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BVSMUNVI-SPECPOL STUDY GUIDE

AGENDA: Plight Of The Troubled State Of Kashmir

SPECPOL

The Special Political and Decolonization Committee (SPECPOL) is the fourth


committee of the United Nations General Assembly. SPECPOL handles a
wide variety of issues such as “decolonization, Palestinian refugees and
human rights, peacekeeping, mine action, outer space, public information,
atomic radiation and University for Peace.”

A Quick Note

Kashmir is still in a state of conflict at the time of this writing, so the dais
urges you to stay updated by reading recent news from the region. Note
that Indian and Pakistani sources will reflect the policy of each country and
therefore will provide very different narratives. While some may have
strong personal opinions on the issue, remember that your country policy
should guide your research and your statements!

Introduction

From a global security perspective, the Kashmir conflict is thought-


provoking for many reasons. To introduce it, it may be informative to
compare it to another long-running border dispute, the Korean conflict.
Much like in Korea, which is more often discussed in the foreign policy
sphere, it is a border dispute that developed following the independence of
a region from foreign rule in the aftermath of World War II. Just as in Korea,
the United Nations has played a central role over the years as a forum for
discussion and mediation of the conflict—as recently as this summer, India
and Pakistan traded barbs over the Kashmiri insurgency at the UN. Finally,
and similarly to how the conflict dominates political discussion in the
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Koreas, the Kashmir conflict has become a defining element of Indian and
Pakistani military and cultural policy (less so of China’s). As a result, even
though Kashmiris are an ethnic minority in the subcontinent, the Kashmir
conflict is now central to the political identities of all of India and Pakistan.
For many other reasons, however, Kashmir is unique.

Firstly, India and Pakistan both have nuclear arsenals, but neither of them
have joined the non-proliferation treaty, and neither of them have close
ties to an NPT member as the DPRK is to China and South Korea to the US.

Secondly, Kashmir’s legal status during partition was left uncertain , due to
the delay caused by Maharaja Hari Singh who wanted Kashmir to be
independent. As a result , this led to war and complicated matter. India
continues to treat the Kashmir insurgency as a domestic issue. This has
resulted in humanitarian aid being hindered and allowed human rights
violations to take place. Lastly, though Indian-administered Kashmir (where
the current conflict is centered) is a Muslim-majority region within a
Muslim-minority country, ISIS, the Taliban, and other well-known Islamic
extremist groups do not significantly influence political dynamics in the
region. There are smaller terrorist cells (including Lashkar-e-Taiba, which
carried out the 2008 Mumbai attacks), but their appeal is limited.
Compared to much of the Middle East, popular support for the Kashmir
insurgency is more political and less religious.

Currently Kashmir’s political status has been completely overhauled by the


BJP, and the region is under curfew , no telecommunications or internet,
and political leaders behind bars.

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History

The ambiguous political status of Kashmir dates to the time of the British
colonial occupation. The British did not control all of India directly; in many
cases, they chose to secure guarantees of loyalty from existing “princely
states,” which were still run by kings.

1947: Maharaja Hari Singh flees to Jammu , due to the insurgency of the
kasmiri people and requests military aid from India. He also signs the
Instrument of accession to India ,agreeing to accede to the Dominion of
India. War breaks out over the region

1948: India raises the issue in the UN , which in resolution 47 calls for a
referendum, it also calls for Pakistan to removes it troops and for India to
cut down its military presence , a ceasefire is arranged and Kashmir is
partitioned.

1951: elections in the Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir support


Kashmir’s accession to india,India therefore says there is no need for
referendum ,but Pakistan and the UN say that a referendum is necessary to
take in account the votes of the former princely state as a whole.

1953: Prime Minister Sheikh Abdullah is arrested and dismissed after he


takes a pro-referendum stance . A new Jammu and Kashmir government
ratifies accession to India.

1957: the constitution of Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir defines it


as a part of India

1962:China defeats India in a short war for control of Aksai Chin.

1963:Pakistan cedes the Trans-Karakoram Tract of Kashmir to China.

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1965: A brief war between Indian and Pakistan over Kashmir ends in a
ceasefire and a return to the previous positions.

1971-72: Another Pak-Indo war breaks out , leading to the defeat of


Pakistan , as a result the Simla agreement is signed , which establishes a line
of control , and calls for the Kashmir issue to be settled through
negotiations. It forms the basis of Pak-India relations thereafter.

1974: The Opposition Plebiscite Front in India drops it demand for a


referendum in return for extensive autonomy in agreement with the Indian
government. Sheikh Abdullah becomes chief minister, and his political
influence dominates the National conference and the state , even after his
death

1984: Indian army seizes control of the Siachen glacier , an area where the
border isn't demarcated due to very harsh conditions. Pakistan attempts to
capture it back in the following decades

1987: Disputed state elections lead to arise in pro-independence insurgency


centered around Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF).India accuses
Pakistan of instigating the insurgency , which Pakistan denies

1990: the insurgency increases rapidly when India kills about 100
demonstrators at Gawakadal Bridge. India imposes Armed Forces Special
Powers Act ( AFSPA) in Jammu and Kashmir.

1990s: the insurgency continues with militant training in Pakistan and India
increasing its military presence by a large amount, as a result violence
increases against civilians.

1999: Another war breaks out as number of Pakistani soldiers and Kashmiri
militants infiltrated the Indian side of the Line of Control. After the
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reprimands of the International Community, both parties agreed to cease


hostilities.

2001-2004:attempts to better relations were hindered by continuing


violence, especially the attack on parliament of indian-administred Kashmir
in Srinagar in 2001.

2010: when a demonstrator is killed by the Indian army , it sparks major


protests. The protest abates in September after government announces
measures to ease tension.

2011: Chief Minister Omar Abdullah announces amnesty for the 1200
young protesters who threw stones at the security forces previous year.

The India state Human Rights Commission confirms the presence of more
than 2000 unidentified bodies in unmarked graves near the line of control.

Three Pakistani soldiers killed in armed conflict with India along the line of
control.

2013: Jaish-e-Mohammed member Mohammed Afzal Guru hanged over


role in 2001 Indian parliament attack, erupting protests.

Prime minister of Pakistan and India meet to try and limit the violence along
their borders in Kashmir

2014: India cancels talks with Pakistan, accusing Pakistan for interfering in
its internal affairs. Prime Minister Modi accuses Pakistan of waging a proxy
war against India. After a rise in violence along the borders in October,
Pakistan and India exchange strongly-worded warnings

2015: Muslim separatist leaders in Indian-administred Kashmir go on strike


in protest at the enforcement of a ban on eating beef.
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2016: Burhan Mavi , a popular militant and top commander is killed by the
security forces , sparking violent protest. In July Authorities impose an
indefinite curfew in most parts of indian-admnistred Kashmir. During the
curfew 68 civilians and two security officials were killed, and more than
9000 people injured, the curfew was lifted in August after 50 days of
violence.

Violence escalates in the following months and thousands of villages are


evacuated in Pakistan controlled Kashmir.

2017: Violent clashes continue on the death anniversary of Burhan Mavi.


Militants attack Hindu pilgrims killing at least seven and injuring 16.

2019: Indian government strips Kashmir of its special status that gave it
extensive autonomy. Kashmir is currently placed under curfew, with no
internet or telecommunication services , and many political leaders have
been arrested, and thousands of people are being detained , and many are
missing.

Current Situation

The curfew in the Indian administered Kashmir stirred up massive protest ,


the armed forces deployed in bulk under section 144 to prevent protest
against India’s illegal actions. Internet, prepaid phones and text messaging
remain suspended since August 5 as protest rages on in Indian occupied
Kashmir (IOK) .Jammu and Kashmir Mass Movement Vice Chairman, Abdul
Majid Mir, has said that Indian forces are capturing innocent youth from
their houses and subjecting them to crippling torture in jails.

Abdul Majid Mir in a statement issued in Islamabad said that people of


occupied Kashmir were facing shortage of food and medicine due to

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restrictions imposed by India for the past about five months. Besides other
sectors of life, the nearly five-month-long Internet gag has critically hit the
ambulance service in dealing with emergencies and ferrying referral
patients from one place to another in occupied Kashmir.

The civilians in Pakistan administered Kashmir were anguished, and the JKLf
organized mass protests which intended to cross the de facto border in
order to provide humanitarian aid , but they were prevented from crossing
the LoC.

More than 4000 people have been arrested and 1000 of them remain under
custody since August 5.on September 29 , thousands rally for human rights
in Kashmir in New York. Prime Minister Imran Khan warns the international
committee of bloodbath in Kashmir, mentioning about the presence of
900,000 soldiers in the region. India’s Modi dodges mention of Kashmir in
UN speech. The US has also said that it wants India to quickly ease
restrictions imposed in Kashmir.

Geographic and Demographic Context

Nearly all of Pakistani Kashmir’s 3.5 million residents are Muslim, and
Chinese-controlled Aksai Chin is essentially uninhabited. Indian
administered Kashmir can be split into three main regions. The Kashmir
valley has 4 million residents, of which 95% are Muslim. However, 66% of
the 3 million residents of the southern region of Jammu are actually Hindu,
and in the less populated eastern region of Ladakh, 40% of the population is
Muslim while 40% is Buddhist. In proposing solutions to the conflict,
delegates must take into account the significant presence of non-Muslims

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outside the Kashmir valley. They still play a significant role since the Indian
state of Jammu and Kashmir is one political entity.

Issues to Consider

The above information was necessary to frame the conflict, but since this is
not a war committee, we will not be debating the details of culpability for
this summers’ conflict. The following section details a few of the issues that
are within the scope of the UN and other international bodies. Successful
resolutions will address these issues creatively and effectively.

The Sovereignty and Autonomy of Kashmir

As the History section shows, Kashmiri sovereignty is on questionable legal


ground. Whether Kashmir belongs to India, Pakistan, China, or a
combination is a question for the committee to discuss. India maintains, as
a result of Hari Singh signing the Instrument of Accession and of Article 370
of the Indian Constitution, that Kashmir is clearly Indian Territory—and
therefore that any international discussion in it simply constitutes meddling
in Indian domestic affairs. Pakistan has reiterated the need to hold a
referendum on Kashmiri sovereignty under the terms of the 1948 Security
Council resolution on the issue. While many Kashmiris support this, India
would strongly oppose it given public sentiment in the region. There
appears to be waning international support for a referendum as well, as the
UN no longer considers Kashmir to be a disputed territory. There are also
many questions surrounding Kashmir’s viability as an independent state.
Given its strategic location and lack of military forces, many fear that an
independent Kashmir would quickly be annexed by Pakistan, even if many
of those fighting for independence from India desired a separate country. A
slightly more productive discussion may take place over additional

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autonomy for the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. Depending on the
interpretation of Article 370, there is scope for a broad devolution of
powers from the Indian central government to the Jammu and Kashmir
state authorities. In addition, many powers—for instance, of policing—
remain with the army in light of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act.
There is precedent for devolution of powers to autonomous regions in
other parts of the world, and delegates are urged to find inspiration there
for successful solutions.

Nuclear Weapons

While no nuclear weapons are physically located in Kashmir, the fact


remains that both India and Pakistan possess nuclear weapons. It is crucial
for delegates to consider the consequences of this for the Kashmir
conflict—a quick, unchecked escalation could be catastrophic. This situation
almost manifested itself in 1998-99, when both India and Pakistan
separately tested nuclear weapons and delivery systems. Neither country
has signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), so their nuclear
arsenals are technically outside the jurisdiction of most international
agreements. The NPT makes a clear distinction between Nuclear Weapons
States (currently the USA, UK, France, Russia, and China) and Non-nuclear
Weapons States (all other signatories). The P5 nations have systematically
refused to recognize India and Pakistan as nuclear weapons states, as this
would constitute official recognition of their development of nuclear
arsenals outside international power structures. As a result, India and
Pakistan are unwilling to sign the agreement, which would require them to
voluntarily give up all weapons and become non-nuclear states. Delegates
must consider how to resolve this disagreement, and in the short-term how
to facilitate conflict resolution outside the framework of the NPT.

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Terrorism vs. Protest

Because of insurgent groups’ ambiguous connections both with the


Kashmiri people and the Pakistani government, regulating their activities
becomes a highly contentious issue. Groups like the Jammu and Kashmir
Liberation Front (JKLF), which enjoy popular support among Kashmiris, are
still organizing protests where stone-throwing and other violence takes
place. While the suppression of the JLKF by Indian forces may ensure peace
and quiet, it also erodes what little support exists for the Indian
government among the Kashmiri people. This issue becomes even more
complicated with Kashmiri-filled militant groups like Hizbul Mujahedeen,
who are openly violent but are still comprised of locals. Finally—and this is
an area where the international community can have more influence—the
committee must decide whether foreign intervention in the Kashmir
conflict should be allowed or suppressed. Despite being classified as a
terrorist group by both India and the United States, Lashkar-e-Taiba
continues to function in Pakistan (perhaps with the help of the ISI). Its
leader Hafiz Saeed is free to give speeches and interviews. LeT is
controversial as it is primarily made up of foreigners, and because its
hardliner Islamist views are not shared by most Kashmiris. The committee
will need to consider whether groups like LeT should be checked, and if so,
how to successfully limit their influence. The international community has a
long history of working together to combat terrorism through information
sharing and other efforts, so those may be a good starting point.

Violence and Accountability for Security Forces

One longtime sticking point, and one that the international community
continues to be interested in, is the question of what constitutes an
“acceptable” use of force by the Indian Army. India, for instance, accepts
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pellet guns as a necessary peacekeeping tool because they do not kill but
only result in injury as a side effect of keeping the peace. However, many
inside and outside Kashmir are critical of the guns because they cause
permanent physical damage (particularly eye damage) and have been used
repeatedly on civilians. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) has
also been a longtime target of criticism because it essentially grants Indian
soldiers impunity. Amnesty International released a report in 2015 that
highlighted cases in which soldiers had not been prosecuted despite
accusations of murder, kidnapping, or rape. The report laid out several
recommendations, including that the AFSPA be repealed, that the Indian
military and civilian justice systems swiftly hold trials for the accused, that
information be made available to families on those who have disappeared,
and that India ratify and respect relevant international treaties. Depending
on country policy, delegates will likely support some combination of these
and should come up with creative ways to enable collaboration on this
issue with the Indian government.

Freedom of Press, Speech and Assembly

Freedom of the press has been repeatedly curtailed during the insurgency.
During the summer 2016 unrest, security forces raided the main
newspapers in the valley and forced them to temporarily close.
Communication is also severely restricted in the valley from time to time—
during the recent unrest the Army suspended all mobile phone services in
the valley in an effort to prevent anti-government demonstrations. Both of
these actions are sources of severe criticism internationally, as international
law generally protects freedom of the press and assembly. In addition, most
Indian citizens can and do fully exercise these rights—India has a strong
tradition of a free and critical press, and mobile services are a core part of

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the government’s economic development efforts—so suppression of them


is seen as yet another case of differential treatment for Kashmiris living in
the valley.

Economic and Humanitarian Support

Because of the military presence and the treatment of Kashmir as a


domestic issue, it is highly difficult to send humanitarian aid to Kashmir.
This issue came to light during the 2014 floods in Jammu and Kashmir,
during which the Indian army was praised for conducting extensive rescue
operations but foreign aid was essentially refused. The rationale for this
was that continued foreign aid might cause outside political influences to
Najar, Nida, and Hari Kumar takes root. As a result, support came only from
a few Kashmiri expat groups and large international NGOs.While Kashmir is
well-developed compared to other parts of India, the need for support is
certainly there. The rural mountainous areas are still quite poor, so any
long-term aid would likely be concentrated there. In addition, the recent
flare-up in the conflict has been a hit to Kashmir’s tourism-dependent
economy; several economic studies suggest that continued fighting has
damaged growth and employment. In any case, it should be noted that
Kashmir requires other types of aid far more than economic support.
Growing up in the shadow of violence has an emotional cost— research has
found that the conflict is linked to near-constant elevated levels of stress
and anxiety. Since childhood trauma can cause psychological issues far into
adulthood, there is an urgent current and future need for mental health
professionals; a 2004 report found that the entire valley only had seven
psychiatrists.

Country Policy

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India

In terms of the immediate border conflict with Pakistan, India declares that
the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir is a part of India. In response to
international calls for a plebiscite to decide the fate of the region, India
maintains that the continued participation of Kashmiri people in Indian
national elections amounts to recognition of Indian sovereignty. As a result,
any unrest in the region is considered an internal issue, so India is unlikely
to accept much international intervention (military, economic, or
otherwise) in the region. India also emphasizes that Chinese-controlled
Aksai Chin is part of India, and has long asked for negotiations with China to
establish a Line of Actual Control (de facto border) and prevent future
conflict.

Pakistan

Pakistan is likely to reiterate calls for a plebiscite (referendum) to decide


the future of Kashmir. They are likely to support foreign intervention in the
area, as this internationalizes the Kashmir issue and gives their claims
greater credibility. This applies to both political recommendations and
humanitarian aid. Pakistan is also unlikely to support active efforts to limit
the influence of grassroots political or militant groups in Kashmir—many
are popular in Pakistan and some have links with Pakistani intelligence
services.

China

Because of its conflict with India over Aksai Chin, China has generally
quietly sided with Pakistan in the border conflict—China and Pakistan
signed a deal that settled their own border dispute long ago. However,
China has long resisted agreeing to a Line of Actual Control (de facto
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border) with India, which leaves the possibility open of spontaneous


conflict between the two powers there. However, China is also eager to sign
trade and investment deals with India, which dampens any incentive to
engage in diplomatic hostility

United States and Western Europe

While the US has traditionally maintained a neutral point of view in the


Kashmir conflict, its allegiances have shifted over the years. During the Cold
War, it was a strong backer of Pakistan; in recent years, while its
relationship with Pakistan has grown in importance post-9/11, India’s
economic growth has also made it a key regional partner. The US is also
likely to be concerned about global terrorism, so it will be eager to stop any
Islamic fundamentalists, particularly those from abroad, from causing havoc
in Kashmir. Western European countries are likely to follow the US’s lead on
these issues, particularly out of an eagerness (given recent events) to limit
the growth of terrorism. They are also likely to be the most concerned
about potential human rights violations and the lack of prosecution of
them, so the reported use of excessive force by the Indian military is likely
to be of interest.

Russia and the Eastern Bloc

Russia and its allies also refrain from expressing an official policy on the
issue. However, Russia is a longtime military ally of India, and many of the
weapons and strategies in place on the Line of Control are originally
Russian. Given that Russia and its allies are generally more protective of
national sovereignty and give less legitimacy to international intervention
on the basis of human rights, they are also less likely to support active
intervention in Kashmir.

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Middle East and North Africa

This region is primarily Muslim, and therefore is likely to support the rights
of Muslim Kashmiris. Most will advocate for a political solution such as the
long awaited referendum. Some may tacitly approve covert action—for
instance, it is suspected that some of the militant groups active on the
border are funded by citizens of the oil-rich Gulf States (UAE, Saudi Arabia,
Qatar, etc.).While support for Kashmiri independence is not as prominent a
cause across the Muslim world as, for instance, the fate of Palestine, it is
likely that in the case of a larger flare-up these countries would come to the
protestors’ aid.

Latin America, Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa

While most other countries do not have a direct stake in the conflict, their
policy is likely to be influenced directly by the diplomatic and economic
relationships they have with India and Pakistan. As Indian economic growth
continues to impress, its diplomatic sway will increase as well. Given past
experiences with colonialism, most of this group of countries will likely be
wary of intrusive military interventions but should support peacekeeping
and diplomatic efforts. Important Terms, Documents, and Groups

· Self-determination: The right of people to determine their own


government. This is a concept in international law and its interpretation is
the fundamental philosophical difference that drives many independence
debates.

· National sovereignty: The concept that ultimate power rests with the
sovereign state, and not with any region within it or with any international
body. India’s claim that the international community should not intervene

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in Kashmir is, assuming that Kashmir is Indian Territory, an assertion of


national sovereignty.

· Article 370: Article in the Indian Constitution that specifies Kashmir’s


autonomy within India. It reserves some rights particularly for Kashmiris, for
instance the right to own property, and is the crux of the legal arguments
for and against India’s hold on Kashmir.

· Simla Agreement: Agreement signed by India and Pakistan in 1972, in


which the two sides agreed to respect the boundaries in Kashmir that were
de-facto established at the end of the 1971 war. Paved the way for
resumption of diplomatic relations, and of the recognition of the state of
Bangladesh by (west) Pakistan.

· Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA): Indian law that allows for
extensive military activities in Kashmir and bypasses many of the safeguards
and limitations that military forces are otherwise accountable for. Has been
criticized by the UN Human Rights Commission.

· UN Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan: UN Mission set up in


1948 to support a ceasefire between the two parties. Essentially defunct.

· ISI: Pakistani intelligence services, often accused of having links to


terrorism inside and outside Kashmir.

· Hurriyat Conference: Alliance of several Kashmiri religious, social and


political groups that advocates for Kashmiri independence through political
means. Is critical both of the Indian government and of intervention by the
Pakistani government and/or terrorist groups.

· Lashkar-e-Taiba: Pakistani terrorist group that aims to influence the


Kashmir conflict from outside. Perpetrators of the 2008 Mumbai attacks.
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Still active in Pakistan; perhaps the only group capable of attacking India
directly.

· Hizbul Mujahedeen: Pro-Pakistani militant group in Kashmir that is made


up mainly of ethnic Kashmiris.

· Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF): One of the oldest and most
popular groups in Kashmir. Made up of Kashmiri Muslims, but uniquely
advocates a secular solution to the conflict. Supports an independent
Kashmir and opposes accession to Pakistan.

Questions a resolution must answer (QARMA )

1. Given historical precedent and current events, is a plebiscite


(referendum) a feasible way to resolve the conflict? Is it realistic for Kashmir
to remain an independent third country, even if India were to allow a vote?

2. How should tensions between India, Pakistan and China be defused in


Kashmir so that direct conflict, presumably with nuclear weapons, does not
occur?

3. Are members of the Indian Army committing human rights violation in


Kashmir, and if so, how should the brought to justice?

4. How can the UN effectively facilitate the delivery of economic and


medical aid to the region?

5. is there scope for greater Kashmiri autonomy within India, and if so, what
powers would be devolved to the state level?

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32. Amnesty International. “Denied: Failures in accountability.”

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42.https://www.hofstra.edu/home/news/ur/modelun/modelun-
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43.https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-16069078

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46. irc.princeton.edu/pmunc/docs/SPECPOL_FinalBG-1.pdf

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