Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Second Edition
Understanding the factors that encourage young people to become active agents in their
own learning is critical. Positive psychology is one lens that can be used to investigate the
factors that facilitate a student’s sense of agency and active school engagement. In the
second edition of this groundbreaking handbook, the editors draw together the latest
work on the field, identifying major issues and providing a wealth of descriptive knowl-
edge from renowned contributors. Major topics include: the ways that positive emotions,
traits, and institutions promote school achievement and healthy social and emotional
development; how specific positive-psychological constructs relate to students and
schools and support the delivery of school-based services; and the application of posi-
tive psychology to educational policy making. With thirteen new chapters, this edition
provides a long-needed centerpiece around which the field can continue to grow, incor-
porating a new focus on international applications of the field.
Rich Gilman is in the Division of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry at Cincinnati Chil-
dren’s Hospital Medical Center, and Professor in the Department of Pediatrics at the
University of Cincinnati Medical School, US.
Edited by
Michael J. Furlong, Rich Gilman,
and E. Scott Huebner
Second edition published 2014
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2014 Taylor & Francis
The right of the editors to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors
for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form
or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without
permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and
are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
First edition published in 2009 by Routledge
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Handbook of positive psychology in schools / [edited by] Michael J. Furlong, Richard Gilman, E.
Scott Huebner.—Second edition.
pages cm.—(Educational psychology handbook series)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. School psychology—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 2. Positive psychology—Handbooks,
manuals, etc. I. Furlong, Michael J., 1951-editor of compilation. II. Gilman, Rich,
1968-editor of compilation. III. Huebner, Eugene Scott, 1953-editor of compilation.
LB1027.55.H363 2014
370.15—dc23 2013030519
Typeset in Minion
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
CONTENTS
Chapter 31 Positive Psychology in Schools: Good Ideas Are Never Enough 497
C O L L I E W. C O N O L E Y, J A N E C . C O N O L E Y, K AT H R Y N Z . S PAV E N TA - VA N C I L ,
AND ANNA N. LEE
Index 507
Section I
Conceptual Foundations
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1
TOWARD A SCIENCE AND PRACTICE OF POSITIVE
PSYCHOLOGY IN SCHOOLS
A Conceptual Framework
Corresponding author:
Rich Gilman, Division of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics, Cincinnati Chil-
dren’s Hospital Medical Center, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH 45229. Phone:
(513) 636-8172. E-mail: Richard.Gilman@cchmc.org
INTRODUCTION
There is much agreement that positive youth development takes place in families, peer
groups, and out-home contexts, such as schools (Gilman, Huebner, & Buckman, 2008).
Nevertheless, investigations of factors that contribute to optimal school experiences in
youth have traditionally lagged behind scholarship examining the other two contexts.
Research has shown that from the earliest ages, the quality of school experiences plays a
3
4 • Gilman, Huebner, and Furlong
contributory role in key developmental and learning milestones such as motivation (van
Grinsven & Tillema, 2006), identity development (e.g., Gonzalez, 2009), health outcomes
(Forrest, Bevans, Riley, Crespo, & Louis, 2013), and overall academic success (Cohen,
McCabe, Michelli, & Pickeral 2009). Further, the quality of experiences during the for-
mative school years dictates, in part, the choices students make as adults. For example,
longitudinal studies find that students who report more positive school experiences also
report higher levels of mental and physical health as young adults (Reynolds & Ou, 2010;
Wickrama & Vazsonyi, 2011), are less likely to engage in risk behaviors such as alcohol
use (Locke & Newcomb, 2004), and report that they were better prepared for their future
(Lapan, Gysbers, & Sun, 1997).
The limited perspective on factors that contribute to optimal school experiences can
be explained, in part, by prevailing legislative mandates, proposals, and training models
that often dictate problem-focused approaches (i.e., fixing what is broken) rather than
emphasizing practices that seek to advance positive health and/or educational agenda
(Froh, Huebner, Youssef, & Conte, 2011; Knoop, 2011; Kristjánsson, 2012). Even a cur-
sory examination of the education literature over the past decade reveals that studies
investigating pathology-based constructs such as anxiety, depression, mental illness, and
problem behaviors outnumber studies investigating assets such as self-esteem, school
satisfaction, hope, and personal values (by a factor of 4:1). This skewed ratio is not spe-
cific to education, however. Various literature reviews find that for every article examin-
ing positive constructs, far more attention is devoted to studies that explore “what goes
wrong” in humans, such as psychological, physical, and educational disorders (Lopez
et al., 2006; Myers, 2000).
Such overemphasis presumes that repairing or restoring factors that contribute to
psychological distress automatically progresses to optimal development. This pre-
sumption has repeatedly been called into question. For example, studies among adults
demonstrate that correlates of life quality are distinct from those that contribute to psy-
chopathology (e.g., Fredrickson & Losada, 2005; Keyes, 2005). Thus, the absence of psy-
chopathological symptoms is not necessarily concordant with optimal functioning (e.g.,
Keyes & Westerhof, 2012). Collectively, these findings provide empirical support to long-
standing conceptualizations that mental “health” is more than the absence of problems,
distress, and disease (Jahoda, 1958; World Health Organization, 1948) and emphasize
the need to understand factors that contribute to well-being in addition to factors that
contribute to ill-being.
In reaction to the overemphasis on research and practice related to weakness and
problems, “positive psychology” has gained prominence over the last 15 years (Selig-
man & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000; Sheldon & King, 2001; Snyder & McCullough, 2000). As
a general definition, positive psychology “. . . is the scientific study of what goes right in
life, from birth to death and all stops in between . . . and takes seriously those things in
life that make life most worth living” (Peterson, 2006, p. 4). The phrase scientific study
is highlighted here to distinguish it from highly influential theories in which principles
such as strengths, character, and values are underlined conditions to a life well lived (see
Simonton, 2011, for a review). By incorporating rigorous scientific methods into both
correlational and experimental designs, positive psychology serves as a lens to empirically
Science and Practice of Positive Psychology • 5
examine presumed causes and correlates of optimal human functioning. Further, prior
to emerging as a general movement, most efforts to examine positive psychology con-
structs were conducted in isolation and within disciplines (e.g., counseling psychology,
theology, economics), thus hindering knowledge and insights that would contribute
to a collective understanding of human strengths and capacities. Positive psychology
has served as an important focal point for like-minded researchers and has connected
heretofore islands of scholarship that have led to important and provocative findings
(Ingram & Snyder, 2006; King, 2011).
Although not exclusive, most of these studies have been based on adult or geronto-
logical samples. However, efforts have been made over the past 20 years to examine the
good life in children for at least two reasons. First, similar to what has been reported
in adults, “mental illness” and “mental health” are distinct (although not orthogonal)
constructs in youth. For example, among a sample of middle school students, Keyes
(2006) reported that a significant number of youth reported low levels of psychological
distress but also low psychological well-being. Nonetheless, based on most standard-
ized self-report measures used in schools, which often focus on assessing psychologi-
cal distress, these students would appear psychologically “healthy” even though their
well-being reports would indicate otherwise (see Suldo & Shaffer, 2008, for similar
findings). Second, a study of factors that contribute to optimal functioning has intui-
tive appeal to many stakeholders—most notably to parents. Indeed, the foremost goal
of most parents is not to prevent psychopathology but to instill and promote skills
and values that contribute to a productive life. To this end, research has shown that
numerous psychological, social, and academic benefits are afforded to those individu-
als who maintain incrementally higher levels of well-being (e.g., Gilman & Huebner,
2006; Haranin, Huebner, & Suldo, 2007). An understanding of the presumed correlates
associated with positive psychological constructs would contribute meaningful infor-
mation toward interventions that enhance optimal functioning among youth having
suboptimal levels.
A growing literature base has continued to add to the nomothetic understanding of
developmental pathways to optimal functioning in children (see Huebner, Gilman, &
Ma, 2011, for a recent review). Positive psychology in youth has been studied in pri-
mary prevention (Madden, Green, & Grant, 2011), health disparities (Vera & Shin,
2006), positive youth development (Lerner, Phelps, Forman, & Bowers, 2009), and
resilience research (Noble & McGrath, 2012). Other areas have been lacking. Schools,
for example, constitute an important and fertile environment in which positive attri-
butes, psychological assets, and character strengths can be developed and maintained.
The first edition of this handbook was the first to provide a synthesis of positive psy-
chology theory, application, and research findings within the context of schooling and
school-related experiences. Nevertheless, since the publication of the handbook, more
than 200 studies have been published that have greatly expanded how positive psy-
chology can be applied to this important setting. The purpose of this revised hand-
book, undertaken in a relatively short time since its initial release, reflects that speed
in which school-based research has rapidly emerged, both in the United States and
internationally.
6 • Gilman, Huebner, and Furlong
CONCEPTUAL MODEL
It has been noted elsewhere that the positive psychology movement has grown so rap-
idly that guiding, conceptual frameworks have been elusive (Csikszentmihalyi, 2003).
Although some efforts have been made to address this concern within specific positive
psychology constructs (e.g., Lent et al., 2005; Seligman, Steen, Park, & Peterson, 2005),
concerns regarding a lack of conceptual positive psychology framework that encom-
passes both individual and contextual factors remain (Schueller, 2009). Such concerns
are not reserved to adult samples, however. In our first edition, we introduced a con-
ceptual model within an ecological perspective, reflecting the notion that children live
within interlocking systems, all of which are essential to their psychological, social, and
educational development. The model itself was based on the work of both Bronfen-
brenner’s (1979) Ecological Systems Theory and Belsky’s (1980) inclusion of ontogenic
(i.e., intraindividual) variables. The model also is adapted from Schalock and Alonso’s
(2002) integrative model of quality of life. These ecological systems are identified in the
columns in Figure 1.1. The ontogenic system includes individual differences in aspects
such as self-esteem, while the microsystem consists of immediate settings, such as home,
peer group, and school, which can influence and be influenced by these ontogenic fac-
tors. The mesosystem and its extension, the exosystem, refer to more distal contextual
factors, such as the neighborhood, community services, organizations, and interactions
between microsystem variables (e.g., parent–school interactions). Finally, the macro-
system refers to the institutional patterns of the culture or subculture (e.g., economic,
social, educational, legal, and political systems) that influence the other subsystems.
The positive psychology constructs, which involve individual personal strengths of
interest (i.e., physical, cognitive, or social-emotional), are listed along the vertical axis,
that is, down the left side of the matrix in Figure 1.1. It is noted that the model itself is
Figure 1.1 Children’s positive psychology research summary matrix conceptual framework.
Science and Practice of Positive Psychology • 7
intended to be quite flexible and can accommodate yet unexplored positive psychology
constructs. Key correlates of individual differences in the positive psychology variables,
some of which have strong, empirical merit—others less so—can be listed within each
cell (some examples are provided). In this manner, the extant literature can be summa-
rized, potentially indicating areas that need further investigation. For example, recent
studies examining correlates associated with optimal school satisfaction have focused
primarily on ontogenic and microsystem levels. There remains a paucity of research at
the mesosystem and macrosystem levels (e.g., Gilman & Huebner, 2006; Siddall, Hueb-
ner, & Jiang, 2013). Similar listings might be developed for these higher-level systems or
for additional positive psychology ontogenic constructs such as hope, optimism, school
connectedness, healthy physical activity, and so forth.
The third dimension of the positive psychology matrix reflects three types of research
in child-focused positive psychology: measurement, basic science, and applied research.
The measurement domain includes research related to the development of psychomet-
rically sound measures of positive psychology constructs for children and youth (e.g.,
developmentally appropriate measures of life satisfaction, hope, social self-efficacy). The
basic research domain includes studies of the development, correlates, and consequences
of positive psychological attributes of individuals. Finally, the applied research domain
refers to studies of planned and unplanned interventions related to positive psychology
constructs (e.g., Suldo, Savage, & Mercer, 2013) or studies of the effects of residential
treatment programs on life satisfaction of youth clients (Gilman & Handwerk, 2001).
Taken together, this 4 (system) × 3 (social-emotional, cognitive, or physical) × 3 (type of
research) matrix provides a conceptual framework that may be useful in organizing, syn-
thesizing, and communicating the results of positive psychology research with children
in the context of schools.
Although not reflected in the conceptual scheme in Figure 1.1, we recognize that posi-
tive psychology research must consider developmental factors. The specific attributes and
processes that define wellness may vary as a function of age group. As a simple example,
same-gender peer relationships may be a critical indicator for preadolescents, whereas
opposite-gender relationships may assume more prominence for adolescents (Gilligan &
Huebner, 2007). Additionally, the nature of determinants and indicators may become
more complex as children mature (Gonzales, Casas, & Coenders, 2006). The relative
strength of the determinants may fluctuate across time as well. For example, Suldo and
Huebner (2004) found that the strength of the relation between parental emotional sup-
port and life satisfaction declined across adolescence. Thus, a comprehensive framework
of positive psychology research will have to incorporate developmental considerations to
capture the changing nature and determinants of well-being in children and adolescents.
In the time since its publication in the first edition of this handbook, this model has
been used as a guidepost for positive psychology as applied to youth in school settings.
For example, Froh and colleagues (2011) used portions of the model to summarize the
relative frequencies of positive psychology topics in four selected school psychology jour-
nals during the years from 1963 through 2008. Their content analysis revealed several
interesting findings. For example, they were able to identify relatively well-studied posi-
tive psychology topics (e.g., competency, self-concept) as well as relatively neglected top-
ics (e.g., optimism, purpose). For another example, they found that 61% of the studies
8 • Gilman, Huebner, and Furlong
CONCLUSION
Although remaining in its emergent stage, positive psychology continues to gain trac-
tion in children and youth, especially as it pertains to school settings. Nevertheless, as we
noted in the first edition, additional areas are in need of attention as these efforts move
forward. For example, the development of age-appropriate, psychometrically sound
measures of positive psychology constructs for children and youth lags far behind mea-
sures that assess psychopathology. America’s schools have been criticized for focusing
disproportionately on identifying and remediating students’ weaknesses while neglecting
the identification and nurturing of their strengths (Gordon & Crabtree, 2006), resulting
in the failure to maximize student potential. The ongoing development of measures of
the key positive psychology strengths that could be included in the proposed matrix
could contribute to more comprehensive evaluations of student and school outcomes by
Science and Practice of Positive Psychology • 9
assessing the entire spectrum of mental health and social and educational functioning, as
suggested by Renshaw and colleagues (2014) in Chapter 2 of this handbook. Such evalu-
ations may contribute important information toward developing educational programs
that nurture strengths rather than simply identify problems.
Further, much work remains to be done in terms of basic and applied scientific studies
of the development of and interventions designed to heighten positive psychology indi-
cators. Although research has advanced the understanding of the nature and correlates
of many positive psychology constructs, the extension of this research to diverse youth
populations—including those who reside outside of the United Stated—is scant. One
major addition to this new edition is how youth-based positive psychology constructs
have been studied and advanced in a number of countries. Nevertheless, the distribution
of effort is not uniform; for studies that have illuminated relations with respect to one
positive construct, many others have received less attention. Critical questions regarding
basic science research in many unexplored areas of positive psychology will likely propel
the movement for some time.
Finally, in spite of the advances in defining and exploring relations, empirically vali-
dated programs to promote positive psychology constructs are rare. Although there are
some noteworthy contributions, many of which are discussed in this new edition of the
handbook, school-based programs, more often than not, focus on preventing “pathol-
ogy” rather than “building health,” a point noted more than two decades ago (Cowen,
1991). Additional efforts are necessary not only to promote positive constructs in stu-
dents but also to examine how such promotion moderates negative outcomes such as
distress and poor academic functioning. These efforts are necessary to demonstrate the
important, practical applications of positive psychology to address the learning, social,
and intrapersonal struggles of many students.
Our hope is that this revised handbook will serve as an important resource for those
interested in positive psychology as currently understood. A second and equally impor-
tant hope is that the book will serve to stimulate additional research on basic science
foundations, measurement issues, developmental considerations, and associated inter-
ventions across established and emerging areas of positive psychology as applied to
youth in school settings. Collectively, such efforts might stimulate alternative and bal-
anced perspectives for legislative bodies, funding sources, and school stakeholders to
consider in the shared goal of creating conditions that advance optimal youth and learn-
ing development.
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Targets emotions,
cognitions, and
behavior � �− �− �+
Aim of meeting
of competence,
belongingness, and
autonomy � �− �− �
Emphasis on
prevention and
positive techniques �+ � �+ �+
Provides structure
for managing
and correcting
misbehavior �− �+ �+ �
Supported by
research on its
effectiveness a �− �− � �+
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