vernaculars. Businesses offered tea at a minimal price to make the product popular.
Colourful descriptive packaging was used to attract more customers. A little humour also
became a part of tea promotion (Bhadra, 2005). These new advertisements also suggested
what would be the best time in the day to drink a cup of tea.
Against such descriptions of tea planters and sellers, the nationalist movement of the late
nineteenth and early twentieth century used tea as a means of opposing the colonial rule.
Tea had become the symbol of colonial rule. Promoting tea means not just the promotion
of tea as a product, but the promotion of colonial rule also. Opposition to the habit of tea-
drinking means opposing the values promoted by the colonial regime. Nationalists such
as Prafulla Chandra Roy also opposed tea drinking to protect and preserve health and
morality. Tea drinking habit was compared with addictions such as chronic alcoholism
and smoking (Bhadra, 2005).
These nationalist oppositions did not prevent tea companies from preaching the benefits
of drinking tea. New small companies emerged to spread the ideas of the benefits of
drinking tea. Tea was projected as an alternative to alcohol. In Southern India, tea was
associated with the working class. In Bengal, tea was associated with the middle-class
and landlords.In the advertisements,tea was often projected as a necessity for people of
different backgrounds. Vernaculars were used to disseminate the knowledge of tea
making. But the process of preparing and consuming tea was different in different
regions. The earliest tea preparations were devoid of milk and sugar. Later milk and sugar
became a common ingredients of tea. The tea manufacturing and marketing companies
prescribed all these different methods of preparing tea.Other directions included drinking
tea with a pinch of salt in it.In Gujarat, tea was boiled in camel milk and water with a
sprinkle of sugar in it. And the boiled tea leaves were consumed as snacks. In North
Bengal, a semi-fermented liquid rice tea was consumed. In North India, tea was brewed
with milk, sugar or jaggery, and spices and consumed. Tea boiled with herbs was
considered as having medicinal properties. One gentleman named Subimal Roy even
classified tea based on its method of preparation. Some are fit for deities and some for
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mortals. Despite nationalist narratives against tea, people in South Asia accepted tea in
their households and modified it as per their tastes and requirement. In the early twentieth
century, tea became a common drink in aristocratic households. Any special ceremony in
a family would have well-brewed cups of tea. Special equipment such as a tea cosy,
teapot and sand clocks were introduced to prepare a nice, well-brewed cup of tea (Bhadra,
2005).
However, this acceptance of tea was not universal as often some families would take tea
occasionally or never at all. Those having the habit of drinking tea found it difficult to
meet the requirement of tea in such a circumstance. Teashops, stalls and eventually,
restaurants came up to cater to the needs of this new food habit of a substantial number of
populations. The habit of tea drinking grew differently amongst different castes in
different regions. In South India, tea was popular amongst the low-caste population. The
"coffee clubs" or "hotels" for tea were different from those restaurants where coffee was
served. Tea was prepared in an open space in these "hotels". Coffee was prepared and
served in different "hotels"; where it was prepared in a covered, secluded space. Only
Brahmins would frequent the hotels serving coffee. In Bengal, there was no such caste
difference, as far as the culture of drinking tea was concerned, and people of all castes
took tea from the same teashops or restaurants.
In the decade of 1940, the narrative surrounding tea advertisements changed. By this time
it was certain that the country will attain independence. The idea of India as a nation with
diverse ethnic composition was represented in the tea advertisements. At this time, tea
and the habit of drinking tea were acceptable in the nationalist narratives. In fact, in this
decade tea was considered a national product that unites the people of this diverse nation.
The importance of the tea industry in the Indian economy was emphasized.The idea that
tea is suitabledrink (refreshment) for factory workers was promoted. In the domestic
arena also, preparing and serving tea to every family members was glorified as a caring
act of a mother (Bhadra, 2005). As the nation became independent, a new political
identity was attached to tea. Now it became a symbol of independent India in the
international context. At the same time in the popular culture of India, tea secured its
place as a popular beverage, cutting across caste and communal boundaries.
In post-colonial India, the tea promoting advertisements depicted tea as a drink that helps
the lower-middle class copetheir day-to-day problems and enhance the aesthetics of life
in general. In the twentieth century, several well-known artists such as Ananda Munshi,
Makhan Dutta Gupta and Satyajit Ray combined sound, literary and visual
representations to present tea to possible consumers. In these mediums, tea is often
connected with everyday activities of life such as reading a book in solitude, listening to
music or adda (social gathering and chatting) (Bhadra, 2005).
1.12 Coffee: the middle-class beverage
The history of coffee consumption in South Asia is very similar to that of tea. Similar to
drinking tea, drinking coffee became a part of everyday life in the colonial period. Coffee
was reportedly planted and consumed in the southern part of India as early as the
eighteenth century. Then its consumption was limited to the European community living
in India. The pattern of coffee drinking remained the same throughout the nineteenth
century. Ayothidas Pandithar, an intellectual of the early twentieth century mentioned
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coffee as a drink of the Europeans. Two other early twentieth-century historians Va.
Ramaswamy Iyengar and E.V. Swaminatha Iyer remember the absence of coffee drinking
traditions in society in their youth. Some amount of coffee consumption started among
the locals and they started drinking coffee in the morning. For this small section of
people, coffee replaced kanji (rice water) and neeragaram (fermented rice water with
salt) (Venkatachalapathy, 2006).
The position of coffee as a drink on its merit was promoted through advertisements. It
was called an energy-boosting drink. Conservatives offered counter-narratives in the form
of foreignness of the drink, that is, coffee.These counter-narratives further blamed coffee
for all ailments, including infant mortality. Coffee and tea were compared with liquor and
categorized as addictive beverages. One individual named Ramaswamy Iyengar
suggested moderate consumption to avoid such negative consequences of coffee drinking.
Filter coffee was considered even more injurious to health (Venkatachalapathy, 2006).
Just like tea, coffee also faced similar wrath of nationalists. It was alleged that the habit of
coffee drinking had taken over women and in that way corrupted the morality of women
of different socioeconomic backgrounds. Coffee drinking was associated with western
modernity and as women fell for the drink, it allegedly threatened the pristine countryside
(Venkatachalapathy, 2006).
Despite all these nationalist attacks, coffee found its way to the kitchens of the educated,
middle-class and "accomplished" section of society. During colonial rule, like many new
elements such as music, cinema and the novel; coffee also became a part of the middle-
class household. Coffeewas considered as a “cultured” drink and was considered
appropriate to offer coffee to guests. Coffee was prepared by roasting and grounding
coffee beans and mixing them with milk and herbs such as chicory (Venkatachalapathy,
2006). Several “coffee hotels” emerged in the early twentieth century to accommodate
this new food culture in Southern India. These coffee hotels were managed by Brahmins
and caste segregation in serving coffee was followed. Unlike in the rest of India, in South,
tea became a drink of the urban working class and the Muslim community
(Venkatachalapathy, 2006).
The Indian middle-class associated themselves with tea and coffee from the beginning of
the twentieth century. These drinks substituted and sometimes replaced the traditional
regional drinks by capturing the middle-class imagination of modernity and hospitality.
Tea and coffee, depending on the region where it is served, is still considered the most
favoured drink for an honoured guest. Tea and coffee also bring together people of
diverse caste and ethnicity. Places such as restaurants, hotels and humble make-shift tea
stalls serve tea and coffee. These places also offer the space where people of different
backgrounds halt and chat on diverse socio-political issues. Drinks of tea and coffee are
not simply a cup of refreshment but hold a substantial place in the culture of the middle-
class in South Asia. Coffee, which was a drink of the middle-class Hindus in southern
India, has become the most sought-after drink in the twenty-first century India.
Check Your Progress
1. When was tea introduced in India?
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a) In the seventeenth century
b) In the eighteenth century
c) In the nineteenth century
d) In the twentieth century
2. Who were the first group of consumers of tea and coffee in the Indian subcontinent?
a) Native Indians
b) Colonial rulers
c) Europeans
d) Planters
3. Which among the following companies pioneered tea-marketing in South Asia?
a) Lipton
b) Brooke bond
c) Tata
d) Balmer-Lawrie& Co
4. Why the nationalists in colonial India opposed the habit of drinking tea and coffee?
a) Its non-indigenous nature
b) Its non-availability
c) It was injurious to health
d) It was expensive
Answers c), 2. c), 3. a), 4. a)
1.14 Glossary/key words
Caste, coffee, ethnicity, middle-class, restaurants, tea
1. Discuss the evolution of food practices in India. How has globalization impacted
Indian food habits?
2. Assess the role of regional cuisines as an expression of culture.
3. Write a short note on the following topic:
 Fast and gender.
1.16 References
 Appadurai, Arjun (1988). “How to make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in
Contemporary India”. Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 30 no.1, pp.
3-24.
 Ray Krishnendu and TulsiSrinivas (2012). Curried Cultures: Globalisation, Food
and South Asia. Los Angeles: University of California Press.
 Bhadra, Gautam (2005). From An Imperial Product to a National Drink: The
Culture of Tea Consumption in Modern India. Kolkata: CSSSC.
 Venkatachalapathy, A.R. (2006). In those days there was no coffee: Writings in
cultural history. Delhi: Yoda Press.
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1.17 Suggested readings
 Appadurai, Arjun (1988). “How to make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in
Contemporary India”. Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 30 no.1, pp.
3-24.
 Ray Krishnendu and TulsiSrinivas (2012). Curried Cultures: Globalisation, Food
and South Asia. Los Angeles: University of California Press, Introduction, Chapters
5 and 6.
 Bhadra, Gautam (2005). From An Imperial Product to a National Drink: The
Culture of Tea Consumption in Modern India. Kolkata: CSSSC.
 Venkatachalapathy, A.R. (2006). In those days there was no coffee: Writings in
cultural history. Delhi: Yoda Press, Part I, chapter 1.
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[d] Making of a new 'Public'
LESSON 1
(i) POPULAR ART: IMAGINING THE NATION IN CALENDAR ART
Rajshree Sahai
Structure
1.2 Introduction
1.3 Origin of the Calendar Art
1.3.1 Calendar art: Reform Movements and Hindu Revivalism
1.4 Raja Ravi Verma and Popular Calendar Art
1.5 National politics and Calendar Art
1.5.1 Mother India and Cartographic map of India in Calendar Art
1.6 Post-Independence and Calendar Art
1.7 Calendar Art and economy of production and circulation
1.8 Summary
1.9 Keywords
1.11 References
The aim of this lesson is to familiarize students with the understanding of history of
Calendar Art and its nuances. Students should be able to trace the origin and evaluate the
contemporary condition of Calendar Art in India. This essay offers insights into the pre
and post-independence socio-political & religious history through the archive of popular
Calendar Art.
1.2 Introduction
In this lesson, we shall study about the Calendar Art as a tool to understand our nation
since late 19th Century till recent times. The term “Calendar art” is a generic term that
embodies the range of colourful images which are mass produced and distributed through
several channels like posters, pamphlets, journals, calendars etc. The subject of such
images can be categorised into four categories- religious, national leaders, landscapes and
film stars. We shall discuss the origin of “Calendar art” in India with reference to
Calcutta and Bombay. Further, we will address the question of Raja Ravi Verma as the
official father of “Calendar Art” in India. The section will focus upon few of his famous
paintings which were later mass produced for popular consumption. Then we will discuss
certain images of Hindu deities that fuelled the politics of colonial era and their political
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and social significance. We will also dwell upon the image of Bharat Mata and its relation
with the cartographic map of India vis-à-vis the notions of patriotism. Furthermore, few
other subjects of “Calendar art” of post-Independenceera will be discussed. We shall also
look into the contemporary nuances of the economy of the Calendar art.
Throughout this chapter we will try to perceive our nation through the popular culture of
Calendar art.
1.3 Origin of the Calendar Art
Calendar art emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century in south Asia at the
peak of the colonial domination. It not only emerged in the physical space provided by
the colonial rule but also against the back drop of institutions like art school, princely
courts and printing agencies.
The production of images that belonged to the category of Calendar Art goes back to
1820s. It was based upon the lithographic method invented by Alois Senefelder in
Munich in 1798.
The earliest prints were mono-coloured lithographs of Calcutta Art Studio prints.
Chromolithographsbecame widespread owning to its portability, cheapness and its
capability to attract masses.
1.3.1 Calendar art: Reform Movements and Hindu Revivalism
The impact of the 19th century reform movements can be clearly observed in the
lithographs produced by the Calcutta Art Studio. Let us look at some of the prints and its
associated popular identities.
One of its early prints Bharat Bhiksha highlights the contemporary ethos of young India
as the result of the reform movements which were much informed by the activities of
Christian missionaries and western education. Later to be replaced by the images of
Gandhi championing the cause of a reborn India. Because of the colonial
government’ssurveillance on the political activities, most of the images which were
widely circulated carried devotional icons. However, the nationalist political discourse
that emerged in response to the imperialism was coloured with religious overtone, hence
popular visual images took the task of creating a national consciousness deeply
influenced by icons of one community.
The contemporary prevalentideologies and histories of the 19th century Bengal i.e. socio-
religious reform movements like Brahmo Samaj, trends of Hindu revivalism through the
Ramkrishna mission, other reformist Hindus, pro-British groups and nationalist would
reflect in the prints of Calcutta art studio.
Chromolithographs played an important role in the reconstruction of Hinduism. The
Calcutta art studio printed sacred Hindu religious icons likeChaitanya Sankirtan, Raja
Harishchandra, the exile of Ram, exile of sita. The artists, trained in art institutions, of
such images were influenced by the European realism. Hence, the resultant prints carried
European aesthetic through depiction of nature at the back e.g. alpine setting,European
styled gardens with images of gods and goddess at fore which provides these images a
unique ability to transcend the historical space –time and represent a new powerful
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Hinduism. The chromolithographs of Nala Damyanti and Kali, carried with them certain
stereotypes and idealizations, for example women in the prints were fair, landscapes were
combination of both apocalyptic and utopian iconographies like flaming skies and swans
in lakes.
These images did not exist in isolation, there was a wider visual culture of
chromolithography, photography and theatre. We need to understand the mass produced
chromolithographs circulating parallel to theatrical plays, which provided images with
context and reachability.
Also, there was an emergence of a strategic relationship between visual culture(s) and
religious authority which impacted the nascent idea of the nation in the 19th century
Bengal.
Let us briefly examine the interrelationship between Calcutta chromolithographs and
theatre. Even through it is difficult to establish a direct causality between the two visual
cultures. There are certain images that depicts the deities against the backdrop of
theatrical paraphernalia. Thus, dispensing with the natural realist background and putting
the gods in the stage set up. Moreover, there were stark parallelism between the subject of
prints and mythological plays e.g. the Calcutta Art studio’s Nala Damayanti and Star
theatre production of the play Nala Damyanti by Girush Chandra. Also, there are
evidences of link between Hindu revivalism, theatre, chromolithographs and the
contemporary politics.
At another incident when Ram Krishna visited the play Chaitanya leela which was also
paralleled by chromolithographs of same subject matter. We are told that Ramkrishna
was greatly influenced by the play that he immediately went into a state of Samadhi. This
devotional ecstasy of Ramkrishna later became famous subject matter of many Bengali
chromolithographs which are in circulation even today. In these images he has been
showed with god like attributes. Ramkrishna also endorsed many images depicting
devotional themes from Ramayan, Mahabharata and images of ferocious forms of Kali.
Calcutta art studio would also engage with the production of images of cultural
nationalist and moderates like Bakim Chandra Chatterjee and Surendranath Banerjee.
These images of Calcutta represent the particular historical and religious experience of
Bengal. Their authority was reinforced by other forms of visual cultures like theatre and
spiritualism which provided a unique critique of colonialism and ultimately contributed in
the larger project of narrative of being “a real Hindu”.
In western India,the relationship between the contemporary politics and popular images
were even more apparent. Here we will examine that how mass-produced images were
closely associated with the nationalists’ activities. Past struggles of Shivaji against
Mughals provided metaphors for the contemporary struggle against British.
The 19th centrury and early 20th century nationalist politics was dominated by two
personalities Tilak and Gokhale, however it was Tilak who was able to incite masses
through his deployment of religious heroes, symbols and festivals. He started large scale
Ganpati and Shivaji festival to gain popular support and also to provide people with a
public sphere. Vishnu Krishna Chiplunkar founded Chitrashala press. The press’s mass
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produced images wereRampanchayatam, Shivpanchayatam, Durga, Ganesh and other
Hindu deities popular throughout north and central India. On the one hand it produced
certain images that represented “resistence” like Khandoba – a warrior god representing
Khastriya values and on the other hand devotional Bhakti saints like Ramdas, Tukaram
and Vitthal. Thus, representing divergent political alliances of the 19thcentury -
moderates like M.G. Ranade symbolising Maratha society as a culmination of the bhakti
devotion and extremists like Tilak advocating and representing Shivaji’s martial tradition.
This struggle to appropriate icons of the past to justify the political methods can be
understood from the struggle over Ramdas. In one of Chitrshala image Ramdas has been
depicted having muscular build. This is the result of Ramdas cult based upon historian
V.K Rajwade which shows him as a political militant monk, who popularized the phrase
'Maharashtra Dharma'. Ramdas also founded many monasteries wherein value of
muscular physique was inculcated. Thus, the message was to train youth Maharashtrians
in militant skills and that they should learn from past. He also wrote his own version of
Ramayana based around Yudhhakand, thus promoting Ram and Hanuman who were
symptomatic of muscular and assertive Maharashtra Dharma. Hence, the popular images
of Ramdas represented the current political narrative that demanded violent action over
mendicancy.
Tilak's evocation of Shivaji was paralleled by the image of 'Shivaji receiving Goddess
Bhawani’s sword. Such prints were politically explicit in their messages. However,
certain images that showed cage and uncaged parrot which became popular as postcards
carried the message in the far flung area of Maharashtra. Thus, covertly representing the
call of Tilak's Swaraj.
While Calcutta had emerged as a colonial city, Poona in west had been the seat of Indian
power in the preceding centuries. Even though it was being used as summer capital of the
Bombay presidency. However, the notion of its independence remained in the popular
imagination. Also, the popular tribal uprisings in and around Poona contributed in this
narrative.
Check Your Progress
1. Which of the following statement is correct?
a) Calcutta prints carried the message of Tilak’s swaraj.
b) Ram Krishana did not liked the chromolithographic prints of Hindu deities.
c) An early print, Bharat Bhiksha carried the notions of Young India, which was
the result of reform movements.
d) None of these.
1.4 Raja Ravi Verma and Popular Calendar Art
Raja Ravi Verma has been considered as the father of Popular Calendar art in India.
Although, we have seen that how Calcutta Art studio in East and Chitrashala Press in
west were earliest printing houses that produced popular images which carried and
captured the popular imagination(s) of the people and impacted thecontemporary politics.
By the early 20th century, it was Raja Ravi Verma printing press which became popular
centre of image production
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Raja Ravi Verma was the first painter who introduced oil painting techniques in India.
His paintings were influenced by Renaissance but depicted Indian subjects e.g.
Hindudeities. He has been credited with introducing the artistic aesthetics to the common
people. He catered to two sets of audiences viz. early cultural nationalists and English
patrons. However, it was the mass produced prints of his paintings by the Ravi Varma
Fine Art Lithographic Press that built his fame among common people.
The socio-political condition of Indian subcontinent amid which his paintings rose to
fame was marked by repetitive famines, partition of Bengal in 1905, Swadeshi
movement, split in the Indian National Congress in 1907, revolutionary activities after
1907 and Tilak’s arrest in 1908. Let us examine how this period of turmoil and political
unrest was perceived in popular imagination by looking into the archive of prints of the
paintings by Raja Ravi Verma.
One of the earliest surviving lithographic print is titled Vishvamitra and Menaka. Other
famous prints were of images of deities like Lakshmi, exile of Sita, kali, Sita
Bhoopravesam, The stripping of Draupadi, khichak vadh.
The printed images of deities found their way to people’s homeespecially for the those
who were denied to enter temple, thus marking a religious revolution another important
aspect was allegory between nationalism and subjects of the prints.His image of Kali,
carrying all the standard features and iconography is different from that of Calcutta Art
Studio in its aesthetic. It shows the central figure in crude colours against a gore
background without the theatrical paraphernalia of Calcutta. The knowledge of
perspective and its deployment had made the Indian gods more real and present. This
realism bridged the gap between myth and history. Thus, chromolithography created a
sense of truth in mythology, which provided inspiration and metaphors for struggle
against Colonialism. The chromolithographs of paintings like Sita Bhoopravesam created
a sensation among masses. Sita become the metaphor for nation whose freedom and
honour is threatened due to British rule. His images were supplemented by the plays
having same subjects e.g. Play Khichak Vadhparalleled the production of images of same
subjects. This provided a unique nexus between politics, Raja Ravi Verma 's images and
theater which gave the voice to the national cause.
The 19th and early 20th century chromolithographs and images were able to provide
allegories and motivation for the national struggle. In fact, these prints became causal
incementing the idea of nation and freedomin the popular imagination. The popular
Calendar prints during the heyday of the nationalist struggle took the task of
disseminating political message and representation directly.
Check Your Progress
2. Who has been considered as the “Father of Calendar Art” in India?
a) Raja Ravi Verma
b) Raja Ram Mohan Roy
c) Alois Senefelder
d) None of these.
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1.5 National politics and Calendar Art
Chromolithographs not only changed the way people were worshipping but also impacted
the political scenario. The mass produced devotional images also became vehicle for the
cause of nationalist struggle which was largely based upon invoking Indian Gods and
Goddess. The political significance of such prints was because of their ability to reach out
to hundreds of devotees with the same message. Hence, bridging the gap between the
political consciousness of masses and Indian elite. Thus, we can argue that images were
able to create a new kind of public space and ethos of nationalism. Let us look at the
political relationship of some of the mass produced images.
One of the most important subject of such images was “Cow” rather “Mother Cow”
against the cow protection movement agitation. There had been two phase of cow
protection movement in north India. An early urban phase in Punjab and a rural phase in
eastern districts bordering Bihar in the year after 1891. In the former phase the opposition
to the Muslim and Christian practice is apparent and the latter is centred around the inter-
caste conflict.
In 1882, Dayananad Saraswati founded Gaurakshini Sabha and wrote a book,
Gokarunanidhi, the purpose was to arouse the sentiments of Hindus against the practice
of killing of cows and oxen. The Cow, a sacred and holy symbol of one community
would soon become the symbol of nation, community and creating solidarity among
masses.
The cow protection movement would also create a new spatial arrangement wherein the
ideology of movement would travel through a network of messengers and preachers.
They would disseminate the cause over vast area, thus, through this regional territorial
reach the everyday spaces would get interspersed with the idea of cow protection.
Hence, the movement would create a new public space, whereinthe chromolithographs of
divine Cow/ Mother Cow would bring in new idea of nation i.e. A collective of Hindu
cosmology where other communities are accommodated.
Let us examine some of the popular images surrounding the issue. The earliest image was
printed in Calcutta around 1890s. In most of the image, cow would be represented as a
whole of all the Hindu gods along with the icons of diverse religious communities. In one
of the type, cow was depicted having presence of 84 Gods within its physical body,
surrounded by a group of men kneeling under its udders.
This particular image went through several variations by different printing presses
marking the cow as a symbol of Hindu identity. In one of its variation the cow was
depicted being attacked by a monster “Kali Yug” which was identified with the Muslim
community by the people. Furthermore, these images would be used in local meetings
wherein the meaning (killing of cow as matricide) would be constructed by local elites
and leaders.
Whatever might have been motive behind such images. In reality, it created a sense of
“otherness” among different communities. The cow represented the Hindu identity and
when masses were rallied around it, an idea of Hindu nation, that needed protection from
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non-Hindus emerged. Hence, chromolithographs became causal in the riots of 1893 of
Bombay.
In 1915, Raja Ravi Verma press printed a chromolithograph titled “Chaurasi Devata
Auvali Gay” depicting demon kali advancing towards the Cow with a drawn sword. This
print caught the British Government’s attention. The press Act of 1910 was invoked to
proscribe such popular prints.
Check Your Progress
3. Which of these popular print was proscribed by the British Government by
implementing the Press Act of 1910?
a) Nala Damyanti
b) Chaurasi Devata Auvali Gay
c) Unity in Diversity
d) None of these.
1.5.1 Mother India and Cartographic map of India in Calendar Art
Since 19th century the British government was trying to rescue the physical space of India
from a mythical and abstract imagination deeply embedded in Hindu cosmology to a
coherent territorial and political entity with defined boundaries. However, for the
nationalist’s agenda mere scientific map of India would not have created the sense of
belongingness. Thus, the task of creating the patriotic sentiment towards the physical
territory of India was achieved through its juxtaposition with the body of Bharat Mata.
The image of mother India (Bharat Mata) was first painted by Abanindranath Tagore,
depicting a saffron dressed woman with attributes of a saint. The image of Bharat Mata
was later absorbed in the popular prints; whose iconography was that of Goddess Durga.
There has been a close association between the image of Bharat Mata and the
cartographic map of India in the popular culture.
Let us summarize, what the national map of India entails and “ask” when it is depicted
through the body of Bharat Mata. Representing the geographical territory of India
through the body of Bharat Mata humanizes the national territory. It personalizes the
nation being worthy of sacrifice. On the one hand such images transgress the national
boundaries on the other, evokes poetic, religious and gendered imagination of the nation.
In most of the Bharat Mata images, Sri Lanka has been shown as the part of entire image
either represented by a flower or a vase or just a piece of land.
From the early 20th century onwards the practice of depicting Bharat Mata along with the
Map of India became popular.Along with the struggle for independence, the image of
cartographic map juxtaposed with Mother India would be used as an icon fornational
devotion and patriotic sentiments.
Let us evaluate the contribution of popular prints of Gandhi and Bhagat Singh in freedom
struggle. An early print of Bharat Uddhar that belonged to 1930s depicts Gandhi,
appropriated into the iconography of lord Shiva, saving Markanday from Yam, who has
been depicted by the image of a British official. In other famous print of the time shows
Bose receiving sword from Mother India, as Shiavji received sword from Bhawani.
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Hence, much of the popular political prints of 20th century will be representing national
leaders as deities and most often appropriatedin the images of 19th century
chromolithographs of deities. Other prints of Gandhi depict him showing his allegiance
and faith in HSRA revolutionaries, like Hanuman showing his devotion to Ram,
Lakshman and Sita. Thus, even though the historical narrative tells us that the Gandhian
ideology and that of Bhagat singh were contradictory, in the popular prints we find a
coming together of ideologically opposite personality, which represents the popular
imagination.
Against the trial of HSRA revolutionaries popular print belong to the category of
revolutionary heroes like Bhagat Singh, offering his head to the Bharat Mata, were
circulated. The visualization of Bhagat Singh as an English man in all the popular prints
and in people’s mind is remarkable as it was just one incident when in order to pass in
front of officials that he disguised himself with English clothes and a trilby. These prints
resonated ethos of patriotism and suggests what stays in the popular national imagination.
Check Your Progress
4. Who painted the first image of “Bharat Mata”?
a) Raja Ravi Verma
b) Jamini Roy
c) Nandalal Bose
d) Abanindranath Tagore
5. What is popular iconography of Bhagat Singh?
a) Dressed like an English Sahibwith a ‘Trilby’.
b) Dressed as an ascetic.
c) Both a & b
d) None of these.
1.6 Post-Independence and Calendar Art
After independence, there were series of border conflict with Pakistan and China. The
war with Pakistan for the accession of Kashmir, 1962 Indo-china war, 1965 Indo-Pak
war, war with Pakistan for the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971. Thus, the issue of
national security was of highest importance.
Apart from that, another important issue was of economic concern. There was an
economic dilemma before the government of India i.e. whether to invest in industrial
production and economic growth or in war needs.
The archive of Calendar art reveals that the above mentioned contradictory issues were
reflected in the subject of the Calendar art of the time. Another theme that frequently
occurred in Calendar art was the visualization of national unity. Let us look at some of
such images of Calendar art.
Icons like Babies, toddlers, women, national flag, Mother India, "Mother Cow” were
printed to represent India's unity emerging out diverse religions groups.
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In a print from the early 1990s titled “Hum sab ek hain” depicts four children signifying
four religious communities i.e. Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and Christian. Each of them carrying
signs of their community. At the centre is the image of map of India juxtaposed with the
figure of Bharat Mata carrying national flag. On one hand this picture stereotypes the
minority communities, on the other it reflects that all the other community are being
appropriated to the Hindu visualization of our nation. Another print that belonged to
1970s depicts a naked child who is seated on a globe with a flower platter. At the back of
his head four medallions signifying four religions are shown. There is a notebook which
is inscribed with the text that says, all these four religion are great. This kind of image
represents Gandhian vision of an egalitarian Indian secularism.
Another kind of images that were supposed to represent unity depicts four women
signifying four different religions, praying in their respectiveways. From each of these
women four separate pathways leads to their respective worship places. The text in the
image reads that all religion leads to the same truth. Thus, here we find that the plurality
of Indian society is being represented. The text is taken from the Upanishad which sums
up that India’s culture has been tolerant to other religion. Another image that depicts
Goddess Durga, emerging from the map of India being welcomed by women of different
religious group. Therefore, showing that nation constitutes of all the religion under the
overarching presence of the Goddess. Thus, in this type of visualization of nation we find
that different religious groups have been placed in a subordinate position to the figure of
Goddess Durga, this might imply that, nationality of other religious communities depends
upon their acceptance to the “Hindu” hegemony.
Few other significant subjects that represented the idea of “unity” depicted four men
stereotyped in their religious iconography being fed milk directly from the udders of
mother cow. Hence, again representing the accommodation of other religion under the
dominance of one religion. The image of mother cow has already been discussed in the
context of national struggle. In the post-independence era this image was either a site to
represent the idea of a secular unified nation, wherein other communities are subordinate
to the majority religion, or “otherness” of non-Hindus.
There were other kinds of Calendar art pertaining to the visualization of a specific
minority community i.e. Sikh in the larger picture of nation-building and unity. In one of
such Calendar art, image of a cow has been depicted whose body has been peopled by ten
Sikh gurus and other saints. The entire physical body of cow has been infused with Sikh
iconography. However, the sheer usage of image of cow, points to certain agendas e.g.
either Sikhism is being subsumed into the Hinduism or Hinduism is being used to
promote a message to non-Sikh population. This image also depicts saints belonging
popular heterodox sects within Sikhism but they have been placed slightly lower than
Sikh gurus, thus, representing the hierarchy in the religionas well as this calendar art
image becomes a site for reconciliation between several Sanatam ideology and popular
Sikh faith. Thus, redefining Sikhism within the fold of Hinduism.
Certain other kind of calendar art image shows Guru Nanak in the middle with image of
outline of mosque and temple on either side thus representing the position of Nehru in the
Cold war era and his policy of Non-alignment. The original message of Sikhism preached
by Guru Nanak that encompasses all religions can be seen through the visual imagery in
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many of the post-independence period Calendar art. Further, there were popular calendar
art images that shows Guru Govind Singh with the hunting hawk and arrows highlighting
another role of Sikhism - the protector of the nation against the backdrop of war with
Pakistan and China. Also, there were popular images that represented the Sikh as martyrs
and heroes between 1970s and 1980s i.e. against the backdrop mission blue star and anti-
Sikh riots of 1984.
We have examined the visualization of national unity vis-à-vis minority community
through the archive of Calendar images of Nehruvian era, which reveals that the attempt
was to show unity among the diverse population. However, the icons that were chosen for
the task were deeply rooted in the iconography of majority religion projecting India being
in custody of one particular religion and its followers –who are natural citizens of the
nation and rest would either have to be accommodated or in a subsumed and subordinate
position.
Check Your Progress
6. What was the context against which the theme of “Unity” were promoted through
Calender Art in post- Independence India?
a) Economic recession of 2008.
b) Emergency situation of 1975.
c) Border Conflicts with China & Pakistan in the early years after independence.
d) None of these.
1.7 Calendar Art and economy of production and circulation
The investigation into the significance of circulation, multiplicity, repetition and
reception that justifies the Calendar art as a mass-cultural form. Thus, it is in the
performative practices from its production to its circulation that enables us to perceive it
as a tool to understand our society and nation.
The sheer need for new Calendar every year creates demand for new designs. Thus,
artists at regional level introduces variations in the old painting of artists like Raja Ravi
Verma to fulfil the demand. However, the basic iconography of deities remains the same.
Even though present day Calendar art subjects have origin in former paintings and
chromolithographs of Colonial era they depict changes in printing techniques, marketing
considerations and artistic sources.
Thus, even if the subject and style remains same it is the economy of popular images that
have changed. Thus, the context of images within which they are produced have changed
from national cause to demand pertaining tocapitalism (product design and fashion
industry).
Let us examine the economy of calendar art by taking the case study of Sivakasi in Tamil
Nadu.
Sivakasi is a small town in Tamil Nadu famous for its three industries via matches,
fireworks and printing. Here, industries are not concentrated in the hands of traditional
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merchant groups infact the Nadar community who were considered ritually polluted own
major industries of the town.
In 1928, first printing industry started for the print of lithographed covers for match and
fire work industries. The Nadar press ltd was the first printing press started by K.S.A.
Arunagiri Nadar in 1928. By 1947, there were almost 9 or 10 lithographic presses. In
Sivakasi, diverse set of artists are brought in a network for centralised production,
circulation and consumption of images The mode of production in sivakasi is based upon
mix of formal and informal sectors and usage of small-scale ancillary workers and
unorganized casual labour.
In the process of distribution also we find mixed organizations taking its share i.e. small-
time peddlers working seasonally and self-employed agents. The circuits of diffusion for
Calendar art are picture and Calendar publishing firms. Even though larger publishing
houses are mostly based in metro cities, however, many towns have their own publishers,
local print shops and artists. Thus, the repertoire of Calendar prints includes both subjects
made for the consumption at national, regional and local level. The publishers are mostly
clustered around the old bazaar area of a town e.g. Nai Sarak (chandini chowk) in New
Delhi or near the production units as wholesalers.
The markets for bazaar prints has crossed national boundaries and reached to the
international market and even made its presence in the virtual world. The popular Raja
Ravi Verma chromolithographs have also entered homes of Indian elite. Thus, this
demand for original antique prints has created growth of prints with set standards as
“historical” prints. However, major consumption of the Calendar art comes from the year
around sale of religious prints at places of pilgrimage and worship, especially during the
festive season between October to November. The Calendar trade also increase between
the festival of Diwali and New year in the north, west and south and in Bengal around
Bengali new year i.e. mid-April.
Another important aspect in the economy of the Calendar art is the “English market” or
the audience of calendar with English text. These calendars are mostly given away by
dealer and shopkeepers as gifts during Diwali or New year to the clientele. Thus, the
subjects are not as much defined by the end user (customers or common people) but also
by the publishers and their clients (shops, corporates, firms etc). Therefore, these calendar
are designed and indexed in ways which representspublisher’s ideas, what their client
want to project about themselves and demand of end users.
Looking into the issue of subject of Calendar art, it shows that there is a well-defined
regional conventionin all the four regions. Hence, the themes as well as certain specific
attributes of a particular subject is preferred in one region than the other e.g.Lakshmi and
Shiv are preferred to be standing in north and seated in south, eyes of deities are wide
open in south, however, half closed in north. Also, the colour that are used in calendar are
specific to region e.g. Bengalis prefer pastel colours and south Indian tends towards more
contrasting shades and solid colours. Thus, we find that regional and local ethos are
produced through nation-wide distributed Calendar industry.
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Check Your Progress
7. What do we understand by the “English Market” in contemporary economy of
Calendar art production?
a) The audience of Calendarswhich haveEnglish text.
b) The entire English educated population.
c) Both a & b
d) None of these
1.8 Summary
The evaluation of Calendar art offers us with the possibility of a different kind of
historiography –one where subaltern visualization of idea of nation, nationalism and
patriotism predates elite leaders’ entry to the national politics. Large scale production of
icons of Gods and goddess through Calendar Art and its pervasiveness has led to the
problematic appropriation of the Calendar art within the political arena.The visual images
can be of different nature like political, religious and commercial. On the one hand,
Calendar art has problematically shown the theme of unity in the diversity and on the
other, Calendars, as a commodity has thrived upon the cultural difference of the nation.
Answers to the Check Your Progress Exercises
1. c
2. a
3. b
4. d
5. a
6. c
7. a
1.9 Keywords
Calendar Art History, Popular Art, Popular Culture.
Answer the following long term questions. (Consult the books and articles mentioned in
the referenceand suggested readings.)
1. Folk art or Calendar Art help in understanding the culture of people. Elaborate.
2. What were the different ideas carried by the chromolithographic prints of Calcutta
and Bombay?
3. Evaluate the impact of reform movements through the archive of popular images
(Calendar art).
4. Examine the problematic of visualization of nation through the cartographic
image of Bharat Mata or Mother India.
5. How different idea(s) of nation were depicted in the theme of Calendar art of
Post-Independence period?
6. How do we understand our nation through the present day economy of production
of Calendar art industry?
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1.11 References
 Oberoi, Patricia. (2006). "Unity in Diversity? Dilemmas of Nationhood in Indian
Calendar Art." in Dilip M Menon, (ed.). Readings in History: Cultural History of
Modern India. Delhi: Social Science Press.
 Ramaswamy, Sumathi. (2001). “Maps and Mother Goddesses in Modern India.”

Imago Mundi vol. 53 no.1, pp. 97-114.
 Jain, Kajri. (2007). Gods in the Bazaar: The Economies of Indian Calendar Art.
London:Duke University Press.
 Pinney, Christopher. (2004). ‘Photos of the Gods’ The Printed Image and Political
Struggle in India: Reakton Books Ltd.
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LESSON 2
(ii) PRINT MEDIA : AMAR CHITRA KATHA
Shilpi Ghosh
Structure
2.1 Objectives
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Origin
2.4 Fictional Genres
2.5 Analysis
2.6 Relevance
2.7 Let us sum up
2.1 Objective
After reading this unit students will be able to:
 trace the origin of Amar Chitra Katha

 analyse the positive and negative aspects of ACK
 assess the relevance of ACK in contemporary world
2.2 Introduction
When young readers preferred to read the mysteriesof Enid Blyton, Roald Dahl,or
unravelling the world of Narnia by C S Lewis, it was the pioneering approach of Anant
Pai in 1967, to introduce Indian fables to the readers by Amar Chitra Katha. Amar Chitra
Katha (ACK), literally translated as “Immortal Illustrated stories”, became a significant
part of India’s popular culture in the 1970s. Read by people of all age groups, Amar
Chitra Katha captured Hindu Mythology in a very captivating way. Younger readers were
especially engrossed in a well-illustrated reading of epic, mythology, ancient, medieval
and modern histories. The books covereda wide array of topics, including the historical
evolution of Hinduism and communalism. The book’s extensive popularity is that more
than 440 volumes and 86 million editions have been to date.
The tales written in vernacular languages became a fantastic source for readers, especially
children, to get to know about Indian mythological Gods and historical figures. Through
its visual articulations and intricate storyline, it more or less reflected how the middle
class negotiated with the existing popular culture to satisfy its ideological moorings. The
initial comic series were mythical including traditional Sanskrit tales of Hindus like
Krishna, Ram,and Hanuman. Over the years the series has grown to cover a wide range of
topics like famous Hindu rulers like Shivaji, Prithvi raj Chauhan, Rana Pratap,and
medieval bhakti poets like Tulsidas or Kalidas, and contemporary sage, and philosophers
like Swami Vivekananda. It also includes fables like Jataka, Panchatantra, and
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Hitopadesha. Indian Freedom fighters are also now covered in comic series like Subhash
Chandra Bose, Lokamanya Tilak, and Rani Laxmi Bai.
2.3 Origin
Anant Pai, working as a young executive in Times of India, was astonished to witness
that Indian kids ona TV quiz program on Doordarshan were unable to answer simple
questions on the Hindu epic Ramayana.This inspired him to reintroduce young people of
India who had forgotten about their cultural heritage to the richness of Indian mythology
and traditions. For this, he collaborated with the India Book House publishers to release
an educational comic book series. His idea was to create kid-friendly Indian religious and
historic tales. His comic books once launched, gradually gained enormous popularity. It
soon became a household name in India.
Krishna, written by Anant Pai and created by Ram Waeerkar, in 1969, was the first comic
published by Amar Chitra Katha. Other great tales followed after that like Shakuntala,
Savitri, Harishchandra, and Nala Damayanti. Initially, the books were printed only in
three colors: yellow, blue, and green. More colors were introduced later on. Every layout
and design were carefully hand-designed to have a flawless result, but, gradually, with the
advent of computers and digital drawings, more numbers of copies were produced at a
time using templates. Each comic followed a similar format: a 30-page story with
footnotes, describing specific customs, and rituals. Anant Pai and his team did extensive
research, going through ancient manuscripts. The illustrators too examined minutely the
temple and calendar art, to be able to capture the characters’ forms, attire, and settings. A
brand-new comic book was released every month. The perfection that Anant Pai sought
led him to reprint the comic books numerous times.
2.4 Fiction Genres
Amar Chitra Katha (ACK) was initially started with the mythological stories from
VedVyasa’s greatestepic Ramayana, to his disciplesJaimin’s famous work, Chandrahasa
and to the epic tales of Mahabharata. The readers were introduced to numerous popular
heroes of Hinduism and their tales of wisdom, valor, and triumph. From mighty Bahubali
to fierce Durga, and loyal Ganesh, the comic book tried to capture the world of myth and
wonder. The book was replete with incidents that were considered monumental in the
history of Hinduism. The Mahabharata series also had a philosophical dialogue between
Krishna counsellingArjuna about his duties and principles of life. The mythological series
also unraveled mysteries and histories attached to ancient Indian cities like Konark,
Thanjavur, and Elephanta.
It subsequently started publishing short fables on historical personalities like Rana Pratap,
Mirabai, Ashoka, Rana Sanga, and many more. The biography of great freedom fighters
and political thinkers like Jawaharlal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Shastri, B R Ambedkar, or
renowned industrialists like Jamshedji Tata and VergheseKurien was an ode to the
immense contribution of these heroes. ACK was also publishing adaptations of classics
like Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’sAnand Math or Nagananda, a famous play by emperor
Harsha. Writers and creators of ACK maintained a very personal tone when writing about
childhood or preferences, and the surroundings of modern-day heroes.
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The popularity of comic books is such that childrenare being adapted into animation
content. The diverse and celebrated content of ACK is still being seen as a root to inspire
readers about India’s rich cultural heritage.
2.5 Analysis
The childhood memories and tales that we read and listened, continue to be ingrained in
our minds. The idyllic past narrated through story books like Amar Chitra Katha
transforms popular culture into timeless. A study of popular culture then becomes
essential to delve further into the supposedly respectable realities held in common
imaginations. Post-colonial period readers were captivated by the stories of brave warrior
Gods, shrewd demons, kind Hindu Kings, and crafty ministers. Amar Chitra Katha has
been associated deeply with our childhood innocence and memories. It blurs the
distinction between history and popular culture. The comic book not only entertained but
educated young readers by narrating the tales of historic battles and heroic sufferings. It
attempted to create culturally rooted, contemporary Indian citizens. ACK stood in stark
contrast with subaltern studies, for its attempts to retell history through heroism and
charisma. ACK can also refer ACK as an example of “regressive modernization” that
emphasised on the moral renewal of youth by re-engaging them with their traditions.
ACK in a way tried to show reflections on Indian society and its development of what
constitutes the dominant notion of “Indianness”. There are both good and not-so-
goodaspects that one needs to analyse when studying popular culture. ACK has been
criticizedto showcase history that was synonymous with the Hindu myths, where Muslim
invaders were portrayed as outsiders, who tarnished the purity of the existing
Brahmanical system. Many scholars have analysed theillustrations used in ACK to know
the socioeconomic class and political ideologies that led them to choose particular colours
or styles. There are fewwho claim that ACK reflected its creator, especially Anant Pai’s
political leanings and beliefs.
ACK adopted a nationalist and Vaishnavite style of history in its choice of words,
narratives, and images that reflected Indian heritage. It set the tone of an “ideal” past,
although it did neglect or denigrate different communities. Communities including
Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians were not seen as “Makers of India” by ACK. These
communities were depicted as intruders, and rivals to the Hindus. The comic book in a
way was said to validate intolerance among its readers. The good Hindu ruler, though
small, in terms of army or resources, was hailed for his bravery in fighting against
haughty Muslim monarchs or British imperialists.
The other factor that has been debated a lot among scholars is the fundamental theme of
“Hero worship”, to promote a feeling of patriotism. Children reading the book constantly
associate with the imagination of mighty heroes portrayed as our brave protectors of
society. It also leads the readers into the realm of monarchy or authoritarian regimes. This
in turn led women being devalued in the process. The role of women in the comic book is
kept traditional. Even the Goddess are gladly exhibited to surrender themselves to the
service of their husbands (Issue 71 Indra and Shachi). The ACK issue also glorified
women being abducted or offered as a reward for bravery or women dying alive on the
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pyre of their husband as Sati Pratha (Padmini and Rank Devi). However, ACK does fuel
existing structural inequalities in a very lucid manner. The culture of being subservient to
the dominant class is also highlighted. Like, the one passage from the epic Mahabharata
where a young tribal boy named Eklavya is asked to have his thumb amputated by guru
Dronacharya. This offering made by Eklavya is a perfect example depicting submission
to authorities.
The illustrations used in the comic are one of its stronger elements. The depiction of
religious myths in graphic forms is based on aesthetics similar to Ravi Verma’s realistic
painting techniques. There are some very distinguished styles and features used in the
pictures that one can easily figure out, like, upper caste Hindus are depicted as fair, and
Roman, while Muslim invaders are bearded, shrewd, and sharp-jawed. One can also see
similarities in depictions of Hindu deities and Mythological or historical heroes in ACK
as seen in Indian classical art. ACK was also criticized for setting up obsolete beauty
standards. Females, belonging to the upper caste were fair-skinned, often with voluptuous
features and male characters were made muscular. The demons or other villainous
characters were given dark brown or black complexions. The Lord of Lanka issue number
67 uses both dark and light shades in Ravana family household to depict good and evil.
This colourism gets associated with casteism where people of lower caste or tribal groups
are often ignored and never applauded for their sacrifices.
Since there is no authorized scripture for Hinduism as Bible or Quran, hence ACK, often
deferred from giving a balanced view of Hinduism, instead, it left out articles with
competing viewpoints. On numerous occasions, it contradicted its own set methods of
illustrations, like, Ghatokacha, a prominent character of Mahabharat, half demon-half
human, was a good person with black skin. Goddess Parvati is shown to
demonstratesuperiority over male Gods on the issue of Ganesh. Other stark contradictions
shown were the positive depiction of Muslim monarchs like Akbar, referring to him as a
visionary ruler. He was made the main character of a few ACK issues. ACK series also
featured a loving portrayal of the architect of the Indian constitution and Dalit leader Dr.
B R Ambedkar.
For child readers, the curators specially took care of using regional traditions along with
realist aesthetic borrowed from painter Ravi Varma’s calendar paintings. RaviVarma was
portrayed as symbol of Indianness. ACK carried forward his calendar art as an important
of India’s visual culture, to dramatize mythologies in the comics. They used larger than
life hyper representations that got deeply ingrained in young minds. The illustrators have
very carefully captured the expressive facial expressions, body postures, different plots
including deceptive plans or confrontation of such plans. The act of dominance or
bravery, sacrifices part of Hindu mythology, or the grandeur of palaces and gardens are
expressed eloquently with few simple brush strokes. It aimed at creating figures that were
ancient yet modern, sacred yet secular, it fused western comic book format with visual
narrative of Indian traditions.
AnantPai’s picture book series came at the time when there were of challenges being
faced in the political arena. There were strong demand rising by middle class blaming
Nehruvian ideologies of socialism and secularism for the declining spirituality. There
were widespread protests and agitations by socially and economically disadvantaged
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groups including women, workers, tribal and peasants. However, AnantPai, through his
comics, was seeking a comic cultural revolution by using mythology. He envisioned
ACK to be the replacement for the storytelling grandma who helped children to stay
connected to the old traditions. Pai lamented on the fact that this tradition was going
extinct due to breakdowns of joint families. He claimed that his comics helped to develop
‘unity’ in India by teaching Indian history and mythology to children.It depicted great
men and women that helped shape in young minds the feeling of merit, perseverance and
self-respect.It will lead to “moral-regeneration” of the society.It also gave kids values to
strive for in order to become responsible adults in the country.
It was carefully curated by avoiding any anti-Hindu sentiment and elevating middle-class
culture.To some readers, ACK defined Indian identity. It was a part of larger political and
intellectual attempt to rewrite history. For some scholars ACK is not just limited to
Hinduism but in reality it promotes secularism. ACK is for anyone upholding nation’s
essential ideals, regardless of class and community. There is continuity between ACK and
nationalist historiography. Like, nationalist historian, ACK uses history as a political
instrument to challenge western claimed superiority by using myths, legends along with
“facts”.
2.6 Relevance
Amar Chitra Katha, despite being criticised for its prejudices, continues to be admired by
readers across generations. Being the longest running comic book, it still holds important
position in people’s minds. For parents and elders ACK becomes the source of instilling
modern values in a fun way. Through brilliant illustrations it also creates habit of reading
among young readers. ACK presents history and mythology that have a modern context.
However, in assessing ACK as an important part of popular culture we need to look at
how ACK helped in creating our vision of future for a more secular, democratic and
inclusive society.
A detailed analysis showed that ACK accurately captured Indian society in all respects.
Caste, religion, class and gender based biasness that ACK was severely criticised for, was
carefully examined, altered and occasionally discontinued. Some blamed it to not
capturing the depth and complexity of Indian mythology’s oral traditions, where a story
has different iterations. However, ACK has presented series that has lauded various non-
Hindu personalities like Razia Sultan, Sher Shah Suri, Akbar or the birth of Jesus Christ.
It has introduced series that honour modern personalities including Mother Teresa, Jim
Corbett, or ornithologists Salim Ali.
Hence, ACK continues to play a significant role in Indian society because it gives us a
distinctive national culture, allows us to overcome existing disparities by giving us
something in common with a society as diverse as ours.
2.7 Let’s Sum Up
Amar Chitra Katha is renowned Indian comic series, started by AnantPai, in 1967. The
main broad theme used by the comic book is religious myths, historical personalities, folk
tales and cultural tales. The book became an important part India’s popular culture. It was
criticised for encouraging “nationalism” and “communalism”. It was condemned for
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putting forward an historical account that was gender, caste and class biased through its
choice of colors, style, and shape in illustrations. However, the creators of Amar Chitra
Katha have time and again responded to these critics and tried putting forward an
accurate historically narrative. ACK is still very relevant today for all readers for
understanding the popular culture of India narrated through a historical comic series. It
continues to remain symbol of Indian identity. It has successfully been able to capture
different regional, historical and cultural diversities of India.
Check Your Progress
Exercise 1
Short answer questons:
1. When was Amar Chitra Katha founded ?
2. What cirscumstances led AnantPaicreate Amar Chitra Katha?
3. How has the creators of Amar Chitra Katha replied to the criticisms levelled upon
it?
Long Questions
1. Analyse in depth the features and drawbacks that Amar Chitra Katha experience?
2. What role does Amar Chitra Katha play in popular culture of India?
3. Does Amar Chitra Katha remain relevant today?
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LESSON 3
(iii) CINEMA: CONSTRUCTING FAMILY, GENDER, AND MARRIAGE THROUGH
POPULAR CINEMA
Sanchita Srivastava
Structure
3.2 Introduction
3.2.1 Defining a ‘popular’ film
3.3 Womanhood and Hindi Cinema
3.4 The ‘Ideal’ Family in Hindi Films
3.5 Masculinities and Popular Hindi Cinema
3.6 Summary
3.7 Glossary
3.9 References
Upon completing this lesson, students will be able to:
• Understand how gender and domesticities are constructed through popular Hindi
cinema.
• Contextualize these normative constructions of femininities and masculinities
within the larger socio-political and economic changes in the late 20th C India.
• Understand how the ‘ideal’ family constructed via popular films could serve as a
representation of the ‘ideal’ nation.
3.2 Introduction
Often contrasted with ‘high-brow’, or parallel cinema which is deemed to be more ‘real’
and ‘authentic’ when it comes to the representations of gender and domesticity, scholars
have increasingly drawn attention to how popular cinema in India, with its song and
dance sequences, can serve as a ‘text’ wherein varied aspirations of India’s demographics
can be voiced, where modernity and Indianness are continuously redefined and contested,
where fascinating explorations of gender and familial structures can be made possible,
and as we shall see through the course of this essay, where the dreams, hopes, fears, and
anxieties of a changing nation can be understood. In terms of viewership alone, Indian
cinema occupies space as a powerful cultural product that is consumed by millions of
people globally, but, given that these films are “endlessly told, retold, quoted and imitated
in everyday speech” (Dwyer 2014, 9), its permeation into India’s ‘public culture’ goes
beyond sheer numbers. As Alessandra Consolaro (2014, 1) surmised, a film draws upon
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the “wider discourses circulating within the public space to construct its own narrative,
and that hegemonic definitions emerge and take shape within ‘public culture,’ of which
film is a part.”
Given that there are over 1000 movies produced in India annually, we shall be limiting
this discourse to selected Hindi movies from the nineties analyzed through a gendered
lens.The 1990s were a period of significant socio-political and economical changes in
India. Along with the adoption of liberal economic policies, there was also the rise of
majoritarian nationalism in the form of the Hindutva movement, both of which resulted in
a tussle over the identity of the national ‘self’. This was also the period that marked the
arrival of new media in the country, courtesy of satellite television, and marked a crucial
cultural shift in public consumption. For, as Arvind Rajagopal (2004) and Purnima
Mankekar (1999a) have pointed out, television and the broadcasting of epics, such as the
Ramayana and the Mahabharata, played a significant role in constructing what has been
referred to as the “prime time religion”, with Hindu myths and rituals gaining legitimacy
in ‘public’ culture, a trend that was cemented by films that further shaped the meanings of
nation, nationalism, and womanhood.
3.2.1 Defining a ‘popular’ film
Before exploring how popular Hindi films helped equate Hindu with Indian, we must
understand so as to what defines a ‘popular’ film. Ashis Nandy (1981, 89-93) has
identified the following characteristics of a popular Hindi film: spectacularity,
predictability, and ahistoricity. It is a spectacle in the sense that it is dramatic, charming,
and even illogical; not only is the climax of the movie predictable but the plot is based
upon timeless tales (viz. Ramayana, Krishna Leela); and as such, it is also ahistorical,
removed from any particular historical-cultural-social realities; for instance, “the heroine
might magically change her sari between cuts in a dance routine, the seasons might pass
while she is singing, and the hero, despite his emphasized poverty may dress like a prince
and sing like a well-trained profession” (Nandy 1981, 92). These characteristics are
brought out well in some of the blockbuster hits of the 90s, namely Kuch Kuch Hota Hai
(KKHH), Hum Saath Saath Hain (HSSH), Hum Aapke Hain Koun…! (HANK), and
Dilwale Dulhaniya Le Jaayenge (DDLJ) to which we shall now turn. Through a gendered
analysis of these films, we shall attempt to understand how popular Hindi cinema served
as a site where the question of what it means to be an Indian was answered by way of a
conflation of “wealth and happiness, Hindu traditions and rigid heteronormative and
conservative values with Indian identity” (Malhotra and Alagh 2004, 26), a valorization
and re-appropriation of the diasporic Indian man who represented the perfect blend of the
East and the West within this new “imagined community”, and the relegation of women
to the kitchen.
3.3 Womanhood and Hindi Cinema
The premise of Kuch Kuch Hota Hai (KKHH) centered upon a love triangle between its
protagonists: ‘Rahul’ (Shah Rukh Khan) and ‘Anjali’ (Kajol) are college best friends
whose relationship turns sour when the London-returned ‘Tina’ (Rani Mukherjee) joins
their college where Rahul and Tina fall for each other. Unbeknownst to Rahul, Anjali too
had feelings for him but decides to forgo her love for his happiness. Of course, in light of
Nandy’s three characteristics of a commercial Hindi film that we have discussed earlier, it
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is safe to assume that at the end of the movie, there is a happily-ever-after, with Anjali
being reunited with and married to her first love, Rahul, thanks to Tina’s death in
childbirth, her eight-year-old daughter who brought the estranged friends together over
the course of a summer camp, a jilted fiancé, and divine intervention which, as we shall
see, was a recurrent theme of the movies from this era.
Box 1
In KKHH, upon learning that Anjali (Kajol) is going to be married to someone else
(Aman/Salman Khan), the child, also named Anjali resorts to frantic prayers to Allah,
which caused a Hindu astrologer in another part of the country to postpone the wedding.
For Ulka Anjaria (2021, 151-154), scenes such as these that depict a syncretic nature of
prayer are crucial reminders to not dismiss these films as nationalist. However, as we
shall see in the following pages, even though non-Hindus are not explicitly shown as the
evil ‘Other’, their co-option within the distinctly Hindu families of these films cannot be
ignored.
When viewed through the analytical lens of gender, the women of KKHH serve as
examples of conforming to heteronormative constructions of femininity and sexuality.
Tina is a sultry, arguably hyper-sexualized woman in college who stood in direct contrast
to Anjali, a ‘tomboy’ who wore her hair short and donned tracksuits. Tina’s desirability
as a woman was repeatedly established by her clothing, by shots of men flailing about
when she passed them by, and a close-up shot of her derriere. At the same time, the film
also establishes her rootedness in Indian culture despite having lived abroad, as
exemplified in the following dialogue from the film, “London mein rehne se, wahaan
padhne likhne se, main apne sanskar nahi bhooli, aur yeh tum mat bhoolna.” (Even
though I have lived and studied in London, I have not forgotten my values, don’t you ever
forget that). Upon her marriage, however, Tina immediately traded her skirts for demure
salwar suits, once again, emphasizing her Indian values. It is also pertinent to note that
her Indianness was defined in distinctly Hindu terms, be it in the form of her visiting
temples, or by singing devotional aartis. And, as Geetanjali Gangoli (2005, 158-159)
pointed out, the final straw in establishing Tina as the ideal Hindu wife was when she,
being aware of her husband’s desire to have a child, had a baby against medical advice,
sacrificing her life in the process. Even after her death, she continued to fulfill her role as
‘the good wife’ by ensuring that her husband reunites with Anjali. Anjali, on the other
hand, was shown to be a teacher’s pet who decided to leave college before completing her
education as the pain of her unrequited love was too much for her to bear, and when we
meet her again, she too has grown out her hair and swapped her athleisure wear for slinky
sarees whose pallu falls off at just the right moment, to finally impress upon Rahul, and
by extension, the viewers, her femininity and beauty, an object of desire. To borrow
Patricia Uberoi’s (2006, 122) term, both the women in the film embody “dharma and
desire” wherein they are simultaneously chaste and ‘good’ and seductive and desirable.
For, it is only when both Tina and Anjali demonstrate their Indianness that they are
deemed worthy enough to be loved, to be exalted to the status of a wife by Rahul whose
line“Mard ka sarsirf teen aurton ke saamne jhukta hai: ek apni maa ke samne, ek Durga
maa ke saamne, aur…” (A man bows his head to only three women: his mother, mother
Durga, and …) aptly represents the outlook of the film when it comes to women whose
sexuality, once neatly channelized into ideal wifehood, finds ultimate fulfillment through
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motherhood.Thus, Uberoi’s remark (2006, 131), made in the context of the 1962 film
Sahib, Bibi, aur Ghulam remains relevant for the nineties too, as sexual attraction must be
“firmly subordinated within the compass of normative conjugal proprieties”. Moreover,
the film does not shy away from more direct instances of the policing of women’s
sexuality, be it in the form of Tina’s father, the principal of a college, who prances about
declaring, “... No short skirts, please!” and another wherein he admonishes a student for
wearing a skirt to “excite boys” in the college, while himself indulging in flirtatious
banters with his employee, while another character, Riffat Bi who doubled up as a
mother-figure to Anjali, exists solely to train her into ‘feminine’ wiles which include
dressing up modestly. These instances speak to the surveillance of female sexuality which
must be simultaneously controlled and serve as an “erotic spectacle” (Kasbekar 2004,
286-308), as compared to that of male sexuality which is celebrated. There is a brief
moment in the film where the ‘male gaze’ is inverted: When Anjali’s fiance, Aman is
surrounded by her chachis, married, older women, who are gushing over his muscular
and “topless” body, we get a glimpse of female desire, but it is quickly ridiculed and
deemed improper. Indeed, as Kasbekar (2004, 293) pointed out, it is largely in the realm
of fancy created by the songs and dance sequences that double up as sites for
“transgressive pleasure”, that female desires are accorded space in popular Hindi cinema.
The ‘ideal woman’, KKHH would have us believe, is thus demure, modestly dressed, and
self-sacrificing, having little interests or ambitions of her own. In the film:
“What counts is what the heroine provokes, or rather what she represents. She
is the one, or rather the love or fear she inspires in the hero, or else the concern
he feels for her, who makes him act the way he does. In herself the woman has
not the slightest importance” (Budd Boetticher cited in Mulvey 1999, 837).
Select the Correct Answer:
(i) Which of the following can be said to form a feature of popular Hindi films in
the nineties?
a) Spectacularity
b) Realism
c) Unpredictability
d) Practicality
(ii) Several superhit Hindi movies between 1990-2000 emphasized upon:
a) Unrestrained sexuality
b) Adultery
c) Live-in relationships
d) Conjugality
Answers:
(i) Spectacularity
(ii) Conjugality
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3.4 The ‘Ideal’ Family in Hindi Films
In her insightful analysis of the subject, Uberoi (2006, 29-33) explains the Indian family
in terms of its “moral economy” which is based upon the ideals of selflessness, duty, and
sacrifice, where conjugal desires must succumb to dharma/duty which is defined in terms
of sacrifice and discipline (of the self and others), all within the framework of a
patrilineal kinship system. In this context, a “family film” (Uberoi 2006, 140) is thus
defined as one which is both meant for a family audience and centers on such familial
relationships. Let us, therefore, turn our attention to two such family films that were huge
commercial successes in their day, namely, Hum Aapke Hain Koun…! (HAHK) and Hum
Sath Sath Hain (HSSH) to assess how they constructed the ideal Indian family.
The premise of HANK centers on two families, that of a wealthy industrialist who
marries his son, Rajesh off to the daughter (Puja) of his friend, a humble professor. A
multitude of songs and dances follow to capitulate the budding romance between the
film’s actual protagonists, Prem (Salman Khan) and Nisha (Madhuri Dixit), respective
siblings of the couple above. However, upon her untimely death, the family elders decide
to marry the deceased’s sister Nisha to her widower brother-in-law, and it is the family
dog, aided by divine intervention, who plays a pivotal role in the film’s climax scene,
with Prem and Nisha being united in holy matrimony. A crucial aspect of this film was its
“restrained sexuality” (Uberoi 2006, 143), and even though sexual innuendos were
implicit in certain scenes, Uberoi (2006, 144-145) draws attention to how the otherwise
free-spirited Nisha became increasingly demure, showcasing her affection in more
‘wifely’ ways, which involved caregiving and nurturing- making his favorite food,
waiting for him at and/or serving him dinner, or caring for their infant nephew, in perhaps
an anticipatory preparation of their future and children. Malhotra and Alagh (2004, 29)
also highlighted how the film mushes all three of the women characters into a “single
replicable and easily interchangeable ‘picture of perfection’”, on account of their
virtuosity, such that upon Puja’s death, her sister was immediately deemed a suitable
replacement. Moreover, as Uberoi (2006, 146-147) further argues, while the “erotic
potentialities” of the jija-sali relationship that are commonplace in popular culture also
find a way in the same relationship onscreen, the devar-bhabhi relationship that holds
similar potential is represented in a duly affectionate and respectable manner, with
Prem’s bhabhi acting as a maternal figure to a man roughly her age. In addition, while
carnal desires between the domestic helpers are hinted at, the movie places far greater
emphasis on treating them as a part of the family, hereby furthering the notion of an ideal
family that transcends class divisions.
Let us, however, go back to the film’s original couple, Rajesh and Puja. In a classic
“arranged love marriage” setup,they fall in love under supervised visits, but rather than
their romance, the film focuses on establishing Puja as the sole lady of the house, she is
the ideal bahu and the ideal wife as she readily produces a (male) heir. Indeed, within the
first few minutes of the film we are introduced to the normative constructions of
womanhood, as exemplified in the following dialogue that delineates the family’s criteria
for selecting their ideal bahu: “Ek seedhi sadi pyaari si bahu chahiye, jo apni sneh aur
mamta se iss ghar ko sanware rakhe.” (We need a simple, lovely daughter-in-law who
could look after the household with love and affection). In her study of the audience’s
response to the film, Uberoi (2006, 166) highlighted the “utopian effect” that it produced,
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where the film was said to represent ‘traditional’ Indian culture and family relationships
as they should be, both of which were underpinned by the willingness of individuals to
make sacrifices for the greater good. Thus, even though the nation was conspicuously
absent while markers of consumerism were visibly present, for the audience, the film was
about India and authentic Indian values, symbolized by both, idealized family and
idealized femininity, the ultimate assertion of which could be seen in the welcome gift
that Puja received upon her marriage, where the groom’s Mamaji gifted her a copy of the
Ramayana, as a reminder for her to emulate the epitome of the ideal (Hindu) woman,
Sita.
Box 2
As Uberoi (2006, 36) puts it, an “arranged love marriage” takes two forms: either the
match is approved by the parents and the potential couple engages in a supervised
courtship, or two people fall in love and then have their parents arrange their marriage. In
both the cases, individual desire is reconciled with parental authority, resulting in a
‘happily-ever-after’.
The leitmotif of the Ramayana plays a pivotal role in Hum Saath Saath Hain (HSSH) as
well, so much so that even the music of the film was created by a music director aptly
named Raam Laxman! Belonging to the same Barjatya universe as HAHK, the plot of
this film followed a similar trajectory, centered around the family of a wealthy
industrialist (Ramkishan Chaturvedi), his wife (Mamta), and their four children (Vivek,
Prem, Vinod, and Sangita). The eldest son, Vivek was exiled from the family, like Rama,
by his stepmother who wanted her biological sons to inherit a larger share of the family
property. The film centers on the injustices faced by him (but not his Sitaesque wife),
with his younger brothers following a similar trajectory as that of Lakshmana and
Bharata, with their wives/love interests serving little function other than rejoicing at the
sights of peacocks, planning a honeymoon with the entire joint family, dutifully
producing (male) children, and of course, cooking, whereas a redemption arc is provided
to HSSH’s Kaikeyi, that is, Mamta, who had a change of heart on account of the eldest
son’s selfless love and sacrifice. As Vidyut Aklujkar (2007, 48, 51) pointed out, the
character of Manthara was divided into three women, friends of Mamta, and another man
who wanted to get his daughter married into the family, and the film constructed
normative femininity as the following:
“The good women in the movie are those that cook for the family, sacrifice for
the family, and pray for the family and the bad women are the ones that remain
unmarried, smoke, play cards, and do not like to cook. The bad women are also
those that seek to break a joint family.”
This brings us to another character trope of popular Hindi films: that of the vamp.
However, unlike the vamps of the preceding decades, or indeed those created by Balaji
Telefilms, even the vamps of the 90s films operated within the framework of restrained
sexuality. They are not vying for the hero’s attention as his object of desire must always
be the sanskaari heroine, and there is not much to their characters than them being
(mildly) ‘bad’ and Westernized. For instance, in HAHK, Bindu played the role of the
greedy and classist Mamiji who was literally slapped into domestication and was
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rewarded for falling into line by late pregnancy, the ultimate gift of motherhood which
she won by mending her ways; in the very first few minutes of the movie, we are also
introduced to Sweety, Mamiji’s niece and a potential suitor for Rajesh, who was not
considered a good match because of her “naye khayalat” (modern thoughts) and a series
of broken engagements (presumably because of her modern upbringing), and in HSSH, it
was Mamta’s friends or, “teen titliyan” (three butterflies) who were once again, ‘modern’
(defined largely by their sartorial choices and by the fact they were unmarried) who
connived to tear the family apart.
Taken together, one can therefore see how these films construct an image of an adarsh
Indian/Hindu woman who is chaste, self-sacrificing, submissive, and endlessly patient,
and all the women in the family, including the matriarch, must adhere to these lofty
ideals. While HSSH extends the courtesy of mentioning the name of the matriarch, in
both HAHK and KKHH, she is simply ‘Mrs. Chowdhury’ and ‘Mrs. Sharma’ (Anjali’s
mother), though in both the films, she is the keeper and reproducer of traditions. Even
though the women from the new generation in both the movies studied above are shown
to be educated, with HSSH featuring Preeti (Sonali Bendre, Prem’s love interest) as a
doctor, she spends more screen time cooking, serving, and blushing than at the hospital.
Their identities center around the men in their lives, they are content with using their
education to run the home more efficiently, and with perpetuating the family.
(i) Which of the following formed a popular theme of family films of the nineties?
a)Working women
b) Arranged love marriages
c) Class-based divisions
d) Non-heteronormative sexualities
(ii) Which of the following best describes the depiction of women in the nineties
Hindi cinema?
a) Authoritative
b) Self-assured
c) Assertive
d) Self-sacrificing
Answers:
(i) Arranged love marriages
(ii) Self-sacrificing
3.5 Masculinities and Popular Hindi Cinema
A holistic understanding of gender and domesticities necessitates an exploration of how
these films fashioned a ‘new man’. The heroes of the nineties marked a transition from
the hypermasculine angry young man, personified by Amitabh Bachchan in the seventies,
to a ‘softer’, more relatable romantic interest, played to perfection by Shah Rukh Khan.
As Consolaro (2014, 13) argues, Shah Rukh Khan, who rose to stardom in this decade,
represented the nation's soft power, the metrosexual man who was in touch with his
emotions and steadfastly connected to his Indian roots. In Dilwale Dulhaniya Le
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Jaayenge (DDLJ), Khan’s Rahul, having failed his degree examination, is set to join the
successful business of his NRI father in London. He meets Simran (Kajol) while
traversing through Europe and falls in love. However, Simran is betrothed to Kuljeet, the
son of her father’s friend, and is made to return to Punjab (where once again, the skirts
are swapped for salwar). Raj follows suit, and in what went on to become one of the most
iconic scenes of Hindi cinema, is seen waiting for Simran who runs to embrace him in a
sea of sarson (mustard fields). Despite Simran (and her mother) egging them on to elope,
Raj refuses to marry her without her father’s approval, eventually leading to the climax of
the film where the father is seen clutching the hands of Simran, a bloodied Rahul onboard
a train to leave India for good, Simran begging her father to let her go be with her love,
and the father “acknowledging the sincerity of Raj’s love and his willingness to sacrifice
that love for the wider interests of the family” (Uberoi 2006, 187), finally lets go
ofSimran.
Uberoi (2006, 194) uses this film to draw attention to the constructions of ‘Indianness’
within the context of the diaspora, the core of which remained anxieties over women’s
sexuality: Simran’s romance with Raj challenged her father’s position as an Indian
patriarch, who saw her disobedience as a betrayal of the Indian values that he had
instilled in her, a depreciation of her virtue and her value as an object who was to be
‘gifted’ in marriage in a milieu where marriage is seen a union of two families instead of
a new conjugal family set up by two individuals; whereas Raj reminded Simran of his
identity as an Indian when she asked him to elope, and earlier in the film when a visibly
perturbed Simran asks if something (sexual) had happened between the two who were
forced to share a hotel room in Zurich, he reminds her that as a ‘Hindustani’, he is well
aware of a woman’s honor and assures her that nothing (untoward) had happened. It
would be remiss to mention that the narrative misses an opportunity to raise pertinent
questions around consent: that physical intimacy should not be initiated with a person
who is too drunk to consent could have been a better rationale than simply having a
woman’s honor reside in her virginity.Raj’s Indianness is reiterated in more innocuous
ways like fasting with Simran on Karva Chauth, and in a far more conspicuous fashion
when he refuses to elope with her, choosing to challenge the family patriarch in much
more subversive ways, including, but not limited to, feeding pigeons together. Thus, as
Consolaro (2014, 11) puts it, “What makes him a ‘real Hindustani’ is a cultural identity
rooted in patriarchal and bounded conceptions of the family, protocol, honour, nation,
entertainment, gender roles, and spiritual practices”.
The romantic heroes of the 90s are thus self-sacrificing when it comes to the greater good
of the family (and by extension, the nation) in accordance with what they defined to be
Indian values. While Raj would sacrifice his love unless Simran’s father agreed to the
marriage, thereby completely subsuming her agency, HANK’s Prem too would give up
his love for his brother, whereas his paternal uncle remains unmarried throughout his life
to raise his nephews. Similarly, HSSH’s Vivek valiantly saved his brother from an
accident, leaving him with limited mobility in one arm, and at the behest of his
stepmother, happily sacrificed his riches and comforts in the city to live in their native
village, with his brother and pregnant wife in tow. The emphasis on selflessness and
nobility of these men not only served as a means to subsume their individual choices and
desires but also as a way to appoint them as safeguards of the moral fabric of a country
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that was trying to make sense of its identity in an increasingly globalized economy. On
the one hand, women were relegated to the kitchen and served as “vehicles to increase the
presence of Hindu deities, rituals and festivals” (Malhotra and Alagh 2004, 29) as
exemplified by women singing aartis who were a part of every single film discussed so
far, while simultaneously embracing modernity, and on the other hand, the suave,
educated, urbane and affluent men, dressed in dapper western clothing, in typical
nationalist rhetoric, became the protectors of tradition, their expressions of sexual desires
duly restrained by their demonstrable respect for Indian family values and the institution
marriage, seen as the core of Indianness, given that they too are expected to consummate
their desires only within the confines of the marriage (Mankekar 1999b, 737). Thus,
patriarchy was passed down and remolded into a more benevolent form wherein men,
regardless of their geographical location, represented the best of India and if they were an
NRI, then they were the perfect amalgamation of the West and the East, whereas women
were neatly incorporated into this collusion of old and new patriarchies as ideal mothers,
chaste wives, and compliant daughters whose sexuality, given their role of maintaining
and reproducing national culture and ‘purity’ both within and without the diaspora, was
deemed dangerous and had to be duly controlled through marriage. Unsurprisingly, any
flickers of women’s resistance (both Simran and her mother Lajjo, being in favor of
elopement, the latter swaying to Western music alongside her daughters when her
husband is not home) are accorded very little space within this patriarchal-patrilineal
structure, and their desires, as mentioned previously, are neatly channelized into ideal
motherhood and wifehood, with no reference to their ambitions in the public domain.
The ideal Indian man of the ‘90s was, therefore, “cosmopolitan, socially upward, and
definitely ambitious” (Consolaro 2014, 10). These films created and celebrated a pan-
India (Hindu) male who enjoyed life with all its consumable luxuries and was more at
ease with displaying his charming, ‘feminine’ side. It is also to be noted that the biggest
stars of the decade, Shah Rukh, Salman, and Aamir Khan, are Muslim men who played
Hindu characters. For, in the wake of the Babri demolition, the “anxiety around
Muslimness had become such that it required perpetual masking: the norm for ‘secular’
public life became increasingly Hindu, and it required a performative Hinduization of
Indian society” (Consolaro 2014, 17). Unsurprisingly, towards the end of the decade, we
see the leaner hero being replaced by a more muscular form of the male body, which was
“chiselled, well-endowed, and hairless”, a body suitable beefed up to represent “a robust
economy bolstered with a muscular foreign policy that commands respect from the
community of nations” (Mubaraki 2018, 16).
Box 3
As Asma Ayob (2016, 368) pointed out, throughout DDLJ, the mother, Lajjo, is depicted
as a subservient woman whose existence revolves around the domestic. However, upon
realizing her daughter’s love for Raj, she dares to go against her own internalized
ideologies that dictated her to honor the wishes of her husband. However, she was
promptly brought back in line by Raj who accorded the family’s patriarch as the ultimate
authority, denying Lajjo the “privilege of exercising her own will”, even if it was for the
sake of her daughter.
149
(i) The‘hero’ of the popular Hindi films of the nineties was largely:
a) Hypermasculine
b) Romantic
c) Aggressive
d) Confrontational
(ii) Which of the following was heavily represented in the films of the 1990s?
a) Consumerism
b) Socialism
c) Communism
d) Radicalism
(iii) Which of the following emerged as an important audience for Hindi cinema during
the nineties?
a) Lower-middle class
b) Diaspora
c) Religious minorities
d) Non-dominant castes
Answers:
(i) Romantic
(ii) Consumerism
(iii) Diaspora
3.6 Summary
The nineties indeed saw a paradigm shift in popular Hindi cinema, particularly when it
comes to the representations of women and family. While motherhood was and remains a
crucial theme in Hindi cinema, it is important to remember that even in the seventies,
films featured women in different working roles. However, the ‘working woman’
disappeared from the family films of the nineties which relegated Indian women to the
boundary of the home, stripping her off her individual agency, even as women actively
participated in the workforce in the wake of the new economic policies. Focusing on
these films thus allows us to trace a moment of departure in Hindi cinema, which began
to cater to a diasporic audience, which instead of glorifying poverty as its predecessors,
legitimized and coveted affluence such that even their pets (as seen in HAHK) are the
“epitome of Indian middle-class aspirations in pet dogs” (Uberoi 2006, 148), whose
women were just as home in a palatial haveli as they were in the Alps, who would readily
150
channelize any expressions of their desires and sexuality into chaste wifehood and
motherhood, whose men were a stark change from hypermasculine angry young men of
the previous decade, and instead were ‘softer’, romantic heroes.
Taken together, the ideal heteronormative Indian family represented in these films, serves
as a microcosm of the ideal nation, which is unabashedly Hindu. For, even in a film as
predominantly based in Punjab as DDLJ, Sikh characters are nowhere to be found,
whereas Muslims are accorded a tokenistic representation, if at all. In HAHK, the
shayari-popping Muslim doctor couple is a comedic sidekick, whereas in KKHH, the sole
Muslim character is a mother figure to the heroine, educating her on how to be more
‘feminine’, and in HSSH, even though Anwar Bhai (Shakti Kapoor) is Hanuman
incarnate, the film ends with his nikah, because there really can be no character left
single! And, even though DDLJ set an important scene at a church, Christians are largely
reduced to caricature, as seen in Archana Puran Singh’s Miss Braganza in KKHH, who is
Westernized and openly flirtatious, or Mr. Almeida (Johnny Lever) from the same movie,
who exists only for comic relief. Thus, these films constructed a “soothing, non-
threatening brand of Hinduism which filled the screens across India even as anti-Muslim
speeches and orchestrated riots” prevailed in northern India (Malhotra and Alagh 2004,
25), where the boundaries of class do not exist, where caste is never discussed, and where
people from non-Hindu faiths are surreptitiously co-opted within the Hindu pantheon, and
where women are suitably educated, demure and domesticated, happy and content to
serve their husbands and in-laws food and produce heirs, preferably male, and it is this
“Indian family system that quintessentially defines being ‘Indian’” (Uberoi 2006, 183).
And, even with Hinduism, folkways (as seen in the elaborate milni, mehndi, sangeet,
shaadi, godh-bharai, and post-partum ceremonies that occupy significant space in these
films), hitherto seen as sites of articulation of women’s voices and resistances, are
sanitized and adapted to make them more palatable to the masses (Uberoi 2006, 153).
It should be evident from the above discussion so as to how, in an increasingly globalized
economy, the flip side of a “violently gendered” Hindu nationalism, a “transnational
Hindu modernity” emerged which was marked by consumerism (Uberoi 2006, 136), as
seen in the exotic locales of these films, or in the entrepreneurial nature of their wealth
(indeed, in all the movies discussed above, the hero and/or his father are successful, rich,
upper-caste Hindu industrialists). While it could be argued that these films were
insensitive to the larger events in the public sphere (such as the demolition of the Babri
Masjid, and the widening gaps between the haves and the have-nots), their acquiescence
to the ‘Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan’ paradigm can hardly be missed.
Lastly, while the films discussed in this essay reflect a particular moment in postcolonial
Indian nationalism, it does not ipso facto make them irrelevant to contemporary times as
films that place the dreams and dilemmas of the heroine at the center, moving beyond her
existence as someone’s girlfriend or wife, as a complex human with individual agency,
continue to be few and far between. For every Queen,Piku, Thappad, and English
Vinglish, there is a plethora of Kabir Singh, Pyaar ka Punchnama, Badrinath
kiDulhaniya, and Ranjhanaa, heteronormativity continues to define most of the
storylines, and muscular heroes continue to represent a ‘Naya India’ with its old territorial
ambitions. Towards the end, I would like to leave you with this image of people enjoying
151
a screening of DDLJ, which should speak volumes concerning the significance of Hindi
cinema in capturing and shaping public imagination and consciousness in India:
People watching DDLJ in Mumbai’s Maratha Mandir. Danish Siddiqui/Reuters, July
2010. https://widerimage.reuters.com/photographer/danish-siddiqui
3.7 Glossary
 Heteronormative:A notion that deems heterosexuality, or the attraction towards
people of opposite gender, as the only ‘normal’ expression of sexuality.
 Male gaze: A way of seeing and depicting women as sexual objects, devoid of
agency,that exists solely for the pleasure of the heterosexual male viewer.
 Diaspora: A term used for a community of people who are settled away from
their ancestral homelands.
 Public Culture:A conceptthat looks at how public opinions and cultures are
formed through various media, such as newspapers, television and films, social
media, etc.
A. Write a short note on:
1. Nation-building and cinema.
2. Representations of gender in a film of your choice.
3. ‘Arranged love marriages’ in Hindi family films.
4. Nation as the family in Hindi cinema.
Answers:
1. See Sections 1.4 and 1.5.
2. See Section 1.2 along with the recommended readings.
3. See Section 1.3.
4. See Sections 1.3 and 1.4
B. Long-form Questions:
1. In view of the popular Hindi films of the nineties, discuss the relationship
between cinema, gender, and nationalism.
152
2. In what ways have popular Hindi films changed over time? Based on your
understanding of the family films of the nineties, discuss how recent films have
attempted to challenge the notion of the ‘ideal’ Indian family.
3. How does popular cinema construct the ‘ideal’ family as an epitome of the
‘ideal’ nation? Explain with any two case studies.
4. Popular cinema is a key to understand the socio-cultural and political changes in
a region. Discuss with reference to any two films.
3.9 References
 Aklujkar, Vidyut. (2007). Family, Feminism, and Film in Remaking Ramayana.
In Heidi R.M. Pauwels (Ed.) Indian Literature and Popular Cinema: Recasting
Classics (pp. 42-54). London: Routledge.
 Anjaria, Ulka. (2021). Understanding Bollywood: The Grammar of Hindi
Cinema. Oxon: Routledge.
 Ayob, Asma. (2016). The ‘New’ Indian Mother in Popular Bollywood Films. In
Asma Sayed (Ed.) Screening Motherhood in Contemporary World Cinema (pp.
356-373). Canada: Demeter Press.
 Consolaro, Alessandra. (2014). Who is Afraid of Shah Rukh Khan? Neoliberal
India’s Fears Seen Through a Cinematic Prism. Governare la Paura, pp. 1-31.
 Dwyer, Rachel. (2014). Bollywood’s India: Hindi Cinema as a Guide to
Contemporary India. London: Reaktion Books.
 Gangoli, Geetanjali. (2005). Sexuality, Sensuality and Belonging: Representations
of the ‘Anglo-Indian’ and the ‘Western’ Woman in Hindi Cinema. In Raminder
Kaur and Ajay J. Sinha (Eds.), Bollyworld: Popular Indian Cinema Through a
Transnational Lens. New Delhi: SAGE.
 Kasbekar, Asha. (2004). Hidden Pleasures: Negotiating the Myth of the Female
Ideal in Popular Hindi Cinema. In Dwyer, Rachel and Christopher Pinney (Eds.),
Pleasure and the Nation: The History, Politics and Consumption of Public
Culture in India (pp. 286-308). New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 Malhotra, Sheena, and Tavishi Alagh. (2004). Dreaming the Nation: Domestic
dramas in Hindi films post-1990. South Asian Popular Culture, 2:1, pp. 19-37.
DOI: 10.1080/1474668042000210492.
 Mankekar, Purnima. (1999a). Screening Culture, Viewing Politics: An
Ethnography of Television, Womanhood, and Nation in Postcolonial India.
London: Duke University Press.
 Mankekar, Purnima. (1999b). Brides Who Travel: Gender, Transnationalism, and
Nationalism in Hindi Film. Positions, Volume 7, 3, pp. 731-762.
https://doi.org/10.1215/10679847-7-3-731
 Mubaraki, Meraj Ahmed. (2018). Body, masculinity and the male hero in Hindi
cinema. Social Semiotics, pp. 1-
29. https://doi.org/10.1080/10350330.2018.1547497
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 Mulvey, Laura. (1999). Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema. In Braudy, Leo
and Marshall Cohen (Eds.), Film Theory and Criticism: Introductory Readings
(pp. 833-844). New York: Oxford University Press.
 Nandy, Ashis. (1981). ‘The Popular Hindi Film: Ideology and First Principles’,
India International Centre Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 1, pp. 89-96.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/ 23001938
 Rajagopal, Arvind (2004). Politics After Television: Hindu Nationalism and the
Reshaping of the Public in India. UK: Cambridge University Press.
 Uberoi, Patricia. (2006). Freedom and Destiny: Gender, Family, and Popular
Culture in India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 Desai, Jigna and Rajinder Dudrah. (2008). The Essential Bollywood.In The
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Unit I-II

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Unit I-II

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B.A.

(Programme) Semester-V History

SKILL ENHANCEMENT COURSE (SEC)

SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING

Unit I : Understanding Popular Culture : Some Issues

Editors: Sh. Prabhat Kumar

SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING

1.1 Learning objectives

 The meaning and various types of festivals and rituals.

1.2.2 Types of Rites at Festivals

2. It is observed to bring prosperity, rain, to honour someone or something.

3. Promote social cohesion, collective emotions and loyalty as during festivals an

4. Celebrations such as coming of age ceremonies, marriage, etc. marks the

6. Celebrations of an important person or event in the history of a nation can be co-

Check Your Progress Exercise 4

Festivals, Rituals, Navaratri, Urs, Kumbh Mela

1.7 Answers to Check You Progress Exercises

Check Your Progress Exercise 1

 Bell, Catherine. Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, New York: Oxford

 Bell, Catherine. Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, New York, Oxford

(ii) EVERYDAY HEALING AND PETITIONING THE DIVINE : CASE

What do we mean by religion? We will try to understand how religion is manifested in

2.4 Public veneration at Sufi Shrine

2.4.3 Magic and Popular Religion

Hinduism is a composite pantheon of theism, polytheism, animism and pantheism,

2.5.2 Religion in the Age of Mass Media

2.6 Origin and meaning of Tantra

2.8 Key Words

 Kakkar, Sudhir, Shamans, Mystics and Doctors: A Psychological Inquiry into

Check Your Progress Exercise 1

1.4 Feature of oral narratives

1.5.2 Structure of the Songs

1. Epistemologyis the theory of knowledge, especially about its methods, validity,

1.8 Important Qestions

1. Balwant Gargi, Theatre in India, Published by Theatre Arts Books, 1962.

Form: Tangible Content: Intangible

Dr. Padma Subramanyam

Dr. Kanak Rele

Shri Kalamandalam Ramankutty Nair

Guru Singhajeet Singha and his wife Charu Sija Mathur

Artists Performing Manipuri Dance

(To watch Smt. Yamini Krishnamurthi’s Odissi and Bharatanatyam performance

(To watch Kathak performance by Pandit Birju Maharaj visit:

(iii) MUSIC: POPULAR MUSIC AND TECHNOLOGY; CASE STUDIES OF

After reading this chapter, stuents will be able to:

 Understand the popular culture and popular music;

3.3 The Pop Music and Technological Revolution in India

Check Your Progress

i) Bhajans and Popular Music Cassettes

Check Your Progress

 Beaster-Jones, J. (2009). Evergreens to remixes: Hindi film songs and India’s

1.1 Learning objectives

(iii) Cultures of Consumption: Tea-Coffee and the Indian Middle Class

 Ramaswamy, Sumathi. (2001). “Maps and Mother Goddesses in Modern India.”

(ii) PRINT MEDIA : AMAR CHITRA KATHA

After reading this unit students will be able to:

 trace the origin of Amar Chitra Katha

2.7 Let’s Sum Up

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