DROP OUT FROM SCHOOL « 

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Dropping Out from School: A Cross Country Review of Literature

Frances Hunt, January 2008

Dropout rates in AFRICA

In a recent survey of UIS data (Bruneforth, 2006) on Burkina Faso, Ethiopia,

Kenya, Mali, Mozambique, Namibia and Nigeria on the characteristics of
children who drop out of school, a number of conclusions were drawn. More
than half of all children aged 10 to 19 who had already left primary school did
so without completion in Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mali and
Mozambique (but not Ghana and Nigeria, where more than 80% completed
primary school).

Children dropping out from primary school were often over-age learners
(around one third overall), and in four countries over-age learners accounted
for 60% of drop outs. Differences in school completion are most stark between
children from urban and rural areas. In Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mali
and Mozambique, more than 80% of rural children who had left primary school
dropped out. Percentages are less than half of this amount for urban children.
Differences were also vast between the two poorest and richest wealth
quintiles. In Burkina Faso, Mali and Mozambique, more than 90% of children
from the poorest 40% of households (the two poorest quintiles) who left
primary school did not complete it.

Drop out is much less for the richest 40% of households. Differences are also
strong in relation to the mother’s education (in Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Mali
and Mozambique, more than 70% of children with uneducated/unschooled
mothers who left primary school did not complete primary education) and less
pronounced (although not negligible) for gender.

Figure 1: Drop Out Rates by Grade in Primary School in Africa (Source:

UNESCO (2006))

Dropout rates in SOUTH ASIA

In the South Asian countries with data available (see UNESCO, 2006) different
patterns of access emerge. Similar to the African countries, both Bangladesh
and India have large drop outs from grade one (14.6% for Bangladesh; 14.4%
for India). However, these reduce to 4.4% for India and around 10% in
Bangladesh in grade two. Drop out in Nepal remains more constant between 7-
10% through the grades.

Figure 2: Drop Outs by Grade in Primary School in South Asia (Source:

UNESCO (2006))
Factors Influencing Drop Out and Retention

1. Household Income and Financial Circumstances

1.1.School Fees and Indirect Costs of Schooling
1.2.Income Shocks

At what stage children are withdrawn from school within this coping
mechanism might differ. Households are likely to draw on a number of other
coping strategies: e.g. using household assets, taking out loans, asking for
assistance. Whether households have access to these is likely to influence their
decision-making processes. Where these possibilities are not present, it is
difficult for the household to protect itself against external shocks, meaning
children may be forced to leave school as part of a household coping strategy
(Becker, 1975 cited in Duryea, 2003; Hunter & May, 2003; de Janvry et al,
2006).

1.3.Child Work

In Ethiopia, many children, of both sexes, who enrol in September, at the

beginning of the school year, leave by November because demands on their
labour during harvest time are so great. In some cases, they re-enrol the
following year in grade one but, again, are unable to complete the year
(Colclough et at, 2000: 17).

Hazarika and Bedi (2003) analysed data from the 1991 Pakistan Integrated
Household Survey (covering 4,800 households in 300 rural and urban
communities) and specifically focused on a sample of 1900 10-14 year-olds. The
aim was to look at the relationships between schooling costs, child labour and
schooling access. Their results found that extra-household child labour and
schooling costs were positively related, so if schooling costs were lowered then
there was less likelihood of children working outside the household. However,
intra-household child labour was insensitive to changes in the costs of
schooling. Meaning that reducing school costs had no affect on the amount of
work children had to do within the household.

1.4.Migration

Colclough et al (2000) highlight the experiences of girls migrating to work as

housemaids in Guinea and Ethiopia, but rather than income being used to
contribute to schooling expenses, they are usually obliged to give their income
to their parents.

2. Household Contexts and Motivations

2.1.Household Contexts

Here, youths from poor families, from single-parent families, the children of
poorly educated parents and children with fewer role models in higher
education, were more likely to drop out. This same interlocking of household
related factors appeared in research on female drop outs in Ethiopia. In
research by Al Samarrai and Peasgood (1998) female-headed households in
Tanzania appear to put a higher priority on their children’s education.

2.2.Bereavement and Orphanhood

Chipfakacha’s research on Uganda has shown that deaths from AIDS are
associated with reduced schooling for children. Indeed a UNICEF (2000: 30)
report on twenty countries shows that the average difference between
enrolment rates for orphans and non-orphans is 19 percentage points.
Ainsworth et al (2005) highlight reasons why adult morbidity and mortality as a
result of AIDS (although many of these factors need not be linked to AIDS) may
adversely affect demand for schooling.

This was not the same for orphans in non-poor households; indeed children in
non-poor households with an adult death had even higher attendance than
those in non-poor households without an adult death. Girls often reduced
their attendance in school immediately after losing a parent, but this tended to
reduce after some months.

Children living with close family members had higher attendance ratings than
those living outside the family or with more distant family members. There was
no evidence that the older children were dropping out of primary school
because of orphanhood or deaths, which seems to counter the suggestion that
children drop out as a coping strategy.

2.3.Education of Household Members

Al Samarrai and Peasgood’s (1998) research in Tanzania suggests that the

father’s education has a greater influence on boys’ primary schooling; and the
mother’s on girls’. While a married mother’s primary education can increase
the probability of girls enrolling in primary school by 9.7% and secondary by
17.6%, it has no significant effect on the enrolment of boys. They claim that
educated mothers giving preference to girls’ schooling, implies that ‘mothers
have a relatively stronger preference for their daughters’ education and that
their education affords them either increased household decision-making
power or increased economic status’ (Al Samarrai and Peasgood, 1998: 395).
Glick and Sahn’s (2000) results (taken from research in an urban poor
environment in West Africa) offer some similar outcomes to Al Samarrai and
Peasgood (1998): improvements in fathers’ education raises the schooling of
both sons and daughters (favouring the latter), but mothers’ education has
significant impact only on daughters’ schooling.

2.4.Household Perceived Benefits of Schooling

2.5.Decision-Making Around Dropping Out
3. Health
3.1.Health of Children

Alderman et al (2001), studying children in rural Pakistan, stated that child

health/nutrition had a greater impact on girls enrolment than boys.

3.2.Health of Relatives
3.3.Pregnancy

Some studies suggest there are predictors of teenage pregnancy (and thus drop
out). These include: • Girls with poor school performance (Grant & Hallman,
2006; Department of Family Health study in Kenya 1988, in Grant & Hallman,
2004);

• Girls who have previously been temporarily withdrawn from school (Grant &
Hallman, 2006);

• Low economic status (Hallman and Grant, in Grant & Hallman, 2006);

• Family migratory life styles and the consequent vulnerability of girls (Dunne
& Leach, 2005).

3.4.Disability and special educational needs

4. Social and Political Contexts
4.1.Gender

Research studies give examples of gendered household practices and

convictions which appear to influence schooling retention. Colclough et al
(2000) describe how some parents in Ethiopia claimed that twelve years of
schooling would mean their daughters could not perform housework and as a
result may not be able to find husbands. Similarly, in Guinea parents
mentioned that primary schooling was irrelevant to girls’ future roles. Both
indicated a lack of motivation towards the continued schooling of girls. In
addition, an ILO/IPEC (2004: 19) study highlights the propensity for girls to be
excluded or withdrawn from school earlier than boys, ‘in the belief that, as a
girl, she does not need to be educated or indeed should not be too educated in
case it blights her marriage potential’. Indeed, educating a girl is often seen as a
poor investment because the girl will marry and leave home, bringing the
benefits of education to the husband’s family rather than to her own.

4.2.Rural/Urban Locations

Looking at the capital of Burkina Faso, Ouagadougou, intra-urban disparities

(geographical and socioeconomic) exist in enrolment (both supply and demand
driven). The number of primary school places does not meet overall demand,
with outlying districts getting fewer. State education is concentrated in the
centre of the city and private on the outskirts (especially in the poorer areas,
where the government does not build schools).

4.3.Other Socially Disadvantaged Groups

For example, Birdsall et al (2005) highlights some of the access issues for
diverse ethno-linguistic groups e.g. in Bangladesh, Ethiopia and Pakistan. Ames
(2004) describes the lower enrolment of girls in some rural and indigenous
areas in Peru and some of the barriers to retention. In the sample used by Al
Samarrai and Peasgood (1998) in Tanzania, Muslim boys were 6.8% less likely
to complete school secondary school than Christian boys, although there is no
difference for girls.

4.4.Conflict, Politically Fragile and Emergency Situations

Research by Sommers (2005) into education provision in a refugee community

in southern Sudan (Kakuma) indicates issues with quality, as well as high drop
out rates and multiple risk factors for children’s education. For example, there
were low student attendance, low teacher retention, lack of access to
secondary provision, high teacher-student ratios, lack of incentives for
education, and gendered practices which pushed girls from school.

4.5.Age, Marriage and Notions of Adulthood

Boys in Guinea undertaking initiation ceremonies had primary schooling

disrupted, with ceremonies sometimes taking place in term time, absenteeism
lasting up to one month, and sometimes leading to drop out, while for girls it
was often considered ‘shameful’ for them to return to school (Colclough et al,
2000).

Secondly, money available for schooling might be used for the initiation event
(Kane, 2004).

And lastly, this move into adulthood at times means that ‘new’ adults can think
themselves too grown up for schooling (Kane & DeBrun, 1993, Thomas, 2002
cited in Kane, 2004). Nekatibeb (2002: 7) describes how communities in
Ethiopia accept these girls as ‘adults’, but teachers or schools continue to
consider them as children and this may create tension. Initiation ceremonies
thus affect girls’ and boys’ access differently in different contexts.

4.6.Supply of Schools

In research sample areas in Ethiopia and Guinea, ‘as elsewhere, the greater is
the distance from home to school, the less likely it is that a child will attend’
(Colclough et al, 2000: 19). In terms of drop out this might particularly affect
transitions to secondary or junior secondary schools in rural areas, where there
might be fewer schools and which are further away (Fentiman et al, 1999); for
younger children, particularly if the journey is deemed too far (Juneja, 2001);
for girls where parents/guardians are afraid of sexual harassment, especially as
they grow older (Colclough et al, 2000; Nekatibeb, 2002; the PROBE Team,
1999); and for girls who are seen as being ‘weaker’ than boys (Colclough et al,
2000).

In research in rural communities in Pakistan (Lloyd et al, 2005), girls’ enrolment

was highly responsive to the presence of an all-girls school in the village.

4.7.School Environment and Safety Issues

4.8.Schooling Resources and Facilities

School facilities, availability of resources e.g. textbooks, desks, blackboards

have been noted to influence drop out (Brock & Cammish, 1997; Molteno et al,
2000). The availability of (separate) sanitary facilities is important for female
retention, particularly as girls get older and start menstruation (Colclough et al,
2000; Fentiman et al, 1999; Lafraniere, 2005).

In research by Colclough et al (2000) only 5 of the 11 schools visited in Ethiopia

had latrines, and, of these, only one was separated for boys and girls. In most
cases, these latrines were not in a suitable condition for use. In Guinea, only
two of the six schools visited had latrines.

4.9.Teaching/Learning
 Quality
 Teacher absence
The global teacher absence project put public-primary school teacher
absence rates as follows: Bangladesh (16%); Ecuador (14%); India (25%);
Indonesia (19%); Peru (11%); and Uganda (27%) (Chaudhury et al, 2005).
 Language
Jackson (2000) describes repetition rates increasing for children in
Burundi (up from 28% to 40%) in the first two years of using French as
the language of instruction.
Kane (2004) uses the example of Moroccan Berber children who are
taught in a classical Arabic not in daily use (as well as French), but is only
 able to speculate on the connection between this and high drop out
rates.
In this sample children who speak only Guarani at home have equal
access to schooling, but their performance in school (in terms of years of
attainment and grade repetition), is considerably inferior to that of
Spanish-only and bilingual pupils.

The challenges of repetition and dropout in primary school: quality

early childhood education (ECE) in Senegal

World Bank Blog, MAY 25, 2022

Senegal

Over the 2012-2015 period, repetition and dropouts represented 13.72% of the
expenses incurred by the government.

Senegal still has work to do, with only a little over 17% gross preschool
enrollment rate, but more importantly in terms of dramatically improving
quality.

In Senegal, assessments are carried out daily by teachers in the classroom, in

line with the requirements of the curriculum. These assessments are based on
a thorough observation and interpretation of what each child says or performs,
i.e., what students have learned and what progress they have made.

More systematically, Senegal uses national, regional, and international

mechanisms for more structured learning assessment.

However, the absence of a real system for evaluating students' achievements

makes it difficult to obtain comparable quality data.
Trading Economics
Oman - Cumulative Drop-out Rate To The Last Grade of Primary Education,
Female

Cumulative drop-out rate to the last grade of primary education, female (%) in
Oman was reported at 1.5288 % in 2016, according to the World Bank
collection of development indicators, compiled from officially recognized
sources.

Sierra Leone - Drop-out Rate from Grade 1 of Lower Secondary General

Education, Female

Drop-out rate from Grade 1 of lower secondary general education, female (%)
in Sierra Leone was reported at 11.71 % in 2017, according to the World Bank
collection of development indicators, compiled from officially recognized
sources.

Senegal - Drop-out Rate from Grade 5 of Primary Education, Female

Drop-out rate from Grade 5 of primary education, female (%) in Senegal was
reported at 17.28 % in 2017, according to the World Bank collection of
development indicators, compiled from officially recognized sources.

Sudan - Cumulative Drop-out Rate To The Last Grade of Lower Secondary

General Education, Female

Cumulative drop-out rate to the last grade of lower secondary general

education, female (%) in Sudan was reported at 0 % in 2016, according to the
World Bank collection of development indicators, compiled from officially
recognized sources.

Palestine - Drop-out Rate from Grade 3 of Primary Education, Female

Drop-out rate from Grade 3 of primary education, female (%) in Palestine was
reported at 0.83487 % in 2015, according to the World Bank collection of
development indicators, compiled from officially recognized sources.
1 in 10 girls in Africa will drop out of school for this reason

World Economic Forum, Stéphanie Thomson, 09 Dec 2015

In Sierra Leone, more than 1 in 5 girls miss school because of their periods. In
Nepal and Afghanistan, 3 in 10 girls do.

Research has demonstrated the positive effects of universal education:

educated women are less likely to die in childbirth, their babies tend to be
healthier, and their children are in turn more likely to go to school.

Africa’s lost generation: The impact of school closures on girls’

education

www.one.org, RASNA WARAH 13 January 2022

Classroom sizes in some schools will be smaller due to high dropout rates,
especially among adolescent girls.

COVID-19 has shut an entire generation in Africa out of the education system.
Millions of children in low- and middle-income African countries will not return
to schools as they reopen due to a variety of reasons. That includes loss of
family livelihoods during the pandemic, which has affected parents’ ability to
pay school fees. In South Africa, an estimated 750,000 students dropped out of
school during the first year of the pandemic.

A study in Kenya found that 16% of girls and 8% of boys did not return to
school in 2021 after nearly a year of school closures.

Studies conducted in 2020 found that school closures sent about 90% of
students out of school globally; of these, 800 million were girls. Millions of
children who did not have access to e-learning or home schooling – both boys
and girls – received little or no education in the past two years.

Teen pregnancy and early marriages are disrupting education for girls across
Africa. South Africa’s Gauteng province witnessed a 60% increase in teenage
pregnancies since the start of the pandemic. This has been attributed to a
variety of factors, including lack of access to sex education among girls,
reduced access to contraceptives during lockdowns, and sexual violence.

During the Ebola outbreak in West Africa in 2014, teenage pregnancies surged,
with Sierra Leone experiencing a 65% increase in pregnancies among
adolescent girls. Many of these pregnant girls were subsequently banned from
going back to school.

Kenya’s Ministry of Health recorded 328,000 teenage pregnancies in the first

year of the pandemic. Bit even before the pandemic, Kenya had among the
highest teen pregnancy rates in the world: Two out of 10 girls aged between 15
and 19 years old were pregnant or already had a child.

Girls become more vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation during school
closures, as they no longer have the protection that schools offer.

Official data from Kenya show that sexual abuse of minors rose dramatically in
2020, from 5,397 reported cases in 2019 to 6,801 in 2020, a 26% increase.
Africa: In the Sahel, 4 million girls have dropped out of school

October 11, 2021 by Aide et Action Southeast Asia

In 2019, the countries of the Sahel zone were described as facing demographic,
security and migratory issues which weighed on the needs and capacities of
their education systems, whose results were among the lowest in the world.

Girls’ education is considered a lower priority than that of boys

During a time of crisis, girls, are 2.5 times more likely to be out of school in
countries in crisis. According to the Coalition’s report, even before the COVID-
19 crisis, in Niger, 54% of girls were not in school compared to 46% of boys
(UIS).

In the region most affected by the conflict of the country, the rate of child
marriage is the highest in the world with 89% of married girls

According to the latest estimates, in the Sahel, 4 million girls have had to drop
out of school due to insecurity.

Beyond the security aspect, in this area, the obstacles to quality education are
numerous: primary school teachers are insufficiently trained, educational
resources are non-existent, insufficient or inadequate, and local supervision is
proving to be essential.

Girls drop out of school at an alarming rate in Somalia

Poverty, early marriage, lack of friendly atmosphere forces parents to withdraw
girls from secondary schools

Mohammed Dhaysane |25.06.2021

“I was preparing to enroll in the secondary school that my father told me that
family wants my early marriage. It is outrageous and heartbreaking,” she said.

According to official estimates, while 51.9% of girls were enrolled in primary

schools, there were just 9.7% of them in secondary schools.
"Last year two of the brightest female students dropped out the school
because they couldn't afford to pay the school fees. One of them got married
the other one went to Europe to work there and support her family", he said.

Puntland Minister of Education Abdullahi Mohamed Hassan said about 50% of

school-aged children in the region are out of school. The current restrictions
due to COVID-19 have made matters much worse.

"In secondary schools, the net enrollment rate is just 13% with 17.2% for boys
and 9.7% for girls which is very low," said Women Development Minister
Amina Osman Haji.

Issues like poverty, early marriage, and lack of friendly environment in

secondary schools and colleges as reasons for girls to opt to stay home after
completing primary education.

"Some families can't afford to pay the secondary school fees or even
universities then the girls will become breadwinners to support the family," he
said.

The civil war in Somalia, a country located in the Horn of Africa, since the 1990s
has destroyed the educational system.

Why do girls drop out of school and what are the consequences of
dropping out?

World Bank, Quentin Wodon, Aug 1, 2018

Globally, nine in ten girls complete their primary education, but only three in
four complete their lower secondary education. In low income countries, less
than two thirds of girls complete their primary education, and only one in
three completes lower secondary school.

A World Bank report estimates the losses in lifetime productivity and earnings
for girls of not completing 12 years of education at $15 trillion to $30 trillion
dollars globally.
‫‪Issues related to the cost of schooling (out-of-pocket and opportunity costs),‬‬
‫‪early marriages and pregnancies, a lack of learning while in school, and a lack‬‬
‫‪of interest in remaining in school often come up. In some countries, some‬‬
‫‪factors play a larger role, while in other countries; other factors may be more‬‬
‫‪prominent.‬‬

‫‪Niger, one of the countries with the lowest levels of educational attainment for‬‬
‫‪girls in the world.‬‬

‫‪1.‬‬ ‫‪Poor learning outcomes and cost.‬‬

‫‪2.‬‬ ‫‪Failure at examinations.‬‬
‫‪3.‬‬ ‫‪Lack of nearby secondary schools.‬‬
‫‪4.‬‬ ‫‪Forced withdrawal of married adolescents.‬‬
‫‪5.‬‬ ‫‪Never enrolling in school or enrolling too late.‬‬
‫‪6.‬‬ ‫‪Influence of relatives and demands on first daughters.‬‬

‫ظاهرة الهدر المدرسي ‪ ..‬األسباب والحلول‬

‫‪ ،www.anfasspresse24.com‬الصفى محمد ‪8 ،‬سبتمبر ‪2018‬‬
‫من خالل البحث الذي قامت به منظمة اليونسكو تبين أن نسبة الهدر المدرسي مرتبطة بالن اتج المحلي‪،‬‬
‫ولهذا دول الخليج مثال والتي تتميز بإقتصاد جيد بعائد إجمالي أكبر من ‪ 5000‬أورو‪ .‬ه ذه البل دان نس بة‬
‫الهدر المدرسي فيها هي أقل من ‪ %3‬فيما يتعلق بالسنة الخامسة من التعليم االبتدائي‪.‬‬

‫أم ا بالنس بة للمغ رب و موريتانيا الل ذان ي تراوح عائ دهما االجم الي بين ‪ 3350‬أورو و ‪1750‬‬
‫أورو‪،‬فــإن نسبة هدرهما المدرسي في السنة الخامس ة من التعليم االبت دائي ه و م ا بين ‪ %6‬و ‪. %22‬‬
‫وجب االشارة إلى وجود استثناء مثل فلسطين واألردن‪.‬‬

‫إن الوسط القروي هو األكثر تعرضا لظاهرة الهدر المدرسي أكثر من غيره‪ .‬أم ا في الوس ط الحض ري‪:‬‬
‫بالنسبة لألحياء الشعبية حيث الوضع اإلقتصادي ضعيف‪ ،‬نجد ظاهرة الهدر متزايدة مقارن ة م ع األحي اء‬
‫األخرى‪.‬‬

‫يق ول الس يد الش داتي مستش ار اليونس يف ‪“ :‬عن دما نالح ظ عام ل يخص ع دد كب ير من التالمي ذ ال ذين‬
‫يغادرون الدراسة فهذا ال يعني وجود رابط السببية بين العامل و القيام بالمغادرة”‪.‬‬

‫األسباب غير المدرسية يمكن تلخيصها في ما يلي‪:‬‬

‫ضعف الدخل المادي لالسرة‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫تشغيل األطفال‬ ‫‪‬‬
 ‫الوضع الصحي للطفل‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫المشاكل العائلية ‪ :‬الطالق‪ ،‬الشجار بين األزواج …‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫أمية اآلباء‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫رد الفعل السلبي لآلباء اتجاه المدرسة‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫بعد المدارس عن المنازل‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫الزواج المبكر عند البنات‪.‬‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫األسباب المدرسية يمكن حصرها فيما يلي‪:‬‬

‫الفشل في الدراسة‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫سوء العالقة بين المعلم و التلميذ‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫ضعف الوسائل البيداغوجية‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫ضعف البنية التحتية للمدارس‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫الغياب المتكرر لألستاذ‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫اإلحباط‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫قلة األنشطة الترفيهية‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫ضعف المؤهالت لدى مديري المؤسسات‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫قلة التكوينات الخاصة بمديري المؤسسات‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫عدم مالءمة التكوينات األساسية لألساتذة مع متطلبات المدرسة و التالميذ‪.‬‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫إن األسباب الغير مدرسية تجعل ولوج التالميذ الى المدرس ة أم را ص عبا ‪ ،‬أم ا األس باب الدراس ية فهي‬
‫تجعل األطفال غير مهتمين بالمدرسة‪.‬‬

‫واألمر األكثر تعقيدا ه و أن اآلب اء ال ي رون في المدرس ة س وى مؤسس ة لتخ ريج المعطلين عن العم ل‪،‬‬
‫فالحصول على شهادة عليا ال يعني بالضرورة الحصول على عمل محترم‪.‬‬

‫أول نتائج الهدر المدرسي هو انتشار األمية بين الشباب‪ :‬النتيجة المباشرة لألمية هي من دون ش ك ع دم‬
‫الوعي والبطالة ال تي من ش أنهما أن يول دا ل دى الش باب الرغب ة في الهج رة الى أوروبا ‪-‬الحري ك‪، -‬أو‬
‫الرغبة في الربح السريع عن طريق القيام بأنشطة غير مشروعة‪.‬‬

‫باختصار الهدر المدرسي و البطالة هما س ببان رئيس يان في انح راف الش باب‪ .‬الش يء ال ذي ي ؤدي الى‬
‫إنتشار الجريمة و ارتفاع مصاريف الدول ة فيم ا يتعل ق بتأس يس نق ط للمراقب ة وأيض ا إلنش اء مؤسس ات‬
‫إصالحية إلعادة تأهيل هذه الشريحة‪.‬‬
Le décrochage scolaire chez les filles: Un phénomène sous-estimé?

www.rire.ctreq.qc.ca / 20 Sep 2016

Le décrochage des filles est, dans certaines écoles, tout aussi élevé, voire même
plus élevé que celui des garçons.

Les causes du décrochage chez les filles :

 La pauvreté
 Le manque de soutien familial
 L’échec scolaire
 Le découragement

La grossesse est un exemple de facteur de risque du décrochage touchant

particulièrement les filles.

Les conséquences du décrochage scolaire féminin :

D’un point de vue socioéconomique, les filles souffriraient davantage du

décrochage scolaire que les garçons.

Certains métiers de la construction, plus fréquentés par les garçons,

demandent peu de scolarité, mais sont bien rémunérés, tandis que les filles
sans diplôme se dirigent plus souvent vers le secteur des services (aide à
domicile, ménage, etc.) avec de moins bonnes conditions de travail et peu
d’avantages sociaux.

Si les décrocheurs ne sont pas riches, les décrocheuses sont carrément

pauvres, et lorsqu’elles ont des enfants à charge, leur situation financière est
incontestablement périlleuse.

Les garçons « raccrochent » plus que les filles

Entre 20 et 24 ans [,] une plus grande proportion de garçons que de filles
effectue un retour aux études, soulevant […] un questionnement sur les motifs
qui tiennent les filles davantage éloignées de la reprise d’un parcours scolaire.
En Afrique, le décrochage scolaire explose après deux ans de
pandémie

www.courrierinternational.com / le 11 avril 2022

Dans un rapport repéré par le site sud-africain “News24”, l’Unicef alerte sur
l’impact des fermetures d’écoles pendant la pandémie, alors que de nombreux
pays étaient déjà confrontés à une sévère crise de l’éducation avant
l’émergence du Covid-19. En première ligne, l’Afrique, déjà très fragilisée.

Pour la première fois depuis vingt ans, le nombre de “décrocheurs” scolaires

augmente depuis 2020, sous l’effet de la pandémie, note l’Unicef, qui égrène
une série d’exemples alarmants sur le continent africain.

 Au Liberia, 43 % des élèves n’auraient ainsi pas repris l’école à la

réouverture des classes.
 En Ouganda, 10 % ne sont pas réapparus à l’école.
 Au Malawi, la proportion de décrochage chez les filles dans le secondaire
est passée de 6,4 % en 2020 à 9,5 % en 2021.
 En Afrique du Sud, le nombre d’enfants n’allant pas à l’école a triplé entre
mars 2020 et juillet 2021, passant de 250 000 à 750 000.

Il en ressort que la part des enfants maîtrisant les acquis fondamentaux en

lecture chute de 68 % en moyenne après avoir manqué l’école pendant un an.

Les nations d’Afrique subsahariennes présentent la part la plus faible

d’enfants maîtrisant les savoirs de base en lecture et en mathématiques avant
la pandémie.

Au Ghana, en République démocratique du Congo, au Tchad ou en République

centrafricaine, notamment, moins de 10 % des élèves fréquentant l’équivalent
du CE2 maîtrisaient le niveau de lecture attendu dans cette section avant
l’émergence du Covid-19.

À Madagascar, où 20 % des élèves de CE2 seulement maîtrisaient ce niveau

avant la pandémie, le chiffre pourrait ainsi chuter aux alentours de 6 % sous
l’effet de la fermeture des classes.
Pourquoi les enfants africains quittent-ils l’école? Un modèle
hiérarchique multinomial des abandons dans l’éducation primaire
au Sénégal

An article of the journal L'Actualité économique

Abdoulaye Diagne, Volume 86, Number 3, September 2010, p. 319–

354

Pour l’ensemble des pays d’Afrique anglophone et francophone, l’indice

d’efficience associé aux abandons était, en moyenne, de 80 %, et celui relatif
aux redoublements, seulement de 93 % (Mingat et Suchaut, 2000).

Au Sénégal, lorsque l’on suit la même cohorte d’élèves dans le cycle primaire,
le taux d’efficience se situait à une moyenne de 58 % en 2003 (Diagne, 2004).
En outre, les abandons contribuent plus à l’inefficience que les redoublements.
Ainsi, leurs contributions respectives à l’indice d’efficience sont estimées à 66
% et 34 % (Diagne, 2004).

Les frères et sœurs de l’élève ont fréquenté au moins le collège, et quand

l’enfant appartient à un ménage très aisé, ou quand il a fréquenté la
maternelle, sa probabilité d’abandonner l’école diminue significativement.

D’une manière générale, un environnement lettré réduit sensiblement les

risques d’abandonner. En accélérant la scolarisation, et en étendant
rapidement l’alphabétisation chez les adultes, l’État favorise le maintien des
enfants à l’école.

Plus les classes sont peuplées, moins le maître a des chances d’assurer un
encadrement efficace des élèves.

Dans les communautés où le taux de redoublement est très élevé, les élèves
sont plus prédisposés à abandonner l’école avant la fin du cycle primaire.
Les abandons précoces frappent davantage les filles que les garçons, mais
l’existence d’une proportion importante de filles dans la classe d’initiation
(première année d’études) réduit la probabilité d’abandon.

Un profil de l'abandon scolaire au Cameroun

Issidor Noumba, Dans Revue d'économie du développement 2008

Apparemment, ce sont des raisons non académiques qui ont le plus justifié
l’abandon scolaire au Cameroun en 2002/2003 (44,4 %). Il s’agit de l’abandon à
cause du mariage ou de la grossesse dans 17,7 % de cas, du travail ou de
l’apprentissage dans 16,6 % de cas, et des raisons qui relèvent de la maladie ou
d’un handicap dans 10 % de cas.

En effet, dans un environnement caractérisé par la pression de la tradition qui

ne favorise pas la vulgarisation des méthodes de contraception, où
l’avortement n’est autorisé ni par la coutume ni par le droit positif, le mariage
et les grossesses non désirées peuvent fortement justifier l’abandon scolaire.

Par exemple, seulement 7,1 % des femmes mariées en âge de procréer

utilisaient au moins une méthode moderne de contraception en 1999/2000
(Banque Africaine de Développement, 2005). D’ailleurs, jusqu’à une date très
récente, toute fille qui tombait enceinte au cours de l’année scolaire était
purement et simplement renvoyée de son établissement, ce qui constituait
parfois une sortie définitive du système éducatif.

L’incidence de la pauvreté étant élevée au Cameroun, les jeunes filles qui

rencontrent la moindre difficulté à l’école n’hésitent pas à s’engager dans le
mariage aux dépens de leurs études.

Dans un contexte où les opportunités d’emploi sont rares, certains apprenants

abandonnent facilement l’école pour une activité génératrice de revenu, quitte
à vouloir travailler en allant à l’école.

Le handicap physique ou mental peut réellement justifier l’abandon scolaire

dans la mesure où, au Cameroun, les établissements publics et privés souffrent
en général d’une insuffisance en infrastructures courantes (tables, bancs, salles
de classe, toilettes, etc.), et, particulièrement, de l’absence des infrastructures
appropriées pour les handicapés (identification du handicap, commodités
requises, etc.).

L’impact des facteurs académiques ne semble pas négligeable dans la mesure

où ils justifient plus de 41 % des abandons scolaires. Il s’agit de l’échec scolaire
(21,1 %) et du coût de la scolarité (20,0 %).

En effet, le passage de la classe de première à la classe de terminale est

conditionné par le succès à l’examen du probatoire. Logiquement on aurait pu
penser que le taux d’échec à cet examen aggrave le taux d’abandon en
première. Pourtant, c’est au niveau de la classe de troisième que l’on a
enregistré le plus fort taux d’abandon.

 Le taux d’abandon est plus élevé dans les ménages dont la taille est
comprise entre 1 et 5 individus. Au-delà de cette taille, le taux d’abandon
est inférieur à celui de la première catégorie.
 les parents travaillant dans le secteur privé (formel et informel) qu’est
concentré le plus grand nombre d’abandons, soit un taux de 37,6 %. On
peut penser ici au niveau d’éducation des parents qui pourrait être plus
faible dans ces deux secteurs.
 le taux d’abandon en milieu rural est plus élevé que la moyenne nationale.
La facilité à trouver une occupation en milieu rural pourrait justifier ce
résultat.

The missing third: An out-of-school children study of Pakistani 5-16

year-olds

www.dawn.com / Huma Zia Faran | Zohair Zaidi Published

September 3, 2021
Out of School children (OOSC) are defined as children of school going age that
are not going to school.

There are two types of OOSC:

 Children who have never attended school
 Children who have attended school in the past but have since dropped out

Out of all children in Pakistan between the ages of five to 16 years, 32 per cent,
i.e. one third, are out of school. This amounts to an estimated total of over 20
million. Balochistan has the highest proportion of OOSC at 47 per cent followed
by Sindh at 44 per cent.

In absolute terms, Punjab has the largest total population of OOSC roughly
estimated at 7.7 million followed by Sindh at 6.5 million.

Of all children between the ages of 5-16, the highest enrolment rate is
observed among nine years olds (82 per cent) followed by 11 year olds (81 per
cent). It is interesting to note that the same trend is observed for boys and girls
virtually across the range of five to 16 years. The only difference is percentage
of enrolment of each age group is higher for boys than girls.

Gender disparity in education has remained a persistent challenge. Among the

out of school children, 54 per cent are girls and 46 per cent are boys. This
translates to 10.8 million girls and 9.2 million boys not going to schools across
the country.

More than three quarters (77 per cent) of Pakistani OOSC reside in rural areas
of the country. Rural areas of the country account for 15.4 million of the total
OOSC, with 4.6 million (23 per cent) of the children not going to school residing
in urban areas.

Reasons for dropout

Almost 3.8 million children (6 per cent of five-16 year old), with 2.5 million
between 14 and 16 years, enrolled in an educational institution but dropped
out. Even though government schools cater to 62 per cent of all school going
children, they account for close to 90 per cent of all children who dropped out
before completing 10 years of schooling.
What Happened to Dropout Rates after COVID-19 School Closures in
Ghana?

www.cgdev.org / by Might Kojo Abreh , Wisdom K. Agbevanu ,

Amina Jangu Alhassan , Francis Ansah , Rosemary S. Bosu , Lee
Crawfurd , Clara Araba Mills , Ana Luiza Minardi and Gloria Nyame

JULY 06, 2021

We find that 2 percent of children that were enrolled in the year before the
pandemic are not going back to school this year.

Poorer children were more likely to drop out than richer children and boys
were slightly more likely to drop out than girls

Given the evident success of those campaigns, and the fact that COVID has
disproportionately affected boys’ enrollment, it may be time to consider
campaigns focused on some of the drivers of boy’s dropout rates, like child
labor.

Over 17,000 dropped out of govt varsities last year, says minister

FMT Reporters -March 3, 2022

A total of 17,613 public university students in Malaysia dropped out last year
while 5,165 students had suspended their studies without providing any
specific reason, according to Higher Education Minister Noraini Ahmad, reports
freemalaysiatoday.com.

She also said 20,577 students in private universities had postponed their
studies. “Among the factors that contributed to students postponing their
studies were personal or family health problems, financial problems and to get
a job,” she said.
“There are nearly 150 counsellors and psychologists ready to help students in
need with these services, which are held physically at campuses, online (e-
counselling), and also through hotlines (tele-counselling),” she said.

Edu Nation: Addressing the issue of school dropouts

Tunku Munawirah Putra / The Edge Malaysia

December 22, 2021

Research by Khazanah Research Institute in June 2020 highlighted that 77% of

children are unable to participate in digital learning at home, supporting the
observation that many would be left behind in their education because of a
lack of access to online learning.

The Malaysia Education Blueprint (MEB) 2013-2025 aims to increase

compulsory schooling from six years at primary level to 11 years, which would
include the completion of secondary schooling, by 2020.

Low academic achievement would not have been a factor for dropping out, as
there was no UPSR and PT3 evaluation.

The last comprehensive study that looked into the dropout problem was
almost 50 years ago, in 1973, under the Murad Report. More can be done now
with improved information exchange, better profiling, data transparency for
making better decisions and targeted solutions.

Studies have shown that high school graduates earn 50% to 100% more than
those who do not complete high school. In addition, Malaysia faces the issue of
gender disparity, where boys have a higher propensity to drop out than girls.
Enrolment figures show that 70% of university students are female.
The concern that girls are outperforming boys, and that the gender gap is
increasing, will perpetuate the problem of marginalised young Malaysian men.
The problem is serious enough for the MEB to categorise them as the “lost
boys”.

Research has shown that people with low educational attainments are more
dependent on welfare and more likely to be involved in crime. This would be a
big loss to the economy when they could have potentially contributed with
their income instead.

The breakfast programme for all students should have been continued, as it
provides them with the nutrition to jump-start their day.

Les conséquences du décrochage scolaire des filles

Au Québec, 11,7 % des jeunes de moins de 24 ans abandonnent l’école avant
d’avoir obtenu leur diplôme d’études secondaires (DES)

Le ministère de l’Éducation, du Loisir et du Sport (MELS) calcule le taux de

décrochage scolaire des garçons et des filles à partir du nombre de jeunes qui
ne détiennent pas de DES à l’âge de 19 ans.

Le MELS estime que les décrocheurs représentent 21,6 % des garçons et 12,4 %
des filles.

Cette différence entre les données du MELS et celles de l’OCDE s’explique par la
proportion de décrocheurs, entre 60 % et 80 %, qui décident de retourner à
l’école à temps complet entre leur 19e et leur 24e année.

 L’adversité familiale
 Les difficultés d’apprentissage
 La multiplication des facteurs de risque

Les conséquences économiques plus sombres chez les filles

  61 % des répondantes sont des femmes au foyer, bénéficiaires du
Programme d’aide sociale ou dépendantes d’un conjoint;
 19 % ont des emplois rémunérés à moins de 12 $ l’heure ;
 11 % des emplois qu’elles occupent sont rémunérés entre 12 $ et 15 $
l’heure ;
 8 % gagnent plus de 15 $ l’heure.

Comparison of urban and rural dropout rates of distance students:

South Africa
The analysis shows that rural students had a dropout rate (16.73%) that was
1% higher than that of urban students (15.73%). This is in line with previous
studies, mostly international, that found that the location of a student in
isolation had a marginal effect on the dropout rate. The difference in the
dropout rates between urban and rural students, reportedly, becomes more
pronounced when combined with other demographic variables

‘Rural male employed in finance’ was the largest group to drop out and ‘urban
male employed in finance’ was the smallest group to drop out. It appears that
the geographical situation of the student was once again the dominant factor.

South Africa has 11 official languages. The most common home language
spoken by South Africans is Zulu (23%), followed by Xhosa (18%) and then
Afrikaans (13%).

English is the fifth most commonly spoken language in the homes of South
Africans; it is also the language that is the most understood in urban areas and
the main language used by government and the media (Statistics South Africa,
2001: 8). Only two of these languages (Afrikaans and English) are used in the
teaching of taxation at Unisa, which could, therefore, affect the dropout rate.

In South Africa, race is proxy for other factors, including educational

background. The most under-resourced schools in South Africa are rural
schools that were part of the Blacks only education.

The analysis of the data indicated that rural Coloured and rural Black students
had a higher dropout rate than their urban peers. The Coloured students
showed the biggest difference in dropout rates between rural and urban
students.

"School for women, not just wives: the case of France"

Filles et garçons face au décrochage scolaire

Pierre-Yves Bernard & Christophe Michaut, Lyon, 1‐2 septembre

2014

Le décrochage scolaire s’est construit comme problème éducatif public d’abord

aux Etats Unis, puis progressivement dans l’ensemble des pays riches, pour
être aujourd’hui à l’agenda des principales organisations internationales et des
politiques éducatives nationales (Bernard, 2013).

Dans le cas de la France, la statistique la plus communément utilisée, celle des

sortants sans diplôme montre que 20 % des jeunes hommes sortent de l’école
sans avoir obtenu un diplôme de fin d’études secondaires, contre 11 % des
jeunes femmes (sortants 2009-2011, MEN-DEPP, 2014).

La statistique européenne des sortants précoces, c’est à dire le pourcentage

des 18-24 ans sans diplôme et ne suivant pas une formation présente l’intérêt
de pouvoir faire des comparaisons internationales, comme nous le verrons
plus bas. Elle confirme le plus fort décrochage des hommes en France : 13 %
sont dans cette situation, contre un peu moins de 10 % des femmes (données
2012, MEN-DEPP, 2014). Enfin, selon les données administratives utilisées par
les plateformes de suivi et d’appui aux décrocheurs, 57,4 % des jeunes
identifiés sont des hommes (données 2013, Bernard & Michaut, 2014).

Au-delà de ce constat moyen, on voit que dans la quasi-totalité des pays

européens, le décrochage scolaire touche davantage les hommes que les
femmes.
Cependant les écarts sont très variables d’un pays à l’autre. Ils sont très élevés
en valeur absolue (8 points de pourcentage ou plus) pour certains pays qui ont
par ailleurs un taux de sortants précoces plus élevé que la moyenne (Portugal,
Malte, Chypre, Espagne, Lettonie), mais ils peuvent l’être également en valeur
relative pour d’autres pays aux situations très diverses quant à leur taux global
de sortants précoces : celui-ci est ainsi près de deux fois plus élevé ou plus pour
les hommes en Pologne, Luxembourg, en Estonie, en Lettonie et à Chypre.

A l’opposé, quelques pays peu nombreux ont des taux de sortants précoces des
hommes et des femmes pratiquement égaux, avec un écart qui ne dépasse pas
un point : la Slovaquie, la République tchèque, l’Autriche, l’Allemagne, la
Hongrie, la Roumanie.

En Bulgarie, le décrochage des femmes est même légèrement supérieur à celui

des hommes (MEN-DEPP, 2014).

La Turquie est dans une situation assez atypique sur cette question, avec un
taux de décrochage des femmes de 40 %, plus élevé de 5 points que celui des
hommes (Eurydice, 2014).

On trouve des situations similaires dans bon nombre de pays d’Afrique

subsaharienne et d’Asie du sud et de l’ouest, où la part des filles dans les
enfants non scolarisés est majoritaire (ISU, 2012).

La littérature portant spécifiquement sur le décrochage scolaire dans les pays

en développement insiste généralement sur la combinaison de facteurs
économiques et culturels expliquant l’abandon précoce de scolarité des filles :
assignation aux tâches domestiques, coût élevé des études, attentes de
réussite plus faibles, mariages précoces sont autant de facteurs d’arrêt de
scolarité des filles, voire d’absence de scolarisation (Hunt, 2008 ; Cemalcilar &
Göksen, 2012).

Caractéristiques des décrocheurs et des décrocheuses

Les jeunes présents sur ces listes cumulent les 4 conditions suivantes le jour de
leur identification (source : Ministère de l’éducation nationale) :
  avoir été scolarisé au moins 15 jours en continu au cours de l’année
scolaire en cours ou de l’année scolaire précédente ;
 être âgé de 16 ans au moins ;
 ne pas avoir atteint le niveau de diplôme fixé par voie règlementaire ;
 ne plus être inscrit dans un système de formation initiale (Éducation
nationale, agriculture,
CFA).

Qu’est-ce qui différencient les décrocheuses des décrocheurs sur le plan des
caractéristiques sociodémographiques ? Globalement, les filles sont dans un
environnement social plus précaire que celui des garçons. Certes, Il n’y a pas de
différences significatives selon la profession des deux parents, mais davantage
de filles ont une mère sans emploi ou au foyer (33% vs 23.6%) et ignorent la
situation de leur père (13,2 vs 7,7%). Soulignons également que 31% des
décrocheuses (24% des décrocheurs) ont un frère ou une sœur ayant
également interrompu leurs études.

63% des garçons, contre 53% des filles, déclarent avoir « séché » au moins une
fois au cours de leur dernière formation.

Une première analyse des résultats indique que parmi les items proposés
certains motifs sont partagés par plus de trois-quarts des décrocheurs : « je
voulais avoir une activité professionnelle », « je voulais gagner de l’argent » et
« j’en avais marre de l’école ». Cette lassitude de l’école, commune aux garçons
et aux filles, s’exprime toutefois de manière différente.

Alors que les filles évoquent significativement plus la peur d’échouer et

beaucoup de problèmes personnels, les garçons mettent en cause les contenus
d’enseignements considérés comme insuffisamment professionnalisant et les
enseignants dont les méthodes pédagogiques sont jugées inadaptées et avec
qui le dialogue est difficile à établir.

Globalement, le « climat scolaire » n’est pas pour l’ensemble des jeunes un

élément majeur susceptible d’expliquer leur interruption.

Les filles expliquent plus fréquemment leur rupture scolaire par les grandes
difficultés scolaires qu’elles ont rencontrées, par le découragement ou des
problèmes personnels. Chez les garçons, c’est le rejet de l’institution scolaire
qui est plus présent. Ce qu’un élève exprime de manière laconique : « ça me
saoulait ».

Les filles ont un risque plus faible de décrocher de leur scolarité que les
garçons. Cette différence s’explique en partie par des différences de
performance scolaire. Mais elle exprime également un autre rapport à la
scolarité, plus conforme à la norme attendue par l’institution. On retrouve
cette différence d’expérience scolaire quand on analyse les motifs de
décrochage déclarés par les jeunes.

Factors Contributing to Higher Education Dropouts in the UAE: A

Case Study

By Marwa R. Salim, May 2019

According to the UAE federal institutions, the rate of college students’ dropout
is estimated at 14% from the enrolled students (Pennington, 2017).

The first factor is related to the students; their knowledge, academic

performance, and decisions (Kim & Kim, 2018; Liga & Irina, 2014; Casanova,
Cervero, Núñez, Almeida & Bernardo, 2018; Diseth, 2011; Hailikari, Nevgi &
Komulainen, 2008; Zbigniew & Komendant, 2018).

The second factor is related to the higher education institution itself, which
plays a major role in the dropout percentage.

The third factor is related to the family such as family circumstances, lack of
motivation and support (Pierrakeas et al 2004; Latif, Choudhary, Hammayun,
2015; Khan, Hossain&Alam, 2018).

Finally, financial aid is one of the factors of higher education dropout (Kim &
Kim, 2018; Murray, 2014; Zewotir, North, & Murray, 2015; Styger, Van Vuuren
& Heymans, 2015; Castelló, Pardo, Sala-Bubaré, & Suñe-Soler, 2017; Khan et al
2018).
Possible causes have been examined at a university dropout in South Korea.

The rate of dropout has nearly doubled from 1.17% in 2010 to 2.099% in 2015.
Kim & Kim (2018) stated that students drop out because they do not have the
required knowledge for a specific course. According to Khan, Hossain and Alam
(2018), the pressure of study was a big problem for Bangladesh’s students.
They reported that 35% of students have dropout from the university because
of the difficulties of the programs.

Liga and Irina (2014) investigated the causes of the first-year students’ dropout
rates in the Latvia University of Agriculture. Students were selected from five
faculties of engineering science enrolled in LUA from 2011 to 2012. The results
of this study showed that approximately 34.4% of students leave the LUA
during the first year because of the poor knowledge in Mathematics.

Academic performance is confirmed as a determining variable of students’

dropout. According to Casanova et al (2018), academic accomplishment has
affected student’s decision to remain or abandon the study. Through
Casanova’s et al (2018) study, the researchers surveyed 2,970 first-year
students at a public university in the north of Portugal.

The results showed that the case of the dropout was (65.6%). Accordingly,
academic achievement during the first year has affected academic
competencies. Therefore, academic performance results in increasing student’s
decisions to dropout because of low performance in the first year.

Castelló et al. (2017) stated that personal and research skills have affected the
completion of doctoral programmers in Spanish universities. The student’s
answers to the questionnaire and open-ended questions illustrated that
students have not convinced with their skills and abilities. Researchers (e.g.
Castelló et al., 2017; Zbigniew & Komendant, 2018) indicated that students are
incapable of carrying out a research project because of lack of skills.

For example, universities in urban areas have 14.5% fewer dropouts than those
in rural areas (Kim & Kim, 2018). A study by Maria, Barbara and Carla (2015)
showed that the percentage of Master students’ dropout in Spain was 15.6% in
2009/2010. This dropout rate was collected from private, public, and modality
universities. The dropout of Spanish students was related to lack of university
support, academic self-efficacy and educational values.

Participants reported that the causes of dropout were related to the university
itself. Poor planning of the course, high level of the course, long syllabus and
too difficult exams have been identified as factors of dropout from the courses.
The research study concluded that the university needs to reverse this situation
by doing outreach activities, tutorial action, syllabus revision, and subject
organization.

 Dropout Factors Related to the Higher Education Institution

 Dropout Factors Related to Education Courses
 Dropout Factors Related to the Family
 Dropout Factors Related to Financial Issues

Family support is one of these reason related to the students’ dropout from
UAE higher education institutions. This finding matches the findings of studies
by Latif et al. (2015), Casanova et al. (2018), Pierrakeas et al. (2004), and Khan
et al. (2018). Latif et al., (2015) found that the absence of parents’ motivation
and support to their led to increased dropout in universities.

In South Korea’s universities the students did not fin facilities and that led
them to dropout from the university. For example, universities in urban areas
have 14.5% fewer dropouts than those in rural areas (Kim &Kim ,2018). The
current study revealed similar results.

Some students who dropped out of the university because they did not find my
facility at the university site. The results showed that students have to drive for
an hour and a half to reach the university in center of the city. Thus, the site
was a contributing factor in the dropout of UAE postgraduate students.

In South Korea, the reasons for dropout from university are student’s
knowledge, academic performance, and decisions.

Results showed that students who drop out from UAE institutions were liked
and dislike different courses. Courses students like they found them beneficial
and linking with their work so that help students to understand the content in a
secure way. However, courses did not like as theories because they believed
this course would not help them in their work.

Plus, 4.5% of students have left the university to get a job and support their
family. However, the finding revealed student who drops out from UAE
institutions was disappointed because that affected to earn potentials. Student
felt upset because they believed having a graduate degree will help them to
find a job or get promotion. As discussed, this is due to the fact that findings
appeared that students join higher studies to get a job and it was the main
reason to complete their higher studies.

Recommendation is for the Ministry of Education to monitor government

institutions annually and identify the causes of dropouts in universities. As
Styger, Vuuren, and Heymans (2015) suggestion, universities with low dropout
proportions might be rewarded, and those with high dropout proportions
might be punished. This will increase the concern of universities in student’s
need and reduce the dropout rate.