AncientEgyptUnderthePharaohs 10001878

N O I E N T E G Y P T
UN D E R
THE P HA R A O H S
'
B Y J O HN K E NRICK , M A .
A p l 7r p e 7r é w v y é v o s
'
wfi p a v
’
c
B 5 1 6 rr fi o a v r o ke é Q o v s ,
'
O c 7r
p 637 0 t
'
z é r ow
' '
xe
U p ofi r o m i p ep é e v r o s é w e zp fi a a v r o é p é r p o v ,
H p cfi r o z (Yé y p a wt fi o z w d k o v fi l ey e r p fi o a v r o , '
6 144 45 qb p a o a d y e v o z K o E d v Jp é p o v fi e k u m o
’
'
.
D i o n ys i i P e n e g e si s , 2 3 2 .
I N TWO V O L UM E S .
VO L . II .
LOND ON
FE L L O WE S, L UD G ATE STR E E T .
M DCCCL .
C O N TE N T S .
V OL . 11 .
AN C I E N T E G Y P T (c o n ti n u e d ) .
C HAP T E R XX I I I .
An i m al Wor shi p .
Local worship o f a i m als in Eg ypt —T heir maintenance and

n .
treatment —Fanaticism o f the pe 0 p1e — E mbalmment o f

. .
the sacred animals — Explanations o f the ori g in of animal

.
worship A nalo g ies in the sentiments and practice o f other

- .
nation Causes o f its intensity in Egypt — Reasons alleg ed

s — .
for the appropriation o f certain animals to particular g ods .
— Hono rs p id to A pis —E fi e c t o f nimal worship o the

u a .
'
a n
C HAPTE R XX I V .
C on s titutio n an d L aw s of E gyp t .
Tenure of 1an d — . Rent paid t the king — Monopoly

o poli of
tic l power by the king the priests and the w arriors

a , , .
Hereditary succession the l w o f the monarchy —Femal e a .
rei g n — Mode o f election when the throne w s vacant

s a .
E arly kin g s also priest — Control exercised over the king

s
by the priest — R g ul tion o f his daily business and habits

s e a .
— His power limited by l m — P osthumous jud ement o f

ga
his character — Wisdom and mildness o f the E gyptian g o

.
v r
e n m en t — S plendour f the cour t — Wealth and influe ce
o . n
of the priest s — T heir exclusive possession of scientific

C O N T E N TS .
knowledg e — Whether they were the sole physici a ns

.
.
The ir judicial function — T he m ilitary clas — T heir duties s s
and prerog tive — T he other classes o f the popul tion

a s a .
T he law f caste to what extent it prevaile D ivi sion

— o d —
o E
f g ypt into N omes — T heir number — A dm i nist ation o f
. . r
j ustic e — T he S upreme Court — Character o f the le g isl ti on .

a .
— C rimina1 law -T he L T li i — Labour in the i nes

. ear a on s .
m .
-Law respectin thieves — Law f sacrile e -Condition of

g g . o .
women P olyg amy forbidden to the priest Civil law s

— .
— s . 28 5 9
H I S TO R Y OF E G Y PT .
I N T R O D UC TI O N .
A uthoritie s fo r E g ypti a n H i story .
SE CT . I —
. G¢ eek Wr i te rs .
U ncert inty of the commencement f G reek intercour e with

a o s
Eg ypt — N oti ces in the Homeric poem — O peni ng f Eg ypt

. s o
t the G r eks in the rei g n f

o e P i ti h -The P ersia o sa m m c u s . n
dominion — Commencement f G reek prose history —Cad

. o .
mus H, t H ll i H
e ca ze u s , — Analysis f his
e an c u s , n n o n o r vs . o
Histo y o f E gypt —P hili t —E stablishment o f the power

r . s u s .
of the P tolemies — D 1 o n o n v s — A nalysis o f hi account o f

. . s
Egypt — D iscrepancies f Herodotus and Di o d o ru s

. o
SE CT . ll .
—E g yp ti a n Au tho ri ti es .
Ma n E T Ho — hi s l l i s to ry and dynastie s — G enuine and spurious

w orks — T he Christian chronolog ers A fri c anus E usebius
.
, , ,
P d o s and A i a u s — Syncell us —R i gn o f the G ods

an o ru n n . . e ,
Hero es and Manes in Manetho —His chronol g y —whether . o
artifici lly ad p te d t the Sothiac period -N o [E ra use d

a a o .
in Eg yp t — The O ld C hronicl — T he L te u l —The e a rc u s .
S o this -Whether M netho s d y nasties w ere ll successive

. a
’
a .
E R AT THE N E
OR — I l ls discrepancies from Manetho
R .
.
C O NTE N TS .
Bunsen s theory for their reconciliation —P robable ori g in

’
.
of the List of E ratosthenes .
A ntiq ity of records amon g the Egypti n s — List o f 3 3 0

u a
king s re d to H erodotu s — E ly
a of the art of writ i n g ar u se .
The papyrus of S allier and other ancient frag ment — S acred s
literatur e enumerated by Clemens A lexandri nus — Hi e ti . ra
c l Canon of T uri
a — E xistence of popul r historical poetry
n a
amon g the Egypti ns — T he T blet of Abydos - T he a . a .
T blet of K a n k — S uccessions of kin g s at B e i h

a r a . and n a ssa n
Q o e
o rn h T hebes d T ,el -A marna —I nvasion o f J d anby . u ae a
She h o k ( S hishak ) the e rliest synchronism in E g yptian

s n a
history — D ivision of the entire H istory into th O L D

. e ,
M I D D E and N W M O N AR C H Y — I ts dur tion ccordin g

L , E . a a
to Manetho 8 7- 1 1 0
B OO K I .
Th e O ld M onarc h y .
The F i r s t D y n a s ty .
Menes .
—Atho thi s .
~ -O u e n e li e s
p 1 ] 1—1 2 3
The S ec o n d D y n a s ty .
B o e tho s .
—K a i e c ho s . — B i n o thri s — N e p h erc h ere s —S e so c hri s
. . . 1 2 4-1 2 9
The Thi r d D y n a s ty .
N e c h e ro p h e s .
-To s o r thru s 1 29 1 3 0
Th e F o u r th D y n a s ty .
S u p hi s ~ -
So u hi s — M e n c h e re s
.
p . .
D iscrepancies in the accounts of the building of the Pyramids .
— I nternal structure of the G re t P yramid — Chufu o a . r
Cheops N oum -Chufu or Che b e s — Sh f e Chephren

— . m a r ,
C h b yi —M e k a M e he re
.
,
o
r a r s . M y cerinus -T he n er , nc s or .
S hepherd P hiliti o — Extent f the dominion of E g ypt n . o
under this dy asty — T he state of science t and civiliza

n .
, ar ,
tion
The F if th D y n a s ty 143 —1 4 5
CO N T E N TS .
The S i x th D y n a s ty .
O tli oe s .
—P hi o s — M e n the s u h i s — N i to cr i s — he k i n g s ep
p p . . T P i
and R emai — D isti nction o f the titular and phonetic shields
.
of kin g s — Royal stand r d — S h re o f N i to c

. a a ri s in buildin g
the T hird P yrami d — S tory o f R hodopi s . 1 45 —15 2
The S eve n th to the E le ven th D y n a s ty 1 5 2-1 5 7
Th e Tw e lfth D y n a s ty .
O pinions of Champollion F elix Wilkinson and Hincks , , re
spectin g this dynasty Lepsius arran g ement of the suc

.
— ’
cession—Am m e em e I — S e o tase I -A m e e e II
n s . s r n . m n m s .
S e s o rtas e n l I .
— III — A
S e s o rtas en III — A . m m en em es . m
m en em l V — O mission of th Hyksos period

es . the T ablet e on
of Abydos — Confusion respectin g the name S esostris

. .
D ominion f the k in g s f the t w e lfth dyna ty — T omb

o of s o
N p t
e voh — G rottoes
. f B i h —A III
o en a s s an . m m en e m es .
founder f the Labyrinth — S tatements f the ancients

o . o
respecti n g i t —D uration f the O ld Mon rchy

. o a 1 5 7- 1 77
B OOK II .
The M i d dle M onarc h y .
The Thi r te e n th to the S even te e n th D y n a s ty .
M netho s account of the invasion of the Hykso — P o b b i

a
’
s r a
li ty that some of these dynasties are contemporaneous .
I ly k-
o t th
so s Jew —S ilence o f the G reek histo i ans
n e s r
respectin g their invasion — Connexion of P l i c i with . im n a
E gy p t referred to this event -E x g g erations in the history . a ,
and uncert inty o f the chronolo g y

a 1 78- 19 7
B OO K III .
Th e N ew M o narc h y .
The E ig hte e n th D y n a s ty .
i erences between
D ff the lists and the monument —Probable s
C O N T E N TS .
order of succession .
— Am o si s, 2 0-
1 . Am nophis I
- e .
“
06 .
T ho thm es I .
, 2 09 — Th o th m
. es II .
, 2 13 .
—
Th o th m es III .
,
2 15 .
— Amenophis II 232 — Th th IV 23 3 — Amenophis

.
, . o m es .
, .
III 234 — Horus 247 —Rameses I 249 — S t i -M ph

.
, .
, . .
, . e e en e
th h 253 —Rameses II 2 68 —R meses III S esostris ) 2 71

a , . .
, a .
, .
—
M p h th h II 2
en e 9 3 — S t i -M
p hath h II 2 96 .
, . e e en e a .
Chronolog y of the ei ghteenth dynasty , 29 7 1 98 2 98
The N i n e te en th D y n a s ty .
S u sp i c i o u its identity with the latter part of the ei g hteenth

s of .
— T he P he o and P olybus o f the G reek s — R e fl e ti o s o

r n c n n
the history of E gy pt under the ei g hteenth dy asty — E x n .
tension o f dominion to A sia —I mport nce o f P lestine and . a a
S y ia to Egyp t -Historical character f the Eg ypti n o

r . o a m
nu m e ts -Connexion between E ypt and G reece — T he

n .
g .
E xodus o f the I sraelite —D ate o f their g oing down into s
M 7 eth o account of their expulsion

‘
’
E gyp t a 1 s 2 98 325
T
.
Th e Tw en ti e th D y n a s ty .
Rameses IV 32 6 — . Rameses V —XI V

. 33 7 — . R elations of
Egypt and A ssyria .
—D ecli ne of art 3 25 —340
The Tw e n ty fi rs t D y na s ty .
Antiquity of Tanis .
— D efi c i e n c o f
y monuments . Relations of
3 40 -344
The Tw en ty -s ec o n d D y n a s ty .
Bu b a s ti s — its
description by Herodotus —S he h o n k S e o n . s , s
chis the S hishak of S cripture 3 47 — O o th o ( Z e c h )

, , . s r n ra
3 5 3 — Take llo thi s

.
The Tw e n ty -thi r d D y n a s ty 3 5 7—35 9
The Tw e n ty f o u r th D y n a s ty .
S ais —S ettlement of the G reeks

. in E g ypt .
— Reig n of B 00
c ho ri s
C O N TE N T S .
The Tw en ty -
fif th D y n as t
y .
T he Ethiopians f the 8th century o n c

. .
—S ab aco , 3 67 — . Sevc
chus 3 69 — Tirhakah 3 70 — I nvasion
, .
, . of S ennacherib
The Tw e n ty -s i x th D y n a s ty .
The D o d ec arc h i a . s
-P a m m i ti c hu s, 38 5 .
— N eco 399 — P sa m, .
m i ti c hu s II .
( P s am m i s ) , 4 10 .
-Ua
p h ri s ( p
A r i e s , Ho
p h ra ) ,
413 .
—Am as i s , 42 7 — P s am
. m e n i tu s 3 78-445
The Tw e n ty -
s e ve n th D y n as ty .
Cambyses 445 — D arius 4 73 —X erxes the G reat 482 —Art

, .
, .
, . a
ban us 484 Artaxerxes L o n gi m a s

— , 4 84 .
-X erxes II nu , . .
S gd i o s —D arius N othus 49 1
an u .
, 445 -492
The Tw e n ty -e ig hth D y n as ty .
Am yr taeu s
The Tw e n ty -n i n th D y n a s ty .
N e p heri te s, 49 6 — Ac ho ri s , 49 7 — P s am m u thi s 49 9
. .
, .
-N e
he ri te s , 5 00
p
The Thi r ti e th D y n as ty .
N ecta n e b e s ( N ec tanebus 5 00 .
— T eos ( T achos ) , 5 0 4 — N ec .
ta n e b u s ll .
, 5 09 .
- His fli ght into Ethiopia
R con quest f Egypt by D arius O h 5 14 — Final con quest

e o c u s, .
by Alex nder the G reat 5 15 — D ivi sion f Alexander s

a , . o
’
empir d establi shment f the dyna ty f the P tolemies

e an o s o 5 14—5 18
5 1 9—
5 28
AN CI E N T E G Y P T .
CHAPTE R XXI I I .
A N I M AL WO R SHI P .
A M O N G the m ark s of
an excessive s u persti tion
which ch ara c terized the ancient Egyptians nothing ,
struck the traveller o f another nation m ore than

the honours paid to brute animals and their em ,
ployment as representatives of their deities The .
representation o f the gods under such form s h ad

ceased among the Greek s the legends o f Io an d th e
Minotaur prove that their practice had once been
partially influenced by th at of the Egyptian s and
Ph oenicians but the mythic explanations whic h
h ad been framed o f these symbols at Argos and in
Crete show how remote must h ave been the ae ra o f
,
their introduction and h o w repugnant the wor s hip

,
to whic h they belong to the refined taste o f the

later Greeks A slight mixture o f the anim al
.
with the hum an form and that i n the person o f

,
VOL . IL B
AN CI ENT E G Y PT .
an inferior deity — a F aun a Centaur o r Medusa , ,
was the utmost that it could tolerate In poetry art .

,
and divination certain animals were appropriated to

the di fferent gods — the eagle to Jupiter the raven , ,
to Apollo the goat to Pan the bull i n later ti m es

, ,
to Bacchus ; b u t they were not kept within their

temples o r approached with divi ne rites a s their ,
visible representatives ; much less was th e whole

race consecrated to them and the life o f every i n ,
d ividual protected by la w o r popular superstition .
Herds o f cattle exe m pt from the yoke and from all ,
p rofane uses fed i n the groves a n d pastures i n ,
cluded within th e sacred precincts o f the tem p les

but though consecrated to the divinity they were ,
not considered as h is emblem s a n d their inviola ,
b i li ty was their only sanctity The serpent o f the .
temp le o f Epidaurus who was sacred to [E sc u la ,
pi gs and seem s in som e m easure to have been

‘
,
considered as the g o d himself is the nearest a p ,
proach th at we find in Greece to th e veneration

e
paid to the sacred animals o f Eg y pt .
As some o f the gods o f Egypt were held in equal

honour through out the whole country while others ,
enj oyed supreme r an k in some o n e nome and held ,
only a subordin ate pla c e elsewhere s o some animal s ,
were p artially others universally worshiped The , .
ox the dog and the cat the ibis and the h awk the
, , ,
fishes lep i d o tu s and o ay r ryn c hu s were held in reve

serpent w t ken to Rome
Th e as a m en es s e c o n s ta b a t, d ep o r ta ver e
A U C 462 fter
.
pestilence a a Liv E pit lib 11

c ivit s p tile ti l b r
. . . , . . . . .
2
Q nu m a cs u a a o a P 1u tar e h , I s i d e t O si r p 3 79 D ,
ret m i ss i le g at t [E l p g p i ts out t h e di fference b etw een
. . .
,
i , u seu a n si o n
num Ro i b E p d uro tr ns m a n a i a a the G reek c c ti f n imal

on se r a on o a s
ferrent se to the g ods d the Egypti n w
g q i ,
ian u em , u n n a ve m an a on
com m t l r t q p eo n u e a , 1n u o r su m nu ship f them o .
x x r rr .
] ANI MAL WORSHI P .
rence throughout the land the sheep only i n th e

Theban an d Saitic nomes the wolf at L y copolis , ,
the cynocephalus at Hermopoli s the C ep a s ( an ,
animal o f th e ape tribe ) at Babylon near Memphis ,
the eagle at Thebes the lion at L e o n to p o li s the

, ,
goat at Mendes the shrewmouse at Athribis and

, ,
others elsewhere ‘ According to H e ro d o tu s all

.
g
,
the anim als which the country produ c ed wh ether ,
wild o r domestic w ere sacred and with a fe w u n

, ,
important exceptions this appears to b e true To .
every o n e o f them curators m ale and fem ale w ere

appointed probably o f the sacerdotal order whose
, ,
o fli c e descended by inheritance A portion o f la n d .
was assigned for their m ainten ance a n d the super ,
s ti ti o n o f the multitude provided other means o f
supply Parents m ade vows to the gods to who m

.
,
they were respectively sacred for the health of their ,
children especially if they were sick and the v o w

, ,
was disch arged b y expendin g o n food for th e sacred

animals a weight o f silver equal to that o f the
children s h air 3 ’
Their ordin ary residence was
.
within the precincts o f the temple and i n its m ost ,
”
sacred recess Among th e Egyptians
. s ays ,
Clem ens Alexandrinu s “

th e temples are surround ,
“
ed with groves a n d consecrated pastures they are

furnished with propyl aea an d their courts are e u ,
circled with a n i nfinite nu m ber o f colum ns ; their

walls glitter w ith foreign m arbles and paintings of
the highest art ; the n a os is resplendent with gold
and si lver an d electrum a n d variegated stones fro m ,
Indi a and Ethiopia ; the adyt u m is veiled b y a o u r

Strabo 1 7, 8 12 , 813 3
Her 2 , 65 D i o d l , 8 3
Potter
.
, . . . .
9
2 , 65 . P aed ag 3 , 2,
. p
2 5 3, . .
B 2
AN C I ENT EG Y PT .
tai n wrought with gold But if you pass beyond .
into the remotest part o f the enclosure h asten ng

i ,
to behold something yet m ore excellent and seek ,
i n the Egyptian tongue draws aside a sm al l por ,
tion o f the curtain as if about to show u s the god ; ,
and m akes us burst into a loud laugh Fo r n o .
god is found within but a cat o r a crocodile o r a , , ,
serpent sprun g from th e soil or some such brute ,
animal ; the Egyptian deity appears a beast rollin g

himself o n a purple coverlet The temples o f .
“
”
Egypt are most beautiful says D i o d o r u s but if ,
y o u seek within you fi n d an ape o r ibis

,
a goat or , , ,
”
a cat The choicest food was placed before them
. ,
cakes o f fine flour steeped in milk o r smeared with ,
honey ; the flesh o f geese roasted o r boiled and , ,
that o f birds a n d fish u ncooked for th e carnivorous

class They were placed in warm baths and
.
anointed with costly perfumes and everything was

'
supplied to them which could gratify their appetites .
This charge was tho u ght s o honourable that their ,
curators when they went abroad wore certain i n

, ,
s i g n i a by which their o f fi ce migh t be discriminated

even at a distance and were received with genu ,
fl e x i o n s and other m ark s o f honour When an y of .
the sacred animals died it was embalmed swathed , , ,
a n d buried in a consecrated depository near th e tem
ple o fi ts god if a cat d ied even in a private house ,
the in mates clipped o ff the h air fro m their brows in

1
aq h e i a s {at i a -
u r aw w, dc n ah ha m 8a s
’
i
p
r a e i o vo t
n p o a a yo
p
G u ar a n i -
.
fro m : h
“
i
s ( m e a
v p
et o v B iod l .
, 84 .
x x ru .
] ANIMAL w o a sm p .
sign o f mourning if a dog from the head and body,

.
V oluntarily to kill an y on e of the consecrated ani

m als was a capital o ffence i nvoluntarily it entailed
a penalty fixed at the discretion of the priests but
voluntarily o r involuntarily to kill an ibis o r a
h awk the sacred birds o f Thoth and Horus was
, ,
c apital ; and the enraged multitude did not wait

for the slow process o f law but put the o ffender to,
death with their own hands O n the part o f n a .
tive Egyptians i t was an almost u nheard -o f crime

and s o great was the dread of being suspected of it ,
that those w h o accidentally s a w one o f the sacred

animals lying dead stood aloof protesting with
, ,
lamentations that th ey had found it dead D i o .
dorus himself was witness to s uch a movement of

popular fanaticism a R om an had u nintentionally
k illed a cat ; the king Ptolem y Auletes h ad not yet
been received into the friendship o f the R om ans ,
and it was an obj ect o f great importance both to ,
him a n d to the Egyptian n ation to give them no ,
umbrage yet neither the terror o f th e R oman peo

ple nor th e e fforts o f the king who sent o n e o f h i s ,
chief o fficers to in tercede could save th e u n fo r tu

,
nate m an from death Even i n times o f famine

.
‘
,
when they were driven to consume hum an flesh ,
the Egyptian s w ere never known to u se the sacred

a n im als for food Antiqu arian researches h ave
.
confirmed the statem ents of ancient authors r e

specting the veneration p aid to them ; the em
balmed bodies o f bulls cows a n d sh eep dogs and
, ,
cats hawks a n d ibises serpents an d beetles and i n

, , ,
short nearly the whole zoology of Egy p t except th e

, ,
1
S ee l i p 85
vo . . . .
ANCI ENT EG Y PT .
horse and the a s s have been fou nd in excavation s ‘ .

,
The nu merous figures o f these animals also o f a ll ,
sizes and m aterials from the colossal ram o r lion ,
o f basalt o r granite to the portable image o f bronze

, ,
“
wood o r porcelain were prob ably devoted to r e ,
li g i o u s purposes the larger h aving bee n placed

,
i n temples o r d r o m o i the smaller used i n pri ,
vate devotion as amulets and sacred ornaments

, ,
o r deposited fo r good omen along with hum an

mumm ies .
The origin o f this characteristic superstition was

the subj ect of various explan ations by th e E gy p
tians themselves an d b y the Greeks and R om ans
, .
M a n e tho attributed the establishment o f the worshi p

o f Apis and Mnevis and the M e n d e s i a n goat to the
reign o f C a i e c h o s the second king o f his second

,
dynasty But specific dates o f national religious

.
usages are never m uch to be depended upon and ,
we seek some more general cause than the enact

m ent o f a legislator for a practice which had taken
such deep roots among a whole people I n the .
3
age o f D i o d o r u s the Egyptian priests alleged that ,
Isi s had commanded the m to consecrate som e

anim al from among those which the coun try pro
d u c e d to O siris to pay to it the same honour as
,
to the god during i ts life and bestow the same care

, ,
upon it after its death This explanation has e v i .
d e n tly been produced in an age when the worship

o f O siris had become predom inant over all others
,
and the rest o f the gods were regarded as only d if

fe re n t m anifestations o f hi m The bulls Apis and .
Wilkinson 5 100 1 03 P c tti

, , , .
2
B irch G all o f An ti
q p 49-60
rew Mummies
,
—
. . . .
g o
n 1 83 22 6 , .
3
D io d l 21
.
, .
xx111 ] . A NI MAL w o a s n rp .
Mnevis however were said to be S pecially couse

, ,
crated to him an d hon oured by all the Egyptian s

,
without exception in consequence of th e service o f ,
the ox in agriculture which O siri s taught m ankind , .
Such was the sacerdotal ac c ount th e popular ex

‘
planations were threefold ; according to the first ,
which D i o d o ru s pronounces to b e altogether fab u

lous and savouring o f antique simplicity the o r i
, ,
g i n a l gods being fe w in number

,
and no m atch for ,
th e iniquities and Violence o f men took the shape ,
o f animals to escap e from them an d afterwards , ,
when they becam e m asters o f the whole world c o n ,
s e c r a te d and appropriated these ani mals to them
selves i n gratitude Accor d ing to the second the

, .
,
im ages o f anim als fixed o n spears h av i ng been used

as ensigns to distinguish th e corps o f the army
an d prevent confusion v ictory followed and th e , ,
g
animals became obj ects o f w o r sh i p This e x p la .
n ation evidently inverts th e order o f cause and

e ffect ; the anim als were used as ensigns b ecause ,
they h ad previously been associated wit h the gods .
The third reason is the only o n e which h as any

plausibility o r even partially attains the truth
,
th at animals were consecrated o n account o f the

benefit which m ankind derived from the m ; the 3
b ull and cow from their services in agriculture a n d

in supplying m an with nourish ment ; th e sheep
from its rapid m ultiplication and the utility o f i ts
fl eece its m ilk and its cheese the dog for its u se i n
, ,
hunting the cat because it de s troys asps a n d other

,
1
Oi 7ro7t7to l
. r
'
di v A iy vn r tw u T p ei s R o s e lli n i , M Civ pl cxxi vol
. . . . . 3,
i i
a r n g r a rrr a s
'
d n o d td é a a t ( D i o d , . l p 229
. .
3
Cic N . . D 1 , 29 ;
. Tuse . Q u m s t.
B iod . See vo l . i .
p 228
. . 5 , 27 .
A N C I E N T E G Y PT .
v enomous reptiles the ichneumon b ecause it sucks ,
the eggs o f the crocodile and even destroys the '

,
animal itself by c re e p i n g i n to its mouth and gn aw

,
ing its intestines the ibis and the hawk becaus e ,
they destroy snakes and vermin Till m e ta p h y .
s i c a l reason s were devised this seem s to have bee n

,
the explanation most generally received by the au

c i e n ts ; but it does not solve the whole problem .
If the ichneumon or the hawk were worshiped b e

cause they destroyed serpents and crocodiles why ,
the serpent and the crocodil e ? O r if the ibis was

worshiped because it devours snakes and vermin ,
why was it specially consecrated to Thoth th e god ,
o f letters
D i o d o r u s h a s el sewhere given a still m ore i m

probable explanation than any that we h ave men
tioned .
‘ He says that o n e of th e kings o f Egypt ,
m ore sagacious th an the rest seeing that the people ,
frequently conspired against their rulers established ,
a separate worship i n every nome in order that , ,
being alienated fro m each other by their religiou s

usages and fanatical zeal they m ight never be able,
to unite for the overth row o f the government .
This explanation m ark s an age i n which men n o t

only theorized o n the institutions of past times b u t ,
transferred to them th e m axims o f a vicious policy

with which they were them selves familiar .
The hypothesis which Lucian proposes in his

A stro lo g i a
,
g
that the obj ects o f adoration among
the Egyptians were the asterism s o f the zodiac the ,
B ull the R am the Goat the Fish i s su fficiently

, , , ,
1 89
. P 1ut I s
. . et Os 38 0
Luci n O p ed
. . .
a , . . B i p 5 , p it 2 1 5
.
, foll .
opinions respecting the m otive o f the Egyptia n

worship o f ani m als concludes by saying th at he
,
approves most o f those w h o honoured not the ani

m als themselves but the divinity through th em
,
.
It is undoubtedly a n atural impulse to assi milate

o u r o w n intellectual principle to that o f the D eity ,
and to attribute th e imperfect reaso n o f the b rute

ani mals to the possession o f the same principle .
Wherever there appeared singular excellence

among beasts o r birds there was to the Indian the
,
presence o f a divinity It is not however any , ,
E gyptian writer but He r a c li tu s

e
, whom Plutarch ,
quotes as maintaining that a n ature which lives and

“
sees and h as a principle of motion in itself a n d k n o w

, ,
ledge o f wh at is congenial or alien to it has snatched ,
an efflux a n d particle from th at which devises the

”
gover n ment o f the universe This therefore i s
.
probably also a refinem en t o f philosophy The .
doctrine o f the Metempsychosis has been supposed

to hav e had an influence i n producing animal wor
ship ; but Sir Gardner Wilkinson h as j u stly ob
serve d th at hum an souls undergoing transmigra
, ,
"
tion were in priso n a n d i n purgatory and there
, ,
fore they were n o t likely to h ave procured divin e

honours fo r the animals i n w hich they dwelt .
Since then it is evident that all whic h the

, ,
ancients have left us i n explanation o f this subj e ct ,
is only hypothesis more o r less probable we are at ,
liberty to seek a solution for ourselves e i ther in ,
analogies derived from other n ation s o r in the g e ,
neral principles o f human nature Such an alogies .
B ancroft Hist o f U nited 2

Is et Os
aC
, . . .
S tates 3 p 285
, , . .
3
M ann . a u s t. 5 , 1 12 .
xxm .
] A N I M AL WO R S HI P .
are indeed chiefly valuable as proving that the ,
practice has a fou n dation in human n ature I ndia .
is the lan d which in this respect most closely r e

sembles Egypt the cow is there an obj ect o f ado
ration and no devotee of Isis or Athor could have
,
regarded its slaughter for food with greater horror

than a Hindoo Annual worship is paid to her o n
.
the day o n whic h s he was created along with the

Bramin e and those w h o are more th an commonly
religious worship her daily feeding her with fresh ,
grass and walking thrice o r seven times round her

, ,
m aking obeisance The ape under the n am e o f .

,
Hanum an h as his images i n temples a n d private

,
h ouses to which daily hom age is o ffered A statue

,
.
o f the j ackal is seen in m any temples where it is ,
regularly worshiped ; when a Hin doo meets the

animal on his w ay he bows reverential ly to it and ,
food r egarded a s an o ffering to the god is daily

, ,
placed in a part of th e house to which h e resorts to

consume it O ther anim als which are considered
.
,
as the emblem s o r as the Hindoos express it the

, , ,
vehi c les o f their gods are worshiped o n th e days ,
appropriated to these gods ‘ Th e n elu m b o and the .
2
fi c u s r e li i o s a
g are as sacred to the native o f India ,
as the lo tu s and the p er s ea to the ancient Egyptian .
Y et even if we had historical ground for con

cluding th at these religious ideas a n d u sages had
been transplanted by colonization from India to .
Egypt we should only h ave removed o n e step

,
further back the di fficulty which we seek to solve .
In the sam e way if we look to Africa rather than ,
1 Ward s Hindoos l 2 5 0
’
, . fi g -tree S ee R itter G eo g r A sien
The P ipp l or aspen -leaved
. .
, , ,
2
a 6, 68 1 .
India as the so u rce of the Egyptian population and ,
find that among the N egro races or the K a fi rs o f the

‘
South traces o f a nim al worship si milar to that o f
,
Egypt prevail we m a y have obtained an ethnological

,
argument for th e African origin o f the people but ,
n o explanation of the motive of their superstition .
The more wi d e indeed the di ffusion o f the same

o r similar customs the less reason h ave we to seek ,
special exp lanations The cause i s still to be sought .

,
to whatever country the practice m ay be traced .
The sanctity of plants ( it is said even o f stones)

among the Egy p tians is the best proof that th is
cause is to be found i n some simple obvious and , ,
general feeling n o t in those metaphysical r e fi n e

,
ments respecting G o d an d the soul to which it h a s

been attributed F or it can not be su p posed that a
.
custom s o universal could h ave sprun g from a con

c e p ti o n so far removed fro m the popular a p p r e h e n
sion as that even a plant o r a stone is informed by

,
a portion o f the u niversal spirit The rites and .
forms of worship originate in the disposition of m a n

to assimilate the D eity to himself and appropriate ,
to his g o d wh at g ra ti fi e s his o w n sense o f beauty ,
o r excites his imagination The lotus which s o .
constantly appears in o fferings to the Egyptian

gods the o ak the ivy the olive th e lau rel couse
, , , , ,
crated respectively to Jupiter and Bacchus Mi ,
nerva and Apollo are among the m ost beautiful o f ,
the vegetable productions o f Egypt a n d Greece It .
is n o t utility in the vulgar sense of the word

, ,
P richard Rese rches

, abonum 2 , 28 9 , v e ln t
g en iu m Vide
coli
O r t U s O be
.
,
ed 3 I
. . i“
b t K olben
n v e n o s ca ra
”
( Zo
ae u m a u ru m . e a,
g . a .
su p ra dictum in magno honore esse li p

, sc
pud ultimos in Afri ca barb ros t

. .
a a e
ANI MAL WO RSH I P .
which in fluences th e selection they would other

wise h ave preferred grain o r pulse Man y plants .
,
it is true appear to h ave b een selected as obj ects o f

,
superstitious reverence both in the countries which

,
we h ave specified and in others where the sam e

,
custom has prevailed i n which n o special beauty

,
appears The peculiarity o f their form m ay have

.
established an association with some religious rite

o r doctrine as th e passion -
,
fl o w e r h as seemed to the
eye o fC h r i s ti a n piety an emblem of the cross o r the ,
1
persea -fruit to the Egyptian to resemble a heart
o r their unusual growth like that of the parasitic
,
misletoe m ay have a fforded a slight impulse to

,
the fancy which in con nexion with religion espe

,
c i a lly suffices for the productio n o f mystical feeling

,
.
Their real o r exaggerated virtues in medicine m a y

h ave led to their bein g regarded as the choice gift
o f a b e n e fi c e n t deity their susceptibility to atmo ~
spheric influence m ay h ave i nvested them wit h a p ro

h ti virtue i n regard to ch anges o f weather a n d
p e c ,
fruitfu l o r sic kly seasons which i magin atio n has

,
ex alted i nto a divinatorial power The e x tr a o rd i .
nary lon gevity o f trees m ay h ave caused them to be

regarded as emblems of divine power and duration ,
and to be invested with something o f that m y s te

rions awe wh ich attaches to everythi n g that h a s
witnessed ages and generations long passed away .
We do not pretend to analyse the ingredients of

an imaginative superstition as if it were a c o n
elusion o f the u nderstanding o r to assign to ,
every association o f religious feeling with the v e

getable world even a fa n ciful cause It is s u fii .
Wilkinson , 4, 3 92 .
cient to poi nt o u t th at everywhere certain o f i ts

productions do acquire a peculiar c onnexio n with
religious feelings and ideas It m ay b e checked .
by philosophy and die away before the progress o f

scientific observation ; but it exists everywhere i n
h u man n ature ; and if instead o f bein g d i s c o u n
te n a n c e d as i n Christian countries it were fostered ,
by religion it migh t easily attain the r a n k lu x u r i

,
ance o f Egyptian superstition I t w a s said o f .
this people i n the times of the greatest corrup

tion o f their religion that gods grew in their ,
gardens This h owever is a mere satirical e x a g

e ra ti o n ; it does not appear th at anything which
g
could be fairly called worship was ever paid by the
Egyptians to plants Juvenal infers that onions .
were gods to them beca u se it was a crime to eat ,
them Had this been th e case it would seem

.
,
to have been o nly a restriction o f diet i mposed

on the priests o r those who approached th e ,
?
gods as worshipers They were not only c o m
mouly eaten as food but were actually o ffered to ,
the gods 3
As suc h they might be regarded
”
sacred and like any other gift o n the altar be
, ,
“
the subj ect o f an oath which according to Pliny s , , ,
w a s the case in Egypt Lucian says the onion w a s .
a god at P e lu si u m “
To swear by plants was a .
1
Porrum t ca pe nef s viol re t fr n g ere
e s a a e a m o rs u
O
.
t g entes q ibus h ec
s a n c as t in h ti , u a n a sc u n u r or s
Nu m i na l— Juv . S at 15 , 9 . . Comp D i d l 8 9. o .
, .
2
excitant e t
Siti m t i com e s re n
4
Matt xxiii 1 9
tum spirant odorem G J Voss N NA
. . .
a .
5
H 19 , 32 G e lli u s ,
I t w l o c l c ustom
. . . . . . .
d ] 5 12
o .
, . as a a 2 0, 8 , who g ives re son that it as a a
to bst in from p rticular ve g et
a a a a
g re w the moon waxed and shrunk
as
bles ,from p rticular ni m ls
as a a a . as it w ned a .
D i d l 89
o .
, .
Jov T rag 6 2 75 ed B ip
Wilk i nson M C 4 2 34 2
. .
, , . .
; , . .
, .
,
37
ANI MAL WORSH I P
custo m by no mean s confined to the E gyptians '

.
Christianity does not allo w o f a division of the god

head nor consequently o f such appropriation o f
,
trees and flowers to special divinities as prevailed

among the heathen n ations yet o u r trivial names
show a conn exion in the popular mind with sacred
o r legendary history It is not the religious feelings
.
only which seek an expression for themselves in

s y mbol s and associations derived from the vegeta
ble world their beauty variety and universal pre ,
s ence m ake them ready pleasing an d intelligible ,
emblem s of emotions which are striving for a sen

sible expression Love and j oy sorrow a n d despair
.
, ,
memory and hope all create to themselves a sym

,
pathetic relatio n with the form and colour the ,
structure a n d fu nctions of plants and flowers ; an d

the mind with di ffi culty gu ards itself against super
s ti ti o u s auguries of i ts own impending destiny fro m
their health o r decay .
This disposition in m an to connect himself an d

his feelings with the obj ects o f the world about him
sh ows itself m uch more strongly in regard to ani
m als With them he h a s really a community o f
.
nature ; they can not only render him services but ,
can reciprocate his kindness by m arks o f p ersonal

attachm ent The absurd tales which ZE li a n relates
.
concerning animals show wh at licence m an has ,
given to his imagination in attributing to them th e .
passions thoughts and even Vices o f humanity

, , .
Without h aving devised a form al theory th at the

same divine i ntelligence pervades the highest a n d
1
Multi per b i ra s s c a m ju ra r u n t le c li d e s et E u o l
p is p ro d i d e ru n t.
u t Hi p p in
o n ax I ambis ac I onic u m G J Voss u b i su
p ra Z eno the
Te S toic swore
, . . . .
Id fuisse juramentum A n an i u s,
p er c app a r i m .
the lowest o f animated b eings he regards their i h ,
s ti n c t with a m ysteriou s feeling In the certainty .
with which it foresees the future it surpasses his o w n ,
reason ; and his imagination always p ro n e to e x a g ,
gerate attributes to the m a superhum an forek n ow

,
ledge The Romans kept sacred chickens from whose

. ,
feeding the y derived omens o f the issue of a b attle .
In all cou n tries we find certain anim als singled out

which are specially obj ects of interest a n d attachment
to m a n whose familiarity is invited whose lives are
, ,
spared and protected who are maintained not fo r , ,
the services which they render so much as fo r the

feelin gs o f a ffection with which they are regarded ,
and whose death if accidental is mourned if i n

, , ,
te n ti o n a l is resented with p assionate vehemence

, ,
.
R eferring his own feelings to his divinities it was ,
n atural that m an should appropriate some animal
as a special fa vourite to each god and p u tting ,
himself in his place should ch erish and honour it ,
with the same elabor a te study as his o w n animal ,
favourites receive from him F rom pamperin g .
a brute animal with the choices t food p rovi ,
ding i t with a l u x u rious bed addressing it i n the ,
language o f human affection and mournin g for ,
i ts decease as if some h uman life had been e x ti n

u i she d to b u rn i ng incense a n d recitin g a litany
g ,
before it i s not s o wide a step as it m ay seem

,
‘ .
Though th e Greeks an d R omans did not worship

a n imals as the Egyptians did the y consecrated ,
them as we h ave before observed to p artie n

, ,
lar divinities and believed them to regard their

,
C ompare Her 2 69 T he cat .

, l p -d g. d orn mented or a o an a
h l of T hebes
,
c ro c o t e d the l ke w ith earrin g s and br celets

an a a
M a ri s w treated like a favo rite
.
as u
everything connected with its doctrines and rites

s o arranged as to m ak e them most impressive to the
public mind The length o f time during w hich it r e

.
m ai n ed w i th o u t c o u n te ra c ti o n fro m p h i l o s o p h y o r c o n
tra d i c ti o nfro m any rival faith m ade ever y religious ,
conception an inveterate prej udice The m ultitude .
o f temples in each o f which a special animal wor

,
ship was established concentrated the a ffections o f

,
the p eople o n an obj ect constantly within their vie w

and within reach o f their hom age The rivalry o f .
neighbourin g nomes each j ealous o f the honour o f ,
i ts respective deity wo u l d increase the fanatical

,
attachment to the anim al who was his type and

visible representative ‘ It has been thought th at
.
the u se of hieroglyphical writing among the E g y p

tians tended to produce anim al worship This .
could hardly be i ts origin since the h ieroglyphic ,
signs o f animals by n o means correspond with the

names o f the gods and some o f their representa
,
tions fill a humble phonetic o fli c e in the system

o f writing But i t i s not improbable that the sam e
.
h abit of m i n d th at o f expressing qu alities s ym

,
b o li c ally by mean s o f visible obj ects which h a s given ,
i ts peculiar character to the Egyptian mode o f

writing had a sh are in producing the practice o f
,
denoting the S pecific o ffices an d attributes o f the

divinities by mean s o f living animals kept in their ,
tem p les a n d worshiped as their symbols .
What those analogies were which the Egyptians

found or fancied between these attributes and the
T he R om ns w ere compelled party kil lin g a d
a o
g and the other
rmed for c e to quell e tin g the fish O P
,
to employ an a a x rr
y ynch ( lut
u s .
a cm l w between Cynopolis d I t O p
ar an s c s.
occ sioned b y the
. .
Ox y y h
rr ne u s, a on e
xx1u .
] ANI MAL W O RSH I P .
specific qu alities of the animals consecrated to them ,
we can in general only guess The lordly bull as .

,
a type at once o f power and of production seems a ,
n atural symbol of the mighty god O siris who wh ether ,
he represented originally the Earth the Sun or the , ,
N ile was certainly revered as the great source o f

,
life The god o f Mendes for a similar reason was

.
fi tly represented by a goat The brigh t an d piercing .
eye of the hawk m ade it an appropriate emblem o f

Horus who was also the Sun ; the crocodile migh t
,
n aturally be adopted as a sy m bol o f the N ile which

it inh abits or fro m its voracious h abits and hosti
,
li ty to man m igh t o n the other h and symbolize

,
Typhon the prin ciple o f evil We m ay fancy that

, .
the Cynoceph alus was chosen to represent Thoth ,
the god of letters and science from th e near a p ,
proach which this animal m akes to hum an reason .
The O x yrr yu c h u s from his proj ecting snout m ay

l
have suggested to the imagin ation o f a votary the

peculiar emblem o f the O siris who m Typhon de
stroyed as the Hind u sees everywhere the sacred
,
emblem of creati ve power B u t why was the ibis .
appropriated to the sam e deity o r the cat to Pasht , ,
o r th e ram to K n e p h o r the vulture to Isis ; o r ,
wh at m ade the scarab aeu s o n e of the most sacred

o f a ll the anim al types of Egypt ?
To these questions we can obtain only very u n

satisfactory answers Herodotus gives no explana.
tion of the reasons why particular animal s were

worshiped except that h e attributes the worship of
,
T he sacredness of the cau ght alon g with other fi

O x yr h
s ( Wil
ry h s was loc l ; at least the kinson M and C 5
nc u a , , . .
,
paintin g s represent it as being ,

A N C I E NT E GY PT .
the ibis to i ts utility in destroying serpents an ,
o ffi ce which modern naturalists s a y th at it is inca

a b le of p erforming He gives a rom antic account
p .
o f the battle which took place between the ibis an d
certain winged serpents which endeavoured to i n

va d e Egypt from Arabia in the spring ‘ The late r
writers Plutarch Porphyry Ho r a p o llo account for
, , , ,
e v e rvth i n g but it is evident th at their explanation s

,
are arbitrary and of no historical authority Thu s .
Plutarch tells u s that the ibis was consecrated to

Thoth ( or the Moon ) because the mixture o f its ,
black and white feathers bore a resemblance to th e

gibbous moon ; besides which it forms an e q u i la
te ra l triangle from the tip of i ts beak to the e x tre
m iti s s o f its feet when extended in walking F urther .
it w a s consecrated to the god of Medicine because ,
it had been observed to drink only o f the purest

and most salubrious waters and had given the firs t ,
Q
hint o f a useful practice in m e d i c i n e A Platonist .
devised a still more fanciful reason for the reverence

i n which it was held ; it has the shape o f a heart ,
a n d i ts feathers are black at the extremities but

,
white elsewhere indicating th at truth is dark o u t ,
w a rd ly but clear within “

The crocodile having n o
, .
,
tongue is a fit emblem o f deity since the divine

, ,
Cuvier O ss Foss i E gy‘

Her 2 75 to se vo t I b i s rostr n
l es R volut ons d G lobe d i t ft

f
.
u
.
ca u r i
D i sc . su r e eam p a rtem e per
i a , a u nc t e er
,
s
p 1 75 Her dotus does not luit qua re di i b o u m onera max
. . o
c r
rofe t have w i tnessed the
ss o ime s lubre est co m a
t ; he only sa w the spines f the
.
a
r it Hermias p W y tt b P l t I s o 3
a en u
t Os
. . . .
as t s
38 1 a
.
N II 8 4 1 V l i P ltT
. . .
Ph u . .
t ibid
.
, . o u cr s . .
X XI I L
] ANIMAL W ORSHI P .
as the deity behol d s a ll things being itself invisible ,

.
The scarab aeus was an emble m o f th e S u n b e ,
cause no fem ales bein g found i n the S pecies th e ,
m ale enclo sed the new germ in a round ball and ,
then p u shed it backwards j ust as the sun seems to ,
p ush th e S phere of heaven back w ards while h e ,
really advances from west to east The asp was .
likened to the Sun because it does not gro w old , ,
and moves rapidly a n d smoothly without th e aid of

limbs F or the consecration of the cat to the Moon
.
two reasons were assigned the first that this anim al ,
brings forth first one then two and so o n to seven , , ,
i n the wh ole twenty -eight the numb er o f the days ,
o f a lunation This Plutarch himself thought to

.
border o n the fabulous o f the second he seems to

h ave j udg ed more favo u rably th at the pupils of the
—
cat s eyes are round at the full moo n but grow con
’
,
~
tracted and dull as sh e wanes

These insta n ces are given o u t o f a multitude of ,
equally fanciful explan ations to S h ow that those fro m ,
whom we derive our principal k nowle d ge of E g y p

tian antiquities k ne w no m ore than we do of th e real
origin of the things which they undertook to explain .
‘
Th e i g n o r a n c e o f the h istory and habits of the ani
m als in q u e s ti o n w h i c h they b e tra y i s not itself a proof
th at they are ill -founded for p o p u la r s u p e r s ti ti o n s
respecti ng animals are frequently caused by i g n o .
rance or at best partial k nowledge but it is clear

,
th at they are all conj ectures ; and were we to ven

ture on other explanations derived from a more a o ,
The amount
this i g norance O d aw‘li
of hh p fi d t
'
“
r ( n e r! a v a ve t
‘
r e m /o
is stonishin g as it rel tes to i

a ? O § a P 1ut
anI t m i te e rc s e
ls whose h bits e obvious I t O s p 3 81 w ith Wytte b h note

.
, .
’
m a a ar . . . n ac s .
u s id for ex mple that the t

as a , a , ca
curate zoology we should not approach any nearer

,
to historical truth N o doubt the cause o f the

.
appropriation was i n m any cases quite fanciful but ,
this m akes th e attempt more hopeles s to ascertain

what it was It m ay also h ave been historical and
. ,
in this case the history not having been preser ved

, ,
n o conj ecture can recover it .
O f the animals which ar e described generally as

sacred some were held in a higher degree o f reve
,
rence than others It does n o t appear that all were

.
kept in temples o r received divine honours and we

, ,
know that some which were deemed divinities i n

o n e nome were treated as nuisances and destroyed
i n others The worship o f Apis an d Mnevis th e

.
,
bulls consecrated to O siris exhi b its perhaps the very ,
highest point to which this characteristic s u p e r s ti

tion o f Egypt reached Apis w a s believed to be .
born from a ray which darted from heaven (Plutarc h

says from the m oon ) o n h i s mother w ho after h i s ,
birth never brought forth again 1

Hi s colour w a s .
black but h e h ad a square spot o f white upon h i s

,
forehead ; o n his shou lders the resemblance o f an

“
eagle the m ark of a scarab aeus o n his tongue an d
, ,
the h airs were double I n his tail It m ay be easily .
supposed that either some contrivance w a s used to

produce such an unusual combination of m ark s o r , ,
as is more probable that credulity w a s satisfied with,
very general resemblan ces I t appears fro m Hero .
d o tu s that a c o n s i d e r a b le i n te r va l som etimes elapsed

'
between the appearance ( ep ip ha n ei a ) o f one Apis an d

the death of the other In Plutarch s time o n h i s .
’
Herod ,
. 3 28 . show th t it w vult re t an a as a u no
S G W i lki son observes th t e le w hich w
,
9
ir . n
g marked
a o the a as n
t h e fi g res of A p is found in E gy p t b k f Ap i ( M and C 4 3 49

,
' ’
u ac o s. .
.
.
XXI I I A NI M AL WO R S H I P .
d eath the priests imme d iately b e g an the search for

another U nder the charge of the hierogramm ats
.
,
who repaired to the S pot on th e intelligence o f his

discovery th e sacred calf w a s fed for four month s
,
o n m ilk i n a house faci n g the East

,
‘ At the end .
o f this time he was transferred at the n e w moon i n ,
a covered boat with a gilded house to Memphis , ,
ami d st the rej oicings o f the people P s a m m i ti c hu s .
h ad built a hall adj oining the temple of Ptah the

, ,
chief deity of Memphis in which Apis was kep t ,

.
There were two apartments from o n e of which to ,
the other he p assed and in th e front a m agnificent

,
peristyle court supported instead of the usual c o

,
l u m n s b y ca ryatides twelve cubits in height His .
food was selected with the greatest care an d lest ,
I n his state of confinem ent he S hould grow to o fat ,
they abstained from giving him the water of the

N ile to drink I n Strabo s time h e was brought
.
’
forth into his court to exhibit himself to curious

strangers ; in earlier times it i s not prob able that
h e was exposed to view except on solem n festivals ,
when he was led through the city in procession .
V ariou s modes o f divin ation were practised b y

m eans o f Apis it was a good omen if he took food
readily from those who o ffered it to him ; but e vi l
threatened them if he refused it Public prosperity .
o r calamity was portended by his entering o n e or
the other of his two apartments There w ere oth er .
methods which they employed to obtai n a more

specific knowledge o f the fu ture by his means The .
children who walked before hi m in the public pro

says that for forty
Di o d o ru s se e him ,
w ho stood before him ,
l ys wome only were allowed to

( a n i
c va cr v i
p p eu
c a t. (l ,
A N C I E N T EG Y PT .
cession were supposed to acquire from his breath a

gift of prophecy Those who consulted him closed .
their ears after they h ad propounded th eir question

till they had quitted the precincts o f his temple ,
and the first words which they h eard when they

Opened them again were the answer o f the god to
their inquiry He was not allowed to live beyond
.
a certain age twenty -fi ve years accor d in g to Plu

‘
,
tarch when he was se c retly drowned

, Whether
h e died by the course o f n ature o r by violence his ,
d eath was a season o f general m ourning ; and his

i nterment w a s accom panied with m ost costl y cere
monies The funerals o f all the sacred animals
.
were performed i n later times when superstition ,
had reached its h eight with a magnificen ce which ,
som etimes proved ruinou s to the fortunes of the

curators but th at o f Apis surpassed th em all In .
the re i gn o f the first Ptolemy D i o d o ru s relates , ,
Apis h aving died of o ld age they not only expended ,
o n his funeral the l arge sum appropriated to thi s
purpose b u t also borrowed fifty talents from P to

,
le m y and in his o w n time a hu ndred talents was

n o uncomm on sum to b e expended by the curators
o f the sacred animals o n the cerem ony o f their i n
te rm e n t Th e b ody o f Apis was afterwar d s em

.
balmed and mum mies o f bulls have been foun d in

,
several of the catacom bs near Ab o u s i r eight cham

Q
bers appear to h ave been filled with the m The .
catacombs contain mu mmies also of m ost o f the

other animals which are k nown to h ave been held
“
sacred among the E gyptian s There are som e .
Se e yo ] p 336
. I , . .
3
S ee the enumer tion of them a
Pe tti g rew on M u m m ie s , p 20 1
. . in P ettig rew , p . 1 78 .
character o f the worshiper For cent u ries the two .
great divisions o f the Christian Church h ave been

u nable to agree in regard to th e true nature o f the
u s e of im ages i n religion which on e prono u n ces to ,
b e a direct worship while the other dec lares it to

,
be mere ly an act o f reverence worship being a d ,
dressed exclusively to the supreme G o d We s e e .
therefore how impossible it is to describe in words ,
o f uni v ersal application the sentiments with which ,
an Egy ptian regarded his sacred anim als .
In itself animal worship h a s nothing more irra

,
ti o n a l than the worship which the Sc y thians paid to

‘
a scimitar o r the R om ans to a spear b u t t here is
,
m ore danger that gross minds should confound a

living than a li feless symbol with the go d wh o m it
represented ; it a ffords more scope to an anxious
superstition i n watching the indications o f the
,
future a fforded by the action s and state o f th e con

,
s e c r a te d anim al Multiplied as th e obj ects o f this

.
worship w ere in Egypt it met the devotee per ,
p e tu all,y and its power was stren gthened b y the

constant repetition o f its rites It is of a n ature .
peculiarly calculated to lay hold of the feelings in

early life and thus preoccupy the m ind with super
,
s ti ti o n
,
before reason has acquired any counteract
i v e power The variety and opposition o f th e rites
.
o f di fferent nomes and C ities produced a fierce and
fanatical hostility between the Egyptians themselves ,
o f which we have n o example among th e other n a ,
tions o f the Gentile w orld Many causes contri .
buted to degrade their C haracter to the state to

Herod 4 62 V rro F g 1 p 3 75 cd B i p ont
.
, . a , ra m .
, .
, . .
xq .
] ANIMAL W ORSHI P . 27
wh ich it h ad b een reduced in the last age in which

their native superstitio n remained an d wh ich Chris
,
ti a n i ty has done less to raise than for any other

civilized people w hich h as embraced it ; but we
cannot hesitate to place anim al worship among the
most e fli e a c i o u s causes o f the n arrowness and i m
b e c i li ty into which the Egyptian mind degenerated .
CHAPTE R XX I V .
C O N STIT U T I O N A N D L A W S O F E G Y PT .
IN describing the con stitution and laws of Egypt

we labou r u nder this di fficulty —th at as the E g yp
tians have left u s no h i s to r v of their o w n and n o ,
code o f their l aws has been discovered amo n g the

written rem ains which h ave come to light we know ,
n o t except b y a few doubtful traditions what changes

, ,
they m ay h ave undergone The fu llest account is .
‘
th at given b y D i o d o ru s which he professes to have ,
derived fro m the records o f the priests and which ,
m a y be considered as representing the state of things
during that period of the native m onarch y which

succeeded the exp ulsion o f th e Hyksos .
The whole of the land of Egypt was possessed by

the king the priests and the military order S u ch
, , .
a possession however like th at o f a feudal sove

, ,
reign an d aristocracy cannot be exercised by the ,
persons who claim it The h us b andmen occupied .
the land capable of cultivation on pay ment o f a ,
small ren t or proportion o f the produce It appears .
fro m the Book of Genesis that before the ti me o f ,
Jose p h the mass of the people h ad been i n d e p e n d

,
ent p ossessors of land but parted with their rights ,
to the crown u nder the pressure o f continued ,
O lod l .
, 70 f ll
u . i s p e w v K a i r a w p a xf/Aa w p ta ao vp e vo c
’
od d i a r e h o v a t r o v d w a rf-
3
Ut . 0 1 y s w py o l p t m xp é vo v n ep i
‘
u
p ou r w os Tr w xa
pn o q u ip o v xcb p a v m y e
py am cw ow es m s X pa s
ao .
rrv j n a pa r ov fi am h w ( e Ka i ra w
CH . x x 1v .
] C O N STIT U TI O N AN D L AW S .
famine ‘ They sub mitted i n future to p ay a fift h

.
part o f the p roduce to the king a n d were thus ,
placed i n nearly the same con d ition as the people

of I n d i a wh ere all the land belo n ged to the kin g
Q
, ,
but w a s farmed on condition o f paying him a fourt h

p art of the produce Th e priests are exp ressly .
mentioned as ret ai n ing their property 3

o f th e mili
tary order nothing is said b u t from analogy we ,
should conclude that they also retained their rights ,
o r S peedily recovered them as th e account of D i o ,
dorus before quoted implies After the change o f .
tenure the proportion of the produce did not exceed

,
what h ad been taken by an act o f power in the seven

years of plenty “
Even after this annihilation o f .
the rights o f landed property th e condition of the ,
peasantry in Egypt was better th a n in In dia and not ,
very di fferent from that of the agricultural tenant

among ourselves for it appears fro m the evidence
given before the Committees on the Corn Laws i n
1 8 14 and 1 8 2 ] that rent is usually about a fourth
s
p art o f the produce .
It is probable that the priests occupied a portion

o f their o w n land and cultivated it by their hired ,
labourers as we know th e military clas s did D i o

, .
dorus speakin g of the di fferent classes and oce n

,
a ti o n s o f Athens says The second class was th at

p , ,
o f th e g e o m oroi whose duty it was to possess arms ,
1 G en l x vn 26 4
G en xli . Let P haraoh
. 34
S tr bo B
. . . .
2
a 15 , p . 704 . do this let appoint o ffi cers
hi m
G en xlvii
, .
,
3
Joseph made 26 over the land and t ke up the fifth a
it a law over the l d of E g y pt

. .
.
,
an part of the land f E”gypt in the o

unto this day th t P haraoh should a seven plenteous ye rs a
Ri ckards on I n d i a vol l p 288

.
,
have the fifth part ; except the land 5

, .
, .
o f the priests only which bec me a note .
not P h raoh s
,
” ’
a .
and serve in war o n beh alf o f the city like those ,
w h o are called husbandmen i n Egypt and who fur ,
nish the fighting N o w as the contin ued and

personal cultivation o f the soil would be inconsisten t
with m ilitary d uty w e must suppose that at least ,
th at portion of the w arrior caste which was in

actual service tilled their lands by hired labourers
,
.
Herodotus appears also to h ave included the pos

s e s s o r s of land among the priests and the warrior
caste as he makes no m ention o f husbandmen

,
among his seven classes .
The kin g the priest an d the warrior were the

, ,
Q
privileged orders o f Egypt th e r e s t i ncluding the ,
herdsmen o f swine and cattle the a r ti fi c e r s the , ,
retail traders the boatmen an d pilots and in later

, ,
times the interpreters were excluded from all share ,
o f political power Y et there prevailed i n Egypt

.
n o notion o f an aristocracy of descent ; the priest
and the warrior were honoured o n account o f the

higher functions which their birth assigned them ,
but not for a patrician genealogy In the fu neral .
encomium no mention was made o f descent all ,
Egyptians bein g considered as equally well -born 3
Hereditary succession appears to h ave been the

ru le of th e E g y p ti a n monarchy D i o d o ru s says ( 1 .
that in ancient times according to the accounts ,
which h e received kings were chosen for public ,
services but this occurs in a part o f the hi story in

,
which h e is tracing the progress o f society evidently

accor d ing to a theory In m any instances a sove .
D io d . l , 28 . Herodotus reckons priests

S trabo Pl to
, ,
B 11 , p 78 7 a w arriors herdsmen swineherds

Tim iii
, . . .
, , , ,
. 24 trad esmen interpreters steersmen
, ,
ed arr n g e them variously

.
. B a ttl e , a .
3
B iod l 9 2 V o l 1 p 5 00
.
, . .
, . .
C ON STI T U TI O N A N D L A W S .
rei g n is expressly said to h ave been succeeded by

his s o n o n the monu ments a king sometimes de
clares hi m self to be th e s o n o f his predecessor an d ,
is found i n th e sculptures of his reig n i n the ch a

r a c ter of a prince o f the blood ser ving in the arm y ,
o r attending at a s o le m n i t l
F emales were not
y .
excluded fro m th e throne a queen N i to c r i s occurs

i n the sixth dynasty S e e m i O p h r i s i n th e twelfth , ,
and other examples are found i n the sculptures ?
If it were necessary to h ave recours e to election ,
the king must be chosen fro m the priests o r the

soldiers ; A m a s i s was a p lebeian and was o n that ,
acco u nt despised but the m onarchy was then a p ,
r o a c hi n its termination According to a late

p g .
authority ( S yn e si u s ) the form o f election r e p re

3
,
sented all the elements o f the com munity The .
priests stood i mmediately aroun d th e candidates ,
then the warriors and outside of all the people , .
But the priests possessed great prerogatives i n

voting ; the suffrage of a p r op he tes counted for a
“
hundred that o f a c o m a s tes ( o n e who carried the
,
sacred images in procession s ) for twenty th at ,
o f a n eo c o r os 5
for ten while that of a warrior ,
counted but for o n e The common p eople pro .
b ably enj oyed the same right as i n the middle

—
ages th at of approving b y their acclam ations the
choice of the C lergy an d the military chie fs If .
th e election fell upon a soldier he was admitted ,
into the s acerdotal order and m ade acquainted with ,
R o s ellin i , M o n uoted by Heeren I deen

3
Q , , 2,
p 3 3 5 G erm
.
Ch pollion
am Lettres ’
d E gyp te , .
Clem A lex 5 p 671 P ott

,
.
,
p 35 1 4
, , .
Vol 1 p
. . . .
M S t iii
.
2 5
R o selli n i , l , 129 .
, .
Comp Lue n P hars 1 0

. . . .
. a , .
, 92 .
their hidden w isdom ‘ This initiatio n is perha p s .
represented i n monuments where the ta u the em , ,
blem of life and key of mysteries i s placed on the ,
lips o f the king To the S hields of som e of the “

.
early kings th e word priest is p r e fi x e d s

.
The monarch was s o entirely under the influence

and control of the p riests that the hierarchy may ,
be considered as in fact the governing body in ordi

nar y times U nlike the sovereigns o f the East h e.
,
was not irresponsible m aster of his o w n actions .
The forms o f public business and e ven h i s daily

habits o f life were subj ect to strict regulation It .
”
was his d uty says D i o d o r u s when he rose in , ,
the early m orning first o f a ll to read the letters ,
sent from all parts that he might transact all busi ,
ness with accurate knowledge of what w a s being

done everywhere i n his ki n gdom Having bathed .
and arrayed himself in splendid robes and the i n

“
s i g n i a of sovereignty he sacrificed to the god The , .
v ictims being placed beside the altar the high ,
priest standing near the king prayed with a loud

voice the people standing round that the gods
, ,
would give health and all other blessings to the

king he observing j ustice to w ards his subj ects I t
, .
wa s the priest s o fli c e also to declare his several ’
P lu t I s . . e t O si r .
pR tw
. 354B ;
‘
P lat lost in the papyrus
.
, of T urin but ,
belon g ed pp rently to the n i x}; 1r

p6 who a a
f (Oth y S b e k tp h has g roup of ch r c

’
p
r e ov e
B ip ou e vo v s ta tfl e vo s , e o s, a a a
- i
dar e
p i y ou ti
c va t ters annexed to it w hich have been
xa o u
’
6s ro '
ro s a re
P 1ut I S t O i c 6 0 1 re d chosen by the soldiers ” ( L

,
) i fi
« o a t. . e s r a a
l n p j d ‘{
. . . .
a w sueur C hronolo g ie pp 2 3 6
’
fi h i
’
am e s it a er rr v m i/o r e x r ,
r c l
.
‘ , ,
i é wy p p i
e
p p t G
b E a i f r wu We find , ac ordin
t s
g y in the xa r a o s er o
4
monuments the kin g leadin g p

’
p j
r xe v,
p “ u s u n s .
ro
H iero g lyphics o f E g yptian S c
3
cessions p ourin g libations dedi o
pl 94
.
c tin g temples presentin g o ffer

, ,
. .
a ,
Wilkinson M d C 3 2 8 1 in gs d w ith hi w hand s cri

3
an an s o n a
The shield of kin g w hose n me is fi g c t i ms
, . .
, .
,
a a cm Vi .
ra c te r . Before th e embalmed body was placed in

the sepulchre any o n e wh o h ad an accusation to
,
prefer against him w a s allowed to bri n g it forward

while the priests set forth his merits a n d the people ,
by their murmurs o r applause decided whether he

should be allowed the h onour o f sepulture o r n o t .
D i o d o r u s assures u s that there were m any instances

o f its being withheld
‘ O n th e other han d an emi .
,
u entl y virtuous and popular p rince received a kind
o f d e ifi c a ti o n Acts o f hom age were performed to

.
him in subsequen t generations and hi s n ame was ,
Q
inscribed as a ch arm o n a m u le ts
The account which D i o d o ru s gives o f th e i n flu
ence o f these laws and c u stom s in producing virtue
and m oderation in the kings o f Egypt must be ,
regarded as d escribing rath er the e ffect designed

than the invariable result The Jewis h Lawgiver .
prescribed th at each sovereign should make a

copy of the Law that it might be with him,
“
,
'
th at h e might read th erein all th e d a y s o f his

life and learn to fear Jeh ovah his God to keep all
, ,
3 ”
the words o f the law and to do them ; yet it is
doubtful if a single king o f Israel o r Judah complied
with this inj unction and it is certain that even the ,
li ving voice o f the prophets was unable to prevent

them from liftin g up their hearts above their
“
brethren and turning aside from the comm and

,
ments Th e daily homi ly read to the Egyptian

monarchs o n th e duties o f so vereignty would dege
n e r a te into a form The p raises bestowed in public
.
prayers o n the virtues o f a reigning sovereign

B iod .
72 , ad
fi n 3
Dent x vu 18
Mon S tor
.
. . .
R o se lli m . . . 3, 79-84 .
C O N STIT U TI O N A N D L A W S .
are mere c ustomary compliments The details o f .
Egyptian history exhibit instances of tyranny ; and

a king w h o could com mand the military power
might break thro u gh the restraints o f morality an d
religion In both cases however it would be unj ust
.
to deny to the legislation the m erit o f a noble aim ,
i n framing a standard of duty for th e sovereign and ,
providing the m eans of its being constantly held u p

before hi s eyes The fai lure to produce conform ity
.
with the standard belongs to all codes ethical o r ,
political Y et the general testim ony of antiquity

.
a fli r m s th at Egypt was disti n guished among ancient
nations not only for the wisdo m o f its law s but the
, ,
obedience paid to them The instances o f interna l

.
revolution are few and late After we have r e .
trenched some thousa n d years from its history for ,
false and exaggerated ch ro nology th e long duration ,
o f the monarchy remain s u nexample d The union .
o f priestly sanctity military power and monarchical

,
authority i n o n e person gave th e govern ment a

,
degree o f stability which co u ld n o t belong to forms

o f polity in which these powers were dissociated o r
hostile At the sa m e tim e the influence of the s a

.
c e r d o tal order who were almost the sole possessors

,
o f knowledge stamped it with a ch aracter o f mild

,
ness and hum anity as in the Middle Ages the in

,
flu e n c e o f the Church tempered the rigour of feud

ali s m
. It substituted religio u s awe for c o n s ti tu
ti o n al checks and sanctions in the mind o f the
monarch and by this sen timent more e ffect u ally
,
controlled him as long as religion and its ministers

,
w ere respected Had th e authority been exclusively

.
in the hands o f the priests it might h ave sunk into

,
D 2
AN CI E N I
‘
E G Y PT .
that imbe c ility to which a purely sacerdotal admi

n i s tra ti o n tends but the intimate union o f the civil
power the m ilitary and the hierarchy appears to
, ,
h ave secured to th e people a govern ment at once

energetic enlightened and hu m an e
,
.
The earliest account remaining o f the Egyptian

monarchy in the history o f Joseph exhibits a court
, ,
and h ousehold with minute gra d ations o f rank and

function an d the m onum ents h ave added a lon g
,
list o f o fficers w ho ministered to the state and ,
luxury o f the sovereign The ki n g always appears .
surrou n ded by numerous m ilitary an d sacerdotal

attendants Men o f h i gh rank and even princes
.
,
o f th e blood formed his train screening him from

, ,
th e heat o r cooling hi m and ch asing a w ay the fl ies

,
with a feather -fan Besides these personal attend .
ants o u th e sovereign there was a numerou s body ,
o f publi c function aries whose titles and duties h ave ,
been revealed to u s by the inscriptions i n their

tombs They show th at the government was th o
.
roughly organized in i ts administrative department ,
n o branch o f public service being without its chief .
The extent an d magnificence o f th e p alaces o f

Thebes attest th e splendour in which th e m on a rch
lived ; but as the royal state w a s kept up and the
expenditure in peace and war m aintained o u t o f the
produce o f the lan d a third o f which was allotted ,
to th e king the people d o n o t appear to have b een

,
heavily taxed if at a ll in the ordinary course o f

, ,
affairs ’
It i s n o t probable h owever that su c h
.
, ,
3
T he n
p o a d do t and portion to the land appea to be
d n o cpo p rj r
speaks onl y the en t paid fo the cr own
,
Herodotus ( 2 1 0 9)
.
WlII Cll
'
, r r
Impo ed by Se so str in p o lands under a nother name T e

.
o f as s rs r . o s
C O N STI T U TI O N A N D L A ‘
VS .
works as the building o f th e Gre at Pyr amid could

be carried o n with out lev ying Oppressive taxes as , ,
well as exacting forced labo u r an d th e sovereigns ,
who engaged i n them were the obj ects o f popular

detestati on ‘ Th e m ili ta ry expedition s would in
.
m od ern times h ave be en th e cause o f enormo u s

expense ; but ancient warfare supported itself by
pl u nder an d exaction and large tributes were p aid ,
by conquered nations .
N owh ere i n th e ancient worl d w as the nu mber

o f temples s o great as in Eg y pt nor the revenue ,
o f the p riests so ample nor their influence i n the ,
whole soc ial system s o predomin an t All the even ts .
o f E gyp tian life were i nt im ately blended wi th re li
gion an d a series o f festivals spread itself over the

,
whole year Every nom e had a tu te lar y g o d who m

.
‘
it worship ed with especial honour ; every city an d

town o n e o r more temples The Egyptians were .
g
the authors a s th e Greeks b eli e v e d both o f the
, ,
d o ctrines an d th e ritual o f polytheism and h ad ,
c arried both to the utmost limits o f refinement an d

sub division Th e p riests live d i n abundan ce and
.
luxury The portion of the soil allotted to them

.
,
3
the largest in th e threefold division was subj ect to ,
“
n o t a xes ; and they were so abu ndan tly supplied
with the means o f subsistence th at it w as u n n e c e s

‘
i dm
'
w Otcr T ip : 31: r a w n p o a ddm v
a s,
“
B iod l 73
Thi s appe s o t to have be en
.
,
.
K ov a t f a i r 6 20 c
'
e rzn o p ta v, oi ; Ba m
’
ar n
p air (D
. i o d , . l the cas e i the Ptolemaic ti mes
n
See the I c i ption f Ro etta in

.
He od
r 2 , 1 28
. . ns r o s ,
2
Hero d 2 , 5 0 2 XG OO
. . w hi ch the priest s return th anks to
o ifvci a r a i - A '
the ki ng f decreei g that they

0 é
’
p 7 6
3 1! 663» e
y i m r ov or n
‘
'
j
e h h vfle 39 F i i ! E kh dd a
j “
5 8 Ha v shoul d p y no more th n i the
a a n
first 3y ar of his f ther s re ig
. .
ny ii p‘t s d a x a l H o n d s i ta
p u
-
rrp o o a l 7e a
’
n
( Li ne 1 6 of the G ree k )
.
y or ycr s n p cii r o t M p d rrr w v Ai y fm fl o r

'
.
( I 0 1 o f n o " G ri
) m m .
sary for them to expend their private property ‘ .
The registers o f the temples o f which some frag ,
ments h ave been preserved show that contributions ,
o f various kinds were m ade to them though they ,
are n o t s u fli c i e n tly precise to enable u s to say whe

ther they were d ues o r voluntary o fferings Their .
"
life was the reverse o f ascetic The sh aving o f the .
head and body every other day the cold ablution ,
twice in every day and twice in every night the ,
use o f fl a x and papyru s instead o f woollen and

leather i n the climate o f Egypt were luxuries n o t
3
, ,
penances and restrictions The endless variety o f .
rites which th ey practised served to fill u p their

“
time fo r which the m aj ority o f them not bei n g

, ,
initiated into science would have little occupation , .
Their numbers wer e very great instead o f a single

priest o r priestess attached to each temple as among ,
the Greeks a long series o f subordin ate ministers ,
disch arged those multiplied function s in W hich their

religion consisted Herodotus declares that no fe .
s
m ale could fill a sacerdotal o ffi ce though it is evi ,
dent from his own accounts as well as fr Om the ,
sculptures and document e that they might be e n

s
,
7
gaged in d u ties connected with the temples The .
o fli c e was strictly hereditary In the Tfim p le s o f .
the p rincipal gods there was a high -priest a n d ,
I I e ro d 2 3 7 i dq u a f-r e g a e u o s 9 6 0 i)
'
of t9a
’
o ob r e
.
p
O c asionally they pr ctised
.
,
c he himself ( 2 5 5 ) spe ks a h rj s B
e
‘
’
. u t , a
ri g id bstinence (
a i dy ) of a fem le d p cp h i
’
eu iv
m c
’
va a ts a as trro e t ova a u
and did t even allow themselves A d S ee vol i 45 2

,
no i s . . .
s lt
a as pr vocative f ppetite
a o Champol l on E gypte o a
6
i
( P1ut I s t O i p
.
Pittoresque 1 1 5
,
L U i
’
. . e s r. . n ve r s .
T he priestesses mentioned in
,
3
H erod 2 3 7 .
7
, .
'
Ald
”
0p j h
u s the R sett S tone belon ed to the
r m
'
ua s sm
’
re
’
eo vm o
P
a
v
p p f b i i
a s t s s mh i a (H
y
ibid ) w orship f
u the deified tolem i)es . er . . o ,
Herod 2 3 5 Ip d y .
) wi not the ncient g ods of E g y pt
, .
‘
ra t u m ll a .
C O N STI T U TI O N A N D L A W S .
if we take literally the statem ent m ade by the

priests o f V ulcan to H e c a tae u s an d Herodotus ,
the s o n had succeeded to the father for 3 40 gene

rations ‘ To the priests alone polygamy was for
.
b id d en Q
and this restriction i s confirmed by the
,
m onuments .
The reverence in which the sacerdot al order was

held was not the result o f their sacred character
only but o f their superior knowledge and educa
,
tion which comprehended besides divination and

, ,
augury all the human sciences Their superior

, .
skill in geometry and arithmetic so important in a ,
country whose reven u es were raised by a tax o n

land proportioned to i ts exten t and where changes
3
,
i n the form and area o f the fields were frequently

produced by the action of th e river gave them a ,
considerable control over property .
It does not appear th at the p ractice o f medicine

was confined to them The army was attended by .
physicians who can scarcely h ave been priests

“
, .
T he general appearance and costum e of the phy

5
s i c i a n s represented in the grottos o f B e n i ha s sa n
would lead u s to refer th em to a low rank i n s o

c i e ty N o sepulchral inscription h as yet been
.
found in which th is profess i on i s mentioned n o r has ,
the hieroglyphic ch aracter for physician been a s c e r
Herod 2 , 143 , . where ho w ever K h rjp o v o n or a

p os T l. n a
'
p e ho vr o , e h
ci n e d e tm m o a v H a i d a p d s gn a a r o u 6a B a a th e a e m jp a w e
'
m a v 7r
n ar
po s
'
TO V
'
'
- can h rdly express a
-
e cov r ai v e d m a
’ ’
a
‘
eu o v
'
de ‘
TO
y y m p
e e o sn e
pne r o vs
li teral f t especiall y if we consider

ac sm o ke
d /o
p
'
e vo v s K a i a va
p er
pj
-
r o om
‘
as
the mono g m y of the priests Com

,
a s ha d o wy o é
x p os
‘ e o ve o x co
y y s
K
.
,
p re Her 1 7 where similar ex

a . , , a r ov Ao m ov ara h o y o v m s T e r m /ne
'
p ression only denotes g enerally an vq s a n o

m o p ij s h ea t re .
hereditary succession 4
iod B 2 , 82
S ee
. . .
D i d l 80 Comp Her 2 92
2
o .
, . . .
, .
5
i p Wilkinson
vo l 345 . . . .
,
L
Herod 2 109 B i w
3
fi .
, . r os ro M anners and Customs 3 3 9 3 , , .
The embalmers were a p art o f the phy

ta i n e d
‘
.
sicians b u t the priests whose profession requ ired ,
suc h scrupulous purity can not b e supposed to h ave,
d e fi le d themselves with the touch o f dead bodies ;

and the embalmers are expressly sai d by He ro d o tu s g
to have been artisans w h o plied i n public But all .
medical p ractice w a s carried o n in Egypt according

to certain established formulas contained in an c ient ,
books S ix o f the forty -tw o treatises attributed to

.
Hermes were devoted to m e d icine and the p asto ,
h o ri a S pecial b ut inferio r order o f the priests

p , ,
"
studi ed the m To the precepts contained i n these
.
book s the practitioners o f m edicine seem to h ave

been obliged to conform an d thus the sacerdotal ,
order w ould possess a complete control over the

practical branches o f the art So under the Jewish .
Law the Levites h ad to decide o n all medical

,
question s which h ad a bearing o n religion such “

,
as leprosy b u t d o n o t appear to have been in

,
other respects the physici ans o f the people In .
Europe during the Middle Ages the k nowledge o f ,
medicine w a s nearly confined to the clergy if we ,
except the Jews on the o n e hand and the lee c hes ,
w h o practised upon the vulgar o n the other The .
selection and examination o f victim s the care o f ,
the sacred anim als the rigorous atte n tion to their

,
o w n health and purity w hic h their o ffice imposed

,
could not fail to give the Egy ptian priests a co n

s i d e r a b le portion of medical knowledge besides ,
what th e books o f Hermes contained .
G en . 3 C le m Ale x S trom 6, 4 p 75 8
ed P ott
»
H erod 2 , 86 E 10 1 86
. .
. . ,
. .
q r o i rr cp x a r e a r a t xa i
'
a vr i
o
re
f en .
S ee Leviticu s xii i xiv

.
x j vr v
, . .
fxov m r a vr rj v .
The military class formed like th e priesthood an , ,
hereditary caste ‘ They were divided into Ca la si .
r i a n s and H er m o t b i a n s nam es the significatio n of

y ,
?
w hich h as not bee n a scertained According to
Herodotus the C a la s i ri a n s amounted when their
, ,
numbers w ere largest to m e n the Hermo , ,
tyb i a n s to and if larger numbers are a t

tributed to some o f the armies o f Egyptian c o n
u e r o r s we m ust remember th at oriental armies are
q ,
swollen by a train of unmilitary followers Each .
soldier had an allotm ent o f land o f about s i x acres , ,
free from taxes Their settlements were almost .
exclusively in Lower Egypt each body having only

3
,
o n e i n either Middle o r U pper Egypt n amely the ,
nomes o f Chemmis and Thebes while the Hermo ,
tyb i a n s were establish ed in five n omes o f Lower

“
Egypt and the C ala si ri a n s in eleven It was o n .
the side of Asia th at the country was m ost exposed

to attack N u bia h aving been completely subj ugated
,
during the flourishing times o f th e mon archy ; an d

the abundance and fertility o f land in the D elt a
pointed o u t this as the part most suitable for th e
settlement o f the soldiery The facility with which .
a large force w a s collected for the pursuit o f the

s
I s ra e li te s sh ows that they must have been quar
,
te r e d chiefly in Lower Egypt All h andicrafts were .
forbidden to them but in these a griculture was n o t ,
included which was an honourable occupation even

,
among those by whom the mech anical arts were

Herod 2 1 66 .
to have been veterans to whom the
, .
J b l ky ( V oc ZE gyp t p 69 de fence f the country w chiefly

3
a ons .
o as
dedu c es C l i i from H l entrusted
. .
,
a as r s e .
shi t Coptic f y th H
r , ty Heeren 2
or ou e rm o
3
, ,
bi n fr m rm t i b
a , o i li t a Herod b i
a o oa e, m a re . u su ra .
c t and he supposes the l tter

on r a, E xod xiv 5 a
3
. .
xxi v ] . C O N STIT U TI O N AN D L AW S .
m ost d e sPi s e d I n times o f peace a portion o f

l
.
,
them discharged garrison -duty in the frontier towns

o f P e lu s i u m Marea and Elephantine a detach ment
,
to the nu mber o f a thousand of each acted as guards

to the king during the space of a ye a r ,
To these e
.
were given as a daily allo w ance five min ae of b aked

, ,
bread or parched corn two min ae of beef and four ,
a r ys ter s or nearly two pints o f w ine

,
I n the E g yp ,
.
tian monuments we c a n d istinguis h such a body of

men h avin g peculiar arms clothin g and ensigns , ,
and specially e n gaged in attendance o n the king 3

.
Perhaps other bodies might b e stationed i n som e of

the p rincipal towns where it h a s been thought that ,
traces of fortified camps might be perceived 4

.
Such a class trained and armed and possessed o f ,
property in land in the midst o fa p o p u la ti o n of priests

, ,
agriculturist s and tradesmen m ust h ave h ad a pre ,
ponderant weight in th e social scale Y et such was .
the harmony o f the di fferent members of the E gyp

tian state that we hear for m any centuries of n o
,
usurpations or rebellions by the soldiery The m ili .
tary order was closely united with the monarchy .
We find in the monuments that th e sons of the kings

3
held hig h posts in the army and this class generally ,
furnished a sovereign to th e vacant throne The .
Egyptian military system as it originally existed , ,
was better calculated to preserve order within th e

state an d resist aggression than th e feudalis m o f the ,
M iddle Ages o r the u niversal soldiership o f the

Greeks The former was an i n strument of o p p r e s
.
Di o d l , 28
. . Champollion -Fi g eac E g ypte , ,
2
Her 2 , 168 . p . 1 47 .
Monumenti Re li
.
3
3
R o s e lli n i , a ,
tav c cii cxxvi

. . . .
sion the latter a constant provocative to civil war

,
.
Egypt more resembled R ome in the ages in whic h ,
the p le b s was still devoted exclusively to agriculture

and furnished legionaries to the arm y The c o m .
‘
m e n c e m e n t o f her fall was th e en croachm ent m ade
by the priests in the reign o f S e th o s and the king ,
i n that o f P sa m m i ti c h u s o n the p rivileges o f the ,
military class .
All the rest o f the population m ay be regarded

as forming o n e class inasmuch as they were ex ,
cluded from the possession o f land from the privi ,
leges of the priestly and military order and from ,
every departmen t o f political life Among them .
selves ho w ever they were divided into a variety o f

, ,
trades and professions about the number o f which ,
the ancients are n o t agreed n o r i s it probable tha t ,
any o n e h as enumerated them all The land was .
cultivated by a peasantry tenants to th e king the , ,
priests and the warriors whose traditionary know ,
ledge and early training en abled them to carry the

art to a much high er d e g re e o f perfection than any
‘
'
other nation The m arsh y districts o f the D elta

.
and the p astures o f the valleys especially o f the ,
Arabian chain o f hills m aintained large n umbers ,
o f cattle the ch arge o f which created another di

,
s ti n c t class The swineh erd s formed another a

.
—
- —
Pari ah caste to wh om alone o f all the Egyptians ,
,
access to the temples was denie d an d w ho could ,
”
only intermarry among them selves The a r tifi c e rs .
and the boatmen and steersmen o f th e N ile were

each a separate class The monuments lead u s to .
Di o d o r l , 74
. .
swine belon g in g to a priest ; they
He ro ere sometimes used in acrifice
d .
R o e lh M sw ni on s
C iv
, .
,
. 1, 2 66, ment ons a herd of

i Herodotus mentions as .
conclude that the n avi gation o f the sea was more

common than had been previously supposed y e t it ,
hardly belonged to the h abits o f the nation and was

opposed to its religious ideas according to which ,
the s e a -water swallowing up the N ile was symbol

, ,
i z e d in Typhon destroying O siris Even the n avi .
‘
gators o f the river were a disesteem ed ra c e Hunts .
men are m entioned in th e enumeration o f P lato ,
"
among whom fowlers would be included ; i n a
country so abundan t in streams and fi sh fishermen ,
m ust h ave been very numerous

3
and therefore ,
prob ably a distinct class O n the establishm ent o f .
the Greeks i n Egypt in th e reign o f P s am m i ti c hu s , ,
an hereditary b ody o f interpreters was formed fo r

the purpose o f comm ercial intercourse this being
“
,
the only o n e o f whose orig i n we h ave any b istori

cal account and we see th at neith er conquest n o r
,
religion had anything to d o with it but th e here ,
d i ta r y transmission o f exclusive knowledge .
There can be n o doub t that a broad line o f social

distinction separated all these classes from the three
privileged orders The principle o f caste would h ave .
been annihilated if the c hildren o f an a rtifi c e r o r a ,
herdsm an could h ave intermarried with those o f a

priest a warri or o r a j udge R eligious feeling and
, , .
esp r i t d e c o rp s would no doubt close the sacerdotal
o r military class against a m an o f low caste an d ,
want o f skill would exclude hi m from the higher

departments o f art We find some rem arkable .
P1ut I t O s. e i p 3 63 ,
s r. p32 c Bak (Wa p p f tx s ) r
e r o ow
"
I te m
v n
P l t T im ii
. . . .
' ’
OI
’
3
a . . i 24. . T I o vs, m y E hh a d a 7 71 6 0 0 1 1 1; PK
3
Herod 2 93 B 1, 3 6iod Ba a xe a d a t ‘
r Be - w ex d ov
. . ar o r e vr o pa
I saiah xi x 8
.
.
,
‘
r a w 'r q v
y h co o
'
tr a v O I W V ‘
PF’IW G " ev
-é va a c
. .
Herod 2 1 5 4 , , . Ha I d a s n a pe Av m
'
)
q y y e .
A N C I E N T EG Y PT .
examples o f the hereditary descent o f high public

office The long succession of the high -priests o f
.
Memphis has been already mentioned Lepsius 1

.
quotes an inscription i n which a ch ief o f the mining

works declares that twenty -three o f h i s ancestors
had filled the sam e o ffi ce b efore him But there is .
no proof that all the son s o f a priest became priests ,
o r of a military m an soldiers The higher p r o fe s .
sions appear to h ave been Open to all of the h igher

castes and m ight even be united in o n e person a n d
, ,
they might i nterm arry with each other s o probably

m ight the lo w er with th e exception of the swine ,
h erds A monument i n the Museum at N aples to

.
,
o n e who was himself a general o f infantry records th at ,
his elder brother was a chief of p u blic works and at

’
the same time a priest In India at the present d a y .
no caste but the Brahminical is strictly p re s e r v e d s

,
and this incl u d es not only the priesthood b u t the ,
higher civil professions .
The funeral monuments of Egypt which h ave ,
thrown light o n th e relations o f the privileged orders

and shown that they were n o t separated by such
strict rules as had been supposed give us no c o r ,
responding inform ation respectin g th e lower castes .
Priests warriors j udges architects chiefs o f di

, , , ,
stricts and provinces are nearly the only rank s o r ,
cl asses which appear in the i nscriptions we d o not

fi nd the labourer the agriculturist the artist o r the , ,
physician receiving those funereal honours which
Lpe sius T our to the P e n insula

, verted the common O pin i on respect
o f Si n i
a 4 E T l i g the distinction of c astes from
n
Amp re in ggvue des deux the evidence of the monu ents

, , ra n s . n ,
R i c k rds I ndi
.
Mondes 1848 p 4 1 0 H
, , . .I 31 E l e, as
3
a a,
I
.
, ,
w ellas R o e lli i s sh s contro n h i

u to ndi 1 1 0 3a
’
p
, . .
, ns ne s a, , .
xxIv .
] C O N STIT U T I O N AN D L AW S .
con sist i n the representation of th e deceased as

o ffering to the gods and praying for their p ro te c
,
tion in another world ‘ An d this shows the wide .
interval in social estimation b y which the upper ,
and lower classes i n Egypt were sep arated .
The Greek s fro m who m we derive ou r earliest

,
knowledge o f Egyptian institutions were n aturally ,
struck with the rigid distinction of th e d i fferent

orders of society : it h ad once existed among them
s e lve s
Q
but was nearly ob literated and forgotten
,
.
If it appear to h ave been less exclusively a d i s ti n c

tion of birth than we h ave been accustomed to
suppose there can be no doubt that it was one of
,
the most i m portant ch aracteristics o f Egyptian s o

c i e ty . Perhaps a M o h a m m e d a n traveller in Europ e
during th e prevalence of feudalism m ight have de
scribed its di fferen t orders an d their relation to
each other in term s not very unlike those which
Herodotus applies to the y en ea o f Egypt Custo m .
a n d se n timent had fixed a nearly impassable barrier

between the v illain and b u rgher o n o n e side and ,
the military chief and feudal lord o n the other .
The burghers themselves arranged in crafts and ,
guilds the entrance to which was j ealously guarded

, ,
would h ave appeared to h i m rather as an aggregate

o f separate communities than a uniform m ass o f
industrial population such a s o u r m odern cities ,
exhibit A plebeian would h ave as little chan ce o f

.
obtaining a m aiden of aristocratic blood in m arriage ,
a s an Egyptian of low caste of m arrying the daughter
Amp ere b i p u su population of Attic ( Herod 5 66)

ra. a .
The most nat ral explanation is that the names denote their dif
, ,
3
u
o f he fourfold division of the I oni c f t occupations ere n .

of a priest o r military chief ; the executioner o r

fi a ye r o f cattle in Germany could no more have
intermarried with a peasant o r a burgher th a n th e ,
swineherd in Egypt The di fference lies in the .
sanction by whic h the separation o f ranks a n d p r o

fessions wa s guarded i n Egypt it w as enforced by
reli gion i n Europe it w a s countera c ted by the g e
nius o f Christianity an d the celibacy o f the clerical
order in which the humblest birth was n o d i s q u a
,
li fi c a ti o n fo r the h ighest dign ity .
I n a co u ntry so fertile as Egypt i n which m anu ,
fa c tures art and i nternal co m merce were carried

,
o n to such an extent wealth must h ave a c c u m u ,
lated among those who were engaged in civil life ,
and h ave given rise to a class o f independent p r o

p r i e to r s not incl u ded i n any o f th e
, g en e a O n the .
other hand we find th at i n large cities a populace

,
forms itself dependin g o n casual expedients fo r

,
subsistence and as h avin g n o definite occupation

, , ,
equally excl u ded from the list S u c h a class i n .
later times existed i n Egypt ; S e th o s employed it

in support o f his usurpation l Am a s i s endeavoured
to check its growth b y compe lling every m a n to
declare his occupation before the m agistrate under ,
penalty o f death if he m ade a false statement o r

,
followed an unlawful mode o f life "

Wit h the ex .
c e ti o n s which h ave been pointed o u t there can be

p ,
n o question t h at the rule o f Egyptian society was s

,
that every m an S hould be strictly limited to hi s
Herod . 2 , 14 1
‘
-
"
E u c a 9m
. be
o f f airy
I m xfp w v p e v o fzd é va d vdp di v,
j
Ir a n r h o v s 63 x a l
p d wa x r a s
'
It al fi
d y o p a i o v s d u d r ao rr o v s
'
.
king presided to superintend th e royal revenues ,
and the details of government ‘ The D elta con

ta i n e d te n o f these nome s th e Theb aid ten ; the ,
intermediate country in l ater times sixteen but ,
3
originally onl y seven This corresponds with the .
“
arrangement o f the Labyrinth which h ad as , ,
Strabo s a w it twenty -seven h alls This d ivision ,

.
was attributed to Sesostris and it i s probable that ,
the boundaries of each nome were definitely fixed ,
when that general survey of the lands took place ,
which is said to h ave been m ade by this sovereign “

.
Commonly however auth ority only regulates and , ,
confirms divisions which h ave been determi n ed b y

local and accidental circum stances R eligion a p .
pears i n Egypt to h ave furnished th e origin al pri n

c i p le o f aggregation Each o f the larger cities was .
the seat of the w orship o f a peculiar divinity which

5
,
h ad been established there by the inh abitants of the

d i strict an d the religio u s u sages which flowed from
,
that worship were c o extensive with th e n o m e

- G
.
Thus throughout the nome o f Thebes o f which the ,
ram headed god was th e C hief divinity goats were

-
,
sacrificed but not sh eep 7

while in the M e n d e s i a n
,
nome in reverence fo r the go d to wh om the goat

,
w as sacred sheep were sacrificed an d n o t goats

, ,
.
Dio d 3
Her 2 , 42
c e the me H p t
. .
i
.
9
H en na
g ) sup
e a n om is 3
H e e r er ( 2 , 10 8 , 1 1 2 , E n
S tr bo B 1 7 p 78 7
. .
3
a oses th t the temples were foun 81 1
fi tio by priestl y colonies from
, .
, a
Bunsen [E gypten s S telle ( l

, .
’
, , 1 79 , a ns
note ) .
Meroe and th t they est blished a a
A c cord i g to D i d
,
o or s n th e w o r h i o f the l c l g o d e ch u
district T
s o a In a
h e l a n g ua g e o f Hero
,
Am as i ps ra
p i px m d é I r o vs u o t a s
‘
t .
f i j d t s I mpl es that the people o f the

l
ra e Ka ra ne
p m I r rv o v ra a a v o u i
i
o xo vo
p r ij A y
Ia v but this nome est blished the temple
s I
'
vrr r o v , a
c ot in either c se relate to the 7 He r 8
.
a rm a u
first esta blishment
. . .
.
The number o f the nomes ultim ately amounted to

fi fty -three but among them were recko n e d the
,
Greater and Lesser O asis and the O asis of Am mon ,

.
They were again subdivided into top a r c hi es o f ,
whose extent we are not i nformed D elegates from .
the no mes chosen according to station and cha

,
ra c te r ' assembled at i ntervals at th e S plendid a

, p
lace o f the Labyrinth near the Lake Moeris Each ,
.
delegation was accom panied by the priests and

priestesses o f its chief temple and was lodged in ,
its appointed place amon g the 3 0 00 apartments ,
which the Lab y rinth included Sacrifices a n d gifts .
were made to th e gods and doubtful questions o f ,
j urisdiction settled If the h alls in the Labyrinth .
were as Herodotus says only t w elve in number

,
3
, ,
only the larger ho m e s can h ave sent delegates and ,
some pre -eminence o n the part o f twel ve o f th em

appears to be i mplied in the establishment o f a
D o d e c a r c hi a o r government o f twelve kings after ,
the u su rp ation o f S e tho s ‘

.
We have no distinct information as to the mode

in which j ustice was ordinarily administered i n
Egypt Probably the nomarch an d the toparch
.
exercise d a j u risdiction in m atters o f police and

causes o f m inor i mportance To j udge is also .
reckoned among the fu nction s of the king 3

In the .
m onarchies o f the East it is an attribute inseparable
from royalty and the authority o f all inferior tri

,
b u n als is only a delegatio n from the prerogative o f

the So vereign Such i s i ndeed the theory though
.
,
not the origin o f our o w n j udicial system The

, .
Strabo p 8 1 1 with Ty
1 7, r
3
Her 2 , 1 48
wh i tt s emendation of ip w i dq
, .
, . .
’
3
c
'
r v v. D i o d o r l , 76
. .
E 2
p rincipal court o f j udicature was composed o f thirty

person s chosen for their m erit from the three m ost
,
celebrated cities of the kingdom Thebes Memphis , , ,
and Heliopolis — ten from each As these cities .
were also the most rem ark able for the n umber and
learning of the sacerdotal order it has been gene ,
rally taken for granted th at the j udges belonged to

this caste That the y were o f sacerdotal families
.
appears fro m what h as been already said o n the

,
subj ect of castes very prob able but h ardly mini

, ,
s te ri n g priests since each o n e had duties to perfor m

,
in th e temple to which h e was attached j E li a n .

,
‘
by sayi n g that o r i g i n a lly the j udges were priests ,
implies that i n later times it was otherwise These .
thirty chose a president from am ong themselves i n ,
whose place th e city by which h e had be e n sent

furnished another Probably therefore the original .
selection h ad been m ade b y the cities Their .
salaries were paid b y the king All proceedings .
were carried o n in writing th at the decisio n might ,
n o t be influenced b the arts o f oratory the

y n o r ,
stern impartiality of law be overcome by personal

supplication A collection o f the laws in eigh t
.
volumes lay before the j udges ; th e plainti ff o r

accuser d eclared in writing h ow he had been i a
j ured cited th e portion o f the law o n which b e
,
relied a n d laid the amount o f his d amages o r

, ,
claim ed the penalty which i n h is View the la w

awarded The culprit o r defendant replied in
.
writing point by point denying the fact alleged

, , ,
o r showing that his act had not been unlawful o r

,
that the p enalty claimed was excessive The plai n .
Va r Hist 1 4, 34 A I xa or-
ra l ) d p xa i o v wa p A i vm ha d u
’
. . . rt
y
'
fo I c lep ei s .
C O N STI T U TI O N A N D L A W S .
ti ff h aving rej oin ed an d the defendant replied again

, ,
the j udges deliberated among th emselves A chain .
o f gold an d p recious sto n es was worn by the presi

dent to which an i mage o f Thmei the goddess of
, ,
Truth was attached and h e pronounced sentence

, ,
b y touch n with this image th e plainti ff s o r de ’
fendant s pleadings ’ ‘ We are not told how th e.
facts were establish ed an d indeed the whole a c ,
cou nt suggests th e idea o f a Court of Appeal rather ,
th an of pri m ary j urisdiction .
F rom the complex state o f society i n Egypt more ,
strikingly evinced by its monuments than even by

the accounts of ancient writers we m ay conclude ,
th at th e laws were n um erous Y et few o f them .
h ave been handed down to us and no docu m ent o f ,
this kind h as been hitherto deciphered from the

rem ains o f Egyptian antiquity The ch aracter o f .
the legislation therefore m ust b e gathered from the

general testimony o f the ancient world o r by an a ,
logy from a few specimens which remain The tra .
dition th at Lycurgus Solon an d Plato h ad bor “

, , ,
rowed from Egypt the la w s of their real o r im agin ary

states is a proof o f th e high estim ati on I n which th ey
,
were held wh atever historical val u e it m ay possess

, .
Their wisdom an d hum anity m a y be inferred from

the correspondence which h as bee n remarked b e
tween th e Egyptian and th e Jewish institutions .
T he resemblance of this orn Lev viii 8 ;

a
N um xxvii N or there y
. .
m ent to the U i and Th r m i u m m m . . Is an
worn by the Je w ish hi g h p riest etymolo g ical g round for derivin g

h been noticed by all writers on Th
as i from the E g yptian u m m m
Jew ish or E gypti n antiquities Th i althou g h the S eventy may

a . m e ,
Yet the w very di fferent ; have been i nfluenced by the E gyp

u se as
one w an o ffici l ch in probably tian us ge in renderi n g it by

as a a , a
wi th a seal attached to it the ot h er fl eI a .
answered the purpose of an or cle D i d 1 69 9 6 9 8

a
3
o .
, , , .
‘
If this be explained a s by Spencer w ho thinks ,
that certain laws and usages to which the Jews had

become accustomed were adopted into the Mosai c ,
L a w the highest sanction is given to them

,
If .
,
with hi s great opponent Wi ts i u s we believe that

”
,
they were copied by the Egyptians from Abrah am ,
and from his descendants subsequently to their ,
expulsion and the giving o f the Law from Sinai ( a

m uch less probable supposition )
3
the inference a s ,
to their character will be the sam e .
“
The criminal la w o f E gyp tw a s mild and equitable .
The wilfu l m urder o f a slave was punished with

death like th at o f a freeman th e exposure o f i a
,
fauts was forbidden nor was the mother allowed to ,
be executed with an u nborn child F alse accusa .
tion (we m ay presume where a m alicious purpose

could be shown ) was punished with the same penalty
as would have fallen o n th e accu sed if convicted
and perj ury with death A thousand lashes were .
inflicted o n an adulterer m utilation o f the nose o n ,
an adulteress A parent who h ad killed his child .
was compelled to s i t three days and th ree nights ,
under the guard o f a public o ffi cer e m bracing i ts ,
body It was a capital o ffence n o t to have assisted

.
o n e who w a s slain b y violence the legislator pre ,
s a ming complicity wh ere there had been n o e ffort

to prevent mu rder Even t h e neglect to give i n .
formation o f a robbery w a s pu n i s he d by stripes and

S ee his g reat w ork D eL e g ib u s
3
Wit n Ea
g yp ti aca , lib . 2, c . 1,
He b r aa
o ru m , p . 9 03 ; “
M o n eu d u m
est i n s ti
t t M o sa i c o ru tu par 3
Il a -
'
u o ru m ed d ow w
'
r IOIo I e vm
p xp
'
v
m p
tem multo e
.
o i A l ii vrr to t 5& o
'
e m xr é
’ ’
m ax i m am c o n s u e tu o i z b e va
‘ y
dine li q q
a u a u az a pud IE gyp ti aut os m w a I ( He r 2 79 ,
l ias e c i n i
. ,
a Vi a
g entes t t
m ve e ra v e r a B iod l , 77, 78
d i man sse
.
”
a .
x x 1v .
] C O N STIT U T I O N AN D L AWS .
three days imprisonment w ithout food ’

Some of .
their p unishments however w ere cruel ; others a p

pear to us fantastic from an attempt to carry out ,
strictly the less ta li on i s Such was the punish ment .
in flicted on a violator of fe m ale chastity : one who

gave intelligence to an enem y h ad his tongue cut
ou t ; an adulterator o f th e standard currency a ‘
,
fa ls i fi e r o f weights an d measures a public scribe ,
who had forged or m utilated public writings ha d his ,
hand cut o ff A grave has been found near S ac c a ra

.
,
apparently of such criminals as the hands and feet ,
?
h ave been cut o ff at the j oints It is probable that
"
i n the times o f the Pharaohs as well as o f the ,
Ptolemies the working of th e gold -mines of the

,
Arabian D esert w a s one o f the punish ments o f cri

m i n a ls The labour was cruelly severe and was
.
,
exacted by the scourge ; i n the low and winding

p assages in which they wrought the miners were ,
compelled to assume painful and unn atural postures

?
i n order to carry o n their work Their complaints
could excite n o sympathy for guards were placed ,
over them who did not understand their language .
Children women and old men were employed i n

,
d i fi e re n t Operations and neither infirmity nor dis ,
ease procured a respite while there remained any ,
strength which b lows could compel them to exert 5
no st mped been interrupted by the I ncursions

Th e E gyp ti an s h a d a
coin but used rin s metal in o f the E thiop i ans

, g o f .
exchan eg H hh x fi p ij pa
3
o a r s a os ra s r s n er
'
P errin Vyse the Pyra i d o j p xnp f

.
3 '
‘
g I n on
' ' '
t n ras er a o a r t om e s r a a co
mids p ara
Comp re A g th rchides p
.
,
i
3 5 I
a C yx a i a
yv p n a d u rv r ve t a v
‘
s ou a ve
P hot 0 0 1 1 1 p 1 3 42 w hom Di o
.
-hi a e co s a rr a r O UK a m a r o s, o u
. .
, .
, pp ) I te m
dorus follo w s He says that the p p y yq p b y m

'
e z/ o s ou e
'
a x c s, ou vva txo s
mines h d been w roug ht in the ( I bid )

’
a fl aa e ve ta . .
earliest times but the w orkin g had

,
S ab the Ethiopian i n troduced the practice of

ac o
employing criminals o n public works instead o f ,
putting them to death

‘
.
A singula r law prevailed i n regard to thieves .
They were organized under a chief with whom their ,
n ames were enrolled an d to wh om everythi n g stolen ,
was brought Those who had been robbed applied to

.
him and obtained back their property on payment

,
of a fourth of the value This amounts i n fact to .
impunity for any o n e wh o was willing to m ak e

restitution o n payment o f o n e -fourth and probably ,
n owhere h as stolen property been so cheaply re

covered The law has b een converted by later
.
3
authorities into a general permission o f theft i n
'
Egypt .
The m ost sanguin ary part of th e Egyptian la w

was th at which protected the sacred anim als a s ,
already mentioned ?
It i s probable however that , ,
the fanaticism of which D i o d o r u s witnessed an ex

,
ample w a s on e m ode o f expressing n ation al animo

,
s i ty and th at it h ad not existed in such inten sity

,
before th e Persian conquest The la w of sacrilege .
in Christian countries has been equally severe and

inhum an n o r would a Jew suspected o f an act o f ,
disres p ect toward s the rites and emblem s o f the

Church have fared better at th e hands o f the m ul
,
ti tu d e than th e R oman who fell a victim to the

,
fury o f an Egy p tian mob .
The condition of fem ales accordi n g to D i o d o ru s “

, ,
Di o d . l , 80 . crocodile mon g the anim ls w hom

a a
3
A ulus C ell i ns l l 1 8, quotin g it w a c pit l crime to kill ( B iod
as a a
A risto j
, , . .
u r e eo n su ltu s . l,
3
Herod 2 65 .
, . C icero N D
, . . Dio d l 2 7 .
, .
l , 2 9, includes the dog a n d th e

countenan ce to the statement o f D i o d o r u s though ,
we can not doubt that the condition o f the female

s e x in Egypt partook of the general character o f
hum anity and refinem ent which belon ged to that

country Polygamy was allowed except to the
.
p r i e s ts,
l an d all children whether by wives or con ,
c u b i n e s were equally legitimate

,
But even where .
several wives were taken o n e o f them under the , ,
title of Lady o f the House e nj oyed a superiority i n ,
e
honour and authority over the rest I n the m arshy .
districts o f Lower Egypt m onogam y prevailed p ro ,
b ably owin g to the p overty o f the inhabitants as in ,
Moh ammedan countries the lower and even middle

classes h ave usually only one wife .
O f the civil laws of th e Egyptians very little is

known Most o f those which are specified are a t
.
tributed to B o c c h o r i s wh o is supposed to be th e
a
,
P e h o r o f the m onuments a n d to have lived a short ,
time before the Ethiopian conquest O ne o f th e .
m ost important was that th e goods only o f a debtor

,
could be taken and that th e arrest of the person

,
was n o t allowed o n the ground th at his services

, ,
whether a soldier a peasant or an artisan b e

, , ,
longed to the state In this respect the Egyptian

.
law was wiser and more humane than that of m ost

o f the Grecian states which secured to a debtor the ,
im p lements by which he gained his living yet a l ,
lowed hi m by im p rison m ent to be d eprived o f the

“
m eans of using them Solon i ntroduced the E g yp
.
tian practice into the law of Athen s If n o written .
security had been given a m an might clear himself ,
B iod l
.
, 80 . Herod l .
, 92 . B iod l 79.
, , 94 .
Ro se lli n i , Mon Civ 3

. .
, 13 7 . B iod ibid. .
C O N S TIT U TI O N A N D L A W S .
from a claim b y his oath , —

a proof how general was
the u s e o f writin g for civil purposes among th e

Egyptian s i n later times an d a salutary limitation ,
o f credit The interest o f a debt was n ever allowed

.
to amou nt to more than double the principal — an ,
ample secu rity for the lender s rights and a pre ’
v en ti v e of those violent infringements o f th e law o f
debtor and creditor which under the names o f , ,
S ei s a c hthei a and N o vas Ta b u lae we m eet with in Greek ,
and R om an history By a singular law passed at a .

,
time when there was a great want o f circulating

‘
medium a m an was allowed to pledge the mum
,
mies o f his forefathers fo r debt but was himself ,
deprived of sepulture if b e omitted to redeem the m

before his death The prohibition appears to h ave
.
included his descendants as long as the debt r e ,
m ained unpaid .
1 ’
l
’
A cn i xtos~ -
a a d e flo w ip tfitq s 50 6m ) :
' '
w oM
E 1r B e r, c
fir q p d r cw .
( Herod .
HI S TO R Y OF E G YPT .
I N T RO D U CTI O N .
A U T H O R IT I E S FO R E G Y PT I A N H I ST O RY .
SE CT . I .
— GREEK W R ITE R S .
TH E comm encement of Grecian intercourse w i th

E gypt i s hidden by the darkness of antehistoric
times The warlike expedition s o f the Egyptian
.
kings no doubt included Ionia but th e coast o f ,
Asia was not then inha b ited by Greek settlers an d ,
it is not alleged that Sesostris carried his arm s into

Hellas proper ‘ Th e stories of Egyp tian coloniza
.
tion in Greece are generally o f s o late an origin ,
that we can n ot eve n infer fro m them th e exi s tence

of a popular belief 52
There is however o n e e x , ,
c e p ti o n
. The story o f Io the Argive princess who , ,
was changed into a heifer and after long wan der ,
ings reached Egypt where sh e gave birth to a god ,
and herself was worshiped as the goddess Isis ,
points clearly to the introduction o f the worship o f

Isis or Athor under th e symbol o f the heifer at an
, ,
early period into Argos As the worship o f th e .
Moon under this s y mbol appears to h ave prevailed

in Phoe n i cia as well as in Egypt it m ight h ave
, ,
been doubted from which o f these countries it was

transferred to Argos but for th e circumstance that
,
Herod 2 1 03
.
, . sions on the part of the E gyp
2
E ven D i o d o ru acknow
s tians
.
ledg es the vanity of these preten

H I ST O R Y O F E G Y PT .
[ m rm
‘
Io i s the Coptic n ame of the Moon and th e sam e ,
term was preserved in the dialect o f A rgos w ithout ,
apparent affi nity with any Greek r o o t The story o f g

.
the migration of D an aus and [E g yp tu s w i th th eir fi fty

sons and daughters to Argos cannot be traced higher
th an to the age of ZE s c hylu s and Herodotus but it
was received by the latter as historical and the exist ,
ence of the belief is h ardly to be explained unless we ,
admit the general fact of an Egyptian colonization .
We are not su fficiently acquainted with the histor y

o f n avigation among th e Greek s to assign with any ,
probability the time when they first visited the

shores of Egypt They regarded it as at once a .
distant a n d a di ffi cult voyage E v en th e life of a s

.
traveller who fell into the h ands of the savage people

inhabiting the m arshes near the m outh s o f the N ile
was not safe for there was a tim e when th e h arbour
,
o f Pharos was n o t Opened fo r the admission of

“
strangers The sacrifice o f ruddy -coloured m e n
.
appears to h ave prevailed in Lower Egypt in the

b
early ages o f the m o n a r c h y and the fair and yel ,
low -haired Greek s would be especia lly the obj ects

s
o f aversion and outrage fro m their T h o n i a n h ue
yp .
If they vi s ited Egypt they appear to h a ve confined ,
themselves to the Canopic m o u th o f the N ile To .
this th eir m y thic tradition s refer Here w a s the .
Tower o f Perseus an d a little further to the east

’
,
the temple o f Hercules w ho o n his return from ,
P‘eyron Lex , . C0 pt . p . 59 .
5
P 1ut p . . 3 80 . P o rp hyr d e Ab s t . .
2
I df a y
’
I 6m ; u xa h o fi m
’
r w es '
'
E vd a p 1 99
-
. .
‘
3 9 fi
’
i
’ "
5 cih a n r fis I o i39
6
r aw p e v ci v
' '
fi r m E i w
'
0 v e v c
y‘ p p
'
u s n o eo ra
- ‘
di n-
’
‘
r fic a t h r m r c y d p f) o eh fim xa r ct 9
’
m v r o ds m of Wp om h a x f
p
‘
l
£
zs
p
r bu r d w A
'
u a w Bu ih e x r o v
'
( E u st 11 0 1 , d td r s m e o ve va t 7 6»
‘
py
' ‘
pp o v
y y
F
. .
ad D ionys P e ri eg
. . v . T v cpciw a ( P lu t I s e t O s i r p 3 62
'
.
)
. . . . .
0d . 483 . Busiris w o as ne of the places in

E ra to s th a p Strab p 80 2 which the t o n i a n su e rs ti ti o n
io I
. . . . .
B d .
, 67 .
7 Herod . 15 .
H I ST O R Y OF E G Y PT .
his part i t proves that the coast was n o t much

,
frequented by navigators ; if as seem s probable i t , ,
was designed in order to afford a m ore appropriate

”
scene for the specious miracle o f P roteus i t “
,
presumes ignorance of the true position o n the part

o f his auditors With the exceptio n o f Thebes
. ,
only Lo wer Egypt is alluded to Menelaus is said .
‘
i n the O dyssey to h ave received rich presents fro m
Polybus who dwelt in Thebes and in aftertimes
, ,
this Pol y bus was co nverted into a k ing of the 1 9 th

dynasty The exaggerated description o f Thebes
.
,
and its w e alth indicate s t hat it was k nown from

Q
,
the boastful rumour o f the n atives rather than from

ocular inspection E gypt s abundance in skilful .
’
p h ysicians a nd m e dicinal herbs is noticed i n the

O dyssey but this too is turned into a tale o f
,
wonder in the descri ption o f the virtues of the N e

p en the
3
Before the time of P sa m m i ti c h u s Greek s
.
,
were n o t allowed to go be y ond the coast o f Lower

Egy pt and the occasional visits o f traders to a
,
single sea -port inh abited by a people whose lan ,
guage was utterly unknown to them could furnish ,
no a c c u ra te k n o w le d g e o f the interior much less

-
.
,
a n y insight into the history o f th e country .
This state o f things was entirely changed i n the

reign of P s a m m i ti c h u s w ho gained hi s kingdom by ,
m eans of Ionian and Carian mercen aries 670

(
took them p ermanently into his pay and established ,
a bod y of i nterp reters by whose means the Greeks ,
t
ra r
y to its obvious meani n g ; for the s c ene of a t le f wonder and a o
Ph ros is not p d p d y p rt he tr nsfers it to the C arp t hian
,
a n on oc c an a a a
o ft
h ri ver
e d mu c h less th,n San
( G eor g 4 a a ea
d from the ne rest p rt of
. .
,
d ya 3 an
0d 126a a
1
it I nVirg il s time the mouth f S

. .
ee l i p 1 78
’
’
3
11 38 1
.
o t vo
the Ni le w to well known to be
.
, . . . . .
as 3
0d
o 2 20 9 . 33
S E CT . L ] GREEK W R ITE R S .
began to acquire an accurat e k nowledge o f Egypt 1
A m a s i s nearly a century an d a half later allowed

, ,
them to settle at pleasure in N aucratis Y et Pindar .
”
speaks of Mendes as being near a cli ff o f the s e a “
,
though there is no cli ff o n the coast nor was Mendes ,
g
near i t Th e state o f Greek literature however h as
.
prevented our deriving any benefit from this source ,
i n the interval bet w een the reign o f P s a m m i ti c h u s

and the Persian conquest D u ring this time Th ales .
and P ythagoras h ad visited E g yp t a n d been initiated ,
into the religion and science o f the Egyptians bu t 3

,
we have only vague tradition s of their travels for

history had not yet come into existence among the
Greeks themselves Still the presence o f intelligent .
foreigners controlled the propensity of the n atives to

give a marvellous air to everything in their h i story ,
and established a chronology moderate credible an d ,
continuous for the period subsequent to the reign o f

P s a m m i ti c hu s while before that time in th e works , ,
of Herodotus and D i o d o ru s the history is m ythical ,
and extravagant and the chronology exaggerated , ,
uncertain and fragmentary .
The overthrow o f the monarch y o f the Pharaoh s

by Cambyses coinciding with the commencement ,
o f prose history i n Ionia at length laid Egypt ,
completely open to th e researches o f the Greeks ,
and preserved the record o f them to succe e ding

ti m es The philosophers who visited it while th e
.
hierarchy retained their power were prob ably co m ,
H erod 2 1 5 4 to this author the friendly e

B iod l , 67 in g r
bet w een P olycrates

. . .
, .
,
H p q G a ha o d
v a s ( Fr a la ti o n s an
Com p Fr 9
a a a pou
obt ined for Py th g oras

.
B oeckh 2 15. . . 5 .
, Am a si s a a
where E gyp t called y x q p dmission first to the H li o p o li t

1s a
’
t vo g . a e an ,
3
A ti p hon p P o h de V it
n then to the M emph i te and l st of
a a a
A ccord all the T heban priests

. .
,
P yth Di g Laert
. o . . .
F 2
H I ST O RY OF E G Y PT .
p e lle d purchase their initiation

to into the secrets
o f science an d the mysteries of religion
‘ by humble
entreaty and attain it through long preliminary ,
fo r m s Q and the j ealous sensibility of the m ultitude ,
i n everything which regarded thei r religion would ,
c o -operate with the spirit of s e c re s y and monopoly
in the p riesthood to render free inquiry dangerous ,
and d i fficult The Persian conquest made the p ro .
fe s s o r s of a di fferent and hostile religion m asters

of the country opened a ll its approaches and , ,
enabled the Greeks to visit every part o f it The .
reign of D arius established order and peace through

o u t the whole extent o f the monarchy ; Egypt i n
particular felt the benefit o f his firm b u t tolerant

sway The earliest Greek descriptions o f Egypt
.
s
were p r o b a b lv w ritten during his reign Ca d mus .
m ust have written on Egypt since D i o d o r u s ( l 3 7) , ,
includes him amo n g t hose who h ad given fabulous

accounts o f the N ile H e c a tae u s li ke Cadmus a .
, ,
native of Miletus a city which was the first school ,
o f Greek history and geography was a contempo ,
rary of D arius and had included Egypt amon g the ,
countries which he descri bed in his P er i eg es i s o r

P er i o d o s 4
N othing h as been quoted from this last.
work by which we c an j udge whether he gave i ts

,
D i d e .
mentioned the antiquity o f the
D p o orr d y p a r a 11 10‘
q Ka l Kc E g y p ti n people d t h e p rity f
a , an u o
the air d w ter incident lly in
' i
xwp w p e va f f) : E hh rj vm fgs d ‘yw‘yfis , an a a

says A ti ph of th t i l b y w hich
n o e r a s his other w riti n g s S chol Ap
h pat i ence of Py th g oras was Rhod 4 2 6-2 w here the n me
. . .
t e a a is
in S chol P ris
.
, ,
tn cd .
written I "
nn m v a
i ppys o f Rheg i m who lived I t w doubtful whether the
. .
H
0
u , as
l aw is H ep m w orks w hi c h were current under
’
m x ai v
«
r
r ckoned b Hey e amon g the

e these n mes in the time f Athe
y:g p t ( D Font Hist
n a
wr i ters
o
on n us and A i w ere g enuine
D io d xxviii ) yt
e . ae rr an
( A 5 6 A then E pit 2 p
.
.
.
such w ork i . a no s rr
as c i be d t h m
.
d he may have
. .
, .
, .
r o i , an
SE CT . L
] GREEK W R ITE R S .
history but th e descriptive part must h ave been

,
minute since Herodotus h as been charged wit h

,
almost literally copying fro m hi m th e passages i n

his second book relating to the ph oenix the hippo ,
o ta m u s and the croc odile

‘ H ll i of Lesbos
p e a n c u s .
,
a few years befo re Herodotus either w rote a work ,
entitled Ai v k
'
e
o r a t all events introduced
’
n a ct ,
m any particulars respecting th e productions c u s ,
toms and dogmas o f Egypt into some of his vol u

minous wri tings Accordi n g to th e j udgement o f .
Photius it contained much that was mythic a n d

,
fi e ti ti o u s 3 but it migh t nevertheless be a faithful

,
account of wh at he had seen and heard P h e r e .
eydes who was three years y ounger th an H e r o d o

,
tus but published earlier introduced the men

, ,
‘
tion o f Egypt into his I i n connexion with a
the att empt o f Busiris to sacri fice Hercules “

Bu t .
it does not appe ar th at h e had visited this country ,
and the fragments o f his work indicate th at b e

regarded the history of all other nations fro m the
Grecia n point of vie w and endeavoured to inter ,
weave it with the mythi c history o f th e h eroic age .
Proba b ly n one o f these writers not e v en Heca ,
t eens contained a connected history and chrono

,
‘
E u seb P r aep E van g 1 0, 3 , 3
Cod cl‘ i
p 3 3 9 x p v d m cz K a i
quoting P orphyry sour c es

. . . . . . .
7r e l
p 7 0 13 10 1 52 wka a y a n xcz n o hh d Tw o .
,
m a y s w a t Tovs E m m i/ a s however are m e n ti o n e d , He llan i c u s
T he title quoted by Athen eus

. .
,
2
a and ZE li u s D ionysius or ( Di u s ), a n d
p 470 D 679 F is not de c isive
,
. . .
, it does not appear wh t belong ed a
evidence of the existence of a se to each

P h e e c y d e ed S turz p p 1 3 2
.
p r te w ork o named since w e

a a s ,
4
r s, .
, .
,
find the A i y i of Herodotus ‘

vn n a k c
'
1 3 7 Herodotus probably h d him
. a
quoted evidently the E uterpe in view w hen he char g es
( S turz H ll P lutarch the G reeks w ith repe tin g idle

,
p e an a
t les respectin g human sa c rifices

. .
,
mentions H ll i w ritin g the e an c u s a s a
name O siris Us i i s ( I s et O s r . . in E gypt .
p .
H I ST O RY O F E G Y PT .
logy o f Egypt We m ay regard these as beginning

.
with Herodotus The Egyptians had revolted from

.
Persia at the close o f the reign o f D arius (48 6

but had been brought into subj ection early in th at
of X erxes ( 4 8 4 n o ) and had again revolted,
u nder
I n a ro s king o f Libya in 4 60 B C This revolt lasted . .
s ix years and the Athenians had assisted the

,
Egyptians with a fleet which at first was success ,
ful and took possession o f Memphis but was sub ,
sequently destroyed by M e g ab y z u s ‘ Wheth er He .
r o d o tu s vi sited Eg y p t during its temporary o c c u
a ti o n by the Greeks o r subsequent ly to the re

p ,
establishment o f the Persian dominion i n 4 5 5 B C . .

,
is uncertain It is evident from his history (2 9 9 )

.
,
that at the time when it was w r i tten they were in p o s

session o f it ; bu t m any years intervened between
hi s travels and the publication of his Muses i n their
,
present form In either case it i s evident that h e

.
was able to pass freely through the country to the

borders o f N u b i a and pursue every investigation
g
,
w hich hi s inquisitive min d suggested Hi s re .
s i d e n c e however seems to h ave been chiefly c o n

, ,
fined to Lower Egy pt an d Memphis he visited

Thebes but it was to ascertain whether i ts sacer
,
d otal traditions agreed with those wh i ch he had

heard at Memphis and the reader is surprised that ,
he should have passed over in profound silence its

temples palaces and se p ulchres as well as all the
, ,
circumstances which give to U pper Egypt a ch a

ra c te r so di fferent from that o f the D elta Thebes .
Thuc l .
, 10 4, 10 9 .
2
Her . 2, 29 .
S E C T L] . GREE K W R 1TE Rs .
h ad su ffered
especially from the fury of C am b ys e s l ,
yet its buildings rem ained an d even in its ruin s i t ,
must h av e far surpassed every other city of Egypt .
He appears to h ave derived his m aterials almost

9
entirely fro m the accounts of the priests a n d the
Greek s settled i n th e country : he never q u otes as
authorities the writers who had preceded hi m ,
though he som etimes alludes to their mistakes 3

.
.
Th e inform ation which the priests gave him was

communicated or all y except in o n e instance i n , ,
which they read to him from a papyrus a list o f 3 4 1

‘
kings In other passages he m entions th e purport
.
?
o f inscriptions which h ad been explained to him .
His history begins w ith Menes the founder of ,
the monarchy and o f Memphis succeeded by 3 3 0 ,
s o v e re i n s re s p e c ti n g whom as th ey h ad erected
g
.
, ,
no monuments the priests had nothing further ,
to relate than that eighteen among them were

Ethiopians and o n e a queen N i to c ri s The next ,
.
n am e and therefore the 3 3 1 5 t from Menes i s

, ,
that o f M oeri s the author of the rem arkable e x

,
c a v a ti o n for so Herodotus considered it in the

, ,
district o f F yo u m which received th e o v e rfl o w ,
ings o f the N ile The conqueror Sesostris suc .
c e e d s to M oe ris and to Sesostri s his son P he ro n

, .
In the reign o f hi s successor Proteus is related th e , ,
history of the ad ventures o f Paris Menelaus and ,
Helen in Egypt followed by the reign of R ham ,
i n i tu s the w ea lthy with th e anecdote o f the thief

p s ,
S t bo ra , 8 16 B . iod 1 , 46
. .
3
2, 16 .
2
2, 9 9, l 1 1 3, 4
2 , 1 25 , 1 3 6, 1 4 1 .
1 1 8, 1 2 4, 1 5 4 In 2 , 1 42 he
Ai -
.
quotes as his authorities

'
y zzrrn o i
'
Te K a i
. o i ip e e s .
w ho robbed h i s treasury After

. R h a m p s i n i tu s come
—
°
the builders o f the pyramids C he o p s C h e p h r e n ,
and Mycerinus followed by A s y c hi s and An ysi s i n

, ,
whose reign S a b a c o th e Ethiopian invaded Egypt

and kept possession of the throne fo r fifty years .
His evacuation o f the kingdom m ade way for th e

elevation of S e th o s succeeded b y the D o d e e a r c hi a
'
, ,
o r government of twe lve C hieftains whose power ,
P s a m m i ti c hu s put down and consolid a ted th e g o

v e r n m e n t in his own hands With P s am m i ti c h u s
.
,
as we have already observed we reach a period o f ,
ascertained history and definite ch ronology ; bu t

the e ffect o f the establish ment of the Greeks i n
Egypt is in some degree retrospective a n d extends ,
this period as far back as th e E thi o p i a n d o m i n i o n

'
In regard to all that precedes this age the eighth ,
centur y before Christ i t is evident fro m the i n Sp ec

, ,
tion of the history of Herodotus by itself and with ,
o u t comparison with m onum ents or with an y other
historical book that it cannot be accepted as true

, ,
either in its facts or its dates Even the circum .
stance th at after Menes 3 3 0 sovereigns are said to

have succeeded to each oth er without leaving any ,
memorial of themselves in pub lic works or legisla ,
tion or conquest is su fficient to sho w that the kings

, ,
and their chronology are unhistorical If we s u p .
p ose which i s not improbable th at Herodotus h as

,
,
m istaken th e statement received from the p riests an d

,
that the 3 3 0 kings were n o t represented by the m

as intervening b e tween Menes an d M oeris but are ,
to be a d ded to the eleven who succeeded M oeris ,
and reigns are speciall d escribed by him

whose
.
y ,
mak ng 3 4 ] for the who le number from Menes to

i
gift o f prophecy which he will only exercise upon ,
compulsion is transformed into the history o f a man

‘
,
o f Memphis who succeeds to the throne o f Egypt

,
o n the death o f P h e r o n th e son of Sesostris This ,

.
history Herodotus received and apparently in u n ,
doubting faith from the priests themselves who , , ,
though they could furnish him nothing mem orable

to record respecting 3 3 0 sovereign s relate with the ,
minuteness o f a contemporary j o u rnal the a d ve n

tures o f a Troj an prince cast upon th eir shores ; ,
adventures trivial in themselves if they ever hap

pened and little likely to h ave found a place i n
,
sacerdotal annals But while th e Greeks were gra .
ti fi e d to find a confirmation o f their o w n history in

that o f Egypt the Eg yptian priests rej oiced in the
,
opportunity of exhibiting their a n cient sovereigns

as exercising j ustice and hospitality towards the
Greeks They h ad been accused by the Greeks o f
.
putting strangers to death ; but according to the

account given by the priests to Herodotus Mene ,
laus seized and sacrificed two Egy p tian children to

—
obtain favourable winds a n evident allusion to the
story of the sacrifice of I p higenia It is also obvious .
that Egyptian mythology and popular anecdote h ave

furnished a considerable portion o f what Herodotus
has given u s for history To the former class b e .
long the stories of the descent o f R ha m p s i n i tu s into

Hades and the grief of the d aughter o f Mycerinus
,
to the latter the pleasant tale of th e thief who was
P roteus w w orshiped t tr n ferred probably by P h i

as a a s cn n
M emph i s but I n the qu rter f the i coloni z tion w ith the w orship
,
. a o c an a
Tyrians ( Her 2 d he w
.
, f th C b i i an to P llas o e a r
,
th th temple o f the
a en e
c
p nn
e t d
Fo i g n
c c
3 11 e
S ee K enrick s
’
re enus T story w .
E gypt of Herodotus p 2 65
he as
, . .
SE CT . I .
] GREEK W R I TE R S . 75
caught in the trap when endeavourin g to r o b the

,
treasure -house of R ha m p s i n i tu s Such being the .
general ch aracter o f the history even those parts ,
which d o not bear o n their face the m arks o f a

m ythic o r fictitious origin lose their historical evi
,
dence ; th ey are less improbable than th e rest but ,
not more certain .
F rom a history composed of such m aterials no

chronology can b e deduced Herodotu s m akes .
M oeris to h ave preceded only by 9 00 years his o w n

visit to Egypt but as we find in th e ascent to
Moeri s a person of such doubtful historical character
as Proteus we can place no relian c e o n any por
,
tion o f the chain Herodotus besides connects this

.
date o f th e reign o f Moe ris with the assuran ce that ,
in his time a rise o f the N ile o f eight cubits was

su fficient to inundate th e D elta ; whereas in the
historian s o w n day a rise o f sixteen cubits was n e
’
c e s s a ry for this purpose This however supposes a

.
rate o f variation for the h eight o f the soil and river

so di fferent from everything which has b een a sc e r
ta i n e d that if th e fact be admitted the date mu s t be
,
false ; and if the fact be incorrect th e authority o f ,
those b y wh o m it was related an d from whom the ,
whole chronology is derived as given by Herodotus , ,
is o f no value .
It is evident that a popular history h ad formed

itself in Egypt in the ti m e o f Herodot u s h aving very ,
little conn exio n with written or monumental author

i ty o f which the leading obj ect had been to satisfy
,
the curiosity o f travellers by furnish ing what th ey ,
always eagerly in quire fo r the n ames o f the authors ,
of public works and some anecdotes respecting them

,
.
Had he derived his history fro m a class o f persons

corresponding with those who in modern Europe
h ave the charge and take o n them selves the e x ,
planation of p u b lic monuments we should n o t h ave ,
been surprised at the vagueness o f hi s chronology

and the leani n g to the m arvellou s i n hi s n arratives .
But he repeatedly appeals to the authority o f th e

priests who as a body must i n this age have t e
,
ta i n e d th e knowle d ge of the hieroglyphical character

and an ample religious and antiquarian literature .
I c a n on ly explain this by supposing th at the p riests

with whom h e conversed were of a ver y subordinate
rank and ignorant o f the antiquities o f their count ry ,
w ho had framed for the u s e o f visitors such a history
as wo u ld sa tisfy their curiosity and excite their ima

i a t i o n without overburthening their m emory with
g n ,
n ames
‘ From the account o f Clem e n s Alexandri
.
g
nu s it should seem that th e i n terp r e ta ti on of the
,
hieroglyphic character was the o ffice only o f the

hi e r o g r a m m a te u s from who m the others learnt by ,
h eart what it was necessary that they should kno w

for the execution of their o ffices This m ay help to .
accou n t for the extraordinar y character which the

history o f Herodotus presents considered onl y by ,
itself and its still m ore extraordin ary aspect whe n

, ,
confronted with the monuments .
Thec count w hi ch th g
a e ram Lo w er E gypt w here the G reeks
o f the tem p le f S is g ve c hie fly c o ll e c ted their infor ation
,
m a ti s tes o a a m
o f the sourc e f mi ght b e very i g nor nt of the g o

,
t Herod tus
o o o a e
the N il w hi h he desc i bes risin g
e, e r as
g r phy of U pper Eg ypt T he G reeks
a
themselves ve y r rely re c hed the

.
betw ee S ye e d Ele b ntine

n n an a r a a
h lf to w ards E g y p t d southern f ont er o f the kin gd om
,
and fl wi o n a an r i
mu c h less did they vent re into

,
h lf t w
a s E thi p i p
o a rt either o a, r o ve s u
th t th E g ypti ns m de p i
a e a a ex er Ethiop ia ( B iod S l ic
ment on the credu l it y f t h e Strom 6 p 75 7
. .
.
,
. o
th t
. ~
G reek inh bit nt f

.
,
s, or a an a a o
SE CT . L
] GREE K W R ITE R S .
Egypt rem a ined open to the Greeks when they ,
were n o t themselves in hostility with Persia P hi .
li s tu s the Syracusan h ad p robably visited this

, ,
country during his long exile at th e begin ning o f

, ,
the fourth century He wrote a work on Egypt

i n twelve books and on Egypti an theology i n three ,
book s besides a discour se co ncerning N aucratis ‘

, .
D emocritus about the s am e tim e i s said to have

, ,
spent five years in Egy pt an d to h ave written o n ,
the sacred cha racters of M e r o e ; but neither o f his g
works nor those of P h i li s tu s has more than the title s

reached us .
If we are incl i ned to wonder at th e vag u eness an d

in accuracy of these Greek accounts of Eg ypt we ,
must remember that the monuments i n general ,
pre c ede by m any centuries th e earliest o f th em and ,
that a variance between the m does n o t therefore

necessarily imply unfaithfulness on th e p art of the
Greeks Besides this m a n v obstacles stoo d in the
.
,
way of thei r obtaining accurate information I g n o .
rant themselves o f the language of the country they ,
had to depend on E g ypti an interpreters wh o p ro ,
b ably possessed only that superficial kn owledge o f

Gree k which enabled them to carry o n interco u rs e
o n th e comm on - place topi c s of commerce and con
versation The repugnan ce of the Egyptians for
.
foreign religion an d m anners must h ave m ade them

unwi lling to receive th e Greeks into intimacy or ,
give them informati on Lik e o u r own cou ntrym en .
‘
,
they b ore themselves to w ar d s b a r b a r za ns wi th th e

'
s
air o f conscious supe riority which i nfl am e s di sli k e , .
S n i d as , s o em -
u m s See the ob e vati ons f S ir
3
s r o
G Wilkin on M 8 C 5 466
. . .
Di o g . Laert . 9, 49 . . s , . : .
, .
The priesthood in particular appear to h ave en dea

v o u re d to humble the national pri de o f the Greeks ,
by representing everything i n their civilization ,
even their philosophy and science as derived from ,
Egy pt .
The next great event in the history o f Egypt i s

its conquest by Ptolemy the son o f L a g u s in the , ,
year 3 2 2 B C by which a Greek dynasty was esta

. .
,
b li s h e d there and in Ethiopia Many o f the Greeks .
s u bse q uently composed Egyptian histories but

none o f them h as been preserved except by q u o ,
ta ti o n s in later authors F rom a fragment o f D i .
c ae a r c h u s w h o lived about 3 0 0 B o
,
it appears as . .
,
if he had placed S e so n c h o s i s o r Sesostris at the

commencement o f the monarchy im mediately after ,
Horus whom the Greeks reckoned to have been the

,
‘
last o f the gods and 2 9 3 6 years before the aera o f ,
the O lympiads Such a position o f Sesostris is .
purely arbitrary and must h ave been owing to his ,
celebrity as a conqueror — a proof that Egyptian

history was still arranged according to popular c o n
c e p ti o n rather than documentary and m onumental
evidence Eratosthenes of Cyrene the chief libra

.
,
rian o f the Alexandrian library a m an o f e x tr a o r ,
d i n a ry compass o f literary an d scientific attain

ments h ad occupied himself with the genealogy
,
o f
and succession the Theban kings in th e reign o f ?
the second Ptolemy ; but his labours appear to have

had little influence upon the popular history which , ,
S chol
; “1 .
p 91 1 71 T he s me a
‘
. .
0
' W
; q A‘ P W W
é mEp
g
"
author
,
s ys that
’
E ratosthenes a
‘
'
f c a re
i d the n mes
c
2372; op f J pZ Zw ix i
Y W P P
VM M
3 A O F O ’ c e ve a
’
ex 11
’
V cv re a
'
.1 ov am or
( 1 47 u m a m er s
P
B a m h u zév W a d i (poor?) n a p f
c i
r
g 2 79
pp m
'
« .» m m ( Syn c e ll C hro n og .
.
SE C T . L ] GREEK W R I TE R S .
as it is given by D i o d o r u s retains the s am e genera l ,
ch aracter as in Herodotus .
D i o d o ru s visited Egypt in th e 1 8 0 th O lympiad ,
about 5 8 B c ‘ F rom what sources the portio n o f

. .
h i s history was derived which di ffers from Hero

d o tu s we do not know
, He h ad seen Memphis .
,
and probably Thebes he h a d read the authors w h o

h ad written o n Egypt in the times o f the Ptolemies ,
and q u otes without professing himself to h ave read

, ,
th e ann als of th e priests A ltho u gh not admittin g .
that the Barbarian s generally were older th an the

Greeks the reputed birth of the gods in Egypt th e
, ,
high an tiquity of astronomical science there and ,
th e fullness and importance of its historical records ,
led him to begin his U niversal History with that o f

Egypt an d prefix to it a S peculation in historical
, ,
garb o n the progress of civilization in that country

, ,
fro m the time when the inh abitants lived o n th e ’
spontaneous growth o f the papyrus next o n fish , ,
g
then on the flesh o f a n i m a ls and lastly o n lotus , ,
till a king and queen O siris and Isis discovered , ,
the cultivation o f grain .
In th e history of D i o d o ru s we perceive two changes

w hich h ad taken place since th e time of Herodotus .
The father of history in accordance wit h the a o ,
cou nts given him by the priests represents the ,
gods o f Egypt as wholly distinct from men 3

But .
i n the interval between Herodotus and D i o d o r u s

the o pinion h ad S p rung up among the Greek s that
t he gods had b een illustriou s chiefs an d Warriors ,
inventors a nd improvers o f th e arts an d sciences ,
raised to the rank o f divinity through the admira

H ist 1 46 . , .1 143 S ee vol i p 3 5 1 3
, . . . . .
2
H ist l , 9 43. . .
tion and gratitude o f m ankind ‘ O siris , therefore . ,
who had been to Herodotus a god answering in ,
the Egyptian pantheon to D ionysus in th e Greek ,
appears in D io d o r u s as a king o f Egypt also a o ,
cording to some accounts the founder of T hebes ,
who with a large army traversed th e worl d to dif ,
fuse the blessings o f civilization Another ch ange “

.
i s the endeavour to connect Egyptian history not ,
only with G reek history generally b ut with the ,
country of the reigning dynasty O siris is aecom .
a i e d by h i s son Macedo whom he leaves as king

p n ,
o f that region a fiction by mean s o f wh ich E g yp

,
tia n pride was fl attered with the belief that Egypt

had been conquered by princes o f its own blood 3
.
The celebrated wine o f M a ro n e a o r Ismarus in ,
Thrace which in this age was included in Mace

,
d onia w as also said to h ave derived its n am e from

“
,
Maro a follo w er of O siris i n his Thracian expedi

,
tion and Lycurgus a n ame occurring in the Iliad 5

, ,
is represented as being slain in consequence o f his

resistance to O siris In this age it had become .
known that beer a common beverage i n Egypt

'
, ,
was used among the b arbarous n ations w hose cli ,
mate could not ripen grapes an d this also O siri s ,

6
had taught them to m ake
The pro p erly human history o f D i o d o ru s begi ns ,
T he E gypti a ns combined the for Fo rtu n a te l

a ncient w ith the modern do ctrine the cre d it of their science they have
b y the supposition th t e ch celes
, ,
t found him
a a no
S tr bo E pit 7 6 33 1 The
.
tial g d h do t l re p resent tive

a a m or a a 4
a
most o f the s me n me ( D i d 1 G reeks
. .
, , ,
their side alle g ed that

lly
a a o . on
,
M rea ne r A lexand i ( G eorg a a r a

derived its n me from t h e
, .
B Od I 28 .
2 .
a
this is the i nter Homeric M ron ( 0 d
,
O bvious as , 197 a .
fl re g lyp hi have sou ht E

. .
t
re e n o ne t ib )
cs
g u s
or M c d mon the names of
. .
C 1 34
a a e o a 5
the ancient go d s gEgypt ( Wil

, .
0 H 2 77 D i e d 1 20 e r.
pl 44 ; Young in S upp to
.
, .
, .
lt so
m n, .
.
H I ST O RY or E G Y PT .
[I N T R .
under his dominion At his death the Egyptian s .
recovered their independence and ch ose Mendes o r ,
Marus for their king w ho built the Labyrinth as a ,
sep u lchre for himself An an archy which lasted .
five generations was ended by the ele c tion o f a

man o f the common people called Cetes by the ,
Egyptians Proteus by the Greeks The variation

,
.
in the names is perh a ps only apparent for though

K é nc is said to be Egyptian its analogy to th e
'
r ,
- ‘
Greek K i c whence the Latin Cetu s c e te leads to
’
r ro , , ,
the suspicion that it represents th e same idea a s

Proteus a marine deity partaking o f the form o f a
, ,
fi sh The reign of Cetes must be considered in

?
.
the chronology o f D i o d o ru s to an swer to the time

o f the Troj an war The R e m p hi s who succeeds to .
Cetes is evidently the R ha m p si n i tu s o f Herodot u s .
In comparing the acco u nts of these tw o kings a s ,
given by Herodotus an d D i o d o r u s we s e e an a t ,
tempt i n the latter to give an historical air and

historical probability to that which his predecesso r
had left in the vag u eness o f mythe and tradition .
The knowledge o f the winds possessed by Proteu s

i s ascribed to his intimacy with th e astronomers ,
w ho were supposed to be capable o f predicting the
changes o f the weather h i s transformations to the ,
custom o f the Egyptian rulers to put o n the heads

of lions bulls and serpents Herodotus m entions
, .
,
but does not account for nor specify the im mense ,
nWe fi d
s readin the
g s supposed
wari o u to belon g espe c i ll y to a
the m rine deities ( H T heog a es

but none seem to re p resent true 2 3 3 A po l l R hod 1 3 1 0 C Met
. . .
s a v
n me
. . . . . .
,
E ym 12 55 6 8 in H esiod
g he kno w led e o f the future
an a .
q b , .
,
c
g is a d u g hter f Hd w a d s a o os an
w a f r so me myt h ic re son not P
. .
s o sister of N ereus
a
; roto ( i h 24 3 )
n ec s ry to b e here I nqu ired i nto i a dau g hter o f N ereus
, .
e sa
, s .
CT I . . GREEK W R ITE R S .
wealth of R ha m p s i n i tu
which was prob ably c o n s,
n e c te d with his supposed descent into Hades

‘ ac y
cording to D i o d o ru s he is a Henry V II rigi d in .

,
the exactio n o f his revenues a n d penurious in his

g
e x e n d i tu r e ; he knows also the exact amount of
p
treasure which he left behind him namely four ,
h u ndred thousand talents o f gold and silver To .
R e m p h i s succeed for seven generations kings de

voted to luxury an d in dolence in consequence o f ,
which the records related nothing o f them except ,
th at from o n e o f th em N i le u s the river previously , , ,
called éE gyp tu s took its later name The cau se

.
,
.
o f the ch ange was the great service which he ren
dered to his country by the construction o f canals ,
a work which Herodotus ascribes to Sesostris .
The seven fa i n ea n s were succeeded by C he m b e s ; ’
C h e p h r e s o r C ha b r yi s ; and Mycerinus o r Me
,
c h e r i n o s the builders of the pyramids in regard to

, ,
whom there is no remarkable di fferen ce between

Herodotus and D i o d o r u s After these kings c omes .
B o c c h o r i s son of Tn e p h a c tu s o f mean person but

, , ,
surpassing in talent and wisdom all his predecessors .
L o n g af ter w a r d s Sabac e the Ethiopian reigned over

Egypt and o n his retirement the anarchy took
,
place which was ended by the establishment of the

,
D o d e c a r c hi a and th at after fifteen years b y the sole

,
reign of P s a m m i ti c hu s Incidentally D i o d o r u s also .
m entions M n e v e s the first king who gave written ,
la w s to the people which he professed to h a ve ,
received fro m Hermes and S a s yc h e s who w as not ,
only a l awgiver but the inventor o f geometry a n d ,

s
astronomy .
S ee vol 1 p 40 1 .i wp fi , x d 6 wh ?
. . m a e w v n a vr a o
'
ev 7 11 at
2
A te r eh e o
’
’
e
’
arc vr ai 7 6V 7 017 £611 To v.
(B iod . 1,
u eh o n p o a d d wv
’
3
o vo v e m p e vo s 7 51 11 1 , 92
xp j .
H IST ORY O F E G Y PT .
The variations between Herodotus and D i o d o r u s

are too great to allow of their bein g explained
b v the causes which produce differences in dates ,
successions and events even in histories founded ,
upon documentary evi dence Little stress can b e .
laid upon a want of congruity in n ames S ince we ,
know that the sovereigns of Egypt h a d tw o o r even

three ; b u t the discrepancy here a ffects every ele
ment of histor y Sixty reign s at least intervene b e
.
tween Menes the founder o f Memphis according ,
to Herodotus and U c ho re u s to whom D i o d o ru s

, ,
attributes its foundation Herodotus extends the .
number of the obscure successors of Menes to 3 3 0

D io d o r u s limits them to 5 2 Herodotus includes .
in these eigh teen Ethiopians i n D i o d o ru s there is

no mention o f Ethiopian sovereignty till the reign
o f Ac ti s a n e s which corresponds in part with the
,
second Ethiopian dominion in Herodotus that o f ,
S a b ac o The building o f the Labyrinth the reign

.
,
o f R e m p h i s the erection o f the Pyramids are all

, ,
placed by the two historians i n di fferent relative

p ositions ; the Lab y rinth which according to D io ,
dorus w as erected five generations before the Troj an

War dates according to Herodotus from the D o
,
d e c a rc hi a D i o d o r u s makes the whole n u mber o f

.
native sovereigns of Egypt to have been 4 70 kings

“
and 5 queens Herodotus m akes them 3 4 1 from
.
3
Menes to S e tho s ; but as only twenty native princes

a t most reigned from S e th o s to N ectanebus the ,
the native monarchy was according to the E g y p

tians above 4 70 0 years ( D i o d 1 according .
,
Aw w y m m i fl o hha 9
r
p tw vv
pm 1 , 44 .
r oii v A i w rr tm
'
xov y i B a a th c i s c v
v o 3 2 , 142 .
pq w m .
( S yn c e ll p 63 A 1 1 7 D i n d )
. . . .
SE CT . L ] GREE K W R I TE R S .
to the calculation of Herodotus ( 2 1 4 2 ) ,
These dis c repancies are so enormous and s o funda

m ental as to preclude the idea that they can have
been superinduced by lapse o f time and a variety
of n arrators on a history originally authentic N or .
h ave we any ground for stamping o n e with the

ch aracter of authenticity to the exclusion o f the
other Both appeal to the same authority the
.
,
narratives of the priests D i o d o r u s it is true with , ,
a more frequent allusion to written documents but

as h e could not read them him self he can give no ,
evidence as to their contents Both o f them appear .
to o we their origin to the same cause the desire to ,
connect together a few leadin g facts i n Eg yptian

history and assign the most rem arkable monuments
,
to their authors I n the age of D i o d o r u s the r e

.
m ains o f Thebes attracted m ore attention than i n
that o f Herodotus and the history is enlarged by

,
explanations o f their origin Both authors were .
ignorant of the i nvasion o f the Shepherds ; both

misplaced the ae ra of the erection of the Pyramids ‘
,
and by these two great errors disturbed their w hole

chronology By transposing Cheo p s Chephren
.
,
and M y cerinus to th e blank s p aces which in both ,
historians p recede Moeris as suggested by L e p ,
si n s we bring them into a general agreement

,
with the Egyptian authorities U po n the whole .

,
the history o f D i o d o r u s has the more historic al air ;

its chronology is more moderate its n arratives less ,
mythic ; not because it is derived more im m e
Dio d says that l , 63 , s om e he very f from Manetho s reckon

ar
’
re c koned the pyramids to be bove

.
a in g
T his would not
.
3 400 years old .

from historical sources but from its being

d i a te ly ,
accommodated to the taste of an age which by arbi

tra r y methods gave an h istorical character to that
which w a s mythic in i ts origin .
The variations between Herodotus and D i o d o r u s

m a y be conveniently exhibited i n a tabular form
‘ .
H E RO D OT U S . D I O D O R US .
Menes . Menes .
3 29 ki ng s amon g whom are

, 18 5 2 kin g s 1400 years
B usiris I
, .
Ethiopians and o e queen n , .
N i to cr i s .
7 ki n g s .
B usiris II founds T hebes .

.
7 kin g s .
Uc h o e u s founds Memphis
r .
E gy p tu s .
ll kin sg
Moeris
.
.
M oeris .
6 ki n g s .
S e s o o si s .
S e so o si s 1 1 .
Many g enerations .
Am as i s .
Ac ti sa n e s .
M arru s.
Five g enerations
Anarchy
.
P oteus K t
.
r or e es .
R em
p hi s
S even g enerations
.
N i le u s .
C he m b es .
Chephren
M y cerinus
.
Tn e ph a c tu
B o c c ho r i s
A lon g interval
.
S ab ac o .
D o de c a r c h i a .
P s a m m i ti c h u s
T hree g enerati ons

.
Ap ri e s
Amasi
.
a.
The Greek history o f Eg pt though it can n o

y ,
longer be received a s true m u st always be studied , .
See Le p sius E inleitun g l p

, , , . 25 9 .
SE C T . IL
] E G Y PTI A N A U T H O R I TI E S .
The substantial truth o f those parts w h ich are n o t

Obviously fabulous was admitted till very recent
times The n ames o f the eminen t persons m en
.
ti o n e d in it p assed into history to the exclusion O f

those to who m this place belonged Everywhere .
i n ancient an d modern literature we meet with

all u sions to it The monuments must be consulted.
,
that we may know what the histo ry o f Egypt was

th e Greek writers that we m ay know what the ,
world h a s till lately believed it to be Perhaps th e .
reader wh o comp ares the imperfect skeleton Of the

authentic Egyptian annals with the animated an d
flowing narrative o f Herodotus will regret that the
age of simple faith i s p ast ‘ .
—
SE C T I L E G Y PTI A N A U T H O R I T I E S
. .
It was i mpossible th at those among the Egyptian

priests who were versed in their o w n h istory and
antiquities S hould be satisfied that they should be
,
so imperfectly represented to the Grecian world a s

by Herodotus nor could the enlightened Greek s o ,
v e r e i g n s o f Egypt fail to perceive the inconsistency
between his accounts and the facts which were b e ,
fore their eyes The establish ment O f the G ree k .
dominion therefore by the conquest o f Alexander

, , ,
soon produced a statement of the philosophy reli ,
gion and history o f Egypt from o n e whose authority ,
could not be called in question Manetho the high .

,
- '
h txa d va r o w ,
X a p ts 3 e t Ta et
p
a rt a u r a r ev
a rre
p x
-
wj o a r o
' ’’ ’
pp i
;E p p
”
E m ( e 0 ta a
e va t T O n o
r tp a v K a
hha m ‘
s .
-
cz m a r ov e
P ind . 01 1 . .
m a rov
B u t P indar ‘was a philosopher ’

as well as a poet and he adds ,
p d p rvp
’
8 ih o m
’
‘
Ap e p a t en
' '
oc
'
es
[I N T R .
priest Of the temple Of Isis at S e b e n n y tu s in Lower

—
E g ypt in the reign O f Ptolemy Lagi ( 3 2 2 2 8 4
,
‘
a m an of the highest re p utation for wisdom and ,
Q
versed in Greek as well as Egyptian lo re published ,
various works for th e purpose of i nformin g the

Greeks and his History as it S hould seem spe
, , ,
c i a lly to correct the errors o f Herodotus

3
They .
h ave all perished but th e respect with which he is

“
,
spoken o f by heathen Jewish and Christian writers , ,
gives a high val u e to the fragm ents and incidental

notices which alone remain The longest and the .
most important are those from his Egyptian History ,
which consisted o f three books It w as deri v ed .
partly from the sacred books and partly according , ,
to his o w n confession from popular tradition n o t , ,
warranted by any written document s

Eusebius '
.
,
in the Preface to his second Book o f the Evangeli

cal P re p a r a ti o n speaks of Manetho s work s a s
G
,
’
copious and this accords with the extracts in J O

,
S e p hus which relate th e expulsion of the Shepherds

,
and o f the Jews so much at length that if the whole ,
Egyptian history were treated with the same full

ness it must have been very bulk y— a circu mstance
,
which b y preventing its tran scription m ay have been

E otpta s
'
however proved t be spurious by

s s i d xp o u e
’
h nh a xd r a o
d bpv
( lE l N t Hist
a .
H
. t h e epithet E B é which the
a e e am e,
c onsu l ted by Pto l emy resp ect introductory E p istle g ives to P to

. .
w as
m
g the introdu c tion of t h e w ors h ip l y the tr nslation of A g t em a u u s u s,
O f Ser pis ( P1ut I s t O p

a .
and never found amon g the titles e s
J oseph c A pion‘ l 14 Ti f the P to l emies I t w probably
. . . .
. . . , , . n O . as
E hh q q p vtx
q sd i the w ork O f a c hristi n
er eo co s n a t s a s. a
t th d I l i d X 480 Joseph 0 A pion 1
.
E
p 85 7 26
u s a . a a
There exi ts under t h e n me where M netho himself disti n

.
, , . . . . .
, , ,
s a a
o f M netho a astrolo g ic l poem g i h th t w hich he relates
an a u s es a
’
e x
ent i tled A h p
,
i lon g d
’
i
’
1ror s aw p
sa A i y
a fl xc
y p p p d , a r n a vn r o ts a
m tt d to be s p urious
i e d a tre d £ 63 dd d w an a an s a n
’
r
1: 7 11 s
t i se B B k 1 2 68 w hi c h S y
,
'
t
v é w
or " 9 h y p
m m n o o o v v v.
I t is
,
t e llus quotes
‘
g enuine P 44 ed V ig er
.
as 6
.
. .
, .
most closely connected Had we a c opy Of hi s .
work o f which unfortunately only a fe w fragments

,
remain we should know very accurately the dynas

,
ties o f Manetho ‘ But it is n o t prob able that he .
g
had read the historical work i ts e lf ; the notices Of
facts which he gives are very brief and seem to ,
have been remarks appended to a chronological ,
table His successors certainly knew Manetho only

.
at second -hand through the m edium o f Africanus , .
The first of these was Eusebi u s the bishop Of ,
C aesarea who about 1 0 0 years later th an Africanus

, , ,
u ndertook a more comprehensive work Of the same
kind which owes all i ts real value as regards E g yp

,
tian history to the use which h e m ade o f his prede

c e s s o r s materials It consisted o f tw o parts the
’
.
,
first of which was a general introduction with ex

tracts from Older chronologers the se c ond a Canon , ,
such a s that Of Africanus This Canon was trans .
lated by Jerome and with the exception o f frag ,
ments of the introductory part chiefly preserved b y

Syncellus was all that was k nown o f it till the d i s
,
c o v e ry o f the Armenian version o f the whole in th e ,
Library Of th e Convent Of that natio n at V enice in ,
1820 Eusebius carried much further than Afri

.
can n s had done the attempt to reduce the chrono

logy o f other nations to the standard o f the Jews ,
and to establish a general system o f synch ronism s

for ancient history — a n u ndertaking which could be
s ys o f hi m seltf when he
He a Tw o di fferent recensions O f it 9
w Egy p t th t he had pro c ured appe r to h ve existed K a )

a s l ll . a a a ar rf v
s cre d b ook b y S p hi k in g of d p g d w
.
Sy
'
a a u s, ‘
e vr e av k oa n
th e fourth d y nas and builder of ll rem rks p 5 6 1 0 4 d ce E
u s a
the G re t I yr i Th rem ins D ind Ro uth ( 2 3 84) doubts the
.
,
.
, ,
'
a am t e a
f A f ic nus h ve been c o l le c ted b y f c t f a se c ond edition at least o f
.
,
o r a a a o
R u tl Reliqui S aet e 2 2 45 seq
,
, the w hole Chronicle
a: t
p alz
, , , .
.
(W
SE C T . 1L ] E G Y P TI A N A U T H O R I TI E S .
e ffected o n n o sound principle fo r ti m e s pre c eding the

O lympiads and he appears not to have scrupled arbi
‘
,
tra r y and even unfair expedients to attain this end .
In the interval between E u sebius and Syncellus ,
Egyptian chronology had been h andled by two

monks of that country P a n o d o ru s and A n i a n u s i n , ,
th e sam e S pirit the scriptural chronology being

,
m ade the standard by which the other was cor

r e c te d George the Syncellus a Byzantine monk
.
, ,
o f the beginning o f the ninth century wrote a g e ,
neral chronology whi c h has com e down to us i n a ,
tolerably perfect state and was executed with great ,
labou r but little sagacity and with the sam e i m

, ,
p l i c i t deference to the Jewish authority He as .
sumes 5 5 0 0 as the a ra o f the Creation and e

,
arra n ges all his dates accordingly He repeats with .
some variations the dyn asties o f Manetho n o t ,
h aving before him however certain ly the original , , ,
work but collating the lists o f Africanus and E u se

,
b iu s Havi ng m entioned the discrepancies between

.
the names and dates derived from Manetho by the

ecclesiastical historians especially i n regard to the ,
sovereign under whom Joseph ruled Egypt and

Moses led forth the people he says I have there , ,
fore deemed i t n ecessary to extract and comp are

with o n e another the editions o f tw o o f the most
? ”
celebrated men Africanus and Eusebius , It is
th u s at the third han d th at we h ave Manetho s lists ’
,
and all that criticism can attempt is by the compa ,
’
l
c
’
B u n se n , fl?lg yp te n s S te lle i n d e r > p m a w3
“
r ei a s wa p a f a)
W eltg e s c h i c h te , l , p 1 1 8 Syn c el . vo u s
‘ Kara 7 77V e é k a td e k a r iyv y e y o u é
S ee lso
.
l sp
n , 62 , 1 15 , D ed ind says
, 6E u
. va t h ey a
’
a 65 , 12 1 D ind
P
. . .
.
,
’
- 2
p o s r ov o i k x o n ou 5 3, 9 9, Di n
'
o e B to g w e i o v a . .
m s n e vr e xa td e k a m s d w a rf
‘
T O US
H I ST O RY O F EG Y PT .
rison o f Eusebius and S yncellus to as certain how ,
they stood in the text of Africanus .
Comparing Manetho with Herodotus we find that ,
the latter distinctly excludes fro m the belief of the

Egyptians all beings p artaking of a hu man and di
vine d escent a n d passes from the gods to the reign
'
,
o f the mortal Menes But Manetho after the reign .

,
o f Horus the y oungest of the gods

,
and before the ,
reign of Menes the first o f mortals speak s o f heroes , ,
e
and m a n es a s exercising d o m i n i o n This seems an .
example of the reaction of Greek upon Egyptian

mythology The Greeks i nterposed between gods
.
—
and the actual race of mortals d ae m on s who were ,
3
the men of the golden age m a n es w ho were the ,
men of the silver age and her o es or d em i g o d s who ,
united the divine and human n ature ; and the

Egyptians were probably unwilling not to h ave a
corres p onding period of m ythic hi s to r v We find .
no trace o f these two classes i n th e Tur i n papyrus ,
nor is any hieroglyphic ch aracter answeri ng to them

k nown .
The lists of Manetho com p rehend besides th e ,
period of gods m anes and heroes thi r ty d y nasties , , ,
O f: Bexdp c vo c d rro 06 0 i}
y ev o é fia c 3
M er c i ve x v a s
'
K a i d s fu n
r o
d vop o m o v ( 2 , N ’
o nt o u m f 8 aw
’
Oe o v r 1rp oo-
'
-
n y B a a th i n
'
xa r a tfl e i
p p
l
'
A i ytm fl m 0 130 rip w m

' '
386» ( 2 , ( D yn )
'
01 “
rat . . .
l
s e ks of heroes
Dio d o ru s ( , 44 ) p a 3
H esiod W and
D 1 20 , 1 40 ,
reigning l on with the g ods in
, , . .
as a 15 5
a
pe o d o f
n ye rs a .
Ann - TO UT O K
.
ti d
A I
d y a ta d
a
p 6 7r kw
y /o r
en u r xcih v r e v
To l p ev b ip
I
a o ve s 6 30 1.
Of the men of the s i lver a

ge
T
Q
xd d m p d
'
o
ri
n» vu o o c xa
p e s
‘
Gu q r o l xa k e o x/r a c
Aw fl
poc .
O f the hero s e
:l lA v8 fip dm
'
G ri m
'
i
'
w h e o vr m
p w
a :
y e vo r , o xa
p t ar o u
of the monarchy is by no means prob able ‘ The .

,
imputation of having wilfully forged names with ,
w hich to fill o u t vacant spaces in the early history
o f Egypt has been refuted by the very close con

,
formity between his lists and the monuments a —

,
conformity which manifests itself at the early period

o f the erectio n o f the Pyramids According to L e p .
si n s o f 142 kings o f the O ld Monarchy i e those

, ,
. .
who reigned before the invasion o f the Hyksos 8 0 ,
are found on the mon u me n ts Bu t we m ay rea .
so n a b ly doubt whether the means existed in his ,
time to fix the date o f the reign o f Menes o r carry ,
the chronology over the troub led period o f the

Hyksos and when we com pare him with the mo
has endeavou ed with
B o e c kh r says nothing o f the rei gns o f the
g reat d in g enuity to
lea rm n g an
g ods m nes and heroesaoccupyi ng
sho w th t the chronolog y of Ma cert i n number f S othi c p e
,
a a a o a
ne tho is not historic l but a t o o a s r n i d

r o s. This is derived from the
mical B c kh m kes the
. oe of a su m O ld Chronicle menti oned before ;
all the th i rty dy asties to be 5 3 66 n and there is no e idence th t the v a
Th is is just the sum o f th ee S o

.
r hi g h priest f S b e yt admitted o e nn u s
thi eriods
ac 43 8 3 ye rs p l y such pr i nciple into his c h o
tpe ye rs that had elapsed
, or a , u s an r
a n o l gyo f th e mythic g e
o C a . on
between 13 22 B C when the last sequently the presumption that he
S othiac period be g n and 3 3 9 B c
. .
,
a did o in the histori c times f lls to

s a
the l st year of N ect nebus II and
, .
the g round T he number 5 3 66 is

.
,
a a . .
the close f M netho s th i rtieth o a

’
not obt i ned without many alte a
a r
d n t Hence he concludes th t tions which if not arbitr y derive
Ity c t
as a ar
, , ,
an h d b i tra i ly assumed
0 a ar r their prob bility only from the sup
a
the historical period f Egypt to o i ti o that the sum is rig ht
plven w ere the number cert in it
os n
have beg un with Sothi c p eriod
.
a a a
d a c commod ted his chronolo y
, ,
an
g a mi ght be merely an accidental c o
to th t assumption He arg ues
a inc i dence th t it admitted of divi a
the probability o f this from the
.
, sion into tw o S othiac period and s

f c t th t the mythic
a a
g ends with a e 9 83 y e rs a
the 1 7th S othi c period Th e recent work o f Lesueur
.
ye rs ) whence the historic l w hi c h

a . a
( Chronolo g ie des Rois d E gy p te
’
,
succeeds it w ould n tur lly be g in a a crowned by the French Aca

w th another d the time bet w een
i . an demy ssumes as its b sis the O ld
a a
Menes d 13 22 be so d i t i Chro icle w hich I think Lepsius
,
an s r n
buted as t fi ll p tw o B t o u u h as
,
satisf ctorily shown to be an

a
report d by A fri c a
.
Manetho . as e arbitrary dapt ti on of Manetho sa a

’
nus and E usebius m kes the time . a true dates at once to the S othiac
be fore Menes years d , an period d the Hebrew chronolo gy
an
,
.
SE C T . IL ] E G Y PTI A N A U T H O R IT I E S .
nu m although there is su fficient accordance

e n ts ,
to vindicate his integrity there is also sufficient ,
discrep ancy to prevent implicit reliance in the a h

sence o f monuments Had the series o f mon u ments .
,
indeed inscribed with the nam es o f the kings an d

,
years o f their reigns been ever s o complete it could ,
not a lone h ave furnished a chronology b ecause ,
the Eg yptians do not appear at any time to have

reckoned in their public monuments by an aer a , ,
like that o f the O lympiads b ut only to h ave dated ,
events as we date acts o f p arli ament by the years

, ,
o f the king s reign

’
.
S yn c e llu s quotes an O ld Chronicle which he

l
,
s ays was in vogue among the Egyptians in which ,
the period before the l 6th dy nasty of Manetho is

allotted to th e gods an d demigods with 1 5 gene
rations o f th e Cyni c circle It was designed to bring .
the work o f the historical Manetho into conformity

with th e Sothiac o r Cynic period and comprehends ,
years o r 2 5 o f these periods which were

, ,
each of 1 4 5 1 years The number 2 5 was th e length .
o f the life o f Apis The L a ter c u lu s as it is called

?
, ,
o f Syncellus is another arbitrary arrangement o f

,
Egyptian chronology and the Sothis which pro , ,
fesses to be the work o f Manetho is manifestly ,
S purious .
If we suppose that an accurate record o f th e

successive reigns and the len gth o f each was pre
served from the very commencement of the m o
n ar c h
y we ,
might easily deduce the chro nology o f
1
P 5 1 95 D ind S othis andthe O ld Ch i l st nd
. ro n c e , a
S ee vol i p 3 3 6 Lepsius has to the g enuine work of M anetho
.
, , ,
2
. . . .
very fully investi g ated the relation ( E inleitun g , 1, p . 413

in which the spurious w orks the ,
H I S TO RY OF E G Y PT .
[I N T R .
the whole interval from Menes to N ectanebus by ,
ad d ing together the lengths of all the reigns But .
this implies that all the reign s were consecutive ;

that there either were no j oint or rival sovereignties ,
o r that if they existe d only one was fixed on as the

,
legitimate monarch and hi s years alone entered i n

,
the succession A hi story of Great B ritain in which

.
the years o f the kings of E n gland and Scotland

before the U nion of the Crowns or the Stuart an d ,
the B runswick princes since the R evolution were ,
a d ded together would prese n t a very false chrono

,
logy TO deduce an Egyptian ch ronology therefore

. , ,
from the lists of Manetho we must be assu red that

,
h i s reigns are all strictly consecutive and th at no ,
period has been reckoned twice over Eus e bius i n .
the Armenian version of his Chronicle havin g urged

that it is reasonable to reduce th e years
claimed by the Egyptian s to as many months in ,
order to make them s u i tw i th the Hebre w chrono logy ,
thus proceeds : If the length Of time is still i n excess ,
we should carefully consider that perhaps several

Egyptian kings existed in o n e and the same age fo r
they say that T hi n i te s and Memphites reigned and ,
Saites and Ethiopians a n d others at the same time ,

.
O ther kings also appear to have reigned i n other

places and these dynasties to h ave confined them
,
selves eac h to its own n O I n e ; s o that single ki n gs

did not reig n successively but one in o n e place
, ,
”
another in another at th e same time As this is .
introduced as a last reso u rce for the avowed pur

p ose o f reducing the Egy p tia n to the Hebrew c hr o
o ology we cannot regard it as o f any authority
, .
N o other ancient author gives us reason to suppose ,

H I ST O RY OF EG Y PT .
[I N T R .
their meaning in Greek These Theba n kings are .
3 8 in number and their united reigns amounted

,
to 1 0 76 years The name of Theban i s that by

.
whic h he designates them collectively and i n d i vi

dually without any distinction o f dynasty though
, ,
he noti c es o f the first that he was a Thi n i te and ,
of the S ixth that he was a Memphite The Gree k .
interpretations of the Egyptian names h ave a g e

neral conformity with the Coptic language but ,
the corruption which they h ave su ffered i n trans

c ri p ti o n makes it often impossible to trace it It .
appears m ost probable that the list o f Eratosthenes

was constructed tho u gh more scientifically yet
, ,
upon the same principle as those o f Herodotus

and D i o d o ru s that o f assigning authors to the
,
m ost remarkable monuments and i ntroducin g the ,
names of remarkable personages Thus it includes .
Menes the foun der o f the monarchy th e builders ,
o f the Pyramids Ap a p p u s w h o lived 1 00 y ears

, ,
N i to c ri s the only queen A m m e n e m e s the author o f

,
the Labyrinth Mares o r Maris the M oeris o f the

, ,
other Greeks ; P hro u ro o r N e i lo s the author o f ,
the name of the river The n am e o f Theb a n kings

seems equivalent to ea r li es t the Greeks believing ,
that Egypt was once confined to Thebes ‘ When ce .
the other names were derived it i s di fficult to say

they do not appear to be o f Greek i nvention When .
we contrast the catalogue o f Eratosthenes with the

dynasties o f M anetho they appear to h ave had a ,
common or kindred origin Both begin with Menes .
the Thi n i te to whom his s o n Atho thi s succeeds ;

,
xa i o v A? m o: 6
“
at Ka ho fiFw a s
( Her
’
7m m cm hn r o 2
i
Ap
. .
1,
SE C T . IL ] E G Y PTI A N A U T H O R I TI E S .
the n ames in Manetho S u p hi s S u p h i s ( builder,
o f the Great Pyramid M h are i Erato

) e n c e re s,
n ,
sthenes S aO p hi s S a o p h i s II and M o s c h e r e s ; though

, .
Eratosthenes takes no notice o f th e erection o f the

Pyramids P hi o p s according to Manetho A p a p
.
,
pus a c cording to Erat osthenes reign s 1 0 0 years ; ,
in each we h ave a solitary example o f a queen N i

to c ri s who succeeds at the interval o f a single
,
reign the centen arian P hi o p s or Ap a p p u s The .
n ames of S ta m m en em es S i s tos i s M a r es tow a rds

, , ,
the end o f the list of Eratosthenes do not di ffer ,
s o widely from the Am m en em es S es o s tr i s L a m a r es , ,
o r A m er e s o f the twelfth dynasty of Manetho but ,
that the variatio n m a y be explained by th e corrup

tion s o f transcribers and th e di fficulty o f represent
ing Egyptian names in Greek orthography .
It was acutely obser ved by B unsen that where a ,
correspondence exists between the n ames o f Era

to s th e n e s and those o f Manetho it is al w ays i n the ,
dynasties whic h the latter calls Theban o r Mem

p h i te ; and that where th e names are lost th e ,
numbers S ho w that there h as been n o such corre

s o n d e n c e in the oth ers And hence he infers that
p .
only those who belon ged to th e two ancient capitals

o f Egypt were the true sovereigns of the country ,
whose reign s give i ts real chronology ; while the

others ( the E le p h an ti n i te s He ra c le O p o li te S X o i te s)
, , ,
though called kings never exercised a real supre

,
m acy and being contemporaneous with the Thebans

,
o r Memphites do not enter into the chronological

,
reckoni n g N ot w ithstanding the ability with which

.
this attempt to reconcile E ratosthenes and Manetho

is supported we cannot feel such confidence i n its
,
H 2
soundness as to m ake it the basis o f a hi story .
We sh all therefore treat the dynasties o f the latter

as being what he evidently considered them to be
, ,
successive unless where there is some internal o r

,
independent evidence o f error ; admitting at the

same time that no great relia n ce can be placed o n a
chronology which professes to ascend to the v e r y c o m
m e n c e m e n t of the reign o f mortal kin gs in Egypt .
But there appears no evidence that Manetho wil

fully tampered with facts known to him to fav our ,
either an astronomical o r an historical theory h i s

system m ay be baseless but it is n o t fictitio u s ,
.
The authority of all that was written in the

Ptolemaic age o r subsequently whether by natives
, ,
o r foreigners respecting Egyptian history and c h r o

,
n o lo must depend very much the number

gy , o n
and quality o f the ancien t writings which were

extant at that period Herodotus speak s only of a .
papyrus from which the names o f 3 3 0 kings were

,
read to him by the priests but it does not appear

whether the historical facts which they detailed to
him in connexion with som e o f these n ames were
derived from the same source ‘ The Egyptians .
were celebrated am ong ancien t n ations for their

“
historical knowledge th e n atural consequ ence o f ,
the number and antiquity o f their m onuments the ,
early possession and wide di ffusion o f the art o f

writing and the unch angi n g tr a d i ti on a ry character
,
,
o f all their usages and institutions Accor d ing to .
D i o d o ru s it had been the practi c e o f the priests

8
,
He q te the E g l t A; gyp tu
u o s
“
Apu le m M em
tians d the priests as Jgigt xiq i7641
. s, m .
an
authoriti es for thes details 1 44

e 3
l l er 2 77 P risca doctrina o l
.
, .
p
.
, .
H I ST ORY O F E G Y PT .
glyph ic character was in u s e at the erection o f th e

Pyramids and the reed -pen and inkstand and
,
,
scribes employed in writing appear among th e ,
sculptures in the tombs of Gizeh which are c o n

‘
,
temporaneous with the Pyramids themselves

R e c e n tlv among the pa p yri in the hieratic ch a
r a c te r several properly historical documents have
,
been found ; o n e o f the m ost remarkable is th e

papyrus of Sallier which appears to contain a nar,
ra ti ve o f th e war s o f R ameses -Sesostris and to be ,
o f the same age O ther fragments o f an historical

.
nature relate to the reigns o f R ameses I X and

Tho th m e s III and Lepsius conj ectures that o n e
.
, ,
from i ts archaic style m ay even belong to the O ld ,
Monarchy N one of them have been fully read

.
,
but they are received as evidence by those most

competent to j udge and m ay hereafter fu rnish ,
valuable m aterials for h i s to r y g

.
It is probable that the priests o f Memphis and

Thebes di ffered in their representations o f early
history and that each s ou ght to extol the glory o f
,
their o w n city Ho w oth erwise can we account for

.
it that while Herodotus m akes Menes to be the

,
fou nder of M e m phis and con s equently this capital

,
to b e co aeval wit h the mon archy D i o d o r u s a ttri ,
butes i ts foundation to Uc h o reu s eighth in descent ,
from O s ym a n d ya s or B u s i i s I I The history o f

p
.
Herodotus turns about Memph is as a centre ; he

ii
ment ons Thebes o n ly i n é i d e ri tally and does n o t ,
descr be or allude to o n e I Of its m onuments Dio .
dorus o n the contrary is full i n his description o f

,
,
P py ri i the hi erati c ch r c
1
5 60
Il s lc c t
l
a n a a
8 1
u
ter from the ll co e c ti o n in the B riti h
s
L 53 . Se M useum Lond , . 1 844 .
SE C T . IL
] E G Y PTI A N A U T H O R ITI ES .
Thebes and says little o f Memphis Herodotus

, .
went to Thebes to ascertai n whether the accounts ,
o f the priests corresponded with what h e h ad heard
at Memphis and h e seems to have been satisfied ,
with the agreement ; but his visit must have been

short and his inquiries superficial o r he would have ,
described Thebes more fully .
Besides properly historical documents whic h ,
appear to have been the work o f the priests and

preserved in the temples there were others called , ,
in a peculiar sense s a c r e d books fro m which m a n v ,
m aterials fo r illustrating and completing history

might be derive d They are enumerated in a pas .
l
s age o f Clemen s A le x a n d ri n u s I n the sacred
”
ceremonies o f the Egyptians says he first o f all , ,
the S i ng er c omes forth bearing o n e o f the i n s tr u ,
2
m ents o f music He must know by heart two o f .
the books o f Hermes o n e of which contains the ,
hymns of the gods the other the allotment o f the ,
king s life 3
N ext to the singer com es the H or o
’
4
s c op u s who carries in his han d a ho r o log i u m
,
and a
p alm -branch symbols o f astrono my He they say ,
.
, ,
must al w ays h ave at his tongue s en d those o f the ’
b ook s of Herm es which are astronomical being fou r ,
in number o n e o f which relates to the arrangement

Strom 6, 4, p ed P otter p
-
an a m o u r Ka i hov a a o d a t Ka i K o ty n
S ee P1ut Ag il
. . .
2
. es . 95m ;
p er a
m 9
y vva t xo s K a
‘
i Ka eo h o v
e 2 4 A dy o v a va yvo v e e u B i fi h cp o r
. .
‘
’
ra w Ka ra rov Bi ou wp a r r oy e vco v
’
e hh e 7 1 6 e ci u a h a B m u 6 Av a a v d rra vr w v
e
p 7 .
fip o s e v r q i Brig g)
'
. is ener l ly ren 4 i
o h d ‘
y to v
g a
3
E 1< 7\ o - dered B d al vol i p S u n - i ( see
’
yw p ov B a m h i xo v
. i ou . . .
T here s no
.
I for renderin but y it not mean a list of the

a u th O I i ty g m a
yet this h f the da y w ith the I nfluences

’
d b u ti o n ,
’
e nh o w p o g i s tr i o u rs o
y
seems to be the code by w hich the of the constel l ations d i g each u i n
occup tions o f the soverei g n w ere ( vol i p 3 48 ) according t

a se e o
re g ulated S ee D i o d 1 70 O f the nalo g y of u n h y

.
. .
,
. l . : a vo o
'
tov, an a
c of t h e month ?
.
,
i f w i) p w if
'
pé i} q
vo v r o
u ar e K t ve » m an a
xa c
pb s d hh d Ka i f o il 1r e
of the stars which appear to be fixed ; On e respect

ing the conj unctions of the s u n and m oon an d her ,
illuminations ; the remainin g o n e respecting the

risings o f the heavenly bodies N ext com es forth .
the H i er og r a m m a t having feathers on h i s head and ,
a book in his h and wit h a rectangular case ( K d ) ,

v
i n which is contained writing-ink and the reed with

which they write He must know the h i eroglyphics .
,
as they are called and wh at relates to cosmography ,
and geography the order o f the sun and moon an d ,
the five planets and th e topography o f Egypt and ,
the description o f th e N ile ; and the enumeration

o f the furniture o f the temples and the lands that
have been dedicated to them ; and concerning the

m easures and the sacred utensils After tho s e a l .
ready mentioned comes the S to li s tes havin g the ,
cubit of j ustice and the vessel for pouring libation s

1
.
He knows all the books which relate to education

and to the slaughter o f victim s Th ere are ten .
which have reference to the honour p aid to their

gods and comprehend the Egypti an religion 8 g r
, , . .
o f sacrifices first fruits hym ns p rayers p ro c e s

, , , ,
sions festivals and the like After all these comes

, .
g
forth the P r op hetes carrying openly in his bosom ,
the vessel o f water followed by those who carry th e ,
s
loaves which were brought fo r th The p ro p he te s .
,
sta nd rd measureof leng th which mi g ht be p ro he tic o other

The a r
hk the Shekel o f the S nctu ry
e
“
w ise ( Her 8 1 3 5 a a ,
t ndard of e ght amon g the

. . .
,
th ae s w ‘ 3
Of p {
i
nd w aw d p w n : m e / r f v
Jew s
,
.
S ee vol i B i f O fferin g s of lo ves . . am c o vr e s . a
c kes to the g ods are common or a

G
fe ren ce t p d i c ti
reek h no e the monuments ( R lli i as r on . o se n ,
w mi ht
o Mon del Culto t xxxi i i
re on , as e
g a v.
u pp ose fr m
. .
Compa e the d o
,
s w fp o ou r o
5 ‘
vi 48 f the ?e wi h
e
e
n u s
w p P
o ro r rm 7 0 0 ° s
ph t n W
a
his O ffi ce t 9 5 l K i “
'
o
.
06 n s
ti y
s l. 0
f r 'h the deci tions Of th 8 d
3
o m a
.
S e 0 , a nc u r .
H S I T O RY OF E G Y PT .
[I N T R .
rather than an historical document ‘ A S already .
mentioned it begin s with the dyn asties o f the gods

, ,
to whom years are assigned by tens o f thousands ,
and from them comes down to Menes the founder ,
o f the monarchy It contained probably the titular .
shields of 2 5 0 kin n i n i ts entire s tate and th ose ,
o f 1 1 9 are still more o r less l egible The d iffi .
culty which the discrepancy between Manetho and

Eratosthenes has occasioned i s not rem oved but ,
increased by the discovery o f this docu m ent and

, ,
from its mutilated state its arrangement is doubt

ful There exist also fragmen ts o f papyri c o n
.
taining acco u nts o f receipt and expenditure o f the

date o f the 1 8 th and l g th dynasties which from ,
the occurrence of the n ames o f reigning sove

reigns and the years of their reigns are valuable
, ,
a s subsidiary to history
3
The m aj ority o f the p a .
pyri however which have been preserved relate to

, ,
the theology of the Egyptians describing the state ,
and changes o f the sou l after death for which ,
reason they were s o commo n ly placed in tomb s

and the cases o f the mummies Eve n thoug h .
they contain no properly histori c al information ,
by their early date and the proof which they ex ,
bibit of the existence o f a theological system i n

Egypt fully developed and generally received they
, ,
g ive collateral evidence to the accounts o f the high

antiquit y of i ts arts and institutions There appear .
also to be collections o f hymns from wh ich when ,
It h b en published cord
as e unsen s E pt E n 50 ac 7
B
’
arrange ment of the Birch T r R y 0 Lit 3 50 1

. .
m
g t h o
o w is n
o 0.
en t by L psius his A
. .
, . .
,
m T names ar given in D de B acas 2 pp 80 8 1 85

Cham lli o Lettre a M le
s e In u s 3
n, .
he e u e
l plu c chara ter in L
, , .
, , ,
the l e u ro
g
c e
s e
u u s r
’
l
g i w ith f a c
rm o o e,
m l s o f th ori g i nal
m c e .
SE C T . IL
] E G Y PTI A N A U T H O R I TI E S .
deciphered light m ay be thrown o n h istory as wel l

as theology
‘ .
A passage in D i o d o ru s proves th at the Egyptians

h ad popular poetry in which th e exploits o f their
kings were celebrated Speaking o f the r e I g n o f .
S e s o o s i s he says ,
th at not only did the Greek ,
“
historians di ffer amon g themselves respecting him ,
but even in Egypt the priests and those wh o cele

b ra te d him i n s ong did not agree As a distin o
tion is here m ade between the priestly and the
poetical literature these songs m ust h ave been ,
something di fferent from those w h ich Clemens de

i
scribes the Q B c o r singer as repeating and several O ,
o f the circumstances which D i o d o r u s goes on to
m entio n h ave the air o f bein g suc h exaggerations

a s a pop ular poetical literature deals in R o s e lli n i .
h a s suggested th at in the papyrus o f Sallier we ,
have a poetical account o f the military exploits of

Sesostris and that the long inscription relating to
R ameses I V at Medinet Aboo i s rather a son g than
.
3
an historical n arrative
N o nation h a s left in its inscribed monuments
such ample m aterials for history as the Egyp tians
the statues of their kings are generally inscribed
with their names the walls of their palaces exhibit
their exploits com monly accompanied with the year ,
o f their reigns ; works o f art executed fo r private
individuals an d the tombs of public fun ctionaries

frequently contain th e nam e o f the reigning sove
reign But we commonly derive no information
.
from these sources as to the succession and relative

1
Lepsius E inleitun g 1 p, , , . 49 , o f re i ep ei s '
K a i o i di a i
q qd s
spe ks of lle t o o f h h
a a co c I n su c m u s u vr o u e
’
y xw
pm fo w es , ov
x a
p ol o
Of the g e of R meses IX
a a .
‘ ov
y p e va h ey o v o w .
2
2, 5 3 . K a i ra w Kar
’'
A I y vrrr o u 3
Mon S tor iv
. . . 91 .
[I N T R .
position o f the sovereigns o r their abs olute place i n ,
a general system o f chronology There are tw o re .
marka b le monuments however which appear to , ,
give a certain number o f kings in the order o f their

l
succession the Tablet of Ab yd o s an d the Tablet
,
o f K a r n ak
Q The building to which the former b e
.
longed was built o r repaired by R ameses the Great

he is represented o n the monument sitting
o n his throne and contemplating a doub le series
o f twenty -s i x shields o f his predecessors The .
lowest line of the monument contains o n ly a repe

tition o f his o w n name and titles The conclusion .
which was at first drawn from this monument that ,
it exhibited a r eg n a l succession o f fi fty-two m o

n a rc h s anterior to R ameses the Great h as not i n ,
deed been realized nor h a s the anticipated corre

,
s o n d e n c e been established between th e tablet and

p
the lists o f Manet ho except for a few reigns i n ,
the later part Still i ts information is most i m

.
portant for Egyptian history The tablet o f K arn ak .
is a representation of Tho th m e s III o ffering gifts .
to a series o f S ixty -one kings disposed i n four lines ,
around the walls This sovereign h imself is the

.
-
forty fourth o f the tablet of Abydos and it might ,
have been expe cted that we should find here hi s

predecessors on that tablet which however is n o t , , ,
the case B u t though we have been disappointed

.
in the hope of obtaining fro m the combination o f

these tw o monuments an authentic regnal succes
sion fro m Rameses the G reat upwar d s and the ,
tablet o f K arnak like that o f Abydos cannot be

, ,
brought into exact correspondence with Manetho ,
there are evi d entl y materia ls in these m onuments

S l i p 45
e e vo . . . V ol i p 1 74
.
. . . .
[I N T R .
reign o f any o f the o ld Egyptian king s we should ,
have a fi x e d point in the fl u x o f time from which we

might reckon upwar d s and downwards with cousi
d e ra b le security Whether any such fixed point i s
.
to be found is a matter for subsequent i nquiry .
Syncell u s we have seen assigns 3 5 5 5 years a s

, ,
the duration of Manetho s thirty dyn asties These ’

.
being Egyptian years are equivalent to 3 5 5 3 J u lian

y e a rs l a n d added to 3 3 9 B C
,
when his 3 0 th d y . .
,
nasty e Xp i re d give 3 8 9 2
9
a s the com mence
,
ment of the reign of Menes There is nothing i n .
credible in such an antiquity o f the Egyptian m o

n arc h y ; but from wh at h as been already said and ,
from what will appear in o u r further investigations ,
it cannot b e regarded as historically proved .
The following History is divided into Three Books ,
each comprising a period designated respectively

as the O L D th e M I D D L E an d the N E W Monarchy
, ,
.
The first extends from th e Foundation o f the K ing

dom of Menes to the Invasion o f the Hyksos The .
second from the Conquest o f Lower Egypt b y the

,
H yksos and the Establish ment o f a dependent K ing

d o m at Thebes to the Expulsion o f the Hyksos , .
The third from the R e -establish ment o f the M o

,
n a rc h
”
y by A m o s i s to the F inal Conquest by Persia .
The D ynasties o f Manetho have been employed as

subdivisions according to the text of Africanus
, ,
because however doub tful the reading o r the nu m

bers may be no better authority exists
, .
Le psius Einleit n
g 1 p 49 9 note G erm ) had l l disti n
u c e ar
ig
, , , . .
, .
B o ec kh,
M netho und die a i h d the t wo first d ; but
g
u s e er s
p
g fk
un te m pe
s d A bs c
nohn 2 e subd
e, i vides the th rd into the
.
, i
flourishin g period 1 5 00—700

T hese d e gn t are due I d the peri od f decline 700 D C
0
sr a i ou s
, an o
be lieve to B unsen and Le5
. .
t th e P ers i an Conquest
'
81
512
,
0 .
I 24 5
HI STO R Y OF E G YPT .
B O OK 1 .
TH E OLD M O N A R C HY .
M A N ET H O according to the Arm enian version o f

,
Eusebius having enumerat e d the gods o f Egypt

, ,
beginning with V ulcan and endi n g with Ho r u s l

,
s ays ,
these first exercised power among the E gyp
tian s .
Years
N ext the royal authority devolved by con 13 9 00 which are lun
.
, ar ,
tinned succession to B y ti in the space of s, of 30 days each .
After the gods heroes reig ned .
Then other king s

T hen 3 0 other kin g s o f Memphis
T hen 10 other ki n g s of This 350
T hen followed a dominion of ma es and n
heroes
The sum a m ounts to y ears ( 1 1

which however are lun ar o f a m onth each
, , , .
Without attempting any other explanation o f

these successions and numbers th an wh at h as been
Q
already g i ve n we pass to the ,
Fi r s t D yn a s ty .
After the m anes an d demigods the first kingdom ,
1
Vol i p
. . . 357 .
9
Vol . II p. . 92, 9 6.
H I ST ORY OF E G Y PT .
[B OOK
is re ckoned to have c onsisted of ei gh t kings , of
whom the fi rs t Years .
1 M E N E S the Thi i t rei g ed

.
‘ n e, n 62
He died torn to pie es by hippopotamus
,
c a .
2 . AT H O H I S his
T , reigned so n , .
He built the palace at Memphis He w a physician . as ,
and anatomical books of his are in circulation .
3 . K E N K E N E S his son rei g ned

, ,
4 . O U E N P H E S his son rei g ned

E , ,
U nder him a g reat famine prevailed in Eg ypt He .
erected the pyr mids near C h o e a oc m .
L S A P H A I D O S ( US A P H A I S ) his o
'
5 . , s n
6 MI R E
. IDOS (N I E B AE S ) , hi s so n
7 SE. his
M E M P S E S, so n
U nder him a great pesti lence prevail ed in E gypt .
8 . B I E N N E C H E S his so n ,
The summation o f Africanu s m ak es th e total 2 5 3

that o f Eusebius 2 5 2 in Syn cellus and the sam e in ,
the Armenian notwithstanding the shortening o f

,
the reign o f Menes These discrepancies will n o t be .
noticed i n future unless for some speci al reason ,

.
The word D yn a s ty which does n o t Occur i n the ,
older writers o n Egyptian history appears to be ,
used by Manetho nearly i n the same sen se as when

we speak o f the Carlovingian o r the Capetian d y
nasty as a n hereditary succession o f sovereigns
, .
O n the failu re o f the line electio n was resorted to ,
in Egypt All the ki n gs o f the first dyn asty s u c

.
c e e d e d from father to son

; afterwards th e men
tion o f their relation to each other is omitte d but ,
the descent appears to h ave been I n the same line

till the d ynasty w a s changed .
That Menes o f This was the first mortal king o f

Egypt is one of the very few p oints in which all the
,
E usebiu in the Armenian makes his rei g n 30 years

s .
[ B OOK
concealed in this mode o f expression Besides if 1

,
the reign o f the gods means a reign o f th e priests ,
what is the historic a l equivalent o f the reign s o f

the m a n es and the heroes
The entire uncertainty o f all th at precedes Menes
m ay even t hrow doubt o n his o w n historical reality
fo r we d o not commonly fin d the darkness Of a
m v th i c period succeeded at once by light and
certainty The real founders o f great cities in
.
ancient times being generally unk nown it was ,
c o m m o h to suppose o n e bearing th e sam e n am e ,
a s the city itself ; and a s M en/i 3 Cop tic M b 91

( e n e ) ,
appears to have bee n the orthograph y o f the

capital of Lo wer Egypt Menes was assum ed as ,
the founder His n ame written Mena is found .

, ,
in a solemn pro c ession in which th e im ages o f the ,
prede c essors o f R ameses the Great are exhibited 8

,
on the walls o f the R a m e s e i o n at Thebes an d ,
therefore if fictitious it is o f very ancient d ate

, ,
.
.
The monument however belongs to the 1 8 th d y , ,
nasty s o that many hundred years must have inter

,
v ened between the origin o f the monarchy and the
date o f the inscription The sam e combin ation o f .
characters occurs also in the h ieratic manuscript

o f Turin and is thought with probability to h ave
,
stood at the commen c ement o f the list o f kings ,
which that papyrus contains This evidence also .
1
O n c r it que ces d i d i o B unsen adopts and refers t the cm eu x o
et i ent d
,
r nds pr tres qui root ypten

_
a g ese e
a
g p p t ( E g B r m en , er e u u s
des dieux dont i l s 2 p 45 G erm S ee lso hi Coptic
, , .
u ent
nt an D o m a s
mett i ent l es I m g es les momies V oc bulary 1 p M em hi

, , .
, .
a a on a s
sur l e t 6 f (Lesueur C h rono is denoted bi h

.
, ,
1i hics W 1 1
’
r ne
ii
0 1
r fi
.
ero ’
R IS d E g y pte
,
lo des
Ie O
g T ochon d A re d M j , f d a en n o e, a o e O 00
( Wi lk inson M and C 3 2
’
cy é d i ll n ne , a cs 01
‘
N omes E r tosthenes inter

.
, .
,
l d bode 3p p
‘
( es a d y aé w oo
fp
a ou a
.
the name M enes A é

.
,
t
p b l ky i D Vi gnoles Ch
re s I m o r. a . .
E
’
a on s 3 ’
, n Che
p l li L tt d gyp t ro am o on, e res e,
l gy c nj ectures A d w whi c h p 2 70
.
no o , o t co r , . .
I .
] TH E F I R S T DY N A ST Y .
refers to the reign o f R am eses the Great and ‘ ,
t h erefore establishes the fact o f a belief that Menes

had been the founder o f the mon archy a prede —
cessor n o t only o f Memphite but The b an ki n g s g

.
Menes has been considered a s identical with

Mizraim who is m entioned ( Gen x 13 ) as the
, . .
father of several African n ations Th e n am e M e s .
traia is hence given by the author o f th e L a te r c u lu s

to Egypt The O ld Chronicle S peak s of three
.
races as inhabiting Egy p t successively the Au ri tae , ,
the M e s tr ae i and the Egyptians The A u r i tae derive

, .
their n am e from Aeria the Greek epithet for Egypt , ,
3
signifyin g d a r k ; an d neither n am e has any histo
r i c a l authority The termination Of M i z r a i m which
.
,
is plural or as com monly pointed dual is s u fficient

, ,
to show th at no real perso n was intended and "

,
that Mizraim stands in th e genealogy only as r e

presentative o f the n ation and as i ndicative O f the ,
relation i n which the people of Semitic language

considered the Egyptians to stand towards the ,
common ancestor o f the postdiluvian nations .
Mizraim therefore h as an eth nological n o t an h i ,
s to r i c a l significance denoting the origin o f a p eo ,
ple not a monarchy The n ame itself is unknown

,
.
to the Egyptians ; th e y called their land Cha m or

Chem i 5
an appellation which was also known
,
to the Semitic nations since Mizraim is described ,
T rans of Roy S oc f Lit c lls Mueves ( l 9 4) the first le g is

1 ‘ o a
f
,
lator o f E g ypt P liny

. . . .
2 d series
u , Si lli g ) .
I t deserves to be remarked spe ks f pal ce of Mnevis

2
a o a a
Sc hol Apoll Rh od 1 280

, .
th t the n me of Mnevis the h ll

a a ,
u
3
. . .
, .
of Heliopolis consecrated to the Mi i non est nomen homi 4

sr a m
S un d O siris is w itten hiero nis ; id non patitur form duali

,
an r a s.
c g S cra lib 4 c
,
l
g yp h i lly M ca( Lepsius E i l i ( B o h
en a G n e eo r . a
P lut I s t O i p 3 64 C
.
, , .
, .
tung 1 , and that D i d

, o o ru s
5
. . e s r . . .
1 2
as the s o n o f Ch am ( Gen x To endeavou r to . .
combine in o n e historical stateme n t conceptions

originating in d i fi e re n t countries and from u n c o n
n e c te d sources can lead to n o satisfactory result ,
.
The name of M izraim however conveys to u s i m , ,
portant information since in i ts dual for m it recog ,
n i z e s a double character in the Eg y ptian people .
This cannot h ave consisted i n their living o n both

sides O f the N ile for th at circum stance has never
constituted a division in population language , ,
m anners government o r religion Egypt i s the

, ,
.
country which the N ile overflows ; Egyptians are

the people who w h ether o n the eastern o r western
, ,
bank below Elephantine drink of its waters But

,
‘ ,
.
the distinction of U pper a n d Lower Egy pt exists in

geological structure in langu age in religion an d , , ,
in historical traditio n and to this the dual form o f

Mizrai m evidently alludes provin g its origin in ,
times when the whole valley from Syene down

wards was peopled The name exists also i n a sin .
gular form M e ts u r and from its derivation appears

e
, /
,
to allude to the n arrow a n d compressed S h ape o f

the greater part o f the cou ntry for which reaso n ,
Egypt i s called by the prophe t I saiah (xviii a .
a ”
nation spread out i n le n g th .
The great work s attributed to Menes as the ,
founder of Memphis are fully described by Hero ,
d o tu s ; they were necessary preliminaries to the

4
1
Her 2 1 8 Vol i p 4
.
, . 1
13 Comp B och
. . . .
3
I t ap pe rs to h ve been c S
. . .
a G g S ra a tr bo ( 1 7 an eo r a a s. a
f etr y 2 K i p 78 9 ) c ompares it to lon g sash
. .
, .
a rc h i a sm o i 2 4
p g o n s, x x a
w here for
, .
, .
fb
“
g d pl
n ve rs o irdle e s re e ac es
”
or
w shou l d read rivers f gv It g 2 9 9 S ee Vol i
.
“
e
1 1 2 o
( I s xix 6 ; M ich vii 1 2 w if i

P '
.
, . . . .
. .
e e a
similar c orre c ti n should be m de )
. .
,
o a .
[B OO K
civilization and to disrega rd the law of develop

,
ment by attributing the changes o f centuries to the

,
life o f o n e man ‘ .
Eusebius adds to th e inform ation o f Africanus ,
that Menes led an army beyond th e territories o f

Egypt and acquired reno w n It does not appear
,
.
from what so u rce he derived his authority whether ,
from Manetho or not U nder the first sovereign .
o f the third dynasty it is said th at the Libyans re
v o lte d These were probably the border tribes o n

.
the east o f the Canopic branch o f the N ile They .
bore impatiently their incorporation with Egypt ,
wh ose m anners and religion were di fferent fro m

their own "
We m ay suppose that their original
.
conquest and annexation was th e work o f Menes .
In later times the Libyans seem to have assimilated

themselves to the Egyptian s The oracle o f Amun .
was established i n the Great O asis and anim al ,
worship prevailed a m on g the L i b y a n s S The L e .
bahim who are said to o w e their origin to Mizrai m

,
( Gen x .
are supposed to b e the Libyans but
.
“
,
this mode of expression does not always indicate

an historical descent .
O n the whole Menes seem s to fi ll nearly the ,
same place in regar d to Egyptian history as R o

mulus to the Roman The monarchy o f Egypt .
,
like that o f Rome must h ave h ad a founder ; whe ,
ther in either case bearing a n ame analogous to

1
O f th song f Me said H o 2 18 an e ro s , 9
e r.
t be the f th first kin o f S
.
,
p so n o
g tr bo 1 6 p 760
e 3
E g y pt
a
l I p 2 38 M ich elis Sp ic G g l 2 62
.
, , .
, s e e vo . .
a eo r
.
.
.
, .
, .
L ]
J
THE F I R ST DYN A ST Y .
that o f the capital o f the kingdom is doubtful AS .
R omulus was represented by later historical hypo

thesis to have established the principal civil i n s ti tu
’
tions and religious rites o f the R om ans as if he ,
an d his people h ad sprung o u t o f the earth instead ,
o f being a colony from the civilized Latins so ,
Menes was said to h ave taught religion to the E g yp

tians and introduced the use o f grain and even
,
luxury among them though he cam e from This , ,
the ancient seat o f the worship of O siris and began ,
his reign over united Egypt by work s which cer

ta i n ly do not indicate the infancy o f art R omulu s .
vanished by a supern atural death and was sus ,
e c te d to have been taken o ff by a hostile political

p
faction Menes was said to h ave been torn to
.
Q
pieces by a hi p p O p o ta m u S th e emblem o f crime ,
i n the Egyptian mythology Such disappearances .
m ay generall y be taken as an indication that fiction

has been at work and when they occur at the very ,
point where the confines of history and mythology

meet throw a shade o f doubt over the perso nality
,
s
o f their subj ect .
The establishment o f th e capital o f Egypt at

Memphis was the firs t step towards the n ation s ’
assuming a place i n histo ry Insulated in the .
Theb aid it might have co ntinued for ages without

,
1
D ion Halic Ant R om round for an identific ti on o f . 2, 7 g a
I
. . .
Menes with the M of the n en u

3 P hot B ib i Cod
‘ ’
l p 1 047
. di ns and the M n s of the G er
. . ccx i I . . . a an u
f
0
f
I rrrr o n o r a
y w
'
I
p y h ¢ w mans
‘
as
o s evr o i f he w ere only nother
C
Ie o v I xo
A '
I S
,
yp ic
p p w d d
aa d nh i t was name
u a avfor
'
the human race oee
consecrated to Typhon ( P 1ut I s e t B tt
. .
M yth o l g s 2 23 9
’
. . u m an n s o u , , .
O i p 3 71
s r . . d denoted the Menes is not the first man but
an ,
Western horizon as the abode of only the first mort l kin g Menu a
d Mannus denote simpl y a h

.
,
D rkness E
a eb P p E van g 3
, u s . rae . .
, an u
12 man bein g but Menes h no such as
Th is however ffords no sense in Egypti n

.
,
3
, , a a .
any reciprocal action between it and the other great

nations o f the world —without knowledge o f the sea ,
whi ch lay be yond the marshes in which the N ile

—
appeared to be swallowed u p without m eans o f ,
contact with the civilization which was advancing

from Mesopotamia to the shores o f the M e d i te r ra
nean In this sense its history m ay be said to
.
begin with Menes altho u gh a lo n g period must ,
have preceded his reign in which the people was ,
acqu iri ng the capacity o f a national existence and ,
receiving the impress o f a national character .
Menes was succeeded by his son Atho thi s A .
n ame which has been read Ath o th appears amon g

the fragments o f th e Canon o f Turin but the cor ,
r e c tn e s s o f the readin g is d o u b tfu l l O f him we are .
told that he built the palace at Memphis that h e

,
w a s a physician and that book s of anatomy written ,
by him were still extant whether in the time o f .
Manetho o r Africanus is doubtful It is worthy .
of remark in connexion with the fame o f th i s early

,
sovereign as a physician and anatomist that not ,
only was Egy p t the most celebrated coun try in the

world for drugs and p h ysi c i a n s but that Memphis e
,
was the s e a t of the worship of E s c u la p i u s and there ,
fore it may be presumed rem ark able for the cultiva

tion o f the art of m e d i c i n e B
Book s on the various .
branches o f the medical art formed part o f the s a

Tran f R y S o c of Lite
1
s . o o A .
M ll 22 14 Mem
.
3
m m . ar c e .
,
.
rat re 2 d series 1 2 0 6 L
u n phim b e f e e n te pr esen e
i i f
.
, , u r m r u m a
eur C h lo g p l i i xiii ti q
.
,
su ro u p
, te , E c l pii l xm a u e nu m n s s u a c a ra
The letter A I s w t g nb t it is The Mohammedans consider the
. . . .
.
an m u
prefixed ph c a lly in subj e c t of the hiero glyphical i n

eu om
opt i c n G reek
. as I
i p ti to be the charms d
.
sc r ons an
’
J m l‘ W onders f p hy ( Vy se 2 e re
Hero d 2 84 S vol if3
.
o s xc
ll
, ,
ee
.
.
. .
, ,
a re from rain and small streams Egypt has indeed .
a remedy against fa m ine in the exuberance o f her

,
harvests in fruitful years and the power o f storing

,
up the grain and p u lse which are her chief produ c

tions to s u pply future deficiencies Y et we s e e
,
.
,
from the history o f Joseph that this policy h ad ,
n o t been adopted before hi s time by the Egyptian
monarchs Ue n e p he s is also sai d to have built the

.
pyramids at C o c h o m e This mode o f interment

.
appears i n Egypt not o nly to h ave been exclusively

royal but excl u sively Memphite pyramids being
, ,
’
scarcely fou nd in U pper Egypt and the great ,
functionaries who lie buried around the pyramids

o f Gizeh being all deposited in excavations A .
regal residence required a regal cemetery but th e ,
pyramids were probab ly only o f brick o r roug h

stones ; for the art o f building with hewn ston e
was not introduced till the reign o f To s o rth ru s o f
the third dynasty The site o f C o c ho m e is u n
.
known As all the known burial -places o f the

.
Memphite kings however were i n the Libyan

, ,
hills o n the western S ide o f the N ile it is h ere

, ,
that we should look for th e pyramids of Ue n e p h e s .
Hi s monuments h ave y ielded to th e power o f Time ,
which has been unable to make any impression on

the works o f Cheops C he p h re s and Myceri nus o r
,
they m a y have been among those n umerous ruined

and nameless p yramids whose existence the Prus
,
sian expedition h as ascertained It is probable .
that the method o f embalmment was already prae

ti s e d ; K o s is the word used i n the Coptic version
Vol i 1 4s . . .
L ] TH E F I R ST DYN A ST Y .
of Gen 1 2 for the emb almment o f Jacob ; it is

. .
,
found i n several n ames o f places and seems to ‘ ,
h ave entered into the composition o f K o c hom e .
Indeed the Armenian Eusebius reads the town “
f ”
( h )
Ic a n o f Che A th o th i s i s
. said to ha v e been a
physician an d anatomist Embalm ment i n early .
times was a branch o f the medical art ; anatomy

also does not seem in Egypt to h ave proceeded
beyo nd such a knowle d ge of the internal structure
as the evisceration w hich accomp anied embalm
m ent would furnish The bodies o f the prede .
c e s s o r s of U e n e h e s having been preserved by this

p
art would be n atu rally transferred to th ese recep
taeles ; for he is said to have raised not o n e but ,
several pyramids In the reign o f S e m e m p s e s it .
i s recorded that Egypt was a fflicted with a pesti

lence a n d Eusebius adds th at m an y prodigies a c
companied it ; agreeably to th e experience o f all
ages th at events unnoticed at other times are
,
understood as significant when th e public min d i s

rendered superstitious by alarm an d su ffering 3
.
1Ch mpollion L E gyp t sous

a T acit Hist 4 2 6 Q uod i
,
’
e
3
n
les P har ons 1 2 2 0
. .
.
,
a pace fors seu natura tunc fatum e t

S ee B unsen U rk p 9
.
, ,
1
i a dei o c b t
, . . . r v a a u r.
S e c o n d D yn a s ty . N ine Thi n i te kings

l . B O E T HO S rei gned
(RO C H U S , E u s eb .
)
I n hi reig n g re t Openi g of the g round took place
s a a n ,
and many p ersons per i shed t B b to a u as s .
2 . K A I O H O S (C H o s E
E b ) rei g ned o , u se .
I n his rei g n the bulls A pis t Memphis and Mnevi s t a a
H eliopolis d the M de i , g
anoat were established en s an ,
by l w gods a as .
3 . B I N OT HR I S (B I O P H I S, E u s eb .
)
In whose rei g n it was decided that w omen should have
the prero g tive of roy ltya a .
TL A S
SE THE N E S ”
C H A I RE S
NE P HE R CHE RE S
I n whose reig n the N ile is f bled t have flowed eleven a o
d y s mixed wi th honey
a ,
.
8 . SE SO CH RI S
Who w five cubits three p lms i heig ht

as a n .
I n all
This dynasty like the first is called of Thi n i te , ,
k ings although Memphis had become the capital

,
.
It is not said whose son the founder o f the second

d ynasty was ; probably he was descended from a
collateral branch It is evident however t h at .
, ,
thou gh called Thi n i te they were supposed to be ,
kings o f all Egypt : otherwise it would have been

absurd to h ave dated events ch anges o f religion ,
and political institutions by their reigns ‘

The mention of the city o f B u b as to s or B u b a s ti s ,
w hich is S ituated in the D elta o n the P e lu s i a c ,
branch of the N ile below H e li o p o li s as h aving i n

g
, ,
these early times a large population shows that ,
when the priests told Herodotus that in the days

8
L p i h we ( E i l it g
s u s, S ee vol 1 P 5 5
o e ve r , n c u n
9
l p 48 9 ) c onsiders this d y ty
. . .
3
, .
2 4 n as , .
contem p oraneous with the first .

tion of Curtiu s could have averted the omen and

closed the abyss ’
Tho u gh th e story o f the expia
.
tion may be false the terro r was real ,

.
The reign o f K a i e c h o s is distinguished by the

establishment o f the worship o f Apis at Memphis ,
Mnevis at Heliopolis and the M e n d e s i a n goat at ,
th e town of th at name We h ave here a more d e .
c i s i v e evidence that Lower Egypt in the ear ly times ,
o f the O ld Monarchy w a s in a state not m aterially ,
d i ffere n t from that in which it was k nown to the

Jews and the Greeks Men des stood not far fro m .
g
the sca ; the D elta therefore eve n to its extremity , ,
must have been already fi r m and dry It is n o t the .
introduction o f anim al worship am ong the E gyp

tians as sometimes supposed that is here recorded
, ,
tha t lies far beyond the com mencement of history

but specially the establish ment o f the worship of
the bull and the goat in the three cities mentioned .
Lower Eg ypt w a s the princip al seat of this super

s ti ti o n . Among other things attributed to Menes ,
he was said to have introduced the worship o f the

bull .
s
B asis the sacred bull o f Hermonthis in the
,
Thebaid i s never mentioned by the older writers

, ,
a n d appears to have b een an obj ect o f merely loca l
reverence while Apis was passionately worshiped

,
by the whole nation Every nome had its o w n ani .
mal t yp e of d ivinity and abstained from using its ,
flesh for food but we read o f no such extra v agant

and superstitious hom age being paid to the ram at
Thebes as to the bull at Memphis N ext to the .
b u ll Apis the cat seems to have been the anim al

,
L iv 7, 5 P li n l 5 20 3
JE lia n , Hist A nim l l 10
St bo
.
. .
p
. .
, .
9
ra 1 7,
, 802 . .
THE SE C O N D D Y N A S T Y .
most superstitiously worshiped by th e Egyptians ,
and the chief temple o f the goddess Pas h t to whom ,
it was consecrated was at B u b a s to s in th e D elta , .
A shield has been foun d by L e p s m s i n a tomb

near the pyramids o f Gizeh c ontaining th e n am e
K e -ke -o u which there can b e little doubt answers
, , ,
‘
to the K a i e c ho s o f Manetho s list S e th e n e s Ch aires ’
.
,
and N ep h e rc h e r e s h ave also been identified with

some probability ? The establish ment o f the pre
rogative o f royalty o n beh alf of wo men in th e reign
o f B i n o th r i s is not connected with the mention o f
,
any fem ale succession or claim History knows only .
o f o n e queen N i to c r i s and s h e is not said to h ave

, ,
succeeded to th e throne by a law of the kingdom b u t ,
to h ave been chosen by a special act of the people ,
s
who had put her brother to death In th e monu .
ments only o n e fem ale appears with the attributes of

royalty Set Am en Am e n s e o r Am e s s e s of the 1 8 th
, ,
dynasty who probably reigned as gu ardian o f her

,
s o n o r y ounger brother In the lists besides N ito .
cris S c e m i o p h r i s appears at th e end o f the 12 th

,
dynasty the sister o f A m m e n e m e s ; and Ac e n c h e r e s

,
o f the 1 8 th is called by Josephus daughter of Horus ,
neith er of which is confirmed b y the monuments .
The specialty of these cases m akes us doubt wheth er

4
th e words imply female inheritance since i n such ,
frequent ch ange o f d y nasty had there been no Salic ,
l aw it is scarcely possible th a t we should not h ave

,
found daughters succeeding to th e throne The .
1
Bunsen , B .2, p
1 0 6, . G erm .
4 ’
E 1<
p
'
r07 r cl s
7 y
‘‘ '
vva i xa s B a m he ca s
‘ ’
'
2
Lesueur ,
2 70 , 3 1 0 .
’
y e p a g éxe w
’
.
3
Her 2 .
,
00 . Tov d Oék ¢ €O V
ff-
’ ’
d we d o o a v
' '
d fro m a va v r e s o
'
rm e xe tvy
‘ ‘!
np B a o th nfnv .
[ s oox
words royal prerogatives do not necessarily i m

ply more than the m on u ments exhibit their e x —
e rc i s i n g regal functions without being included i n ,
the list o f sovereigns D i o d o ru s indeed says that .

,
the queen in Egypt enj o y ed greater honours than

the king attributing the distinction to the m erits
,
o f Isis
'
in accordance with the practice o f a country
which allotted greater respect to the fem ale than
the male This appears however if the fact be
.
, ,
correctly stated to h ave been m atter o f courtesy ,
and sentiment rather than o f legal r i g htf .
In the reign of N e p h e r c h e r e s the N ile was fab led

to have flowed eleven days mixed w i th honey As ,
.
rivers were esteemed divine by the ancients their 3

,
changes were noted with superstitious apprehension .
Whatever affected the N ile which physically as well ,
as religiously was o f vast importance to the E g yp

tians would be very likely to be recorded To h ave
, .
their sacred river changed into bloo d w as one o f the

humiliations which preceded their permission to the
Israelites to depart Similar ch anges in rivers are .
among the omens which h ave been handed down to

4
u s abundantly in the R o m an history and the fab u ,
5
lo u s n e s s of this account of the N ile s flowing mixed ’
with honey is no proof against the historical charac

ter o f the period and o f the sovereigns The great .
stature ascribed to S e s o c h ri s we shal l hereafter s e e ,
B iod l Ad : a m m : 8
7 1g Athena adv G entes quoted
3
in V oss d fid l ii 78
. .
( the me i ts o f I sis )
.
,
i
a ct a s r xa r a e o
S ee B ryant s observ tions
. . . .
a cxoavm lfo v
’
e fa c K a i T L
fi
’
pt
oy
r c o vo
a on
-
the Pl g ues f E gypt 2 6
'
pm rv
yxu vu v
m B a a (N o a m ; 7 0 0 a o
T he p w p 6
.
3 0 0 1 73 0 53 5
ex d
re s s n v 6 61 0 ; r
-
v
fl
I I t h
[B OO K
briefly as i ts events are summed up was evidently ,
o n e m arked by great improvem ents in Egypt ; he
held the same place in the history o f m edicine i n

‘
that country as E s c u la p i u s in Greece ; and he i n
tr o d u c e d the use o f squared and polished stones i n
architecture instead of the ro u gh surfaces and irre
,
gular angles o f their previous mode o f buildin g .
The improvement o r m ore extensive practice Of th e

art O f writing is naturally connected with this ch ange
in building Writing in its earliest stage i n Egypt
.
was hieroglyphic e n g r avi n g w h i c h could not be pra e ,
ti s e d with facility except o n the surface Of smoothed

stones And this m ay h ave been the reason why
.
both are attributed to the same sovereign .
There is n o certain correspondence between the

m on u ments and the n am es in this dynasty A .
s h ield which h as been read Chufu has been found

i n the grotto o f B e n i h a s san and h a s been supposed ,
to be the S o u p h i s w h o stands fifth in the list ; it

contains however o n e character (the arm and
, ,
scourge ) n o t commonly found in Chufu an d if it ,
belong at all to t his dynasty seem s rather to a n

swer to S ep ho u ri s the eigh th A n am e resembling , .
To s o r thr u s o r S es or thu s occurs i n the necropolis

Of Memphis and another which h a s been rea d
,
Ac he s Q
T
“ l he expr s
sion A lv e Lesue r 3 1 1 Lepsius sa s’
3
must ( E inleit n g 1 g5 1 ) that only few

n
y o cs u , .
«am
) n
p q u ép w
ar u c v ve v ‘
ra t u a
be th t f Afri c anus not Manetho d tes of months are known to him

, ,
a o , , a
thou gh there is no re son t doubt f this d y tv a o o n as
th t th i nformat i on ca e from his
.
a e m
a nals
n .
TH E F O U R T H DYN A ST Y .
Fo u r th Dyn a s ty l
Eight Memph ite kin gs of another family ( seve n

teen E u se b ) reigned 2 8 4 years ( 448 E u s eb )
, . .
So a rs
S UP H I s
He raised the l rg est pyramid which Herodotus says was
a ,
built by Cheops ; he w even contemner o f the g ods

as a
and [h vin g repented E eb ] wrote the sacred book

a , u s .
,
w hich I acquired when I was in E g ypt s a very valu a
able thin g Africanus which the E g yptians cheri sh

”
,
as a very valuable thin g E usebius who dds and

”
, , a ,
“
o f the rest nothin

g wo t h mention has been r
SO UP H I S
ME N CH E R E S
RAT O I S E S .
B I CHE R I S
. SE B E R CH E R E S
8 TH A M P H T H I S
.
W e may congratulate ourselves that we h ave at

length reached the period o f undoubted contempo
ra ne o u s m onuments in Egyptian history The .
pyramids and the sepulchres near them still remain

to assure us th at we are not walking in a land of
shadows but among a populous and powerful n atio n
,
far advanced in the arts O f life And as a people .
can only progressively attain to such a station th e ,
ligh t Of historical certainty is reflected back from

this aera to th e ages which precede it There is .
,
however extraordinary variance among the ancient

,
A ccordin g t nsen after 1 90

o Bu , E ratosthenes . E ach of these dy
years the king dom of Menes w as n sties came to an end at the s me
a a
divi ded branch reig nin g in

one time 224 years fter their esta a
U pper the other in Lower E gypt

, ,
, , b li h en t and the ki n g dom was

s m ,
the Memphite constituting w hat re- united 414 ye rs after Menes, a ,
he calls the imperial dynasty lone a under the fourth dyn sty ( B 2 a
vol 2 p 65 foll G erm )

, . .
,
recog nised in the chronolog y of .

, . .
, .
K 2
authorities nor is the evidence Of th e monuments

,
altogether free from di fficulty .
We see that Manetho d eclares S o u p hi s to h ave

been the builder o f the Great Pyram id tak ing n o ,
notice of the building Of th e Second ; and we shall

find hereafter that he attributes to N i to c ri s a q ueen ,
Of his sixth d ynasty the erection o f the Third ,

.
Eratosthenes gives in immediate su c cession Sao

phis S a o p hi s II and M o s c he r e s but says nothing
,
.
,
Of the building of the pyramids as indeed through ,
o u t his lists he mentions n othing either O f the work s
o r th e exploits Of the kings Herodotu s s ays that .
Cheops built the Great Pyramid h is b rother Che ,
ph ren the Second and Mycerinus the Third : D i o ,
d orus that C he m b e s o r Ch em m is built th e Great

P y ramid K eph ren hi s brother o r C h a b r yi s his s o n
, , ,
the Second and M e c h e r i n u s o r M e n c he r i n u s the

,
Third Pliny after quoting the n ames Of twelve

.
,
authors w ho h a d written o n th e pyramids declares ,
that the builders o f them were unknown Till very .
lately they seemed to give no evidence o n behalf o f

their founders N O inscriptions ap p eared e i ther
.
within o r without ; it had grown into o n e Of the

commonplaces o f morality that the builders Of ,
these stupendous work s had been deprived Of th e

fame which they c o v e te d l The Great Pyramid .
h ad long been o p en and the central ch amber c o n ,
ta i n e d a sarco hagus but without a name Be l zoni

p ,
su c ceeded in opening the Second and found a sar ,
N 11 3 6 1 2°
, Qui de his D emetrius D e t l A pion 1 m o e es, n
ter omnes eos non c onst t quibus

.
,
sunt erodotus E h
s c n sc n m t
p H , u e a a
me s D u n s S m i us A t g as
nt . a , ns a or f t sint j ti i
ac ae c su oblite u s ss m o a
Di ny sius A t
, ,
o ,
id A l d
r em o rn s , e xa n cr r tis t nt
a n i t ti a u
a t ib a s c or u s.
Antisthenes
‘ es va
P lyhl to r B u t n d
o s , o es,
,
and it i s possible that this additional syllable m ay

have given rise to the name C he m b e s which D i o ,
dorus attributes to the builder o f the Great P y

ramid .
It will be seen by recurring to th e description o f

this structure ( vol i p . that a long straig ht
. .
descent conducts from the Openin g to a s u b te r

ran e an chamber in which however n o sarco
, , ,
p gh a u s or inscription has been found N o w fro m .
the analogy O f all the other pyramids we are led to ,
conclude that this w a s the place in which the i n

te rm e n t was originally designed to b e made To .
this the passage fro m the Opening leads directly .
Why it was abandoned and two chambers con ,
structed in the heart Of the pyramid itself we are ,
not informe d nor c a n We form any probable con

,
j e c t u r.e The lower Of these tw o is traditionally

called the Q ueen s Chamber but there is nothing
’
which marks i t as destined fo r such a purpose an d

it was n o t the u sual practice o f the Egyptians to
inter kings and queens in the sam e monument .
It should seem that Herodotus had th e subterra

nean apartment in view when he spoke Of a canal ,
which Cheops introduced from the N ile by which ,
he insulated his o w n grave The actual depth o f .
this apartment below the ground i n which the

pyramid stands is ninety feet and though this i s
still considerably above the hi ghest level o f the N ile '
,
in the absence of accurate measurements it migh t ,
easily be supp os e d practicable to bring in a canal
O n th 23 d of O ct ber 1838 below th base of the G reat Pyra

e t o e
" W” f " w river ( it bein
, ,
O mid vy 2 1 48 ”
13 7 feet 3 i h f
se
Hig h N ile ) w
. .
as nc c
TH E FO URTH DYN A ST Y .
from the river ; but this would h ave been too O h

v i o u sl ab surd if meant Of the K ing s Ch amber ’
y ,
in the centre o f the pyramid 1 3 8 feet above the ,
‘
ground D i o d o r u s also speaks of ( C he m b e s) Cheops
.
as not being interred in his pyramid but in some ,
secret place that his body might not be exposed to

,
the insults of the oppressed p e o p le Q

N ow we .
know that in the time O f Strabo the Great Pyra

.
,
3
m i d was Open probably therefore i n the time Of
D io d o ru s But th ese authors seem to have known
.
n othi n g O f any sepulchral vault except the s u b

terranean ; the way to th at was open from the
-
,
m outh in the side O f the pyramid ; bu t all access
to the Q ueen s and K i n g s Chambers w a s barred by ’ ’
the block o f granite which closed the p lace at whic h

th e passage to th em diverges n o r do they appear
ever to h ave been seen till a forced passage was

m ade b v the Caliph s “
The subterran ean vault .
b eing em pty th e tradition of D i o d o r u s h ad a na

,
tural origin It seem s then n o t i mprobable that

.
Cheops o r Chufu abandoning his origin al intention ,
to construct him self a monument b en ea th a pyra

mid began the structu re which now exists an d
, ,
th at his sarco p hagus was placed i n what we call

th e Q uee n s Chamber It certainly contained a
’
.
sarcophagus when this p art o f the pyramid was

s
opened un der the C a li p h s It is in the very centre .
i
Vyse ,
slopin g alley y this door a .
—B
2
1 64 s q are room is entered w i th u an
—R eturnin
, .
Lib 1 7 p 808
.
3
p yt l i i t g em v es s e n .
~
hen c e to the pl ce throu g h w hi c h

.
.
, .
Ab d ll ti f in C L Ho w d V y e
4
o a O ar s , a
2 340 one enters t h e second alley is ,
E drisi quoted i Vyse 2 3 3 5 s c ended A nother square room i

.
,
5 a
n , . . s
T he lley is scended until door then reached
,
— l i
a a p ty a an em ves s e s
is re ched ne r a block of stone b y s h

a a i il t th f een er e s m ar o e o r m er .
w hich one scends towards nother

a a
Of the structure w hich m a y origin ally n o t h ave been

,
carried m uch higher His su ccessor the second . ,
Chufu distinguished by the addition Of the ram and

,
jug appears to have continued his work and con

,
’
structed for himself the K ing s Ch amber in which ,
his sarcophagus still remains The mixture o f .
stones containi n g the names o f the two C h u fu s in

’
the vacant spaces over the K ing s Chamber m ay ,
be explained by the supposition th at the se c ond

used some materials which his predecessor had
prepared a n d which had been m arked by hi s nam e
,
.
It is not surprising that a s both bore the same ,
n ame ,
Herodotus and D i o d o ru s should h ave c o n
s id e r e d them as o n e .
The Second Pyramid con tains n o n ame in any

part Of it b u t in the adj acent tombs l the shield Of
e
a king whose name reads S hafr e has been found ,
and the figure o f a pyramid In him we recognize .
without di fficulty the Chephren Of Herodotus and

D i o d o ru s though there is n o corresponding name
,
either in Manetho or Eratosthenes D i o d o r u s men .
tions a tradition that h e w a s n o t th e brother as ,
Herodotus represented him b u t the s o n o f Cheops , ,
f‘
and that his name w a s not K ephren but C ha b ryi s ,
.
As there were tw o C hu fu s he might be the son o f ,
o n e and brother of the other

; and the di fference
between S ha fre and C ha b ry i s i s n o t s o great a s to
decide that they were not the same person Hero .
d o tu s in his ac c ount o f the Second Pyramid sa s

y ,
The tomb w that o f hi chie f represented w ith a squ re b se

as s a a .
architect w h c lls his m ster proj ectin g beyond the pyramid l

, o a a a
o f the Py r mid p rt
,
the gre t a o ne a
”
a
t f viii
.
(w “ i
e D k ii l B irch i V 3
K e pyra i d IS h al w ys 2 98
m cn in c r, a
, . .
n vs e , , .
l 64
m c rc a
3
, .
[B OO K
kings o f the same nam e but very di fferen t charac ,
ters h a v e been b lended i n o n e tradition ‘ In the

,
tablet Of Ab ydos which here first begins to be ,
legible we h ave in the fifteenth shield the evident

,
traces o f the n ame Of M e n k e ra ; the fourteenth a p

pears to have contained the same n am e though ,
little of it is now left ; with the addition o f the

hatchet which signifies g o ,
It had been Observed .
by Lepsius th at the name O f M e n ke ra occurs i n the

,
R itual of the D ead as a deceased king and that it

3
,
is frequently found on scarab aei which had been

used as amulets and which fro m the style o f their ,
w orkmanship m ust have been executed long afte r

his death This clearly points to a d e i fi c a ti o n o f
.
M e n k e r a o r to some cause for which hi s n ame w as

,
held in special reverence The same group Of .
characters which is foun d o n the mumm y -case in

the Third Pyramid is inscribed in red p aint o n a
slab in one o f the sm aller pyramids Of Gizeh tra ,
d i ti o n a lly supposed to be the tombs Of queens The .
sarcophagus which it con tains has no sculpt u re and ,
-
the mummy case which it once contained h a s been
red u ced to d u st ; but from its sm all size an d the
appearance Of a tooth which wa s found in it it has ,
been concluded th at it had received the body o f a

—
young female the wife o r daughter o f M e n k e ra “
.
The 1 0 6 years occupied by th e reigns Of Chufu

Lepsius Einleit n g l p 3 09 , u , , .
3
I t is written i n the Ritual ( D as
O b serves th t P h c ol
,
ti h h
a sam m i c u s as T dt b
o en u c as the on
the dd i tion M ke in his s h ie l d t blet f A bydos with
.
,
a en re
, a o sing le , a
a d supposes th t he h been ch r cter f for
n a as a a ee , on
w i th the coffin this c har ct r is thrice
,
m xed M h the
bu i lder 0 pth Th i rd Pyr mid
i u c nc e re s a e
e a re p eated m kin g the plural k
a eu
Wi l kinson s c o p y in th
.
V y se 2 48
.
,
3
S
'
ee 4
e
H ier g l phics of the Eg y p tian S
, , .
y
O
c ie t
y P 98
, .
THE FOU R T H DY N A ST Y .
and S ha fr e were regarded by the Egyptians as a

period o f national opp ression and su ffering The .
people were w orn o u t by forced labours in the

quarries and at the pyramids and the temples were ,
closed that the celebration o f the sacred rites which

, ,
occupied so large a portio n O f the Egyptian year ,
might not draw O ff the people from their work S O .
strong was the h atred w ith which their memory was

regarded that the common Egyptian was u nwilling
,
eve n to nam e th em and would gladly have thrown ,
the Odium o f their erection o n a foreign race In .
concluding his account Herodotu s observes that , ,
the Egyptians alleged them to h ave been built b y

the shepherd P hi li ti o n who then fed his flock s i n ,
this district N owh ere else is such a person m en

.
ti o n e d and it has been supposed th at in this obscure

,
passage we h ave an allusion to th e P a lae s ti n i a n

‘
Shepherds wh o under the n am e o f H y ks os a p
, , ,
pear subsequently in Egyptian history Oppressing ,
the people for several hundred years and destroying ,
their temples The bui lder of the Great Pyramid .
was S peci ally the Obj ect O f popular d islike w hich ,
embodied itself i n the Greek tale o f his compellin g

h is own daug hter to prostitution in order to Obtain ,
fun ds for his work )

Manetho admits the impiety .
"
Of hi s S o u p hi s but represe n ts him to have also ,
”
composed the sacred book the subj ect o f which ,
is unk nown .
Soris the king whose name stands at the h ead Of

,
1
enrick s E gypt of Hero
K
’
erection of a buildin g so loft y th t a
dot s p 1 67
a it seemed to inv de the skies
. a
Comp G en i 4 Let us m ke
.
, .
2
H 2 126
er . x
“
a
P ossibl y the idea f impiety us a to w er whose top y reach to

. . .
, . .
3
O m a
y h ve been connected with the heaven

”
m a a .
[B OO K
this dynasty is t hought to be the same with the ,
S ho n r e whose shield h as been discovered in the

‘
,
necropolis o f Memp h is In the present state o f our .
knowledge however little reliance can be placed , ,
o n these insulated identifications What is more .
important is that the dominion o f Egypt i n the aera , ,
of the building o f the Pyramids extended to the ,
northern part of the Arabian peninsula The m o .
tive Of the Egyptian kings for establishing them

selves here was evidently to Obtain possession O f
the C opper mines which h ave been already de
-
,
e
s c r ib e d The who le land was called i n N e w
.
3
l
g yp hi c s M af ka t o r the Copper land and the prin , ,
c i p a l mines were at Wadi Magara and S a r a b i t e l
K adim Large mounds o f o re and m asses Of

.
,
scori ae attest the extent o f the a ncien t Operations

, .
N umerous s te l e record the n am es of th e kings in '

e
whose reigns the m ines were wrought Those at .
Wa d i Magara are the Oldest Both the C hu fu s .

,
S ho u re and a king whose n ame is found i n the

,
pyramid O f B eegah and read O u s re n re o r R a n s e s e r “

, ,
are seen in acts o f adoration with d ates Of their r e ,
s e c ti ve reigns Shonre is represented as in the

p .
act of smiting a captive whose hair he grasps and ,
therefore probably m ade conquests in this region .
The seventh king in Manetho s list is Seber ’
cheres ; th i s has been corrected by Lepsius into

Lesueur Chronol p 2 71 3 1 1 4
in Vy se 3 1 2 2 5
B ir c h,
Birc h ( V y se 3 2 2 )
, . .
, .
the na me T he b lo ck w hi c h the n e is
, , .
, .
'
Shonre t king fii shield is

, , vc s on am
o a n o se found t B ee g h ppe rs to h ve
a a a a a
found tAb i d e d b y L p
a o u s e r, a n r a e been t ken from s e other monu
a om
sm s Am h r ( B unsen B 2
c u a ment Amon the hiero glyphic
is the fi g ure f o b elisk
.
V l i p 61
.
, .
9
o . . .
o an
.
Tour to th P c
.
S Lee I e ) S I IS . e
nm l
su f in i
a o C o p l li a m c ro
g l y p h of the E g S ociety p l 4 l X
. .
0
.
.
, . .
[B OO K
possess contemporary m anuscripts but the i n

no ,
s c ri p ti o n s in the pyramids S h o w that the linear
hieroglyphic had been already introd u ced which ,
prepared the way for the hieratic A S the character .
of the inkstand and reed -pen i s seen i n these we ,
cannot doubt th at linen o r p apyrus was already

used as a writing material We have no statuary .
o f this age but the hieroglyphics in the tomb s are

,
cut with great force and precision While the .
present surface only o f the pyra m ids was ex ami ned ,
they might seem a barb arous m onument o f wasted

labour rather than Of skill but the accurate fi n i s h
ing Of the masonry with whi ch the passages and
even the exterior were lined and cased and the pre ,
cise orientation Of the whole S how that both art and

‘
,
science had attained to con siderable perfection

The relation O f the Memphian m on archy to U pper
Egypt re m ains Obscure N O mention is even inci .
dentally m ade o f Thebes a city m a y h ave existed

there but not of sufficient importance to be the
,
seat o f a rival power to Memphis Hitherto no .
trace o f the dominion Of the Memphian kings h a s

b een found at Thebes o r elsewhere i n U pper Egypt ,
except some alabaster vases fro m Abydos bearing ,
the standard Of Chufu ; and portable antiquities

a fl o r d no decisive evidence
'
But this is n o proof .
o f Theban independence S ince the fixed monu ,
ments o f this age are entirely sepulchral and the

Memphian kings and their great O ffi cers would be
1
T ese inferenc es fully
h f whi c h the F irst P art h
ar e su
po as a
ported by th d w g from t e p
e ra d w hile this work w
m s p ssing e a re as a
tombs near the Py ramids c ont ined throu g h the press T he O pinion
a .
In the De n km ale r a u s {E gy ten ex re s se d in vol i p 2 73 O f the

'
“
n” f
h
.
. .
,
an d
E thi o p i e
.
the frui t,0 the i n ri o r i ty of art in this a
g e must
exp d i ti on under Lepsius ;
,
be some w h t modified
.
Pm ss nan e now a .
THE F I F T H DY N A ST Y .
buried near th eir o w n capital If Theb es h a s no .
monuments of Memphian dominion neither h a s i t ,

‘
any o f its own and it appears probable that ti ll the

,
1 2 th dynasty o f Manetho it continued to be a place

o f little account .
Fifth D yn a s ty .
Eight kings fro m Elephantine '

.
( Thirty -one
,
E u s eb )
.
Years .
US E R C H E RE S reig ned 28
SE P H E E S 13
NE P HE RCHE RE S 20
SI S I R E S
C HE R E S 20
R AT H UR E S
ME N CHE R E S
TA N CH E R E S 44
ON N OS 33
Although the heading say s eight kings nine are ,
mentioned and th e s u m agrees with the separate

,
numbers ?
The supposition that some o f the d yn asties Of

Manetho are collateral is nowhere more prob ab le ,
th an in regard to this dynasty o f Elephantine kings .
N O o n e fact is recorded concerning them The y .
appear however to b e a branch Of the Memphite

, ,
dynasty as the n am es S e p h r e s N e p he rc h e r e s
, , ,
M en c h e re s bear a close an alogy to those which

,
1
E usebius has tra nsferr ed here stands there by a false O th o e s
by mistake the names o f O th o e readin g o f the transcribers O s . u
and P h i o p from the 6th dynasty nos it is true has 3 3 years and
s .
, ,
B unsen 2 1 90
z
would O th o e 3 0 but this last number is s
remove O s to the be g inning of assi g ned to O o in the T urin

, , ,
nn o nn s
the 6th dynasty and supposes that p p y rus
, a .
we h ave already found in u se am o n g them Us e .
s e rk e f has been found by L e p s i u s a m ong th e

l
tombs o f Gizeh and he seems to be the U s e rc he re s ,
o f Manetho Although he stands at the head Of .
this dynasty yet if it were a derivative and depend ,
ent line he might be interred among his ancestors

,
o f the Memphite dynasty S n e p h re s ( Snefru ) which .

,
we may suppose Manetho to h ave written instead ,
!2
Of S e p h r e s has also bee n fou nd at Gizeh and ,
K arnak and N e p h er c he r e s the third i n his list , ,
follows M e n k e r a o n the tablet o f Abydos and has ,
3
been found o n alabaster vases from Abydos The .
tablet o f Abydos however does not agree with , ,
Manetho ; the shields which follo w that O f Men

cheres exhibit d i fi e re n t n ames fro m his “
yet ,
n ames combined o u t Of sim ilar elements S O as to ,
favour the supposition that they contai n another

s
d erivative though n o t royal line ,
S e s re n r e would .
be the reading according to Lepsius Of the name , ,
usually read O u s r en r e ( see v o l i p and this . . .
would answer to S i s i re s N O 4 Un a S o r O nas i s , . .
found in a fragment o f the R oyal List Of Tu rin and ,
appears to be the O n n o s O fM a n e thO The phonetic

G
.
Bunsen B
1
, . 2, p . 1 8 0, G erm .
6
unsen 1 84 He supposes a
B , .
Lesueur p 3 12 , . . name be g inning with the si n f o

D e n km ale r
'
aus n yp te und n T hoth to be T tk e w hi he a e r s, o

ZE thi o p i c n , R altes eich Ab th ii conjecturally substitutes for T an
cheres ei g hth in the li st T his k in g
. . .
Bl 2 . .
is supposed b y others to be re p
.
,
Bunsen He Observes
, 2, 186 . re
t hat the n me is w ritten with a a sented b y an inseri tion t S acca
The king ( T an
a
d fl t ch racter from the e rl ier h read thus
'
i e re n a a ra
ker ) son o f th S un
,
N e ph e rc h c es
r . a e
S ee W il ki nson s copy in Hi O ne ch racter in th e first shield
,
’
e a
rogi f the Eg y pt i n S ty p l 47
,
. o a om e , ho w ever is doubtful d accord an

Some f them a no long er l ble i g to nalo g y A ssa should be the
. .
, ,
'
o re e
the tablet I n the B ri ti h T
n a ,
on I s u roper n me ( Lesueur Chrono

p0 g e p 3 1 2
a
se m a .
] ,
,
B u ns en u s p 1 88
. .
.
, . . .
[B OO K '
number Of years i s the same The S imilarity of th e .
names Phios and M e th o s u p hi s and P hi o p s and Men

the s u p hi s in this list has given rise to a suspicion ,
that they are really th e same We find in Era .
to s the n e s the following succession

Y ears .
Ap a p p u s 10 0 within an hour .
A n meless kin g
a 1
N i t c i inste d o f her husband
o r s, a 6
It would be against all probability that such coin

c i d e n c e s should be a c c i d e n ta l
l
The names Ap a p .
u s and P h i o p s do not indeed in their actual form

p
appear the same The hieroglyphics Of the king .
whose name is read Pepi m ay however b e read A p a p ,
and if we retrench the final 3 from P hi O p S w hi c h was ,
an addition made to give it a Greek termination we ,
h ave a n ame also not very remote fro m Pepi The .
S hields o f Pepi h ave been found at C he n o b o s c i o n

and elsewhere in much greater numbers than those
O f any receding king tho gh not with dates which
p u ,
confirm the a c c o u n to f his e x tra o r d i n a ri ly lo n g reign "

,
the sixteenth year being the highest ; n o r h as any

ve t been found i n Lower Egypt a singular circum
3
,
s ta n c e a s the dynasty is called Memphite The

'
, .
identification of Pepi with P h i o p s and Ap a p p u s

must therefore be considered as still problem atical .
N O other name belongi n g to this dynasty h a s been

identified hitherto on the m onuments There is a .
group which reads M en tOp t o r M e n tu o te p twice o c ,
curr ng one of which B unsen refers to M en the0p hi s

i ,
4
,
1
I h ve l d y pl i d ( p 98 more in c redible th n th t o f G or
a a re a cx a ne . a a
f th s vol ) tl p on w hich ias ti i w h is s id ( Cic
.
o
i .
l ie rm c i f L e o eo n n o a
I bel i eve the l i st of
.
‘ ‘ , .
t th S 5 ) to h ve lived to 1 0 7
ra o s e nes en a
t h ve been c ompiled
. ~
o a
Le p sius E i l l 2 65
.
3
n
B 2 1 94 A rk p 64 note
.
, .
,
Th lon g life O f P hi
p i not
3
e o s s .
.
, . . .
,
TH E S I X T H DY N A S T Y .
his correction of the M e n th e s u p hi s Of the lists an d ,
the other to the eighth dynasty They may belong .
to the Middle monarchy o r the eleven th dynasty .
A fragment o f the Canon Of Turi n contain s without ,
a name the nu mber 9 0 years as th e duration of a

,
‘
reign and from its length there can be little do u b t
,
that it refers to P hi o p s It is followed by a date

.
Of 1 year 1 month wh ich appears to be th at o f,
M e n the s u p h i s .
Th e figure O f Pep i is found i n a S ingular c o m

bination with that of another whose n ame is read ,
R em ai o r Maire
,
The two p rinces appear seated
.
o n their thrones in the Hall of Assembly wearin g ,
o n e the crown Of the upper th e other that of the ,
2
lower country whence Wilkinson concludes th at
either t h ey were contemporary soverei gns o n e ,
ruling at Thebes an d th e other at M e m phis o r th at ,
Pepi was the phonetic n a m e Of R em ai an d that ,
they were the sam e monarch This distinction of .
the n ames becomes hencefor w ard important an d

will require to be explained .
In the oldest monuments as those of th e pyra ,
m ids and tombs o f Gizeh the names O f the E g yp ,
tian kings are enclo sed in oval rings o r shields and ,
each kin g has only o n e The ch aracters included .
i n the S hield are phonetic and express th e n ame o f ,
th e king as it was p ronounced Mena C hufu S h a fre , , , ,
&c .In later times however each ki ng has usually

, ,
two shields ; over the first are placed a bee an d a

”
b ranch O f a plan t ; over th e secon d the figure Of a
vulpanser and the disk O f th e sun which are read ,
1 Lesueur p 2 66 , . .
3
S ee P I 11
. . vol . 1, N O S 1 1 , 12,
.
1
M nners d Customs
a an ,
3 , 282 . and p . 3 22.
[B OO K
Son Of the Sun Where tw o S hields are found the

. ,
second always contain s the name O f the sovereig n

i n phonetic characters ; thus in th e eighteenth and
succeeding dynasties it is the n am e in th e second
shield which correspon ds to the lists o f Manetho .
The first shield if there are two contains always

, ,
the disk Of the Sun or R e a n d j oined to this tw o o r ,
more characters Champollion considered the S igns

.
included in these S hields as symbolical titles rather ,
than names o f the kings and they are n ot alph a

b e ti c a l letters like those o f the second shields
,
.
They are however in o n e se n se phonetic ; for th e

, ,
Obj ects and ideas which th ey represent h ad O f course

names in the Old Egyptian language and these if , ,
pronounced would become a compound n ame

,
.
Thus the two shields in Plate II 1 1 1 2 read The .

, , ,
king (R e-s es er -Tm ei Sun Guardi an Ofthe Truth ) S o n

, ,
Of the S u n ( Am u n m a i R ameses ) Each king had a .
combination o f these sign s by which h e is as readily ,
distinguished from all others as by hi s phonetic

shield ; but those O f the sam e family usually preserved
a general similarity in their sign s In th e case Of the .
two royal figures on the m onu ment O f th e C o s s e i r

roa d the shield o n the left if th ey are considered
, ,
to be distinct persons will be read Remai or Maire ,
but if the same then it will be considered as a title

,
Of Pa p i and explained beloved O f R e which is

, ,
the m eaning of the word R emai Such a title i t .

,
h a s b e e n thought might give rise to second nam es

, ,
a s we sometimes call the Ptolem ies simply P hi la d e l
p h u s or E i
p p h a n es Lepsius however h a s Observed l
.
, ,
that he ha s not found a S in gle indisputable example

1
Ei nleitun g , 1, p . 25 5 .
king from another ; and th e phonetic S hield i s not

found o n the tablet of K arn ak nor that of Abydos , ,
except in the case Of the king b y whom it w a s

erected ; but it is the phonetic shield which c o n
n e c ts them with history So the armorial bearings
.
o f a modern sovereign discrim inate him from others
but it is only by the knowledge Of hi s n ame that

his historical place i s ascertained .
The sixth name in the list o f Manetho i s that o f

N i to c ri s who m he describes as a woman Of great
,
beauty and S pirit and the b u ilder o f the third

,
pyramid She is no doubt the same as the N ito

.
cris O f Herodotus if identity m ay be predicated

,
Of persons who agree in n ame but di ffer in almost ,
everything else The N i to c r i s Of Herodotus after

.
,
having drowned the Egyptians w h o had put her

brother to death committed suicide by plunging
,
—
herself into a pit full Of ashes a mode o f d estru o
tion comm on as a punishm ent among the Persians ,
but unheard o f among th e Egyptians The N i to c ri s .
Of Manetho is the builder o f the third pyramid a ,
work not to be accomplished in the short interval

between her accession and her suicide Another .
di fficulty is th at we h ave seen th at M e n c h e r e s was

,
deposited in the third pyramid an d i s therefore to ,
be presumed to have been i ts builder This di th .
culty has been partly removed by the researches o f

Colonel H V yse and the ingenious combination s
.
,
O f B unsen . By a reference to the description already

‘
given Of this pyramid it will be seen that i n
, ,
a large chamber which i s nearly under i ts centre a

, ,
sarco phagus of red granite had been placed the ,
Vol i p 1 3 0
1
. . . .
THE S I X T H DY N A ST Y .
fragm ents Of which are strewed about ‘ The sar .
c o p h a g u s o f M e n c h e r e s was in an i nterior and lower
chamber to which a passage led fro m the larger

,
.
This larger ch amber besides the p assage by whic h

,
it is now entered from th e exterior has another ,
going O ff at the sam e angle but whic h n ever reaches ,
the exterior The u pper passage h ad been worked

.
by the chisel from the north o r exterior the lower ,
from th e in terior ; whence Perring concludes that

the upper m ust h ave bee n formed first an d th e ,
lower cut o utward th rough the pyramid ?

These
appearances have been explained by supposing
th at M e n c h e r e s built a pyrami d of much smaller
size than the present Of which th e entrance was th e
,
passage which is now closed up It would h ave .
reached the exterior at about th e sam e height a b ove

the grou nd as the present passage and the pyramid , ,
if its angle o f inclin ation were the same as that

Of the present structure would have a base o f 1 80,
feet and a heigh t Of 1 4 5 I n this state M e n c h e re s

.
left his pyramid N i to c r i s enlarged it to its actu al

dim ensions cased it with red granite and designed
, ,
at least that her bod y should be placed in it but ,
was perh aps frustrated in this purpose by h e r o w n

suicide or the vengeance of the people Thus the .
tradition s which ascribed it to M e n c h e re s and to

N i to c ri s would h ave each a portion of truth .
Another story is related by Herodotus which at

—
first appears S imply absurd that this pyramid was
1
unsen says ( B 2
SO B . The portcullises we e of this ma
, r
perh ps from the person l com t i l which was also used in the
a a eI a
of P errin g ; but Col pass g es
,
m ti
u ni ca on . a .
V yse s ys ( 2
a that these pieces H w a d Vy e 2
See o l i o r s v
o f red gr nite could not have p l 3 0 of this work
, . .
a .
, .
been frag ments of a sarcophag us .

built by a celebrated Greek courtezan Of N aucrati s

Of the times of A m a si s o r P s a m m i ti c h u s respecting ,
whom Strabo tells a tale very similar to that Of C i n

d e re lla and her S lipper As she was bathing an eagle .
,
s natched her shoe from the attendant and carry ,
ing it to Memphi s dropped it in the lap o f th e king , ,
who was sitting i n the open air to administer j u s

tice Charmed with the elega n ce Of the S hoe the
. ,
king sent through the land to discover its owner ,
and having found her at N au cratis m ade her his ,
queen and after her death she received the third

,
pyramid as her burial place - ‘ It was acutely O h .
served by Z o e g a however th at the courtezan R ho , , ,
d o p i s had been created by the interpreters o u t o f

,
”
the queen N i to c ri s Both were cele b rated for their .
beauty and the name R hodopis o r rosy faced i s

,
-
exactly descriptive o f N i to c ri s wh o i s said to have ,

”
been ruddy in complexion .
N O such name as N i to c ri s has been found upon

the monuments O f this age but it oc c urs written ,
N e i tak r e ti in the Canon Of Turi n ,

s
If we m ay v e n .
ture to combine Herodotus with Manetho the hus ,
band whom S he succeeded and whose death s he ,
avenged w a s M e n th e s u p hi s who reigned only one

, ,
year The following dynasty points to some violent

.
change in the government to which the death o f ,
N i to c ri s gave occasion .
S even th D y n a s ty .
SE E NTY M E M P H IT E I NG S w h rei gned seventy days

V K , o
( Eusebius F ive Memphite kin g s w h rei gned 75 da y s

, o .
An n 75 . ye rs )
a .
1
Strabo 1 7 , , 11 808 .
a
Lepsius E i 1 n l , 2 62 Lesueur,
D O belis S ee also
. .
,
I n the B i g h th d
a
e 3 90 3 1 3 p 1a ces t
' '
£G erm g ty
I
y
. . .
.
’
Bu n se n : 2, P 23 ' .
as .
days is n o doubt correct for it occurs again i n the ,
summ ation at the end and can only have arisen ,
here a s the Odd number o f days i s not e lsewhere

,
m entioned in giving the length o f each king s reign ’

.
Eusebius has m ade a correction but as it appears ,
arbitrarily and reads according to the Armenian

, ,
”
version fi ve k i n g s who reigned seventy fi v e years ;
,
-
but then it would be unexplained how seventy days

should appear in the s u m o f the first volume O ther .
corrections h ave been suggested but they are to o

‘
,
arbitrary to be received .
There were in Egypt tw o towns called H e r ac le 0

p o li s
g
Heracleopolis
. Magna was situated at th e
entrance of the valley o f the Fyo u m o n an island , ,
as the ancients called it formed by the N i le the , ,
Bahr J u su f and a canal After Memphis and He

,
.
li o p o li s it w a s probably the most important place in

Lower Egypt Heracleopolis Parva which is only
.
,
mentioned in later ti m es was near P e lu s i u m in the , ,
S e thro i te nome a n d beyond the westernmost branch

,
o f the D elta If it existed under the O ld Mon archy

.
,
it w a s qu ite insignificant s o that it is not likely its ,
king Ac h tho e s could h ave inflicted m uch m ischief

upon all the inhabitants o f Egypt B u t if a power .
ful state sprung up at Heracleopolis Magn a after a ,
revolution at Memphis which left the government ,
in a feeble condition it was well adapted by its ,
1 Bu n se n wo u ld tr a n s plan ttw e n ty
p hi te king s reig ned 20 years 70
fr m t h e number o f reig ns o f d y s
,
( )
Ix o a
the e ghth dy n sty ( K Z ) w h i c h he
i a E g hth D y
, ty — E H M i nas IG T em
th i nks sh ld be eig ht inste d of p hi t kin gs rei g ed 146 years
.
ou a e n
twenty e ig ht d w ith Eusebius ( B 2 p 2 48 G erm )
.
-
,
, an
re d fi ve the number o f king s in

,
S tr bo 1 7 1 789 809 S teph

. .
.
,
a as 2
a 1
the seventh The w hole w ould then B y
» .
, , ,
.
Champolli on L E gyp t z s v
’
c
st nd thus sous les P h r ons 1 3 09 2 3 11
. . .
,
a
a a
ty — F I E Mcm P tolemy G eog 4 5
.
, , , ,
S th D y
e ve n nas V .
, .
,
SE V E N T H T O E L E V E N T H DYN A ST Y .
position relatively to the U pper and Lower country

and th e Fy o u m to domineer over them all With
,
.
the eig hth dyn asty Memphis appears to have lost

its pre eminence It passed first to Heracleopolis
- .
,
afterwards to Thebes fin ally to the town s of Lo w er ,
Egyp t Tanis B u b a s ti s Sais We h ear nothing

, , ,
.
m ore O f a Memphite dynasty .
The t y ranny o f the foun der A c hth o e s is a b s o

l a tely all we know o f th ese two Heracleopolitan
dynasties The text Of Africanus assigns to them
.
together th e incredible length of 5 94 years that o f

Eusebiu s 2 8 5 To a dynasty reigning h ere at the
.
entran ce O f the Fyo u m it seems most n atural to ,
assign the com mencem ent o f those great works

which tradition connected with th e n ame O f Moeris .
N O king o f th at nam e h a s been foun d in th e lists o r

th e m onuments ; and therefore probably M oeris is
the designation of the n atural collection Of waters
at the western s ide of th e Fy o u m the Birket -e l-K e ,
run The word M o n in Coptic signifies w a ter an d

.
,
appears to be the first syllab le o f this word which ,
was variously spelt M o i ri s o r Muris by th e Greeks .
Joined to r es wh ich denotes the s ou th in the same

l
,
language it would n aturally describe i n contrast

, ,
wit h th e Mediterranean this great southern lake , ,
which in its extent the quality o f its waters and th e ,
form of its shores S O much resembled the s e a as to , ,
suggest th e idea that it had been original ly a portion

O f the M editerranean The dimension s assigned b y
?
Herodotus to the lake Moeris (3 60 0 stadia)
1
The termin tions and i p h h
a th ori g in ofboth forms
r es r s er c e re s, e
a re const ntly interchang ed T hus being R e or Ra
a
h ve U p h i S esostris S eso
. .
we a a r s, S tr bo 2
a
c h ris
, ,
, as w ell as M e n c he re s N e ,
cannot have belonged to an excavation i n the centre

Of the o u m nor would any one describe the length
o f a can al as the perimeter o f a lake It is in deed .
impossible to reconcile all the accounts which the

ancients give u s of the lake Moeris ; but o n e cir
c u m s ta n c e appears d ecisive if th e Birket -e l -K erun
be not the lake M oe ris o f Herodotus D i o d o ru s an d ,
Strabo these three eye witnesses h ave passed over

,
-
one O f the most remarkable Objects in Egypt There .
was no doubt also an artificial reservoir i n the

centre Of the Fyo u m which retained the w ater o f ,
the inundation to b e dispersed when it was n eeded

over the adj acent country and Linant has partially
traced its embankment ‘ That it was designed to .
render this service to any other district than the

F yo u m is not asse rted by th e ancients an d appears
improbable .
If the Fyo u m was rendered h abitable an d fertile

by the kin gs o f the Heracleopolitan dyn asties i t ,
w ill be explained how it becomes o f s o much i m

portance under the twelfth S e so r ta s e n erected an .
Obelisk and Am m e n e m e s built th e Labyrinth there

previously to this time we find n o m onu ment and
no mention O f it in history .
The name Ac hth o e s is the only o n e preserved i n

the lists between N i to c r i s the last Of the S ixth
, ,
dynasty and A m m e n e m e s the last of the eleventh

, ,
.
There i s therefore no roo m for any com pariso n b e

tween the lists and the m onum ents Eratosthenes .
h a s also no n ame which correspond s with th e monu

e
m ents i n this interval .
1
S ee vol i p 5 0 . .
corrections f E ratosthenes I n
. .
o .
Comp Bunsen B 2 p 2 5 2 his system the tw H l p li

.
, .
, o e ra c e 0 o
f ll w h h pr posed v ri ous tan dyn ties are c oll teral

.
o .
, o as o a as a .
the completeness Of i ts list o f n ames appeared to ,
have no confirmation fro m the discoveries in hiero

l
g yp hi cs Even
. its h istorical character though ,
marked by s o conspicuous a n ame i n the Egyptian

annals as that Of Sesostris was hardly e stablished ,
for this con queror is kno w n to us fro m D i o d o r u s

and Herodotus who place hi m much la ter in the
,
history The Labyrinth was another work which

.
might have rescued this dynasty from any doubt of

its historical existence b u t its rem ains had n o t
,
been explored S O as to ascert ai n the name o f its

,
founder ; and Herodotu s had referred its erection

to so late an age as that Of the D o d e c a rc hi a .
Several shields had been discovered bearin g the

names of kings which began with the letters A M N ,
but the other characters being unk nown they had ,
not been referred to the A m m e n e m e s whose names

recur so Often in this dynasty but to some unknown ,
kings The monumental evidence indeed seemed

.
to fix them to a later dynasty Champollio n had .
ascertained the n ames of several of the kings Of

the 1 8 th dynasty beginnin g with Ahm e s o r
,
A m o s i s whose titular shield is the 40 th i n th e

,
tablet o f Abydos ‘ The 1 7th dyn asty consisted of

.
Shepherd kings w ho could not be expected to

,
be recorded o n an Egyptian monument The five .
which p receded A h m e s it was n atural therefore to

,
conclude must represent the fi v e kings Of th e

,
l 6th d ynast y who were Thebans accordin g to

,
E usebius O n the Obelisks of Heliopolis and th e

.
Fyoum the latter of which bore m ark s o f antique

,
workmanship in the bluntness of the pyramidion

B ir c h G ll Brit Mus pl 2 9
1
. a . . . . .
THE T W E L F T H DYN A ST Y .
and the unusual proportions o f the height and

‘
breadth a n a m e h ad been read O so rta s e n which
, ,
from the titular S hield con nected with it appeared ,
to belong to a sovereign whose name stood first i n

a succession Of four i n one o f the grottos of Beni
h assan an d th e third an d fourth O f these were the
,
s ame as the 3 5 th an d 3 6th O f the tablet Of Abydos .
Th e n am es corresponding to the 3 7th 3 8 th and ,
3 9 th sh iel d s were afterwards discovered an d found ,
to be another O s o r ta se n and two beginning wit h

the letters A M N followed b y the sam e unknown ,
—
ch aracters evidently therefore belonging to o n e
roy al famil y .
Maj or F eli x to whom i n co nj unction with Lord

, ,
Prudhoe the discovery of this successio n is d u e

, ,
conj ectured that these kings were real ly those of

Manetho s 1 2 th dynasty whose names ought to
’
,
h ave been give n as those O f the 1 7th an d m ade ,
the immediate p redecessors o f A m o si s founder ,
Of the 1 8 th Sir Gardner Wilkinson considered

.
the d y n asties between the 1 3 th a n d 1 8 th to h ave

been interpolated o r contemporary in Lower
Egypt D r Hincks in the Tran saction s o f the
. .
,
R o yal Irish Academy h ad also adva n ced the opi

3
,
nion that the five n ames on the tablet o f Abydos

, ,
which precede the 1 8th dyn asty constituted th e ,
12 th dynasty Of Manetho an d th at th e five dyn as ,
ties between the l 2 th and the 1 8 th were either

contem poraneous o r im agi nary The names read .
,
as th ey were by the authors O f these suppositions ,
O so r ta s e n and A m m o n e i th Th o te or Amun m gori

- - -
,
1
Bonomi in T rans Roy S oc 2
M nners
a an d Customs 1, 3 6
Vol 1 9 P
.
, . . .
,
Lit . 8vo 1
, , 1 69 .
3
.
, . 2 p 68
, . .
[B OO K
did however answer to th e n ames o f Ma

no t
n e tho Lepsius had been led by th e circumstance

. ,
that some O f the work Of the s o -called O s o r ta s e n

at Thebes had been surrounded by a constructio n
Of the kings of the 1 8 th dynasty to conclude th at‘ ,
a considerable period must h ave intervened between

this dynasty and th at to which he belonged and ,
o ne o f desolation for Egypt ; th at consequently

he could not h ave been O f the 1 7th dynasty but ,
probably lived before the invasion o f the Shepherds .
The letters o f uncertain sound i n the S hields o f

the three kings he read het a n d the whole name ,
becoming thus Am u n -em -he t there could be little ,
di ffi culty in identifying it with th e A m m e n e m e s o f

Manetho The authority for reading the first letter i n
.
the shield Of O s o r ta s e n O was very S light Lepsius

considered it a s an S and m ade the n ame S e s o r ,
tasen Thus he had Ob tained an ascending series

.
,
going backward from m o s i s A 2

Am m e n e m e s
Am m e n e m e s ( I I I ) S e s o r ta s e n ( III ) S e s o r ta s e n ( 11 )
.
, . .
Am m e ne m es S e s o r ta s e n
and the first five O f these corresponded to the five
—
shields ( 3 9 3 5 ) on the tablet O f Abydos which ,
preceded that O f A m o s i s It seemed therefore .

, ,
impossible to avoid the conclusion that the tablet ,
of Abydos passed over all the dynasties i n te r m e

diate between the 1 2 th and the 1 8 th and con ,
n e c te d these immediately with each other Into .
the reason for this omission we sh all have to inquire

hereafter ; at present it is su fficient to say th at the ,
coincidences bet w een the names Of the S hields an d

those o f Manetho s lists are such that we must r e
’
1
See l i p 1 74
vo .
Bunsen B 2 p 28 7 G erm
. . .
1
, .
, .
. .
[B OOK
La byrinth i n the Ars i n o i te nome is attributed but ,
the u nquestionable evidence o f the Lab yrinth itself

d eclares that A m m e n e m e s was its founder In .
Eratosthenes we h ave Mares or Maris as the thirty ,
fi fth king in a position answering generally to the

,
Lam ares O f Manetho ; and according to D i o d o ru s l

,
Marus was the name which some assigned to the

builder O f the Labyrinth All these n ames Marus .
, ,
Maris Am m e re s appear to owe their origin to an

, ,
attempt to connect th e foundation of the Labyrinth

with the creation Of the Lake M m r i s In the form .
L a b a r i s preserved by Eusebius and assigned as the ,
founder O f the Labyrinth we h ave apparently the ,
origin Of Lamares L a m p a ri s L a c h a r e s and an , , ,
evident attempt to etym ologize the Greek name .
The I m a n d es o r M a i n d es Of S tra b o o n the contrary

Q
appears to be a corruption Of A m m e n e m e s and so

-
,
also th e Mendes O f D i o d o r u s (u D is missing .
Lamares and Am m e r e s we m ay substitute in their ,
place the two A m m e n e m e s o f the monum ents .
Three reigns all of eight years succeeding each , ,
other are certainly not very probable

, .
Continuing o u r list therefore we h ave after , ,
Sesostris
5 A . III substituted for L b i and M eres
m m e n em e s . a ar s
6 A . IV the A
m m en e m O f Manetho s list
es .
, m m e n em es
’
.
T his a rrangement i s conform able to the Turin

p a p yrus in which we h ave i n succession the titular
,
shields which are ascertained to belong to A m

,
m e ne m e s I S e s o r ta s e n l A m m e n e m e s II S e s o r
.
, .
.
, ,
tasen II S e so rta s e n l I I A m m e n e m e s III Amme

.
, .
,
.
,
nemes I V a
.
l , 61 .
3 1 7, w h o g ive the leng ths of the
Epi t p . . 13 1 2Almel rei ns
, .
g
un en Lesueur 3 1 6
.
1
B s , 2 , 299 .
, ,
I .
] THE T W E L F T H DYN A ST Y .
According to Maneth o A m m e n e m e s ( I V ) was , .
succeeded by hi s sister S c e m i O p h ri S reigning four ,
years N O such person has been discovered i n th e

.
monuments ; but a king whose name is read Sebek ,
n o fre is found in the Turin papyrus after Am me

,
nemes I V and o n the K arn ak Tablet to whom a

.
, ,
r eign of 3 years 1 0 m onths 24 d ays is assigned ,
and it is a probable conj ecture Of Lepsius t hat the

queen S c e m i o p h r i s is no other th an this king ,
supposed to be a female from th e app arently femi

nine termination A third S e s o r ta s e n ap p ears i n .
‘
the m onuments w h o i s n o t mentioned by Manetho
,
.
He succeeded the secon d S e s o r ta s e n Amme .
nemes the father of S e s o n c h o s i s ( S e s o r to s i s

,
was
probably the same as th e A m m e n e m e s who closes

the eleventh dyn asty His n ame is found i n the .
grottoes o f B e n i h a s s a n and on two tablets of th e ,
Louvre it is conj oined with that of S e s o r ta s e n

whence their j oint reign has been inferred F rom the .
investigation s O f Le psius a n d Bunsen it also appears

t hat after the death of Am m e n e m e s S e s o r ta se n I .
re i gned alone for several years and that in the ,
latter part O f his life A m m e n e m e s II was associated .
?
with him in th e government The reign of S e s o r
‘
tasen III was probabl y included in th at O f S e so r

.
tasen the father having adm itted th e son to

share his power If the father survive d the son .
,
and consequently resumed the sole sovereignty ,
this would accoun t for the absence O f the son s n ame ’
in Manetho s list ’
.
1
R o s elli n i , Mon S tor Ii i 1, tions the 43 d year of S e so t e
r r as n
I
. . .
pa e 46 bein lso the 2 d of A

gB H
as a n m
p 2 93 A t l
. .
unsen , B 2, s e e m en em es
in the M useum t Leyden men

. . . .
a
O f Am whom accordi ng to thi s ar

m e nem es , ,
rangement we are to call th e Second it is only

, ,
recorded that he was assassinated by his o w n O th

'
-
cers Of the bed chamber .
Sesostris succeeded to Am m e n e m e s II The re .
semblance O f the names Of several Egyptian sove

reigns and the more remarkable coincidence that
, ,
three Of these appear to h ave been conquerors ,
have produced a confusion in the history of Sesos

tris which till lately it was impossible to clear up
,
.
Four kings o f very distant ages — S es o c hr i s the , ,
eighth o f the second dyn asty ; S es os tr i s the third ,
o f the twelfth ; S e tho s -S es o os i s -R a m es es Of the ,
nineteenth S es on c hi s Of the twenty -second have , ,
all partially contributed to the history o f o n e king ,
w ho has been variou sly placed according to dif ,
fere a t hypotheses The gigantic stature which .
Q
Herodotus assigns to S e s o s tri s is the historical
attribute Of S e so c h ri s who was five cubits and four ,
s
palms in heigh t The erection o f monuments .
recording his own victories b eyond the limits Of

4
Egypt belongs as far as we k now only to S e s o o s i s , ,
R ameses o f whom mon u mental tablets h ave been

,
found at N ahr-c l-K elb o n the Syrian coast The , .
5
erection O f tw o Obelisk s a t H e li o p o li S again belongs
'
I take the w ord fx in its N t b i (36 13 2 ) lived after the

1
ei
’
wo z m ec a s
ety mo l o gic l sense We h ve I P ersian con quest T he use f
, ,
a . a . o
th i nk evidence f the prev D’WD ( G
no o ii 3 6) is no roof e e n x xx v
l en c e in Anci ent E gyp t f the p f the c ustom the n me
. .
cin g
'
o r ac o a
ti e w hich preva led in A ssyri used for a
,
c i t o ffi cer 1 S a ca , as am
d is w common throu hout
.
an no
g i ii f 1 5 sellini ( M Civ v
A Th 1 3 7) th i nks that real i ti app ar
. .
E yp
g t d Western
an s i t its a a ev r a e
tr duct i on w ttributed to S e in the monuments
.
in o as a .
m i i i
ra m pre umpti on th t it
s s a s 2 1 06 B iod 1 5 5
‘
a
1
Egyptian c ustom ( Her S ee p g e 1 24 of this volume

. .
, , .
w ts no 3
a an a
M rc ell 14 6
. .
3 92 . A . m m i an Herod 2 102 D i d 1 5 5
a o
P lin y s
.
.
, .
Claud Entrop 1
. .
, .
, .
B iod
’ 5
. .
, .
contradictions and build them up into a c h ro n olo

,
i c a l system
g .
The account which is given by Africanus o f the

conquests o f Sesostris may seem to leave no doubt
that he is really the h ero Of the Grecian story .
We have already seen however th at Africanu s i n , ,
te rp o se s remarks of hi s o w n among the nam es Of

the M a n e tho n i a n lists and wh at is said o f Sesos
tris has such a close verbal resemblance to D iodo
rus that as Africanus does n o t appear ever to have
,
seen the work o f Manetho it is probable that h e ,
has copied this notice from D i o d o r u s ‘

Since there fore the traditions o f the Greeks
, ,
respecting Sesostris either belong to the historical

R ameses o r are wholly vague w e cannot venture to
, ,
attribute to the S e so rta s e n s o f the monu ments any

?
thing which is recorded o f Sesostris The monu
m ents themselves however attest th e power Of the , ,
twelfth dynasty R o se lli n i dug up near the Second

.
Cataract a s te le n o w preser ved in the Florentine M u

,
3
seum it stood in an edifice raised by R ameses I .
,
o n the spot where S e s o r ta s e n I h ad placed a m emo .
rial O f his o w n victories He is represented upon .
it standing in the presence O f a hawk -headed deity ,
n amed M a n d o o who holds in his ban d a cord to,
1
The error w ith re g rd to the a unsen ( B 2 p 3 0 9 G erm )
B
S i gnifi c n c e of the emb l ems w hi c h II
.
, .
, .
a considers S t the e s o r as e n as
h e is s id t h ve ins c ribed on his g re t S esostris
.
a o a a d su poses him an
t i is mu c h more likel y to h ve p ,
s e n
; a to h ve conquered E th opi
a far i a as
o ri g n ted w ith the G reeks or their
i a
as t h e shores o f the Red S ea and
h l f le rned interp reters th n w ith crossed into Arabi and thence t
,
a - a a a, o
a h ig h pri est S u ch emblems do the c onti ent of A sia ( S tr bo 1 6
n
occur mon the hieroglyphi c s
.
a , ,
a
p
but w ide gy di fferent sense from , .
in a
M on Stor iii 1 p 38 M o
11
n
th t ttributed t them Hero R li t xxv 4
. . . . .
, .
a a o b v ea av
dot a s d D i d u , . . .
an o or s.
I .
] TH E T W E L F T H DYN A ST Y .
which are attached shields whose edge represents

th e battlements of a town and which are sur ,
m ounted by the up er h alf O f the hum an figure

p ,
with th e hands bound behi nd This is the way in .
which on the m onu ments o f Egyptian conquerors

, ,
their vanquish ed enemies are usually exhibited ‘ .
The nations thus led captive appear from the a h

sence of he a rd to be African though they exhibit ,
nothin g O f the n egro physiognom y F ive are still .
extant on the mon u ment and when perfect it must ,
h ave exhibited several others The inscription on .
th e base has not been fully made out but it appears ,
to record a sacrifice o r Offering to Mnevis the white ,
hu ll o f Heliopolis At Thebes R o s e lli n i foun d a

.
fragment O f a stat u e O f S e s o r ta s e n I which from .

,
th e m anner of its insert i on among later construe

tions appeared to h ave been preserved as a relic Of
,
some building raised by him a n d afterwar d s de ,
stroyed in the devastatio n s O f the Shepherds The .
tomb s of B e n i h a s s a n are memorials o f this dynasty ,
and in one of them w h e re a c h ief Of the nam e O f

,
A m m e n e m e s was buried i s an inscription to this ,
k ing who is there called ruler O f U pper a n d Lower

,
? ”
Egypt The Obelisk o f Heliopolis g i ves h i m the
sam e title along wi th others O f a more mystical
,
kind bu t rec ords no historical fact That Of th e

,
.
F yo u m is equally destitute o f information but ,
adds the title beloved by Ptah Several fu neral .
t a blets have been found in th e n eighbourhood O f

Memphis and O f Abydos dedicated to persons who ,
1
reads the names K
R o s elli n i as S hi a t, with tw o not perfectly le
Or K o (w hich s
y be the Cush O f
m a
gi b le
S cripture ) S hi i k S
.
, and am e , ea
2
R o s elli n i , S M tor . . i ii 1 , 3 0
. .
held O fli e e under him they bear various dates fro m ,
the ninth year Of his reign to the forty fourth Ma - 1

.
n e tho assigns forty - s i x as the duration Of the reign
Of his S e s o n c h o s i s whom we have supposed to re

,
p resent S e s o r to s i s I Th e occurrence
. Of his n ame
at the copper mines i n the penins u la o f S i n a i shows
- Q
that this region still rem ained in the possession Of

Egyp t
There is in the grottoes o f B e n ih a s s a n a remark
able picture O f the age O f S e s o r ta s e n II o r Sesostris s
. .
The name o f the occupant Of the tomb h as been

read N e v o p th and his son who like the father was ,
o f the military caste i s represented as standin g to ,
receive a procession o f foreigners They are pre .
ceded by a royal scribe who holds o u t a scroll o n , ,
w hich is written the sixth year o f S e s o r ta s e n II an d .

,
it i s declared that the strangers having been van

q u i s h e d they
, are brought hith er to the number o f
thirty -seven Such at least appears to be the g e
.
neral s ense o f the inscription b ut the interpretation ,
Of the characters is by n o m eans certain Instead .
-
Of thirty seven only twelve adults and three children
,
actually appear in the procession and none o f them ,
are boun d TO the royal scribe another Egy p tian

.
succeeds and is followed hy the king o f the strangers

, ,
who leads an ibex b y the horn and bows reveren

ti a lly .
He is uncovered and wears a tunic o f bright ,
colours and an elaborate pattern i n his hand he

carries a curved sta ff n o t unlike th at which i s seen i n
the hand o f O siris Another stranger follows o f .
,
1
M S tor iii l
Ro se llin i , . . .
, 37 .
3
S ee vo l 1, p 48 , 49R sel o
lini M Stor iii M R T av
. .
Wilkinson Mod E g and 48

Thebes 2 406
, . .
. , .
xxvi -xxviii
. .
[B OO K
Ph oenician art such a coincidence will not appear ,
surprising .
These grottoes O f B e n i ha s s a n are th e best record

Of the state Of m anners and art in the flourishing
p eriod o f the 1 2 th dynasty when the prosperity ,
o f Egypt was about to receive a check b y the inva
sion o f the S he p herds We h ave already described .
the architecture of this age so closely resembling ,
1
the D oric The pictures of Egyptian life testify to
.
a state of civilization in which both the elegant and ,
the useful arts had been carried to a high degree

o f perfection It may ap pear S ingular that as this
.
dynasty as well as the preceding is called D i O S p O li

tan scarcely any trace o f them should be found at
,
Thebes The fragment of the statue Of S e s o r ta s e n

.
which has been preserved however S hows that i t , ,
was adorned by them .
Whether S e s o r ta s e n were the first w h o m ade

conq u ests in N ubia depends o n the place which we
allot to the kings who h e a r the n ames Of S e b e k a te p ,
o r S e b e k o tp h and N e fru a te and are found in the

Q
p , ,
Tablet of K arnak and the Turin Papyrus If they .
belong to the ele venth dynasty which was Theban , ,
N ubian conquest would seem to h ave begun with

them as the name O f S e b e k a te p occurs at Semn e
, ,
in the inscriptions which Le p sius supposes to record

O f
the rise the N ile along with that of A m m e n e m e s s
, .
Their p lace however is doubtful and they have been ,
reckoned with the kings o f the Middle Monarchy “

.
Three k ings of the n ame of N a n te f have also been

1
V i
ol 25 4 1
B o e c kh , Manetho und die
Five S ep k t
. . . .
1
d tw o N a Hu p 62 7 note
H
ie a e s an n d s s te r n
p e r o i d e, .
,
1
.
f“ 111 t1111 s m a
y 13 ° i s ti n g u i sh e d in B u n sen J E gy p te n s Ste lle , M i tt
monuments .
leres Reich pl iv ,
. .
TH E T W E L F T H DYN A ST Y .
found who from their pl ace in the Tablet Of K ar

,
n ak
‘ and fro m their sep ulture at Q o o rn e h appear
to h ave belonged to a Theban dynasty prob ably ,
the 1 1 th S e s o r ta s e n I certainly carried his arm s

. .
I nto N ubia ; under th e 1 8 th dynasty wh en the ,
m onarchy revived in greater s plendour than ever ,
it seems to have been completely incorporated with

Egypt and the banks of the N ile were covered with
,
temples in which their titles are recorded These .
facts conclude very strongly against the Opinion

that civilization d escended either with conquest o r ,
the gradual S pread o f population along the N ile ,
from Meroe and N ubia to Egypt It has been sup .
ported by the claims O f th e Th eb an priests which

D i o d o ru s ad mitted by the unfounded Opinion Of
,
th e superior antiqu ity O f the rem ains Of Meroe ,
and perhaps by the fame of the poetical Ethiopians

b ut is contradicted by th e m onuments wh ich S how ,
u s that Lower and Middle Egypt were the seats Of

powerful govern ments before Thebes h ad attained
to any renown and th at N ubi a had no civilization
,
before her conquest b y Egypt which began with ,
the 1 1 th or 1 2 th dyn asty .
The age o f the Labyrinth and the n am e of the

sovereign by who m it was built have been most v a
r i o u s ly stated by the ancient writers and nothing ,
but the evidence Of the ruins them selves has enabled

us to assign with certainty Am m e n e m e s as its
thu n d e r Herodotus we h ave seen attributes the
.
, ,
b uilding to th e twelve kings o r chiefs who composed

the D o d e c a r c h i a not only m ak in g no m ention o f
1
S ee of the E y ptian S ociety pl
Hi e ro g l 96 B irch in G li d d o n
’
s
E g yptian Arch aeolo gy p 8g

.
, . .
.
,
any other but expressly calling them the original

,
This i s in itself very improbable if ,
we consider how vast was the work surpassin g a s , ,
Herodotus says not only all th e work s O f Grecian ,
architecture but the Pyramids themselves It is

,
.
also in the highest degree improb able that thou gh ,
after the Egyptian fashion each o f these chiefs m ay

have prepared a tomb for himself during his life
time they should h ave been deposited there after
P s a m m i ti c hu s had dethrone d them Prob ably th e .
circumstance that the n umber o f the princi p al halls

was twelve led to their erection being attributed to
,
these twelve kings D i o d o r u s gives a di fferent a o .
count He describes as Herodotus does the twelve

.
, ,
kings as designing to leave a common memorial o f

themselves in the place which they prepared with
all im a ginable art for this purp ose ; and he fixes
very precisely o n the S pot o n which the Labyrint h
—
actually stood the entrance Of the Canal into the
Lake o f M oe ri s ; b u t he does n o t call it the Laby
g
r i n th O n the contrary h e says that th e Laby

3
.
, ,
r i n th was built by a much earlier king w h o lived ,
long before the building of the Pyramids by some ,
called Mendes by others M a r ru s Even here how

, .
,
ever we may trace some analogy to th e account o f

,
Herodotus Mendes o r M a rr u s was m ade king i m

mediately after the termination o f the Eth iopian
invasion under A c ti s a n e s ; and i n Herodotus th e ,
retreat o f the Ethio p ians is followed by a n inter

orj xa c in - the D d a h w h o he says de
1
i y e vm
I 60:
( n
‘ ‘ p o ec rc s,
l
s vm ra w r e a
p xq v r o v h a p w flo v t rm i ned to leave the L byrinth as
f o l-
a a
i l
b o p no a p e vw v B a m h e w u a memori l o f themselves
' ’
m
i:
o x
q a
These
.
r a w lc w v x o xo d c i hco v
'
ca n 2
p p .
1 , 66
king can be no other th n those
.
s 1
a 1 , 61
w hom h h before mentioned
.
e as
r i n th are sometimes spoken o f as having a common

destination and sometimes discrimin ated Strabo
,
.
discriminates them ; the labyrinth was according

'
to him a collection Of palaces the pyram id a place ,
Of sepulture Herodotus on the authority of the . ,
inhabitants speaks of the kings and sacred croco

,
diles as being interred in the subterranean chambers

o f the labyrinth Manetho ( or Africanus ) says La
mares built the L a b yr i n th as a sepulchre for himself
and Pliny following L y c e a s calls it the sepulchre
, ,
o f M oeris It appears quite contrary to Egyptian

.
usages th at th e same b u ilding should be used as a

palace and a cemetery N otwithstanding therefore .
the tradition O f the neighbourhood recorded by He

r o d o tu s the fact O f the Labyrinth bei ng at all a
,
place Of royal sepulture is questionable It is how .
ever not unlikely that the embalmed crocodiles m ay

have been deposited i n the vaults The n ame P e .
tes u c hi s which Pliny gives to the king who founded

,
the Labyrinth 4 60 0 years before his ti m e evidently Q

,
alludes to this destination O f the building ; for S u

chos was the tame crocodile of the Ar s i n o i te Ho m e ,
and P e t o r P e t-n occurs frequently in similar com

b i n a ti o n s s
It is not probable that the Labyrinth
.
4
was all built by a single sovereign ; D i o d o r u s S peaks
Of its being left unfinished by its founders and we ,
h ave seen reason to conc lude that the Pyramids ,
thoug h attributed by the ancients to a single reign ,
were not begun and concluded by the same person s

.
1
The M i f Ab y dos
em no ne on o 1 66 1
w h i ch w S
, , .
.
as
p l ce ,
w a
( tr bo a aN name except
asthat f A a
5
O o m
bu ild ng the style of
,
1 7 8 13 )
. a i I I I ppears to have been
in m enem es a
the L b y rinth on l y less com p lex dis c overed by the P i E p
.
a , . m s s an x e
1
C od .
Bamb . P li n. diti on but only the fo ndation u s
le ft
,
1
Se e vol I p . . . 38 5 , note 1
. a re .
THE T W E L F T H DYN A ST Y .
The name L a b yr i n th appears to be Of Greek

origin an d we do not know wh at word corre
,
sp o n d e d to it in the ancient Egyptian It originally .
denoted a complicated system o f passages and gal

‘
leries such as are found in mi nes catacombs and
, ,
internal quarries A S they were usually of unk nown.
age mythical personages were assigned as their

,
authors Those at N auplia were attributed to the

.
C yclops th at at Cnossus to D aedalus The last

“
,
.
m entioned i s usually supposed to have been a build
ing like the Egyptian ; but no one speak s as an

, ,
eye -witness O f it and the story probably originated

fro m the existence O f a real labyrinth excavated in ,
s
times Of unknown antiquity at Gortys i n Crete .
Th e idea of perplexity w hich we associate with the

n ame and which the mythe represents as the de
,
signed end O f the construction was the necessary ,
consequen c e in the one case o f the multitude o f

,
intersecting passages in the other O f the endles s ,
succession Of apartments repeating each other , .
Herodotus describes the Labyrinth of Egypt as the

palace Of V ersailles might be described by o n e who
h ad been led through it by a guide and had been ,
at once astonished and bewildered by what he h ad

s een . We can distinguish ho w ever in his d e s c ri p , ,
tion hyp os ty le ha lls which were roofed by single

, ,
blocks Of stone filling the whole space of the i n

“
,
te r c o l u m n i a ti o n s c lo s e d ap a r tm en ts
, adj oi ning to
these and p o r ti c o es leading to other roofed apart
,
S uch a g llery was c lled by and Atti p 2 09 H

a a ca, o e c kh s
’
Cret a,
the G reeks A b p from which vol 1 p

. .
a a, .
S tr bo 8 p 3 69
.
, ,
pronounced Ad Ad Bp A B a, a, a
'
iz
1
a
p e w ould be formed by a re g u W lpole s Travels

, , . .
3
2 , 40 2
’
w os a
lar an logy ( Wordsworth Athens S tra b o p 8 1 1

.
,
1
a .
, , . .
[B OOK
m ents The m ultitude and similarity Of these

.
buildings might well make it impracticable fo r a

stranger to find his way through t hem especially ,
as the maj ority o f them h ad n o ligh t ‘ Herodotu s .
says they were in all 3 00 0 1 5 0 0 above ground an d ,
an equal number below The exactness of this .
statement rests of course o n th e fidelity o f his

guides who delight i n large and round numbers
, ,
which are rendered more doubtful by th e circu m

stance that the building was only o n e story high
above the ground The ruin s wh ich have been .
,
explored by the Prussian Expe d ition S how that the ,
whole was a rectangle Of 8 00 feet by 5 0 0 Pliny .
speaks O f this as well as the other Labyrinth s as

being arched for n i c i b u s tec ti ; but there is n o trace
,
Of the use Of the arch h ere o r in any other building O f

this age It appears to h ave been chiefly built Of a
.
hard white limestone which h as been mistak en fo r ,
Parian m a rb le ; but the fragments o f granite whic h

Q
lie scattered about S how that this more costly m a

te ri a l had also been used for colum ns shrines a n d ,
statues The wh i te lim estone was probably brough t

.
from the Gebel -e l-M o k a tta m where an inscription ,
records the working Of a quarry Of hard white stone ,
in the reign of a sovereign Of the n ame Of Amme

n emes whose precise place in th e series cannot be
,
ascertained as his d istincti ve title does not aecom

,
s
p an y his phonetic n ame .
1
M jore The cornice f the ” t l bear a
3
o s e e s
in t t ans tus est b the date 4 3 d ear d h
p Ph r
ar s
p t i er t
ene an e
buil der of the Laby inth reig ned
r as . r ,
36 n .
2 E gy p ti
, . u s r
l by
a th
ri n
(q d i u s
q d i ) only twelve B t this d te is
u o m ro r e u em u a no
l pi de e P rio l i part f the Inscription does it

.
int t m
y u a a , co u m n s o nor
c ompo ex press the rei g n of A
,
1 1
.
1 S
3 1 1 11 1 3 9 t li b
y cm e. m o u s m m e n em es
sdi olvere i c V P
.
t
si i s ,
q u e l qui
ss
( B r h in yse amids
a s s aze u 3 9 4 a
dem p h Q u rries l bb l t N
, , ,
to ss m .
T l) o u ra a , e O . .
B O O K II .
TH E M I D D L E M O N A R C HY .
Thi r te en th D yn as ty .
Si x TY DI O S P O LI TAN K INGS , who reig ned
Fou r te en t h D yn a s ty .
SE E NTY -
V SI x XO I T E K IN GS , w ho rei g ned
Fifteen th D yn a s ty — O f Shepherds .
Si x F OR E I GN PH OE NICIAN K INGS also took Memphi s

, w ho .
They likewise founded a city in the S e th o i t nome d r e , a
van c i g from which they reduced the E g yptians i to sub

n n
j e ction . T he first of these w h o rei g ned was S A IT E S

F rom him the S aitic nome wa called s .
2 . E N ON
3 . PA C H N A N
4 . S T AA N
5 .
6 AP H O B
. Is
S i x te en th D yn a s ty .
TH I RTY OT HE R SHE P HE R D K I N G S rei g ned

,
S even te en th D yn as ty .
F O RTY -T H R EE OT HE R SHE P HE R D K IN G S , AN D F O R TY
T H R EE THEB AN D IO SP O LITE S T og ether the S hepherds
d Theb ns
.
an ig d w a re ne
B K . II .
] T H I R TE E N T H T o S E V E N TE E N T H DY N A ST Y . 1 79
E u sebius gives these dynasties with very im

p ortan t variations .
Thi r te en th D yn a s ty .
SI X TY DI O S P O L ITA N K I N G S reig ned ,
F ou r te en th Dy na s ty .
SE E NTY -
V SIX K O I TE K I N G S reig ned ,
1 84
[484 in nother copy ]

a .
A rm 43 4 . .
Fifte en th Dyn a s ty .
DI O SP O LI TAN K I N GS reig ned ,
S i x te en th D yn a sty .
F I E T H EB A N
V K I N G S rei gn ed ,
S even tee n th D y n a s ty .
( F O R) F O R E I G N
U P H tE N I c I AN SHE P H E R D K ING ‘ -
S ( b I others ) ,
who also took Memphis .
F irst S A IT E S rei g ed
, n
From him the nome S aites was called T hey founded a .
ity in the S eth o i te nome advancing from wh ich they

c r ,
subdued E gypt .
2 . B NON
3 . AP H O P H I S 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1 03
NO
n ame is preserved by Africanus o r Syncellus
from the thirteenth and fourteenth dynasty ; co n
sequently we are deprived Of the means o f com
pari ng them with the monuments X ois was a town .
1
Fo r h H o m er/e s tr ns o e d the 1 5 th dynasty into
d d eh m o i s
we should probably read the 1 7th his mot i ve was to d p t

1 )
oax a
I i
< > o vu < e s a a
H S A N A ( fou ) r Sy t h e E g yptian to the assumed B i b n
cell s complains o f the arbit a y

a l i e s l chronolo g y ( P 6 2 1 1 5 D i nd )r r . .
,
.
manner in w hich E usebius had

of considerable size in Lower Egypt lying near ,
the centre o f the D elta in an island formed by th e ,
S e b e n n yti c and P ha tn i ti c branches O f the N ile

1
The establishment o f the Shepherd K ings at

Memphis which is S O briefly noticed in the extracts
,
by Africanus is fortun atel y related at great length ,
by Josephus i n a passage quoted by him from

Manetho Apion the Gramm arian o n e o f those
. ,
vain pedants whom the school o f Alexandria p ro

Q
d u c e d i n such a b u n d a n c e h ad attacked the Je w s , ,
who were very odious to the Egy ptian s an d espe ,

,
c i a lly to the Alexandrian s in a work on th e Jewish ,
history in which he gave a very reproachful a o

,
count o f the origin o f their n ation To this work .
Josephus replied In a remarkable Introduction .
he s h ows h o w late was the origin o f Greek letters

and history compared with the Egyptian B a b ylo , ,
nian and Phoenician and opposes to th e unfavour ,
able accounts O f the G r ae c O -Egyptian Apion wh at ,
h e considers to be th e h onourable testimony to the

Jewish p eople which Manetho had delivered from ,
the Egyptian records Having d escribed Manetho .
as a man well skilled in Grecia n learning and who ,
had derived his m aterials according to hi s o wn ,
declaration from the sacred records Of his country

, ,
he thus proceeds with his quotation from th e second

book o f h i s E gy p ti ac a ( Cont Apion l 1 4) . .
,
1
Ch mpollion E gypte sous les
a A pion G m ti
, quem 2
ra m a c u s,
Pharaons 2 p 2 14 thinks its site T iberius C
, , .
cy b l , di m sa r m a u m m u n
w a at S kh which is the Ar bic b t q um p b li f tym
s a a, a vo c a a a u c aa am ae
l t f th C ti c X
,
e
q i u va e n and p num p otins i d i posset i
o e O e os a v er m
Th e s c ripsit d
,
th e ld E t n kh
O t li t te donari
ia o on m or a a a se a
r o d from
.
,
a sett to C iro cross li q a b t
”
( P li
a a
the D elta passes throu gh it ( S teph P f H N )

no s a u a com o ne
p a . n.
. rae
B y s v S trabo 1 7 p
. . . .
z . . .
, , .
H I S TO R Y o r E G Y PT .
[B OOK
foreign nations He died after a reign of 1 9 years

.
.
After hi m another king called B n on reigned 44

s 3 6 years and
'
y ears ; after him another A p a c hn a , ,
7 months ; then Ap op hi s 6 1 years and J a n n a s 5 0 ,
y ears and 1 month Last o f all A

. s s es 49 years and
2 months . And these s i x were their first rulers ,
always carrying o n war and desiring rath er to e x

ti r p a te the Egyptians Their whole nation w a s
.
called Hy ks os th at is Shepherd K ings ; for Hyk

, ,
in the sacred language denotes K ing and 8 0 3 is a ,
Shepherd in th e com mon d ialect and hence by ,
composition Hyksos But in another copy it is .
said th at not Shepherd K ings but Captive Shep

,
herd s are designated by the word Hyk for that

o n the contrary H k or Hak with the aspirate di
y ,
s ti n c tl
y m eans Captives ; and this appears to m e
more cre d ible and accordant wit h ancient history
, .
The before -named kings he says and their de , ,
s c e n d a n ts were m asters of Egypt for 5 1 1 years

, .
After this he say s that a revolt o f the kings o f

the Thebaid and the rest of Egypt took place against
the Shepherds and a great and prolonged war w a s
,
carried on with them U nder a king whose n ame .
w a s M i s hr a m u tho s i s he says that the Shepherds

p g ,
were ex p elled b y him fro m th e rest o f Egypt after

a defeat and shut up in a place having a circuit o f
,
a r u r ae
. This place was called Auaris Ma .
n e tho sa s that the Shepherds surrounded it entirely

y
with a large and strong wall in order that they might ,
have a secure deposit for all their possessions and

all their plunder Thu thrn o s i s the s o n o f Mis
.
,
p h r a
g m u t ho sis endeavoured to take the place by
,
s iege attacking the walls with

, men D e .
T H I R TE E N T H To S E V E N TE E N T H D Y N A ST Y . 1 83
sp a i r i n of
taking it by siege he m ade a t reaty with
g ,
them that they should leave Egypt an d withdraw ,
without inj ury whithersoever they pleased an d i n

,
virtue o f this agreement they with drew from Egyp t

with all their families and possessio ns to the nu m
ber o f not fewer than an d traversed the
desert into Syria F earing the power o f the Assy
.
rians w ho were at th at time masters o f Asia they

, ,
built a city in th at which is now called J u d aea ,
wh ich should su ffi ce for s o m any m yriads o f m en ,
and called it Jerusalem .
A n d i n a certain other book o f his E g yp ti a c a ,
Manetho says that this nation who are called Shep

herds are d escribed as Captives i n their sacred book s .
And he says rightly for the k eeping of sheep was

the ancient h abit o f o u r forefathers and they were ,
not unnaturally described as Captives by the E g yp

tians since o u r forefather Joseph declares himself
,
to the king of the Egyptia n s to be a captive and ,
afterwards at the command o f the king sent for his

brethren into Eg y pt I n to th ese things however
.
, ,
”
I will inquire hereafter more accurately .
This is the account which Josephus gives from

Manetho o f th e invasion reign and expulsion o f
,
th e Shepherd kings If we except some evident

.
exaggeration s of numbers such as the host o f ,
men besieging a city or fo rtified camp

co n taining there is nothing in it which is
n o t quite credible and natural Th e nom adic na .
tions have always envied the wealth and luxury

which agriculture commerce and art have procured
,
for their more civilized neighbours and when these

have been weakened by the neglect of military a o
com p li s hm have found it easy to overturn their

e n ts ,
p ower and lay waste their country S u ch has in .
fact been the history of Asia and had it not been

for the valour of ZE ti u s in the plains o f Chalons
.
,
and Charles M artel at Tours Europe might h ave ,
b e e n subj ect for centuries to the sway o f men o f

unk nown extraction from the East w h o razed her ,
cities and destroyed the temples o f the gods and ,

”
carried her children into captivity If the Hykso s .
a re as some accounts represented Arabs they b e

, , ,
longed to the same race as that to which the Hi ndu ,
the Parsee and the Christian have been obliged to

yield up their lands and their sanctuaries .
How long the war and consequent devastation o f

Egypt lasted before S a la ti s established himself as
,
l
king in Memphis we are not told Africanus must

, .
have included in th e nineteen years allotted to

S ala ti s the whole period both o f his reign and the
conquest as he reckons nothing for an interregnum
, ,
o r for that of the last king o f the preceding dynasty .
It seems to have been the m axi m o f the Egyptian

monarchy that the sovereign never dies Fro m
, .
Menes to N ectaneb u s the throne appears in the

chronological lists always full The struggle lasted .
during the reigns o f the s i x first Shepherd kings ,
after which the Egyptians appear to h ave made no

further attempts at resistance .
If we are to consider all the dynasties of Manetho

a s st rictl
y successive and adopt the largest num ,
bers 9 3 7 years
, must have intervened
T he name S preserved by
a la ti s , xlii 6 but the endeavour o the n
Jt sephus f S t is posed
.
,
o or ta es , su stren gth o f this coincidence t o
o he an an logy to the I b w
ar a e re ident i fy S l ti w ith Joseph i
Db
a a s s an
to rule It oc c ur s G en
.
. example of overstrainin g evidence .
inapproachable by land forces When S a b ac o and .
the Ethiopians invaded Egypt A n y si s took refuge ,
in the marshes and m aintained himself for fifty ,
years in an island which he m ade habitable by lay

i n g down ashes i n the muddy soil When I n a ru s .
revolted fro m the Persians (4 60 s o ) they reduced .
witho u t di ffi culty the rest o f th e country but A m yr ,
t ee n s kept possession o f the m arshes for several

years perh aps as man y a s forty
,
‘ .
The Theb an dynasty lasted 4 5 3 years the X o i te ,
4 8 4 and these nu mbers are not very di ffere n t from

,
the 5 1 8 o r 5 1 1 assigned to the dominion o f the

Shepherds Africanus indeed appears to m ake the
.
l 6th dynasty last 5 1 8 years besides the 2 8 4 o f the ,
1 5 th ; but according to Joseph us the six kings o f

2
the 1 5 th and thei r d es c en d a n ts reigned 5 1 1 y ears .
The 1 7th dynasty o f Shepherds and Th eban ki n gs

represents the period o f the struggle described by ,
Joseph us as great and protracted It lasted for 1 5 0 .
years .
The motive o f the Shepherd kings for establish

i n g their place of arms at Abaris in th e S e th r o i ti c ,
n om e i s stated conj ecturally by Manetho to have

, , ,
been the appreh en sion o f invasion from the Assy

rians then predominant i n Asia Another obvious
, .
reason w a s to m aintain a con n exion with the

countries from which they came and secure a ,
retreat in the event o f the Egyptian s recovering

their independence The S e thr o i ti c nome was a .
Typhonian region and probably the name itself ,
‘
I l c ro d 2 , 1 40 3 , 15
. . . Thu c
yd . f
'
b
a rr c v
1 1 10
p a r fi o a t n } : Alyli
'
y e vo p e u o vs K
.
2
To u r o vc dc r o v s n o xa r w vo
p y ao rr
7 ov t
i me l
y 317 ; ”p er r e fs 7T€ VT O K O
“
~
pw o vr B ac ch u s, TO US
‘
ra w wo rp é m
'
ow gu d e k a .
( Jos .
T H I R TE E N T H TO S E V E N TE E N TH D Y N A ST Y . 187
was allusive to this divinity Manetho implies ’

.
that the name Abaris o r Au aris h ad a si m ilar r e

‘
fe r e n c e but the Egyptian language a ffords no clue
z
,
to such an etymology .
Josephus says that in another b o o k of th e E gyp

ti ac a o r in another c op y o f the passage which we
,
h ave already transcribed Manetho explains the ,

”
name Hyksos as captive shepherds not shep ,
herd kings To this etymology also the Egyptian

language as we are acquainted with it gives n o
, ,
support Indeed th e Jewish historian must have

.
calculated upon very uncritica l readers if he su p ,
posed that th ey would believe the Shepherds an d

his forefathers to be the same Except their Pales .
tinian origin and their retreat i nto Palestine every

, ,
thing i n their history is di fferent The ch ildren o f .
Israel came on the invitation o f Pharaoh a handful ,
o f men into Egypt and were placed in the land o f

, ,
Goshen by his appointment to tend his cattle

, , .
When they subsequently m ultiplied s o as to b e

come an obj ect of alarm to the Egyptians they ,
were subj ect to cruel persecution and oppression ,
to w hich they made no resistance and even when

.
they were encouraged b y Moses to quit the land o f

their bondage they n ever ventured to fight for ,
their liberties N ation al vanity has often strangely .
perverted history claiming conquests which h ave ,
1 “
N on s p e rn e n d a m c en se o o h n eb im Ad d er e
u s . ru b i possum
s e r va ti o n e m v i ri
d o c ti s s i m i ( Mar c u ndum E gy ptii s d l Cl r o s , q u o ex
sh mi )
a su i ll
s i c a n ti s tra c tu m
p u m c o n fi c i tu r S e thr o s c o m m o di s s i m e
qui c mpos a compre P e lu si a c o s s i g n i fi c a r e Ty ho n em

p r u fu m
”
( J a
bendit e t ad l cum usque S erbo I
.
a blonsky , P Comp
l I p 65 . .vo l
. . . .
nide t d it li S th i te i
p T his w ord has bee n derived
m ex en u r, o rn e ro n . .
dictum nomen hoc , p i ac c e sse a

’
Ty ph quem E gyp ti li gu
on e, os n a from a ny and connected w ith ,
su n c gno i asse S th infra mo

o m n e the sojournin g of the Hebrews .
never been m ade ; but if the Israelites were really

the Hyksos o f Manetho they m ust h ave foregon e ,
the glory o f being the conquerors o f Egypt in ,
order to represent th emselves as its bondsmen .
Manetho n ever represents the Hyksos as the

same with the Jews although Josephus artfully ,
slides in the words o u r forefathers into the a o

count which he gives apparently o n Manetho s ,
’
authority ‘ It i s true Manetho says that th e

.
,
Hyksos when they retired by treaty fro m Egypt

, ,
e stablished themselves in Jud aea and built Jeru

salem But this rather proves th em not to have
.
been the Jews ; w h o in stead o f building J e r u s a ,
lem did not even possess it till the time o f D avi d

, .
At their entrance under Joshu a i nto Palestine i t , , ,
g
was held by the Jebusites a Canaanitic tr i b e , .
Their king was killed i n battle ; b u t his people

still held the u pper city th e place of strength , ,
while th e tribe o f Judah and Benj am in dwelt around

the base Manetho therefore identifies the Shep
.
, ,
her d s not with the Je w s but th e Jebusites ; and

, ,
Josephus w h o had related the facts which I have

,
‘
j ust m entioned in hi s An ti q u i ti e s s
cannot have ’
,
been ignorant o f the fallacy of his o w n argument .
Theophilus A n ti o c h e n u s and Tatian in the second ,
century when they speak of the expulsion o f th e

“
,
Je w s from Egypt follow n o t Manetho but Josephus , , ,
interpreting Manetho It appears therefore that .
the ancient and authentic records o f Egypt made

H r epe
e ts the s me unfa ir a a
3
Ant 5 2 ; 7 3
S ee the p ss s quoted in
.
, ,
substi tut on in p 2 6 w ith the

i ca
fi
.
, a a
add t i onal circumst nce th t they

i a a B unsen s U ke ’
r nd en i c h, v vi
built the T emple
. .
xv 63 Jud g es . .
,
i 21 ; 2 S v 6
. am . . .
m ST o a Y o r E G Y PT .
[B OOK
tion of Egypt The 3 9 th shield on the tablet o f

.
Abydos is that o f Am m e m e n e s I V ; the 4 0 th .

,
A a hm e s o r A m o s i s whom Manetho places at the ,
head o f the 1 8 th dynasty So th at the whole i n .
te r v a l o f the Shepherd dominion appears to be

passed over as one o f usurp ation ,
.
O f the seventy -six tributary kings o f X ois n o ,
m onuments remain that c an be referred to them

o n satisfactory evidence thou gh it is by no means
improbable that among th e m an y which have not
yet h ad a place assigned th e m in the series som e ‘ ,
m a y belong to this dynasty The tributary kings .
o f Thebes however during the same interval have

, , ,
been supposed to h ave a record i n the tablet o f

g
K arnak and in the papyrus of Turin Five as .
,
already mentioned bore the n ame of S eb eka tep and , ,
two of N efr u a tep Such repetitions resembling the

.
,
Louises Henries an d Georges o f m odern royal

.
families appear to h ave b een very common amo n g

,
the Egyptian dynasties It seems upon th e whole .
probable th at the S e b e k a te p s lived in the beginning

o f the thirteenth dynasty since a monum ent dated ,
i n the reign o f o n e o f them speak s o f A m m e n e m e s

1 11 as deceased
.
s
The whole number o f shields i s
.
thirty in the second h alf of th e ch amber o f K arnak ,
but several are illegible A s the kings o f Thebes .
in the Hyksos period were m ore th an thirty some ,
cause to u s unk nown must h ave led to the selec

, ,
tion o f these The fragments o f the Turin papyrus

.
A lon g list of these ma y be S ee B hi Cronolo gi a E g i ia a ru c c z

T uri n 1844
.
seen Leem ns M
m a
’
onu m en s
E gy t i ens p t
.
,
des Lé gendes Lepsius D k taf i

.
or a n s 9
en m .
y es t discoveries Bir c h i G li d d s O ti a E gy p
.
,
ro l b q
, a n e su se u en 3
n on
h ve much i ncre sed their number ti
a a p 82 . ac a , . .
T H I R TE E N T H T o S E V E N TE E N T H DY N A ST Y . 19 1
S how som e of the same n ames as the chamber of

‘
K arnak and when e n tire this portio n o f the man u
, ,
script appears to h ave contained sixty -fi ve shields .
The seventeenth dynasty as it n o w stands is , ,
apparently corrupt ; at least it is improbable th at

th ere should be exactly forty-three kings both o f the
Shepherds and the Thebans and th at in both lines ,
kings should reign o n the average only three and a

half years The error however appears to be in
.
, ,
these numbers n ot i n the duration o f the dynasty, .
The kings o f Thebes declared themselves i n d e p e n

dent and cast o ff their allegian c e as tributaries to
,
the Shepherd ki n gs o f Memphis A long and bloody .
war o r succession o f wars ensued fo r a century an d

, , ,
a half which ended i n the Hyksos b ein g dri ve n by

,
M i sp h ra g m u th o si s into Abaris .
Without the testimony o f Manetho we should ,
have been wholly ignorant o f this m ost important

event in th e history o f Egypt Fo r neither Hero .
d o tu s nor D i o d o r u s nor any o f the Greek and Latin ,
historians give any account o f it This is the more

,
.
re m ark able a s th e Egyptians had informed them

,
o f their subj ugation by the Ethiopians s o that ,
n ational vanity did not carry them so far as to sup

press all facts inconsistent with the immemorial
independence o f their n ation There is indeed a .
p assage before referred to in Herodotus in which ,
a trace o f the invasion o f the Hyksos m ay be visi

ble bu t whi c h could never have been s o u nder
,
stood without the explanation which Manetho

affords Speaking o f the odiu m i n which the
.
Lepsius D e k t f iv v vi are written in the hi ti c charac

n m . a . er a
The names in te
. . .
,
B unsen s pl te v here transcribed in the

’
a . r are
,
the shields which in the papyru s hiero g lyphic
, .
memory o f the builders of the pyramids was held ,
h e says th at the people did not m uch like to

'
,
“
n ame them ; but even called them the pyramids

o f the shepherd P hi li ti o n o r P hili ti s w h o fed hi s ,
”
fl ocks in this region at that time Since the .
pyramids have been explored no doubt can remain ,
that they are the work o f native kings and o f a ,
much earlier time yet it i s possible th at among

the various traditions to which their high antiquity
had given birth o n e m ay h ave connected them with ,
the obscurely remembered invasion o f the Hyksos ,
and that the name P hi li ti s m ay represent Philis

tim The scriptural writers certainly attribute a
.
g
connexion with Egypt to th e P hi li s ti n e s w h o i n ,
Amos ix 7 are S poken of as an im migrant people

.
,
like the Israelites themselves and the name though ,
confined i n the Bible to a small district was used ,
for the whole country which thence derived the ,
name of Palestine The account given by Apollo .
dorus ( 2 l that E g yp tu s the son of Belus

, , ,
brother o f Agenor k ing o f Ph oenicia came from , ,
Arabia and conquered Egypt unh istorical as it is , ,
m ay have had its origin i n the i nvasion o f the

Hyk sos who are called both Ph oenician s and Ara
,
bians and who settled in Palesti n e o n their e x p u l

,
sion from Egypt 8

The connexion o f th e mythe
of Isis O siris and Typhon with Phoe nicia o f the
, ,
2 , 1 28 . m
’
ov 3p ov 9 (E u st . a d Di on P e r ieg
G en x
. . .
9
. . 14 . Th e Ca s lu hi m 2 48 Herod
I n Ag e
. .
there menti oned prob bly the a re ri ex E t 3 “

in
igif
a no s o
dw eller bout the M
s a C i P hce i i m i g ti o ns a s u s, n c a m ra on e v u r la
a rtao f th t Ty phoni n re ion tere opinio de communi nescio
p a a u s
w h ic h the Hyk
pi d Aq ) t E gyp ti
'
Ph i
so s o c c u e . u a ce n c u m e z o rn m c re ta
E fpfi w m i xcfip p1 i
'
Ka
q m r v ( b a rn
r dv M aya xc xp wd a t, wh q m
’
ou K enri c k E gypt o f Herod

,
. 2,
3 ? ”p 69 " 53 q
'
01 m m f or o vm c
p K a
[B OO K
j udge from the description s and rem ains o f the La

b yr i n th art and skill must h ave been at a high
,
point of elevation ; under the 1 8 th dynasty they

showed themselves i n u nim p aired perfection ; but
not a single contemporaneous work of art has been
found from the 1 3 th to the 1 8 th dynasty These
,
.
things are not su fli c i e n t to make us d oubt the fact

o f the invasion and expulsio n o f the Hyksos but
they m ay excite a suspicion that the chronology o f
this period of oppression and confusion i s not to
be relied on and that a s usual it has been unduly ,
e x te n d e d l
.
The occupation of Egypt by the Hyk sos appears

to have been from first to last military The for .
tifi e d camp o f Abaris the possession of Memphis ,
an d of various other places throughout Egypt

which were garrisoned by them placed the whole ,
cou n try entirely in their power ; but th e di fference

o f religion language and institutions would prevent
,
any am algamation b etween them and a people so

peculiarly inflexible in all these relations as the
Egyptians were Their monarchs took care to .
preserve the military discipline o n which th e m ain ,
te n a n c e o f their superiority depended from Mem

phis where the seat of their government was esta
,
b li she d the y visited Abaris every summ er and by

, ,
military exercises and reviews at once kept up the
Bunsen extends the dominion lo d o ru s be g an his second list w ith

o f the S hepherds to 9 29 ye rs ( B 3 a Am o s i s , the head of the 1 8 th d y
n sty d f the N ew Monar c hy
,
.
a an o
three kin g s mentioned by A 11
,
0 0 and ended it w ith A i the c on m as s

d ru ( S y
o s p 1 47 2 79 ed ind )
nc tempor ry f C mbyses H ere the
a o a
the Theb n kin g s conte p o
. . .
, .
o f S yncellus ends and

. .
t b
o e a m L t l
a e rc u u s
rary w ith the S hepherds L p i it c omprehends in this interval j ust
,
. e s u
( E i l p 5 2 0) supp ses th t Apol

n . . o a fi fty -t h ree k in g s .
T H I R TE E N T H To S E V E N TE E N T H DY N AST Y . 195
spirit of the soldiers a n d m ade an imposing display

o f force in the eyes o f th e natives and foreigners .
D uring the first s i x reigns a policy o f destruction

and extermination w a s pursued afterwards it should
seem th at o n p ayment of tribute the sovereigns o f ,
Thebes and X ois were allowed to exercise th e powers

o f royalty and the people to pursue their labours
,
in peace .
Prob ably the condition o f Greece under the Turks

a ffords the nearest historical p arallel to that o f the
Egyp tian s under the Hyksos In both cases a no .
m adic and military tribe have established themselves

among a sedentary an d civilized people whose ener ,
gies had been imp aired ; in both the repugnance ,
occasioned by di fference of blood language a n d re ,
li g i o n h as not only prevented any fusion of the two

races but has preserved the hostile feeling between
,
them in undim inished strength after the cessation o f

,
a state of warfare The Turks have been said to be

.
only e n c a m p e d i n Europe and this was literally true

,
o f the Hyksos in Egypt Th e nu mber of

.
said to have been collected withi n th e walls of Aba

ris prob ably represents the average amount of the
,
Hyksos population w h o living on the tribute paid

,
by the Eg y ptians followed no other occup ation

,
th an th at o f arms a n d came in succession to their

,
fortified camp to undergo their military training .
The recovery o f their country an d their capital by

the Greek s seemed at one time imminen t ; h ad it
taken place their language and religion would have
,
been reinstated with no change from the long pre

dominance of th e Turks the Mosch o f th e Sultan
would have becom e again the Chu rch of S t S o p h i a .
,
o 2
[B OOK
an d the people h ave re -appeared after th e o pp re s ,
sion o f four centuries identical with the subj ects

,
o f the P a lae o lo g i ,
but regenerated in spirit by the
struggle by which their independence was pur
chased In such a case it is conceivable that their
.
tables of ro y al succession might omit all mentio n

o f the Mahmouds Selims an d M u s ta p h a s and pass
, ,
from the last Constantine to the first O tho It is .
tr u e the period o f Turkish sway is not equal to

,
the shortest time at which the dominion o f th e

Hyksos in Egypt h as been reckoned But no n a .
tion has ever equalled the Egypti an in the fi x e d n e s s

o f its ch aracter an d institutions The relations o f .
the Greeks to their Turkish m asters might h ave

continued m uch longer u n ch anged h ad they both ,
been as completely insulated from all foreign i n

fl u e n c e s and political combinations as the E g yp
tians were .
O n the whole though it is di fficult to realize to

,
ourselves a dominion continuin g for s i x centuries

and a h alf and then terminating with so few traces
,
as the Hyksos left i n Egypt this di fficulty is n o t ,
s u fli c i e n t to j ustify us in rej ecting the positive tes
ti m o n y o f Manetho to events which he could have

no motive to feign We h ave indeed his testimony
.
only at the second h and and that n o t o f a wholly

,
trustworthy witness But though Josephus has.
certainly perverted we cannot believe that he i n

,
vented h i s alleged quotation fro m Manetho His

, .
learned adversar y would h ave easily detected such

a fraud .
The confusion and destruction which attended

the conquest of the H yk sos h ave rendered the ,
B O O K III .
THE N E W M O N A R C HY .
E i g hteen th D yn a s ty , according to Africanu s .
S nc p 6 2 — 7 2 1 1 5 -1 3 6 D ind )
( y ; , . .
.
Years .
1 . S ixteen D i p kin g s of
osWhom the first
o li te
w s ,
a
A os m under w hom Moses w ent o u t f E gyp t

l
,
o ,
as w e sh ll S how a .
w C H E B R O S rei g ned ,
o
e AM E N O P HT H I S
-
m
t
AM E R SI S
n
a M I SAP HR I S
2
n
e M I S P H R A G M UT H O S I S
v TO U T H M O S I S
o
c AM E N O P H I S . .
T his is he w h is thoug ht t be Memnon and the

o o
S peaking S tatue .
9 . B onu s
10 . AC H E RRE S
11 . R AT H o s
12 . G HEB R E S
13 . AC H E RRE S
14 AR M . E SSE S
15 . RAM E SS E S
1 6 AM E . N O P HAT H
According to Eusebius
E i g hte en th D yn a s ty .
1 .
F o rteen
u D i o s p o li te kin g s of , w hom the first ,
rei gned
Am o s rs ,
Amos should h ve he ded the B y the g eneral consent o f

a a
2
1 t o f Afri c nus w it h the y e rs of critics M I E Q P A P M O Y G Q E I E h

1s a a as
re ign but c onsequence f been substituted for AAI 2 I P AP ,
his , 1D o <> ~
the n c dent l mention o f his n me M O Y G Q S I E in the text of Jose

,
i i a a
this seems t have been omitted pb s from E usebius d Sy ce llus

o a an n
S yncellus c lls h f ther Asseth
. .
a is a , .
B OO K THE E I G H TE E N T H DYN A ST Y .
2 . CHE B RON
3 . AM E N OPH IS
4 . MIPHRE S
5 . MISPHRAG M UT H O S I S
6 TO U T H M O S I S
.
7 . A M E N O P H IS
He is thou g ht to be Memnon and the S pe kin g a
S tatue .
8 . B onu s
9 . AC H E N CHE R SE S
U nder him Moses led the Jews in their E xodus

from E gypt .
10 . AC H E RRE S
11 . C HE RR E S . .
12 . A RM A I S w ho is l so D anaus
, a
Afterw ards being exiled f om E gypt and flyin g r ,
from his brother E gyp t he comes into u s,
G reece and h vin g made himself master o f

, a
A rg os rules the A rg ives

,
.
13 . R A M E S S E S w h o is also E gyp tu s
,
14 . AM E N O P H I S .
f
F r om the Ta b le t o Ab yd os .
It has been already observed that this monument

contains n o n a m es o f ki n gs except R amses the ,
Great only the prenom inal o r titular shields The

, .
researches o f Champollion however aided and cor , ,
r e c te d by those o f our countrymen and o f Lepsius ,
have ascertained th e corresponding phonetic n ames ,
and thus we are enabled to present the following

series for comparison with the lists o f Manetho and
Eusebius
AA H M E &
AM E N OPH
TH O T H M E S
TH O T H M E S (IL) .
TH O T H M E S
AM E N OPH
TH O T H M E S
AM E N OPH
9 . B onu s .
10 . RAM S E S
11 . ME N E P HT H A H
12 . RAM S E S
13 . RA M S E S in whose rei g n the tablet
f A bydos w
o erected as .
The discrepancies are obvio u s The A m o s i s o f .
the lists i s evidently the Aa h m e s o f the tablet and

monuments but C he b ro s appears neither o n the
,
tablet n o r elsewhere Am e n o p h the second o n the

.
,
tablet is the third in the lists ; M i p h re s and Mis

,
h r a g m u th os i s are again n ot found o n the tablet

p .
To u th m o s i s of the lists answers to Tho th m e s o f the

tablet ; but whereas the tablet gives three in s u c
cession o f this name the lists present only o n e , .
Amenophis I I is found i n both followed however

.
, , ,
o n the tablet by a fourth Tho th m e s and a third
Am e n O p h . In Horus agai n they agree ; but hi s

successor o n the tablet is R amses i n the lists ,
Ac h e n c h e r s e s or A c h e rr e s .
There can hardly be a question which authority

i s to be preferred N o b etter evidence than that
.
o f a monument erected by public authority can be

, ,
prod u ced in an historical inquiry Its testimony i s .
liable to no corruption such as written documents ,
m ay undergo from accident o r fraud n o r to the

, ,
variations which are inevitable in oral tradition .
It re p resents the most authentic k nowledge o f the

age in which it was erected and m ust therefore take ,
precedence o f every other kind o f document It is .
true that this age m ay h ave falsely beli eved itself

possessed of certain knowledge and such a belief ,
could acquire n o additional authority by being re

corded o u stone There is no room here however
.
, ,
[B OO K
P hr e These will be the T ho th m e s I and II o f

l . .
the tablet and the To u th m o s i s o f the lists will cor

res p ond with the Tho th m e s III o f the tablet Ame . .
n o hi s will then occupy the same position in both

p .
But here again occurs a discrepancy A m e n O p h II . .

,
the vocal Memnon o f the lists i s followed on the ,
tablet by Tho thm e s I V but in th e lists b y Horus .

,
who in the tablet succeeds Amenophis III After .
Horus the diversity becomes still greater He is .
followed o n the tablet by R amses I in the lists .

,
by A c he n c he r s e s o r A c h e rr e s and the name o f ,
R ameses in the sh ape of Ar m e s s e s or Armais only

appears after R a tho s G hebres and A c h err e s ,
.
There is a remarkable variation in the lists them

selves Accordin g to Africanus Amenophis I is
.
,
.
succeeded by A m e r s i s o r according to o n e MS , ,
.
A m e n s i s who does not appear i n Eusebius nor

,
o n the tablet Africanu s seemed to h ave gained.
confirmation from the discovery of a perso n age

named A m e n s e amon g the royal m onuments of
the 1 8 th dynasty with this peculiarity that the , ,
inscriptions in which this figure appears have the

feminine termination article a n d pronoun and the , ,
”
title B e n e fi c e n t G o d d ess L a d y of the World
“
, ,
while the dress attributes and i nsignia are those o f ,
2
a male Hence Champollion devised the hyp o
thesis that Tho th m e s I im mediately succeeded to .
Ameno p his I th at his s o n Tho th m e s 1 1 followed

. .
1
Tho th m III ctu ll y be rs n me R
es . a-M i a a ffords a a , a m es es e a m ou n
m the monuments the title of M i f the title bein g inco porated e on e o r
r e, or w i th the rti c le M i h w i th the name
a e
( S ee Ifi h
r e,
Stor 1 p
.
bel ved f P h
o o R
re lli i M
”
rc
1
o se n on
P 2 p Althoug h 2 2 2 223 Champollio Lettre s
.
, , . .
,
B rit M . u s . .
, .
n,
i di s ut bl e ex m ple h been d E gy p t xv
, .
’
no n
found p tit l e substituted for

a a as e, .
0 a a
THE E I G H TE E N T H DY N A ST Y .
hi m and died withou t issue His sister Am e n s e .
succeeded him and reigned twenty -one years ; her

husband who w a s named T ho thm e s exercised the
, ,
rights o f sovereignt y in her name and was the ,
father of Tho th m e s III A m e n s e survived her .
husband and m arried for a second A m e n e n th e s , ,
w h o also governed in her nam e and was not only ,
regent during the minority of Tho th m e s III but .

,
exercised sovereignty conj ointly with him for se

veral years Th e shields which contain the title
.
o f this supposed A m e n e n th e s h ave very generally
been defaced and th e legend of the secon d or third

,
Tho th m e s substit u ted for them o n a variety of m o ,
n u m e n ts still existing at Thebes This C h a m p o l .
lion believed to have been th e e ffect of the hatred

which Th o th m e s III cherished towards his step
.
father by whom h e had b een oppressed during the

,
years o f his minority The name whi ch he read .
A m e n e n h e or Am e n e n the s i s found as well as th at , ,
o f A m e n se o n the obelisk o f K arnak

,
along with ,
his image and if R o s e lli n i m ay be believed it ex ,
h i b i ts traits unlike thos e o f the sovereigns o f this

dynasty and th u s favours th e supposition that he
,
was a stranger in blood 1

.
This in geniou s hypothesis has not stood the test

o f subsequent research The name A m e n s e t ( for
.
such it is n o t Am e n s e ) is read by Lepsius S e t a m en

,
and Am e n e n th e N em t Am en ( H a tu s u ) This name

,
.
h a s fe m inine a ffixes and therefore appears to r e

,
present a female sovereign or at least regent , ,
h aving the titles D aughter o f the Sun B e n e fi c e n t ,
Goddess Lady o f the Worlds

,
He thus disposes .
R lli i Mon S tor l 2 2 8

1
o se n , . .
, .
of the relations o f the first sovereign s o f the 1 8 th

dynasty A m o si s the founder was succeeded by
. , ,
his s o n Amenophi s wh o had a sister Set Amen , , ,
and a brother Th o th m e s I Th o th m e s I had a

,
. .
queen Aa hm e s whose relatio n to the founder o f the

,
dynasty is uncertain and w h o exercised during hi s ,
reign the functions o f a fem ale regent This Aa h m e s .
i s the A m e r s i s o r A m e n s i s o f the lists the A m e s si s ,
described by Josephus as the sister o f Amenop h is ,
which would make her to be th e daughter o f A m o s i s .
Tho th m e s I had two sons w h o reigned successively

.
,
u nder the titles o f Tho th m e s II and Th o th m e s III . .
D uring the reigns o f both Th o th m e s II and III . .

,
the regency was exercised by their sister N emt

Amen The succession then pro c eed s without any
.
,
further interruption from father to so n thro ugh , ,
Amenophis II Tho thm e s I V Amenophis III

.
,
.
, .
and Ho ru s w ho appears to have left n o m ale child

’
, ,
as Ac he rre s o r Ac e n c h e re s the next in the lists is

‘
, ,
said by Josephus to h ave been his daughter Such .
is the combination by which Lepsiu s and Bunsen

have endeavoured to reconcile the monuments with
the lists We may adopt it provisionally with a
.
;
caution to the reader how u ncertain are all such

systems in the present state o f Egyptian history ,
and especially without a full knowledge o f the evi

dence o n which it i s founded Any other arra n ge .
ment must be equally h ypothetical .
Manetho in the extracts o f Josephus m akes no

, ,
mention of A M O S I S as bearing p ar t in the long

war which preceded the expulsion o f the H yksos
and their blockade in Abaris under M i sp hr a g m u ,
1
B unsen Dyna ty xviii pl
, s E gyp t .Stelle B 3 p 78
. vn . cn s
’
, .
, .
[B OO K
The quarr y o f Masarah in th e Gebel -e l-M o k a tta m , ,
contains a s te le o n which is a representation o f a

,
block o f stone drawn on a sledge by three p air o f

,
oxen 1
Above is an inscri p tion bearing the title o f
A m o s i s a long with h i s queen N o fr e -a t-are o r N o fr e
,
are a n d declaring that in th e twenty -second year

,
o f his reign the quarries o f hard white stone were

,
worked for the repair o f the abode of Ptah and the ,
abode o f Amun in Thebes Such repairs migh t be .
undertaken at any tim e ; but if we suppose that

the Hyksos h ad been recently driven into Lower
Eg ypt the restoration o f the temples o f Memphis
,
and Thebes which had su ffered from their ravages

, ,
would be o n e of the first acts wh ich a pious sove

reign wou ld undertake There is another i n s c ri p .
tion o f the same i mport and o f the same year o f ,
the reign Of A m o s i s b u t less perfect in the quarries , ,
o f the Gebel -e l-M o k a tta m

g
.
To A m o s i s succeede d according to the tablet ,
o f Abydos and the other lists which I h ave quoted ,
A M E NO P H I S 1 He was unquestionably a warlike

.
and victorious sovereign Th e monum ent already .
q uoted speaks o f captives m ade i n the lan d o f

K esh and also in the N orth among an unknown ,
people called K eb ak If these are an Asi a tic nation .

,
we m a y presume th at th e frontier land of Lower

Egy p t towards Palestine h ad been cleared of the
Shepherds as Amenophis could not otherwise h ave
,
ventured to march into Asia His presence also .
i n Ethiopia i s recorded in a grotto at Ibrim near ,
1
Vyse the P on i d 3 99 ra m s, 94 Masar h a Q uarries T ablet
M s rah Q u rri es blet N o 6
, . .
,
a a a , a o 8
H w rd V yse Pyr mids vol 3
. . . ,
1
o a , a , .
,
TH E E I G H TE E N T H DY N A ST Y .
‘
Ab o o s i m b e l where h e is represented sitting i n the
,
middle o f a small temple attended by an o fficer o f ,
state who holds over him the feather -fan and two
, ,
others fl y-fl a p s In the collection o f Egyptian anti

, .
u i ti e s m ade by Mr Salt and since transferred t

q o .
,
the Louvre are found several sm all tablets re , ,
sembling in shape the s te le o f an inscription o n ,
which Amenophis I is represented grasping cap .

,
ti v e s by the hair carrying them with their heads ,
downwards and preparin g to destroy them with ,
the curved battle -axe Som e o f these are clad in ?
leopards skins and are n atives o f the South ; others

’
, ,
from their ample drapery p lainly belo n g to colder ,
climates Conventionally they represent the E thi o

.
pian and the Asiatic people and we m ay conclude ,
that Amenophis carried on wars successfully against

both These tablets appear to have been designed
.
to be worn as orn aments on the breast ; and it is a

reasonable inference that a sovereign who was thus
h onoured must h ave acquired th e affection of his
peop le by some distinguished service such as th e
recovery of the ancient dominion o f the S e s o rta s e n s
an d A m m e n e m e s over Ethiopia O n anot h er of .
these tablets the king ap p ears grasping a lion b y

th e tail either sy mbolically or as a record of his
, ,
prowess in hunting O ne o f the wives o f A m e .
n o p h i s (A a h m e s ) is always represented black She

3
.
1
M R tav xxviii l
R o s elli n i , . . . . . the victory which A e p h had m no IS
He c lls the o ffi cers c p h i

a a O or as
g ined over the Hyksos
a ( Mon
i f the f ns were ensig ns o f victory ; S tor i ii l
, . .
but from the mode of c rry in g

. .
,
a R elli i M S tor iii l 1 0 7

2
os n
A simil r t b l et is in the British

. . .
, , .
them they pp e r evidently to be a a a a
Museum and represents A meno

,
w h t Ch mpollion c lled them fl y

a a a
phis in a w -ch riot ( B i r ch G ll

, ,
fl ps W th y e i g of victory
a e re e ns ns ar a a
i tw ld be somewh t hasty to in fer of B M P 2 pl

. .
, ,
ou a
with R lli i th t t h ey sig ni fy R o lli i M R t

. . . , .
o se n a
“ 3
se xlv
n , . . av . .
appears beside her husband along with another ,
who is o f a fair complexion o n a t ablet in th e

‘
,
B ritish Museum It i s n o t indeed absolutely cer

.
tain that the dark lady was the wife o f Amenophis

her n a me is the same as that o f the wife of Am o s i s ,
”
and the title of royal dame which she bears is , ,
consistent with her havin g been the widow o f the

predecessor of Amenophis In either case the r e .
,
newal o f relations between Egypt and Ethiopia is

eq u ally evident .
Amenophis I appears from various monuments

.
to have been the obj ect o f a kind o f posthumous

religious worship di fferent i n its kind from the ,
honours which were sometimes paid to deceased

monarch s in Egypt In o n e o f th e little chapels .
,
excavated among the quarries o f S i ls ili s in the ,
reign o f M e n e p hth a h Am e n o p h I along with A tm o o ,

.
and another Egyptian deity receives an o ffering o f ,
incense from the king and in the tombs o f private ,
individuals at Thebes similar honours are paid to ,
him o n the part o f th e deceased O ne o f these 9
tombs is o f the age o f M e n e p h th ah I and it a p .

,
pears from the inscriptions that a special priest

hood w a s instituted to pay these honours to Ame
n O hi s In another inscription he is j oined with
p .
Amoure P hre and O siris and receives a libation

, ,
from the priest A m e n e m o p h In a singular paint .
ing in a Theban tomb 3 he is represented with th e ,
attributes of Sokari a character nearly identical ,
with the infernal O siris and therefore i s painted ,
1
Birch G all f Ant 2 pl 30 Q
, o h (R lli i M S tor l o o rn e o se n on
T he f -complex ned w i fe w hose
. .
, . .
, . .
,
m r io
n a e w A h tp h is also found
,
m as a o R lli i Mon S tor iii 1 82 1

o se n
W i th A
, ,
I bid 1 1
. . . .
,
m e no
ph In tomb at
IS a 1
. 1 .
of the Pharaohs while th e Hyksos held their court ,
a tM e m p h i s o r so m e other town o f Lower Egypt

, ,
should become the chief capital of the restored race

o f native kin gs the site of their temples p alaces
, ,
and tombs Tho th m e s I began the construction O f

. .
the immense pile of the palace of K arnak About .
the centre o f the great inclosure which compre

hended the buildings i n th eir final exten si o n ,
stood tw o obelisks inscribed with the n am e o f this ,
king ‘
. We know from other instances that it was
not the custom o f the Egyptian s to plac e these
monuments i n open spaces without connexion ,
with other obj ects they stoo d before the entrance

o f temples o r palaces and therefore we m ay con ,
c lu d e th at Tho th m e s if he did not erect at least , ,
p la n ned some edifice to which these Obelisk s were

an appendage As far indeed as a p lan can be .
made o u t amidst th e ruins by which this whole

,
space is encumbered he actually began a vast ,
square o f buildings which Th o th m e s III c o m .
p l e te d 9
O.ne o f the Obelisk s i s sti ll standing th e ,
other h a s fallen and is broken to pieces They , .
were in size r a ther inferior to th e Obelisks of Luxor ,
but in workmanship n early equal O nly the cen . .
tral line o f the in scription belongs to T ho th m e s I

the lateral lines were added by R amses V accord . .
,
ing to a practice very com mon with th e Egyptian

monarchs The in scription itself contain s no histo
.
rical information beyond the fa ct of a victory over ,
th e nations of the N ine Bows who are commonly ,
understood to be the Libya ns , and the erection of

‘
1
S ee Wilkinson s gre t P lan f ’
R lli i M S tor iii 1 a o o se n
Th ebes K rnak D l i p 1 73 123 The obelisk is fi g red M R

. . .
, ,
a vo u
f th i s w ork
, , .
, . . . . . .
,
o .
t xxx av . .
THE E I G H TE E N T H DYN A ST Y .
the two Obelisks The rest i s occupied b y those .
pompous titles of divine a ffi nity and dominion ,
which disappoint the decipherer o f hieroglyphics ,
when h e hopes to find o n these im mortal monu

ments some informatio n worthy of the pains b e
stowed in preserving their legends to posterity .
A memorial of Th o th m e s I is also found o n the .
western side of the N ile at E l-A s s a s e e f a valley ,
lying to the north of the R a m e se i o n l

A gate o f .
red granite of very fine execution which is still

, ,
standin g amidst the ruins exh ibits h is name an d ,
title along with those o f his successors Here h e .
appears in conj u nction with an A a h m e s the name ,
th e same as that o f th e queen Of Am enophis bu t ,
apparently a di fferent person She is described as .
wife and sister o f a king and as ruler of U pper a n d ,
Lower Egypt It h as been conj ectured that she .
was the sister o f Am enophis and the Am e s si s of ,
the lists i n which S he im mediately follows Ameno

,
?
phis an d regent in the reign of Tho th m e s I
,
The m onument already referred to as recordi n g

the services o f a military O fficer who had served i n ,
several successive reig n s m ention s wars o f Thoth ,
m es I i n Ethiopia and also in the land of N a ha

.
,
3
r ai na This n ame occurs i n other historical m o
.
n u m e n ts o f th e 1 8 th dynasty As Mesopotamia is .
"
called in Scripture A r a m N a ha r a i m Syria Of th e ,
”
two rivers it is generally supposed that the N a
, ,
haraina of the hieroglyphic in scriptions i s Mesopo

tamia and it is n ot incredible that even in this ,
1
Vo l 1 p 15 6 Transactions f R
a
o o y. S oc . of
Lit 2 d S eries 2 3 25
. . . .
1
B unsen E gyp te ns S te lle , B 3 , n
‘ G enes xxiv 1 0
.
, . .
, ,
P; 79 °
1
. . .
P 2
earl y part of the 1 8 th dynasty Egyptian sovereigns ,
should have encountered the po w er of the Assyri ans

o n this field It was through fear of the power of
.
the Assyrians who were then predominant i n

,
Asia that th e Hyksos wh en driven o u t of Egypt

, , ,
1
establishe d themselves in Palestine The m otive .
o f their first king S a la ti s for fortifying the eastern
frontier of Egypt was th at he foresa w the probab l ,
li ty of attacks on the part of the Assyrians That th e .
dominion of Tho th m e s I extended as high up the .
N ile as th e island of Argo in U pper N ubia a ppears ,
from his n am e h avi n g been found th e r e Q

.
It h a s been already m entioned that according ,
to Lepsius th e A m e n s e o f R o s e lli n i an d C ha m p o l
,
li on is to be read Set Am en and th at sh e w a s a ,
d aughter o f A m o s i s and sister o f Amenophis an d

Tho thm e s I According to the same author after th e
.
,
death of Th o thm e s I the functions of ro y alty w ere .

,
exercised b y N emt Amen the sister o f Th o th m e s II , .
N emt Am en being the reading which h e h as adopted

for th e A m e n e n the o r A m e n e n h e o f Champollion
an d R o s e lli n i The singular circum stan ce that at
.
E l Ass a se e f and e ls e w e re this personage is r e p re

- 3
sented with the dress a n d attributes o f a male yet ,
that feminine prefixes are used th roughout the i n

s c ri ti o n s h a s been explained by the suppositio n
p ,
that she exercised sovereignty in her brother s ’
name That she was the daughter o f Th o thm e s I

.
.
a p p ears fro m the Obelisk before the granite sanctuary

“
at K arnak ; that she was the sister o fTho thm e s III .
,
among other evidence from a statue in the British

1
See be fore p 1 83 , R lli i Mon S tor l 2 2 7
. .
1
o se n
Y l i p 19 B irch G ll B rit Mus P 2 p 78
.
, .
, .
1
o . . .
a .
, . . .
, . .
VO L I .
All the figures and the h ieroglyphics are deli

h eated with such p u rity and freedom cut with such ,
art and relieved within the excavated part with

,
such perfection and preci sio n o f outline that we ,
are lost in astonishm ent i n contemplatin g them ,
and wonder how it h as been possible to work this

h ardest of m aterials S O th at every figure seems
,
rather to have been impres sed with a seal than e u

graven with a chisel The fragments o f the com
.
panion obelisk which are lying o n the ground may

be h andled ; those parts which represent animals
in particular are treated with such accuracy o f de
sign and finish o f execution as not to be surpassed ,
”
by the finest cameos o f th e Greeks The pyra .
m i d i o n represents A m u n r e seated and placing his ,
h and on the head o f the king whom h e thus i n ,
au g u r a te s There is a peculiarity i n the arrange

.
m ent o f the hieroglyphical inscri p tions The cen .
tral colum n is occupied b y the cu stomary form of

the dedication ; but the tw o lateral columns which ,
in some obe lisks as th at o f Heliopolis ; are left

,
vacant in others are filled by i nscriptions o f sub

,
sequent sovereigns are here occupied more than

,
h alf way down with repetition s o f the figure o f

,
A m u n r e o n one side o n the o ther o f the dedicating

,
sovereign w ho O ffers to the god wine ointment

, , ,
m ilk perfumes and sacred insignia

, The dedication .
and o ffering are usually in the name o f N emt Amen ,
but in some o f the compartments the youthful

T ho th m e s III appears bringing an O ffering to the
.
,
god The name of Tho th m e s I is also found but

.
.
,
TH E E I G H TE E N T H DYN A ST Y .
‘
n o where appears whence it seem s probable th at ,
N emt Amen set them up during th e tim e i n which

Sh e exercised th e regency on b eh al f o f her youn ger
brother Th o th m e s III Th e n ame of a m uch later .
sovereign S e te i M e n e p h th a h is twice found b ut

, , ,
th e state of the stone plainl y shows that i t has been

s ubsequently introduced The n am e of N emt Amen .
has escaped th e m utilatio n wh ich it has generally

undergone perh aps owing to the beauty o f the
,
monument The fallen obelisk closely resembles

.
its companio n in the subj ect of the inscription an d,
the figures o f the later a l compartments .
The reign of T H O T H M E S III is o n e o f the most .
gloriou s in the annals o f the 1 8 th dyn asty T he .
earliest part of it appears to h ave been passed under

the tutelage o f N emt Amen wh ose n am e is found ,
in a n inscription at Wadi Magara of the sixteenth

ear Of hi s The limits o f the dominion of
y
Egypt o n the side o f Arabia were therefore not
reduced ; Su ra b i t-e l-K adim between Ain Moosa ,
and Mount Si nai contains his name along wit h , ,
those o f Cheop s and others of the age of the P y ra

“
mids To the south we find m emorials o f this
.
m onarch at Semueh a little beyon d the Second ,
Cataract Sem ueh appears to h ave been in this

.
'
age the frontier town of the E gypti a n dominions

towar ds Ethiopia and as s u ch to h ave been fortified ,
“
with great care and skil l In later times after th e .
,
occup ation of Egypt b v the Ethiopians E lephantine ,
1
R o se lli n i , Mon S tor
know n w i th p i d te ( Ch m 1 11 . 1, a re c s e a a
-F i e c L U i
. . .
1 64 .
p lli g E g y pte o on a
’
n ve r s ,
Tr ns R y S oc Lit 2 3 20 p
, ,
2
a o
T he e rliest d te of his rei g n the

. . .
Wil k inson
.
, . .
3
a a , ,
fifth year is found in papyrus of 2 ‘40 7

, a
t h e M useum of T urin the oldest Vol 1 p 2 3 0 note

.
,
1 1
.
, . . .
,
became the frontier The traces o f the presence o f .
sovereign s o f the 1 8 th dyn asty further to the south ,
as in the island of Argo an d at N a p a ta are only ,
occasional and do not prove a permanent occupa

,
tion ; but b etween the First and Second Cataracts

the frequent recurrence of temples and th e remai n s
of towns indicate that this region for m ed virtually
a part o f the kingdo m of Egypt Here too as .
,
appears from inscriptions o n the rocks the earlies t ,
rise of the N ile was watched and recorded in 1
later times this was registered b y the N ilometer of

Eleph antine w h en that was the beginning of Egypt
,
.
The remains at Semueh are partly o f th e reign o f

T ho thm e s III and partly o f A m u n o ph II and III
. . .
,
but they exhibit only acts o f adoration and throw ,
n o light 0 11 political events except that the absence ,
o f the name of N emt Amen leads to the conclusion
that th ese inscriptions belong to the later part of

h i s reign .
F ollowing the course o f the N ile downward fro m

the Second Cataract we find frequent memorials o f ,
Tho th m e s I I I The temple o f Amada was begun

.
by him a n d completed by Am u n o p h II and Thoth .
m e s IV He is represented i a the act o f dedicating

.
a temple and the lands an nexed to it to the god

g
P hre At O mbi he appears o n the lintels o f a
.
gatew a y preserved when the temple was rebuilt by

,
the Ptolemies He is dedicating the building to

.
the god Sebek o r the crocodile an d N e m t Amen is ,

“
j oined with him i n this act A fragment bearin g .
1
V OL 1
P 29 . note 3 3
‘ ‘
fi
.
se h m ’ 11 1“
Ro s e llin i , M
xm
.
He ca lls this mon rch a th rou g h out

Tho thm e s IV .
[ B OO K
imperfect to afford us exact inform ation and there ,
is little probability in the supposition that Thoth

mes III built a fleet on the coast o f th e Indian
.
O cean and so ascended the Euphrates to attack

‘
,
the Babylonians The Obelisk which Sixtus V . .
raised up and p laced before St John Lateran at .
R ome the loftiest an d most perfect in its execution

,
o f all t h at are extant was s e t up in the reign o f ,
Th o th m e s III and in its central colu mn of hiero .

,
l
g yp h i c s bears only his titles T h o th m e s I V added .
the lateral columns This act o f the dedication o f .
Obelisks is represented o n o n e o f th e walls of the

palace o f K arnak on such a scale th at the i n s c ri p ,
Q
tions o n them can be r e a d They are not iden tical .
w ith those on any obelisk n o w known but have a ,
general an alogy to that o f St Joh n Lateran O ne . .
records the erection of two th e oth er o f three o r , ,
it may be an indefinite nu mber of Obelisks which ,
are said to b e of granite and resplendent with gold

from w hich it has bee n concluded th at the pyr a m i
dion m ay have been surmounted with a golden o r
n a m e n t o r gilded a s m any portions o f Egyptian
,
architecture are know n to h ave been 3

.
O ne o f the most instr u ctive memorials o f the

reign o f Tho th m e s I II is a painting in a tomb at .
Q o o r n e h copied b y Mr Hoskins i n his Travels in

, .
“
Ethio p ia It represents four princi p al n ations o f
.
the earth bringing their tribute to the king w h o

, .
,
T rans R y S Lit 2 2 2 3
1
.
Wil kinson M and C 3 2 3 7
o oc 3
The y w ere fi rst publ ished by

. . .
,
P 3 2 7 fo l l S lso Wi l kin
. . . .
, ,
1 1
ee a
M r Burton d repe ted from him d T hebes 2
. .
,
.
Mod E g
an a so n , an
M S tor iii l 185 p 2 3 4 Manners and C ustoms
. .
, ,
by R ll o se ini , . . .
, , .
1 137 Wilki nson M d d pl W t the end o f the

.
,
; E g o 11 11
Thebes Q 25 1 lif
, ,
’ a vo
, , .
m c .
TH E E I G H TE E N T H DY N A ST Y . 2 19
is seated o n his throne Tw o Obelisks o f red 1
granite beside which th e vario u s obj ects are de

,
posited b y the bearers and registered b y the royal ,
scribes p rob ably m ark th e great court o f the palace

,
o f K arnak as th e scene of the ceremony The tri .
bute -bearers are arranged in five lines the first and ,
th e third appearing to for m part of o n e procession .
A few n egroes h aving all the ch aracteristic ph y ,
s i o g n o m y of the race as well as a black colour are , ,
inter m ingled with m e n of the same red -brown hue

as th e Egyptians They brin g only natural pro .
g
d u c ti o n s blocks of ebony tusks o f ivory strings
, , ,
o f coloured stones ostrich -eggs and feathers a tree , , ,
gold and silver in rings bags an d ingots and a , ,
—
variety of anim als apes leopards an oryx an d a , ,
s
i r afi e with cattle and dogs The name o f their
g , .
l and has been read F o u n t or P ha n t but this a ffords ,
I se d iveo se en s n c an d e n ti s limine P hoeb i ,

Ifo
,
g i t p
u s rec o n o sc O
p lo ru
u m a
p tat u e
q su p e rb i s
P osm us ; i d t
,
lon g o ordine g entes nce u n v i c tae ,
Q uam i li g i h bitu t vestis e t armis

v a r ae n u s a am .
Hi N d g enus e et d i i to Mulciber
om a A fros u m sc n c s
Fi t E up h rates ih t j
n x e ra lli ndis a am m o or u
M orini R h q b c i
.
,
E t iq e h i x r em u om nu m en u s u e 1 o rn s,
Ar xes
,
I d o i ti q e D h n e t pontem i d i gm t u a ae , n na u s a
Vi rg ZE vii i 720
.
. n . . .
What had become i V irg il s time of the tribute brou g ht to the G re t n

’
a
merely poetic l ornament h d K ing at P ersep olis exhibits b e

a a , ,
b en a fact in the history of the sides v ses articles o f dress and

e a ,
A si tic and E g yptian mon r chies or aments also horses c mels

a a n a
oxen mules and sheep ( N iebuhr

.
, , ,
T he p p s of the P tol i e (Ath

om em s en .
lib 5 32 ) w ere an imitation o f the V o y g e ii pl tes 22

.
, ,
a a
Amon g t h e obje c ts broug ht in

.
.
, ,
real tribute -be rin g processions a

3
under the P haraohs the procession described by Ath e

were 2 6 I ndian c ttle
.
2
Her 3 9 7 A i d i .
,
f pd . o n es o
' '
n a n ae u s , n . s .
,
“
a ,
ov
p A i
oc
yfi p i '
p i N
rrr r i '
j 8 E thiopiano lar g
ne e w hite bear 1 4 re i m v a
leopards 1 6 pant h ers 4 lynxes l

, , ,
65 x i
’
Karo k i q dywvr a t,
'
eo vm 1 0 o vu c a s , , ,
d ip
m
xp ov i i t vai b d ovcamelopard Ka d l rhinoceros xo a as ( an .
There w ere lso 2 4 00 dog s some

.
’
id
’ '
h yy
a
‘
B
‘
as i e e vo v Ka rr e vr e na as a
I y rcanian some
,
A i fli i h p
‘
onas Ka
'
ddd .
p e
’
ndi n ’
some
e c a vr o s
‘
H vr a s e a , ,
y d h i ‘
Th
o v s s tc o m re p resent tion . Molossian and e of other breeds a , .
[ B OO K
u s no inform ation as it corresponds with no known ,
n ame i n geography Those o f the third line are .
specifically called N ations o f the South F rom .
the pro d ucts w h ich they bring they are evidently

inhabitants o f the African continent and of a wide ,
range o f country including the Libyans o n the ,
west the N ubians o n the south and th e Ethiopians

, ,
o f the deeper interior The colour o f the m en o f .
the second line is not di fferent from that of the

Egyptians and Libyan s but their hair is gathered ,
in curls o n the front an d divided into two long ,
locks behind o n e o f which falls o n the shoulder

,
.
They wear like the Libyans only a short kilt

, ,
round the middle ; but while the Libyan is white

with a coloured border that Of the third line is of ,
v arious checks and pattern s closely resembling the ,
drapery o f the foreigners w h o are seen i n the tomb

o f N e v o thp h
‘ Their O fferin gs are vases o f silver
.
and gold o f graceful form and elaborate workm an

ship and others which resemble if the r e p re s e n
, ,
ta ti o n s can b e relied upon the fi c ti le vases o f the ,
Greeks and Etruscans Their n ame which is .

,
written K u fa o r K afa affords little clue to their ,
locality but their resemblance to the Egyptians in

,
colour and the advanced state of the arts amon g

them indicated b y the vases which they bring lead
, ,
us to conclude that they must belong to the coast

o f Palestine whic h received colonies at an early
,
“
age from Egy p t The gold and silver vases would .
suit well with the skill in the toreutic arts a ttri

1
P 1 68
. of this vol s li
g ht to found an a r8 u m e n t of
G en eti ty
.
1
. II . 14 . B u t the resem id n
blance o f K fa and C p h tho is too
.
u a r
cient times than at present but it i s d i fli c u lt to con ,
ceiv a that s o great a change h as taken place b e

tween th e times O f Th o th m e s III and that of the .
commencement of our knowledge o f the zoology o f

th e a ncient world as that elephan ts should be found ,
in Asia Minor I n the fifth line women both Of .

,
this nation and of th e people of the South are i n ,
tr o d u c e d leading their infant c h ildren o r carrying

, ,
them in their arm s o r o n their shoulders or i n a , ,
basket fastened by a strap to th e forehead a cus

, ,
to m w hich still prevai ls among th e tribes which

border the N ile ‘ .
I f there could b e any doubt th at we have here

the representation of a real scene and the evidence
o f a dominion exten d ing from N ubia to N orthern
Asia no such doub t can attach to the m onument

,
which is known as the Statistical Table o f K arnak ?
This document is of the reign o f Tho thm e s III

an d the inscription placed above it declares its o b
j e c t to be to record the victories o f this sovereign .
It divides itself into three distinct portions by the

3
dates 2 9 th 3 0 th and 3 l st years As it is m uti
, , .
lated n ear the beginning it is n o t clear i n what ,
land the mon arch was when th e record of hi s ex

p lo i ts begins but fro m the subsequen t occurrence
,
o f the n ame of the Tah a i

“
an d the traces of the
obliterated name it seem s probable that they are ,
the p eo p le first referred to It is conj ectured th at .
1
W i lkm numbered M od
c ross well as v e rtiEgypt and
o s n, .
a as
Th ebes 2 2 46 note
, . call y T he opy of Lepsius how
‘
, .
C
of the E g S oc ever is more exact
.
,
H e g ly p l
11
.
i ro ncs
Aus w hl l xiii I
. .
4 1 Le
, .
. Sl u s , Col Z b a 1
quote t e former for t e f cility

, . . . .
1
1
C ol V a x
f re ference the columns
. .
o , as are
they are the D a h ae a nomad nation o n the n orth ,
‘
ern frontier of Persia o r the Taochi mentioned b y ,
?
X enophon as living between Arm enia and Pontus ,
and m aintaining them selves in independence of the

G reat K ing 3
In this case ho w ever they cannot .
, ,
h ave brought tribute of fr a nkincense ; and the S ign

which has been so exp lained m ust represent some
other obj ect Honey and wine are also mentioned .
among their tributes an d we know from Strab 0 3

,
that the vine flourished eve n as far north as Hyr

cania and that these countries were very prod
,
tive of honey Their n am e occurs frequently i n .
monuments recording the victories and expedition s

o f the Egyptian kin gs T w o other nation s one .
,
called Va o a the other Ar u tu are m entioned in the, ,
sam e inscription and men ingots o f the p recious , ,
m etals copper iron an d lead with other metals

, ,
which c annot b e p recisely ascertaine d 6 1 8 bulls , ,
3 63 6 goats corn are all enum erated among the , ,
“
spoils o r tribu te o f th e land This expedition .
o f th e 2 9 th year is called the 5 th in reference ,
to some enumeration of which the earlier p art is

wanting .
5
In the 3 0 th y ear o f his reign and hi s sixth e x ,
p e d i ti o n the king is sai d to h,

ave been in th e lan d
o f the R o tn n o o r L u d en n u th e same people w h o ,
appear in the last line of the p ainting at Thebes

already described and to have taken hostages of ,
H erod l 1 2 5
1
From their ‘ G g B 2 p 73
.
, .
3
eo r . . .
The cattle enumer ted may be

.
,
n me Ad th t of D
a mborne by
, a a vu s ,
1
a
sl ves is supposed to be derived re g arded contributions for th e

a , , as
as G t from nother nomad tribe

e a use of the army while servin g in
a
1 7 F ro the country
.
,
2
K en m
S tep h B y
.
Col S e
. .
v T i x it seems z s c o m
5
prob ble the y w ere t h e s me peo

. . . .
, . .
a a
ple as the B i d or Tai ( Birch T r

R y S oc Lit 2
.
.
,
o . . .
,
them and their children N ow in the painting Of .
th e Theban tomb we h ave seen men and women o f ,
the R o tn n o n ation led with th eir children into the ,
presence o f the Egyptian scribes The men are .
not armed yet they are not bound an d therefore i t

, ,
is probable that they cam e as h ostages though i t ,
would be too much to infer th at these are the very

hostages spok e n of in the tablet F orty two cha - .
riots also decorated with gold S ilver and paint

,
“
,
are among the spoil o f the R o tn n o ; and in

th e procession in the tomb we h ave already de ,
scribed a richly adorned ch ariot followed by a yoke ,
o f horses which m ay be considered as the r e p r e

,
s e n ta ti ve o f a larger number .
In the 3 l st year and on the 3 rd day o f th e m onth

P a c h o n s ano ther expedition is recorded i n which
g
, ,
m ention is m ade o f 4 9 0 captives who were em ,
ployed as far as the imperfect interpretation o f the

,
inscription enables us to j udge i n felling and carry ,
ing timber and seem to have belonged to th e same

,
nation of the R o tn n o The results o f the e x p e .
dition were also the capture o r paymen t in tribute , ,
o f 1 0 4 cows 1 72 bulls 4 62 2 goats and m asses o f

, , ,
s
iron and lead These contributions suit w ell the
.
countries bet w een the Caspian and the Euxine ,
which abound in metallic products The wood .
might be carried to some branch o f the Euphrates ,
and thence floated to Mesopotami a o r Babylonia .
-
The north eastern part o f Asia Minor is also rich
in minerals es p ecially iron ; but wood would be
,
1
Col O h c d
. 1
C
See v l 1 p 3 30 0
. , .
1
o . . . .
cannot b
i ti e s e re c eived as proofs o f the occupa
q u
tion of a country and as far as we can j u d ge they , ,
belong to a much later perio d o f history than the

1 8 th dynasty .
‘
The next column relates to the land o f the Ta hae ,
an d m akes m ention o f 2 60 m a re s which had

g
,
been brought thence with gold an d silver both n u ,
wrought and in the sh ape o f vases That which .
follows enumerates cattle amon g th e rest 5 3 23 ,
goats and therefore though the n ame o f the people

, ,
i s n o t mentioned they are probably the same w ho ,
in a preceding column are said to h ave furnished

a very large number o f goats n am ely th e R o tn n o ,
.
3
The next colum n introduces a people not hitherto
mentioned but whose name frequently occurs in,
in scriptions From the ambiguity of the first letter

.
,
which stands equ ally for L o r R i n the phonetic

alphabet it i s doubtful whether it should be read
,
L em a n en o r R em a n en Those wh o adopt the former .
suppose the inh abitants o f Lebano n to b e m eant ,
and derive an argument in favour o f their opinion

from the circ u mstance th at th ey are elsewhere
“
represented as fellin g trees supposed to be the ,
cedar s fo r which this m ountain was celebrated .
There is nothing in the form o f the trees however , ,
which partic u larly refers them to the c edars o f L e

banon and in the inscription given by R o s e lli n i
, ,
mention seem s to be m ade o f building boats o n a

river wh ich does n o t accord with the geography o f
,
1
V P 1 42 . . .
3
Col Ti
Phonetically written
.
M R
.
1
x lvi
1
s es em R o selli ni , ta v
W i th the d t
. . .
, .
of the
.
ti e e rm m a ve s
pe
cies S ee vol i p 19 7
. . . . .
THE E I G H TE E N T H DYN A S T Y .
Lebanon N or d o we know that Lebanon was.
ever used as the n ame o f a nation Armenia .

,
which h as been suggested would suit the name if ,
read R e m a n e n and also the operatio n o f felling ,
the trees The ample clothing o f the R e m a n e n

.
also in d icates a more northern clim ate th an that of

‘
S yria The following col u m n m akes mention o f
.
the land of Sankar o r Sank al and Bebel o r B a b e r ; Q

,
the former o f which is supposed to m ean Singara ,
and Bebel Babylon Singara Sinj ar i s a town

, .
, ,
near Edess a inhabited by a tribe o f Arabs whom , ,
3
Pliny calls R ae ta v i o r P rae ta vi In conne c tion
with both these co u ntries a tribute is spoken o f ,
called Ches eb t ; from the determinative character

subj oined to it it appears to be a metal but , ,
Babylonia was not a m eta lliferou s region and i t ,
cannot be o n e o f the p recious metals the h iero ,
“
l
g yp hi c s for which are w ell k nown The next
colum n contain s the enumeration of c o n tri b u
5
tions of gold and silver in vessels and i n bulk , ,
and near the bottom o f stone and woo d Th e lower ,

.
part of the colum n is mutilated bu t as the next ,
begins with the word N a ha r a i n a followed by the ,
sa m e group of characters as in Col X it is thought . .

,
that the stone and wood were designed for the erec
tion o f a stele in Mesopotamia The land o f th e .
Tah as i s again mentioned in Col 0 in connection .
Col S f
1
.w ord h b t occurs thrice in this c es e
Mutilated in Lepsius copy line twice ac c ompanied by this

.
3 ’
, ,
but preserved in Wilkinson s character once before B eber or ’
H N 5 2 1 S teph B y E ly Thi seems t

.
, ,
11
. . B ebel without it
, . . z .
, . s o
y p a a . indicate tw di fferent forms under o
The char cter which Mr B irch which it w cont ibuted

1
a . as r .
reads t and D Hincks u en Hi g l of E gypt S r pl 42 m n 5

ero oc
Lepsius 1 2 6 I n R i Wi l
. . . . .
,
( mna ) a pe rs to me to represent Col

a
coil o metal lic d w i c T he kinson copy h 400 Lepsius 3 0 1

. .
.
,
a ro or r . 3 as , .
Q 2
[ B OO K
wi th the 3 4th year Of the king and military opera

tions in th e land o f J a ka s a conj ectured to be O x i ,
‘
ana a doubtfu l appropriation since it does not
, ,
appear that O xus is an O riental n ame .
The remaining column s contain in the m ain only

a repetition o f tribute similar to the preceding wit h ,
a mention o f some articles which it is di fficult to

identify We find also a people called Asi conj e e
.
,
tu r e d to be those of Is since th ey appear to bring ,
bit u men which the springs o f that place p ro d u c e

,
g
.
I n others suits o f armour are mentioned brought ,
by the K ha r n who appear fro m other inscription s ,
to have inh ab ited Syri a When complete the whole .

,
h as comprehended at least fi fty-fi v e columns .
There can be little doubt th at this is the identical

tablet which the priests showed and expounded to
Germanicus when he visited Thebes Having m e n
3
, .
ti o n e d the record O f the vi c torious expedition s o f

R ameses Tacitus proceeds , There were also read “
the tributes levied 0 11 th e nations the weigh t o f ,
gold and silver the number o f arms and horses , ,
ivory and perfumes as gifts to th e tem ples and the ,
stores of corn and other useful products which each

nation paid ; n o t less m agnificent th an are now
enjoined by Parthian violen ce o r R om an
The name of Tho th m e s is n o t mentioned by Tacitus ,
and R ameses h a s been spoken of immediately b e

fore ; but his words d o not necessarily imp ly that
the tablet o f tribute and the re cord o f victories re
lated to the same sovereign .
1 B irch , u . records were inscribed o obelisks

s . 35 9 . n ,
1 H d 1 l 9
G IO
’
and moreover pl ces these Obelisks

. a
1
The p ex t ti mo mon g the roy l sepulchres
re s s m
'
n s r uc s a a
l ibus sh w s th t be l isks w ere not
.
o A l 2 60
a O 1
n a
meant S tr bo ( p 8 16) s ys these
. .
,
. a . a
I II appears to h ave b een the author o f extensive

.
constructions o f brick s Egypt affords abundant .
m aterial for this m an ufacture and a fe w days ,

’
exposure to the s u n h ardens them su ffi ciently n u ,
less they are to be subj ect to the action Of water .
Bricks bearing his ti tular shield the scarab aeu s , ,
the crenellated parallelogram a n d th e disk o f the

su n are more common th an those o f any other
,
sovereign 1
There i s a tomb at Thebes the i n
.
,
sc ri ti o n s o f which show th at its occupant R os

p , ,
”
c her e was ,
superintendent o f the great b uildings
in the reign o f Tho th m e s III : o n its walls the .
Operation of brick m aking is represented Men are

- ?
employed some i n working up the clay with an

,
instrumen t resembling th e E gyptian h o e others in ,
carrying loads o f it o n their shoulders moulding it ,
into brick s and transporti n g them by m eans o f a

, ,
yoke laid across the sho u lders to the place where ,
they are to be laid o u t fo r drying in the su n The .
physiognomy and colour o f m ost o f those w ho are

thus engaged show them to be foreigners and ,
their aquiline nose an d yellow complexion suggest

the idea that th ey are Jews Their labour is evi .
d e n tly compulsory ; Egyptian taskm asters stand

by with stick s in their h ands and though o n e o r
two native Egyptians appear among them we may ,
easily sup p ose that they h ave been condemned to

hard labour for their crimes As the foreigners d o .
not resemble any o f the a ti o n s with whom Thoth

m e s carried on war a n d w h o are well known from
, .
”
the paintings and reliefs O f subsequent monarchs ,
1
Wilkinson M nners and Mon Civ tav xlix
1
G s-
1
. a u Ro s e lli n i ,
toms 2 9 8
. . . .
, , .
TH E E I G H TE E N T H DY N A S T Y .
it is n o t proba b le that they are captives taken in

war Th ey can therefore hardly be any other than
.
the Israelites who m we know from their o w n ,
history to h ave been employed i n this drudgery .
Their oppression began wit h the accessio n o f the

1 8 th d ynasty a n d the expulsio n o f their k indred ,
Hy ksos It was a natural fear that when any war

.
,
fell o u t they should j oin themselves to the enemies

o f Egypt and fight against her The kings o f Egypt .
,
therefore while they endeavoured by a cruel e x p e

,
dient to prevent their increase and by hard labour ,
to break their S pirit employed that labour to ,
strength en th e frontier on the side of Arabia an d

Palestine whence their danger ca m e The valley
, .
o f Goshen which was their place o f settlement

, ,
was the direct road from Palestine to Memphis ‘ .
By employing them to build the two fortresses “

,
“
R a a m e se s at the eastern and Pitho m at the western ,
extremity o f this valley th e Pharaoh s provided at

“
,
once a barrier against future invasions an d the

means o f keepin g the children o f Israel in s u b j e c
tion Both these Obj ects w ere important to a sove
.
reign like Tho th m e s who durin g his M e S O p o ta , ,
1
G en xlvi urin g the S ee Lepsius E i nleitung 1 p
28 . D 3
French occupation of E gyp t this 349 on the site of R a e ( Aboo

. .
, , , .
am es s
same vall ey S ab -byar w He att ches I think

,
,
K e heib ) a ,
as as sc a ,
si gned to three Arab tribes driven too much I mportance to the name
,
from Syria ( B ois -Ayme M é moires as a proof that it w s built by R

,
’
a a
meses II A stone with his nam e
.
, ,
8 .
S ept E xod i h been found there but the

,
H dh2
dx p d ‘
e ts v
‘
s, . . . as ,
11 The E gyptian kin g would district had the n me before the a
S G
.
h d ly h
ar p l d
avet e u re c i ti
ac e city was built
“
ee en
r as xlvi i l l es
”
. . . .
in such loc lity whether we

a a Without the article this would
, u n
1
d e t d money
rs a n corn to have be Tho which i Coptic i g i
or m , n s n
been tre sured up ; but they w ere fies to close p ( P eyron Lex
a u .
I t w s not far from E

,
excellentl y ad pted for military p

.
a a u
mag ines d g arrisons ( 1 K in g s b stis d is the T houm o f the

.
az an a an
I tinerary of Antoninus
, ,
ix 1 9 ; 2 Chron viii 4
. . .
, .
[B OO K
miau expeditions must h ave left his cou ntry ex ,
posed to his neighbours and whose long absences ,
m ight tempt revolt If R o s c h e re were the general .
superintendent of the great architectural u nder

takings O f Tho thm e s and th e first who employed ,
the Israelites upon them it i s very n atural that we ,
should find a record o f it i n his tom b although ,
the y m ay not have laboured in the brick -fi e ld s o f

Thebes .
Thirteen expeditions of Tho thm e s are referred to

i n the monument before described and the thirty ,
fourth year of his reign ; the thirty -fi fth has been

found b v Lepsius He was succeeded by his s o n .
A M E N O P H I S II The memorials o f his reign are

.
fe w and afford little materials for history

, Th e .
obelisk at Alnwick Castle brought by Lord Prudhoe ,
from the Thebaid is inscribed with his name but , ,
it simply records th e fact o f his having erected

two Obelisk s i n h onou r o f the god K n e p h ‘‘
He .
continued the b u ildings at Am ada w hich Thoth ,
m es 1 11 h ad begun and appears to h ave bestowed

.
,
his labours chiefly on these an d other work s i n

N ubia In a Sp eo s or excavated chapel at Ibrim
.
,
he appears seated with tw o princes or great o fli c e r s .
O ne of the m named O s o rs a te presents to him the

, ,
a n imal p roductions o f the southern regions lion s , ,
j ackals and hares an inscription above S pecifyi n g ,

g
their n u m b e r s He also added to the erections o f
.
his p redecessors at Thebes but most o f his work s

1
Champollion Lettres d
’
E
p 1 71 The surf c e within the
,
1, 1 40
g y p te , p
. . a
scu l p tures is ne rly fl t not in

. .
a a re
l ie f w hi c h is uncommon in w orks
,
of th g ls a e.
[B OO K
inferred that he built a palace at Thebes and th at ,
it contained an edifice dedicated t Amun r e ; but

o -
no traces o f such a building are n o w to be found ‘ .
A M U N O P H o r A M E N O P H I S III the son o f Thoth

,
m e s I V and his quee n M a u the m v a i s o n e o f the

.
,
most celebrated mo n archs o f the 1 8 th dynasty We .
h ave hitherto found no traces o f the perm anent o c

c u p a ti o n o f N ubia by the Egyptian kings higher up ,
the N ile than S e m n e h bu t the temple Of Soleh , ,
which stands a degree furth er south contains evi ,
dence that under Am u n o p h III the bo u ndary o f the .
empire extended at least thus far The rem ai ns o f .
this edifice have b een already d e s c ri b e d ; thirty

g
eight or according to other accounts forty -three

, ,
conquered nations are represented there the y have

not been exactly copied but M r Hoskins inform s , .
us that o n o n e o f them he foun d the n ame o f Me

s o p o ta m i a
a
Prob ably they are chiefly the n ames
.
o f Ethiopian tribes whom he h a d vanquished in the
extension of his frontiers to the South His nam e .
is found o n a tablet at To u m b o s near the Third

Cataract The lion which n o w couches at the e n
.
trance of th e Egyptian Gallery in the British Museu m

is inscribe d with the n ame o f A m u n O p h but it
does n o t appear o n any o f the buildings there and ,
the lion m ay have been brought from Egypt by

Tirhakah b y w h om the tem ple seems to h ave been
,
erected A scarab aeus inscribed with the n ame o f

.
Amenop h is I l l and his wife Taia speak s o f the land .
1
p 2 1 2 Th person
R o s e lli n i , . . e
1
T ravels p 25 0irch ( G ll B a .
buri ed here h d the ch arg e S

. .
,
wh w o as a B M p 8 4) g ives also injar in

f o f A mun
. . .
of the sa red b c S ar ee M es t i
gp 1 i p
. o am a
vol 1 p 45 9
.
1
. . . .
0 . 17 .
p 20
. .
1
V l o . 1 . . .
o f K a r o ei
or K a lo ei a s the southern boundary o f his
dominion ‘ If this be G oloe a s has been supposed
.
“
,
,
his conquests m us t h ave been carried far to the

East as well as the South ; for G oloe was within
3
five days j ourney o f Axu m o n the R ed Sea
’
The
way would thus be prep ared for the expedition
o f R ameses -Sesostris who is said to h ave subdued ,
the n ations along th e Erythr aean Sea and crossed

the Straits into Arabia “
A more full record o f the .
conquests o f Amenophis in Ethiopia is found in a

fragment of a monolithal gran i te statue whic h is
n o w in the Louvre The prisoners are negroes
"
.
,
and the lotus which terminates the cord by which ,
they are bound being th e emblem of U pper Egypt , ,
characteri zes on monuments all Souther n races as ,
the head of the papyrus the growth o f Lower Egypt , ,
does all nations living to th e N orth of Eg y pt There .
h ave been originally twenty -S ix nam es o f which s i x ,
are no longer legible and no resemblance has been ,
found between those which h ave been preserved and

any mode m o r ancient n ames of th is region except ,
K esh the scriptural Cush

, Am enophis m ay h ave .
inherited as well as conquered dom inion over Ethi

,
Opia Those who h ave compared m any o f the re

.
presentations o f hi m affirm that his o w n features ,
s
h ave something o f an Ethiopian cast O n the .
granite rock o f the little island o f Beghe near the ,
1
M S tor
R o s ellin i , . iii l , 2 61
. . Champollion Fi g eac L U i - ’
n
irch G all M
.
,
2
B B .
p 83
. . vers 3 1 7 He says that from the
,
.
Anti q iv 8
.
, .
3
C e llari u s, G e o g r . . .
, monuments M the hi mo
, au m va , s
ther ppears to have been

a an
S tr bo 1 7
,
1
Herod . 2 , 1 02 . a , , E thiopian .
p .
769 .
5
Birch in Arc haeo lo g i a , 3 1,
489-49 1 .
[B OOK
Cataract a figu re carryi n g in h i s hand wh at R osel
,
lini call s the en sign o f victory a n d Champollion a ,
fl y-fan appears doing homage to the titular o r pre

,
nominal shield o f Amenophis III over his h ead is .
the inscription R oyal Son o f the land of K ush

“
,
It seems to h ave been the cu stom to

grant a v irtual or titular governorship o f towns a n d
districts to members o f th e royal family ; for we
find in the tombs at Suan (E i li thy a) m ention is ,
m ade of royal son s o f this place during the

“
,
reigns of the five first kings of th e 1 8 th dynasty “

.
The same scarab aeus which has been already quoted

gives N ah a rai n a as the other limit o f the dominions
o f Amenophis III agreei n g in this respect with the
.
,
inscription at Semueh .
The quarries o f Si ls ili s whi c h have supplied the ,
principal m aterials fo r th e edifices o f Egypt were ,
extensively wrought in the reign of Amenophis 111 .
Tw o monuments still re main there which fro m ,
some cause had not been removed to their desti

n ation ; they are monolith al shrines dedicated to ,
Sebek the crocodile deity of O mbi : o n e o f them

,
-
bears the d ate o f th e 2 7th y ear o f the king s reign

- ’
.
He did n o t continue th e works o f architecture at

Thebes begu n b y his p redecessors o f the 18 th d y
n asty but erected two vast palaces o n e o n the
, ,
eastern the other o n the western bank of the N ile

, .
B y referring to the description o f the remains o f

s
Thebes given in the former volume it will be seen ,
that he began the buildings at Luxor and erected

the greater p art of them The ch ambers which yet .
1
S ee p . this vo l
2 13 of .
1
Vo l 1
. . p . 1 5 6, 1 72 .
C h mpollion Lettres p
2
a , , . 19 8 .
c hildren their finger pointed towards their mouth

‘
indicates their childish age the lo ok o f hair falling
o n the right side o f th e head their assimilatio n to
H o r n s and other yo u thful deities w h o are thus ch a

racterized The twofold number d oes n o t indi
“
.
cate that Amenophis had a twin brother but 1 S ,
com mon where the birth o f deities is represented “
Beneath the couch are two spotted cows sacred to ,
Athor who turn complacently round to w ards the

1
,
children who are sucking at their udders In the .
next scene A m u n r e is seen standing and holding

,
in his hand the youthful Amenophis who m a ha w k ,
headed god has presented to him he is addressing

the child and declares that h e bestows upon him
,
life stability purity and h appiness m agnanimity

, , ,
5
and dominion o n the throne o f Horus Two figures .
appear behind carrying the children th ey represent

the N i le in the dry season and at the commencement
,
o f the inundation the former bein g distinguished by ,
s
the blue colour the latter by the red -brown Their , .
intro d uction here may be only symbolical o f the

important relation i n which th e N ile stood to the
prosperity o f Egypt or it m a y be considered a s ,
preparing the way for a subsequent representation ,
1
Wilkinson M and C 4 405 , . what been s id ( vol i p 2 69 )
ha s a .
The four
.
.
, . .
Compare vol 1 p 422 of Harpo .

, . o f E g yp tian d a w i n g r .
crates . le g s f the couch are all seen and

o
We see from the R setta S tone

,
i t horizontal seat is represented

2
o s
that the assimil tion o f a youthful a perpendicul rly th t the queen

a , so a
soverei gn to Horus w common as a and g oddesses appear t be Seated o
fl ttery P tolemy is there c lled

a . a on its turned -
p ed g e u .
a o d the son of g d and f a ‘1

Wilkinson M and C 4 489
gas ” Horus the son of I sis
, a o o
P lates 3 6
.
, .
, ,
s , as
d O siris
.
,
an
(R I line
. os . n sc r . 1
R o elli i s s p 22 8n , u . . . .
reader w h consults R o 0
2
Here as elsewhere th fi g u res e
Plates must remember o f the N ile are
, ,
e llm
’
s i s d gy an ro n ou s .
i n w hich two deities M a n d o o an d A tm o o appear , ,
pouring th e water o f the N ile o ver the king I n .
the intervening scene we s e e the goddess S af the ,
wife o f Thoth and like hi m presidin g over writing

, ,
p ainting and language to whom the children are ,
presented Before her kneels a figure with a pot

.
o f paint while the goddess holds a brush o r pen

,
’
wh at she is preparing to write d oes n o t a ppea r ,
perhaps the n am e and royal title of the child o r ‘

,
as R o s e lli n i s u pposes th e number o f y ears and ,
panegy ries t hat he was to live .
The ceremony o f the purification of the young

king i s preliminary to th at o f his inauguration ;
hitherto he h as appeared with no emblem o f ro y
alty but now he wears th e ur aeus round his head ;
,
hitherto he h as been naked b u t now he h as a short ,
garment fastened round his waist With this head .
dress a n d the crook and scourge in his h ands he ,
is next seen borne o n a seat into the presence o f

Am u n r e Having descended from his seat and
.
exch anged the cap boun d with the u r m u s for th e

royal helmet he stands h olding a bird in h i s hand
,
2
before the g o d who h as placed a collar round his ,
n eck I n front o f th e god are two figures o n e o f

.
,
whom bears the red diade m which forms the outer

p art o f the p s c hen t an d represents Lower Egypt ; ,
the other th e white conical cap which represents

U pper Egypt Invested with these he enters into
.
I n a subsequent scene S f says

1
A phoenix accordin g t Rosel
a ,
2
, o
accordin g t the interpretation f lini ( p
o the emblem of a o .
m e
R lli i
o se I establish thy two life I f it be a ph enix l g t of
n , . o , en
fold sculpture i thy twofold d ays or immort lity would see
,
”
. e .
, a , m
title symbolical and phonetic a more natural sig nification
,
p
. .
( .
[B OO K
th e full prerogatives o f sovereignty They are .

,
however laid aside and the king appears w ith his

, ,
helmet only when he co mes in a subsequent scene

, ,
conducted by P hre to k neel b efore A m u n re and ,
1
receive his benediction His i naug u ration e n
dowed him with a sacred ch aracter and he engages ,
immediately after i n the perform a nce of solemn re

li g i o u s acts Crowned with the lower part o f the
.
s c hen t he appears running into the presence of

p ,
A m u n k he m 2
with a vessel o f libation in either
9
h and and lead s before the same divinity four living

,
steers one black one white o n e red an d o n e pied

, , , ,
his head being orn amented not with a helmet o r ,
the pschent but wi th th e i nsignia o f O siris -Sokari

,
.
The adj oining chambers o f the p alace o f Luxor

contain other representations o f Amenophi s e u
g a ged in performing sacred functions but they do ,
not a p pear to belong s o i mmediatel y to his i n a u g u

ration into the royal and sacerdotal o fli c e as those
w hich h ave been j ust described .
Besides the palace o f Luxor th e long d r o m os o f ,
crio sphinxes which j oin s it to K arnak was the

- 3
work of Amenophis whose name can yet be

traced u pon their moulderin g remains But the .
western bank o f the N ile appears to h ave been

adorned with even more stupendous erection s than
those which we h ave already described O f the .
Am e n o p h i o n ‘ as it has been called the greater

, ,
1
xli 1
Ta v . . . ii i 1 1 71 but this is not
lso Wi l kinson pl 79 1 probable since the objects broug ht
.
, ,
2
See a
Th i s t
, .
, .
,
f ru nin g into the very various in different p e

.
ac IO n o n ar e re r
of g d is expl ined by scutations
well i
nc e a o a
S ee vol 1 p 1 72
.
s m blas t of the
em em a Ic 3
completion f temple ( M S tor

. . . .
o a S ee vol i p 1 5 6 . .
4
. . . .
H I ST O RY OF E GY PT .
Egypt Ethiopia becam e to them a definite g e o g r a

,
h i c a l n ame denoti n g th e valley o f the N ile above

p ,
Egypt to the islan d of Meroe and eastward to the ,
Ery t h r aean Sea It was therefore natural th at they

.
should seek amon g th e kings of that country either ,
a s ru ling i n t h eir proper territory o r as sovereigns
o f Egypt for the origin al o f their Mem non

,
He .
h ad not come alone to Troy he h ad led a powerful

‘
army ( so at least th e Greeks believed ) n o sovereign
o f Egypt therefore would h ave fulfilled the condi
tions o f th eir hy p othesis who had not m ade con,
quests i n Asia N ow although we h ave not p ro

.
,
b ably from accidental causes the same monum ental ,
evidence o f campaigns carried on in Asia b y Ame

n o hi s III as the tablet Of K arnak furnishes re
p .
specting his father we know t h at at least as far as

,
Mesopotamia the boundaries o f his dom inion ex

tended ; and from the an alogy of other reigns we
m ay conclu d e th at this domi n ion was n o t m ain
ta i n e d witho u t military expedition s In the passage .
in w h ich Herodotus describes th e tablet erected by

Sesostris at N ah r -e l-K elb and those in Asia Minor ,
o n the road from Ephesu s to Phoc aea and fro m ,
Sardis to Smyrna he sa y s th at som e persons s u p

,
posed th at th ese figures represented Mem non but ,
that they were in error Whatever Herodotus him .
self migh t m ean b v M em n o n those whose opinion ,
he refutes probably mean t Amenoph is -Memnon ;

for the monument o f N ahr -e l-K elb is s o completely
Egyptian that there could be no m istake on that
,
p oint ; but among those w h o could n o t read the

'
Eg y ptian character a question migh t ea sily arise ,
See Q uintus C l ber lib 2

1
a a , . .
whether Amenophis or Sesostri s both Egyptian ,
conquerors o f Asia were th e S pecial Obj ect o f com ,
m emoration on this m onument As some gave the .
mon u ment of N ah r-e l-K elb to Memno n others ,
gave the statue at Thebes to Sesostri s a n atural ,
confusion between two illustrious n ames in an age

‘
,
which h ad not the means o f critical j udgement .
The word M em n on appears to h ave been a n am e

o r epithet o f the Ethio ians Stephanus f B
p o y z a n .
tium savs The M e m n o n e s are an Ethiopian n a

,
tion a word which according to Polyhistor is ln

, , ,
”
te rp re te d fierce o r warlike and stern Agathe ?
m erus enumerating th e nations who live along the

“
,
N ile ab ove Egypt says After the G reat Cataract , ,
westward of the N ile live the E u o n y m i tae the Se ,
b r i d ae th e C a to i p i ( C a d u p i o r C a ta d u p i
, the people “
,
o f the region o f the Cataracts and the M e m n o n e s

who live close to the island of Meroe after whom ,
”
come the Elephant -eating Ethiopians We c o n .
c lu d e therefore th at M e m n o n e s is a real and geo

, ,
graphical name ; and probably a name o f Greek

etym ology since it enters i nto composition with
,
s
other p ure Greek w o r d s denoting th e valiant o r ,
“
”
warlike a name equ ally appropri ate to the nation
,
and to th eir chief M em n o n is therefore equivalen t .
to an E thiopian and as Ethiopian was a n ame given

by the Greeks to all whose complexion s were dark
1
P i l 42 2 H
a u san a s , S teph B y in B k li edition "
K ov a a z er e u s
’
P N
. . . .
, ,
33 78 7 i E
7 7
p wKa
p p . w
'
e a co a r liny H ( 5 1 0
a 6 3 5
e r/co r s at
1
, . .
, .
, .
’ 5
k p fi va m As
“
K A
r o vr o ro a
y paa o a
Comp B ust ( ad 11 '

63 )
i p
K o xz e . . . . e ,
' '
i 5 9 K a i r o ci rrh o vv o p ep vm v,
'
ii p a xi p o vs A ijh o u
’
Ay wa s Ka
p
1 o v9 r (
x ah e rr s ov . P ol y histor in S teph K . a da rm ) 6 p e vco v, d vdp e fo vs 1577 0 37;

.
’
B yz s u b v o c M ép e vo ve g . 1 0 am .
S ee note to the passag e of

.
1
ened whether b v an eastern o r a southern sun his

, ,
m y thic genealogy which m ad e Au rora his mother , ,
is easily accounted for His p re -eminent beau ty .

,
strange as it m ay seem to u s was also a couse ,
u e n c e o f his Ethiopic extraction ; for accor d ing

q
to Herodotus (3 1 14) the Ethiopian s were not on ly ,
the tallest and most lon g -lived but the handsomest ,
o f the hum an race .
The fiction o f a m usical sound issuin g fro m th e ,
statue o f Memnon at Thebes at sunrise appears to ,
be en tirely Greek To th e Egyptian s it was never .
an ything more than th e statue o f their king Ame

n o hi s
p
1
all th e inscri p tio n s which re c ord th at the
"
sound h a d been heard are o f th e R om an times
the n ame Memno n iu m was give n to th e quarter in
which it stood under the Ptolemies but no monu , ,
ment nor any passage i n an author o f that age

alludes to a vocal M emn o n Cambyses did n ot .
n eed the pretext of i ts m agic m usic to induce hi m
to m utilate a statue reverenced by the Thebans As 3

.
the statue has b een silent for centuries we have n o ,
mean s o f ascertaining ho w the belief in its musical

q ualities arose ; it probably originated i n the poet
ical imagin ation o f the Greek s favoured by some ,
slight o r accidental cause a n d the eastward posi ,
I n Syncellus w have after the S ee the full collection of them

e
9
n me o f Amenop his
,
a 0 6 6 - 6 with the commentary f L t 7 s e a rw

’
o e ro n ne ,
M pe
'
Z
u wv (
y fd p
/a c vo
n i p9 ) in the T r ns ctions f the R y l
c e vo s , K a ( 6 ! a a o o a
yé p M6
e vo r Lemm di versi esse S ociet y f Literat re S eries i
09 . a o u , .
s c ri
p t i Mor s tha
p r b t si
an e vol 1 part 2
one o a
J ose p hi ideo d A fri Sy ncellus P ausanias mentions

.
, .
l t
en iu m u e a 3
c num d i b d R uth d the f ct but not the motive S ee

, .
’
a a sc r en u m o a a
Afri c Re l S 2 3 9 6 Th ddi the p ssag e from P ly
. .
,
. . ac vol i e a a o ae n u s ,
t ion is found in the Armeni n V er p 160 note
.
, . . .
a
s on E usebius
. .
,
n of .
Lik e his ancestor Amenophis I Am enophis .

,
Memnon received divine h on ours and a S pecial ,
priesthood called the p a s tOp hor z o f Amenophis

'
“
,
i n the M e m n o n e i a still existed i n the Ptolemaic,
time s ‘ .
The mother o f Am enophis M a u tem va is r e p reg

, ,
sented on the righ t side of the throne of his statue

h i s w i fe w h o is seen o n the le ft w a s called Ta i a He r
, ,
.
n ame is j oi ned with his o n the engraved scarab aei ,
o f a large size which are frequent in the collections
o f E yptian antiquities
g O ne o f these accor d ing .
,
to the interpretation o f R o s e lli n i comm e morates ,
the m arriage o f the king in the eleventh year o f hi s

reign ; it h as been al ready quoted as defining th e ,
limits o f his kingdom Th e other w hose s i g n i fi c a .

,
tion is obscure appears to refer to the performance

,
s
o f some public work The conj unction of the name .
o f the queen with that o f the king on these memo
rials indicates a greater p articipation in the royal

,
power o n h e r p art than w a s com mon i n the E g yp

tian mon archy Am en ophis appears to have had .
other ch ildren besides Horus who succeeded him o n

the throne A stele in the Museum o f Florence which
.
bears hi s title mentions a roy al scribe o f the house

o f the royal daughter Am en s e t th e comptroller it ,
should seem o f the princess s hou sehold

,
’
.
The tomb o f A m e n o p h III i s the oldest royal .
sepulch re preserved in the Bab -e l-M e lo o k bu t is ,
S ee in P e yro n s
’
phoneti c lly b y a vulture M t
a au
Col l e c t i on
.
,
.
3
R lli i ( Mon
o se n
A mon u ment
.
2
the British in th i nks the construction of a cistern ,
Museum ( B h p l 34) re p resents

i rc , . but ckno w ledg es the uncert inty
a a
her se ted a throne w hich is
on a of hi w s ointerpret tion
n a
d in E g ypti n bo t or b Cham lli -Fi geac L U i
.
fle name M t m is expressed i
’
ace an a a ar 4
. o on , n
r au e va vers p 3 1 !
, .
THE E I G H TE E N T H D Y N A ST Y .
not that which in the Roman times was called the

tomb of Mem non It i s of great length extending .
, ,
though n o t in o n e li ne o f direction 3 5 2 feet with , ,
several lateral ch ambers ‘ Althoug h n o w in a state .
of great decay the remains o f painting o n i ts walls

,
indicate a good style o f art The largest apartment .
rep rese nts a common fu neral scene the p assage of ,
the Sun through the inferior hemisphere the le ,
e n d s being traced i n linear hieroglyphics which

g ,
approach very nearly to the hieratic character .
The tomb o f A m e n o p h III i n its perfect state h as .
been one o f the most c o m p le te and Am enophis ,
Memnon reigned a ccording to Manetho thirty -one

years ; the thirty sixth has bee n fo u nd o n his mo
- 2
n u m e n ts illustrating the remark o f Champollion

"
, ,
that the most elaborate tombs are those of the s o

v e r e i g n s who h a d the longest reigns .
He was succeeded by his son whose n ame i n the ,
lists i s Ho n u s phonetically expressed by the hawk

, ,
the emble m of the god wit h the addition of th e ,
character which denotes the panegyries or so lem n

festivals “
His monuments commemorate victories
.
obtained over the African tribes I n a grotto near .
the Secon d Cataract he is represented in the form

5
,
of the y outhful Hor u s s u ckled by the goddess ,
An o u ke s
The ram -headed god of Thebes K n e p h
.
,
o r N oum
7
stands by ; he li ke A n o u k e was an
, , ,
obj ect of special veneration be tween the First a nd

Second Cataract .
Wilkinson M od E gypt and T he w hole is read H - b h i

4
or m a
T hebes
.
, .
, 2, 2 15 . Champollion Let R lli i Mon S tor i i i l 2 72

5
o se n
M R t xliv 5
, . . . .
, .
tres 223 . av
Bunsen [E gyp t S tel le

, .
S ee l i p 3 85
. . . .
6
en s vo
p 78 G erm
, , .
S ee l i p 3 73
. . .
. .
7 vo
, . . . .
S 3
l i p 1 67
e e vo . . . .
The principal historical monu ments o f the reign

o f Horus however ,
are in the quarries o f S i ls i li s, ,
which seem to h ave been extensively wrought fo r

the public works then carried o n A large space .
on the w all o f o n e o f the galleries h as been occupied

by a scene representing his triumph : much o f it
h a s perished but enough remains to S how its pu r
,
port ‘ . He i s seated o n a throne carried o n the

shoulders o f twelve military chiefs while two others ,
shade hi m with fans attached to lon g spears and ,
an atten d ant keeping his face towards the king as

,
he walks scatters grains o f incense o n a censer

,
w hich he holds o u t to w ards him It is evidently .
the celebration o f a military triumph for a victory

over the Africans Captives whose features are .
,
strongly marked with the negro peculiarities are ,
led boun d by the wrists and neck an d the i n s c r i p

tions record that the great ones o f th e land o f Cush
had been trampled under foot Both Luxor and .
K arnak recei v ed additions from him O ne o f the .
rows o f criosphinxes at the last -m entioned place

bears his legend with an inscription declaring that,
he had made great con structions in the residences

g
o f T he b e s The propyl aeum from which th is ro w
.
leads w as also b uilt by Horus and beside th e gate ,
of entrance are seen traces o f a gigantic figure o f

him engaged in smitin g h i s enemies The nam e
, .
of B er b er alone is legible denoting probably some ,
African race though it would be hasty to identify

,
it with the B arbaria of P tolemy o n the eastern ,
coast of Africa or the mo d ern nam es o f Barabra

,
and B e r b e r f’
.
R
o selli i Mon S tor iii 1
n R lli i M S tor iii 1 2 88 2
o se n
M R t
, .
. . . .
,
.
A ccordin g to Herodotus the

.
, ,
p. 2 78 . . h . a v. x v .
3
,
[o
B o x
B u ns e n , S e ti but in the lists we find that

M er i enp tha h ;
Horus w a s succeeded by A c he rr e s ( or as Josephus
h as it hi s daughter A c e n c h re s)
,
These are followed .
by B athos ( R a tho ti s) C he b r e s Ac h e r r e s ( in Josephus ,
two Ac e n c h e r e s ) A r m e s s e s (Armais ) R amesses , , ,
A m e n o p h a th the first whose n ame bears any ana

,
logy to M e n e p h th a h It would be to little purpose .
to relate the expedients resorted to for th e removal

o f these difficulties That a period of civil war o r .
divided reign occurred about this time is evident

from the circumstance th at the shields of two kings ,
A m u n to o n h o r A m u n tu a n c h and a fourth Am e n o p h ,
are fou nd mutilated ‘ The explanation which Lep .
sins h as devised of the various facts ob served on the

monuments is that besides Horus who succeeded ,
him A m e n o p h III left two sons A m e n o p h I V

, .
,
A m u n tu a n c h and a daughter A th o ti s , The two ,

.
sons both reigned durin g the life o f Horus i n what ,
relations with hi m we know n o t The shield o f .
Amenophis I V has n o t been found further to the .
north than Hermopolis Magn a in Middle Egypt "

,
and where found it is alw a vs defaced 3

In like .
m anner th e shields o f A m u n tu a n c h w hi c h are found ,
chiefly in Ethiopia are defaced We m ay hence ,

.
conclude that their relation s to Horus were hostile .
It is evident that he eith er put do w n o r survived

A m e n o p h I V and Am u n tu a n c h as stones marked
.
,
with their shield are found in buildings at K arnak

which Horus erected and for the n ame o f Amun ,
tu a n c h has been substit u ted that o f Horu s “ The .
1
Wil kinson M C l 5 7 4 W i lkinson
See vol p 47
, . .
, .
,
1 .
2, 2 5 5
Bunsen B 3 p 88 G erm
. . .
.
.
, , .
, .
B
’
ilki o
ns M C l 57
n, . .
, .
buildings o f Horus contain also stones m arked with

a royal name which was read by Wilkinson Ati n r e
,
B a kha n and by Lepsius B e c h-n a ten R a in inverted

, ,
order ; an d the sculpture o f these stones is so fresh ,
as to Show th at th e b u ildings o f w h ich they are a

p art were destroyed soon after their erection ‘ This .
Bech -n a te n r a ( som etim es written Bakh an only) hi ,
the r to supposed to be an intrusi ve king a worshiper ,
o f the Sun Lepsius takes for a queen the wife and

, ,
widow of Am u n o p h I V and from her name he .

,
explains th e Ac e n c h e r e s o r K e n c h e r e s o f the lists .
The d au ghter o f Am enophis III whose n ame is .

,
written o n a monument Te ti or Ta ti and w h o i s ,

”2
called royal daughter sister m other wife
“
is , , , ,
according to him A tho th i s th e reading o f on e MS , .
fo r R a th o ti s ; her hu sband the personage whose ,
tomb Champollion discovered in the western valley

o f Thebe s and whose n ame h e read S kha i
3
,
They .
were according to Lepsiu s the parents o f R a m e s su

, , ,
the fo u nder of th at long lin e o f princes who fill the

4
1 9 th and 2 0 th dynasty Here we find the m onu
m ents again coincidin g with the lists and as we ,
follow the form er authority only we sh all leave the ,
attempts to reconcile them to be confirmed o r over

thrown by subsequent research .
R a m e s su the immediate successor of Horus o n

,
th e tablet of Abydos appears to be both th e ,
P errin g ( T rans R y S oc Litbe A ssyrians as the S un s disk

o ,
’
was w orshiped at N ineveh

. . .
2 d S er 1 1 40 ) supposes that the

.
n
B nsen N eues R eich pl viii
.
fi g ures found t E l-T el represent

.
,
2
a ,
u , , . .
i g the worsh f the S un Lettres 2 47 3
those f the ipyk king s A ll

n o a re .
( born f Ra ) is
, ,
4
o R s so s . a m e su o ro
th t rel tes to these S un -worship

a a bably the ori g inal p rticipial o rm a
ers to w hom B ech -naten Ra b e of the n me ( S ee B unsen vol i a . .
lon g ed is ver obscure Lay rd p 2 9 7 E g T r ns )

.
, ,
, . a .
, n . a .
( N ineveh 2 2 l ) thinks
, they
, may
[
3 00 K
A rm e s se sand the R amesses the 14th and 1 5 th of ,
Manetho s 1 8 th dyn as ty the consonants in b oth

’
,
words being the same Th e Arm ais of Josephus .
appears also to be the sam e person with a variation

o f spelling O f R a m e s s u s reign little is known
.
’
.
Th e second year o f his reign is found o n a stele

dug out by the F rench and Tuscan expedition from ‘
the ruins of a temple near Wadi Halfa erected by ,
Amenoph i s II R a m e s s u h ad bestowed gifts upo n

.
the priests The stele which is dated th e 2 0 th o f

.
,
Mechir in that year but erected and terminated by

, ,
his son S peak s of th e people o f the Land o f th e

,
”
N ine Bo w s as being subj ected beneat h his feet ,
and commemorates besides various o fferin gs made ,
”
by hi m pure m en an d women o f the captives
, .
This description occurs elsewhere o n Egypti an

monum ents The prisoners are divided into three
.
classes the first o f whom appear to be the ordin ary

,
prisoners o f war w ho were reduced into slavery o r ,
emplo y ed o n public work s The secon d called p u r e .

, ,
which i s expressed by the same hieroglyphic cha

r a c ter as
p r i e s t were probably distributed
, to the
di fferent temples to perform as hi er o d u li the i n fe ,
rior o fi i c e s of ministration The third class seem .
g
to have been ho s ta g e s .
That the re i gn of R a m e s s u was short ha s been

inferred not onl y from the paucity of hi s monu
ments but from the s tate o f his tomb
,
s
It was .
nearly buried under rubbish wh ich was c leared ,
R o s e lli n i , M o n . S tor iii l . .

,
3
16 No . in Wilkinson s ’
enu m e
r tion
a of the tombs i the B b - l
n a e
B irch i T n ra n s o f R o
y a l S o c i e tv M e lo o k Mod E g Thebes 2
of L i ter ture 2
.
eries
. . .
, ,
a , nd S ,
2
. 2 14 .
[B OO K
The phonetic name was discovered to be Set o r

Seth It was Observed that the ch aracter by which
.
this g o d is denoted h ad been chiselled o u t w herever

it occurred in the name o f a king ‘ This appear .
ance of hostility which Champollion first rem arked

,
in the M useu m at T u rin and found universal i n ,
Egypt led him to con c lude that it could be no

,
other than Typhon the princip le o f Evil o n e o f , ,
whose Egyptian n ames was Seth an d thus the name ,
of the king was read S e thei and the e ffaced figure ,
was supposed to b e an ass which was an emblem ,
o f Typhon The oth er part o f the group was read

.
P h th a hm e n or M e n e p h th a h It was observed h o w .
,
ever th at i n th e sam e inscription and where there

, ,
could be no doubt of identity the n ame of the god ,
9
Amu n was sometim es substituted for th at of P th a h ,
which led to the conclusio n that neither o f these

names nor that o f O siris noticed before formed a
, ,
part o f the phonetic nam e which was pronounced ,
S impl y S ethei The n ame o f M e n e p h tha h how

.
,
ever h a S become s o current th at we S hall retain it

, .
To account for the introduction o f such a divi

n i ty as Typhon into a royal title R o s e lli n i supposed ,
that it was adopted by the king to express that he

was the destroyer of his e n emies ; but this leaves
unexplained the s ubsequent obliteration o f his
fi g ure which seems to imply th at he had becom e
,
odious after the erection o f the monu m ents o n which

it is found Le p si u s o n the oth er h and maintains
.
that the figure is not an ass b u t a giraffe ( an anim al

which i s not uncommon in hieroglyphics ) a n d that ,
Seth whose emblem it is was originally a b e n e fi

,
,
S
ee vo l i p 4 1 7 41 8
. . .
Ro lli i M
, Stor iii l 32 9
. se n on . . .
, .
,
T HE E I G H TE E N T H D YN A ST Y .
ce nt deity h eld in high honour by the Egyptians

, ,
but th at by som e revolutio n in theological opinion s

h e sub sequently was identified with the principle
o f E vil a n d h is image defaced wherever it was
,
found The evidence of this h y pothesis h as n o t

.
yet been prod u ced The name S e th does n o t d i s .
appear from th e Egy p tian dyn asties even after the ,
tim e when the change supposed to be I ndicated b y

th e ob literation occurred the priest of V ulcan who ,
led the Egyptian s against Sennacherib was c alled ,
S e tho s .
S E TE I ME has left a memorial o f him self

N E P HT H A H
i n th e temple o f Am ada i n N ubia built b y Thoth ,
m es and repaired by him and at S i ls ili s where he ,
excavated o n e of the small grott o temples in the

western rock But his principal monum ents are at
.
Thebes He began th e p alace at Q o o r n e h o n th e

.
western S ide o f th e river which has been already ,
described under the n ame o f M e n ep h th e i o n but l

,
as it remained scarcely finished at his death it was ,
completed an d decorated by his successors R ame ,
ses I I an d III who gi ve the honour o f their own

. .
,
labours to M e n e p h th a h The chief ap artment o f the .
palace forty -eight feet long a nd thirty -three wide

, ,
appears to have been designed as a place o f public

assembl y for civil and j udicial pu rposes The r e .
m ain s at K arnak are much more importa nt The 2
north -western wall o f the h ypostyle h al l is divided

into compartments which occup y the whole o f its
vast surface and covered with figures an d hiero
,
l
g yp h i c s in that peculiar relief w h ich the Egyptian
artists practised Each o f them represents some .
V ol i p 1 5 2. . . Vol i p 1 75 1 76
.
3
. . . .
[B OO K
great military undertaking in which M e n e p hth ah ,
triumphs o ver five di fferent nations o f Asia ; and

each concludes with a processio n in honour o f
Amun to whom spoil and captives are presented
, ,
i n gratitude for his h avin g given the victory to

his worshipers The magnitude o f th e scale o n
.
which these pictures are proj ected the spirit o f the ,
drawing and the high finish o f the exec u tion S how ,
that painting and sculpture both as mech anical ,
and intellectual arts had attained to great per ,
fe c ti o n .
M e n e p h tha h had scarcely ascended th e throne

when h e undertook a military expedition against
the same nations over whom the T ho th m e s and ,
A menophis had established th eir dominion We .
h ave n o information from m onuments o f any wars

o f Horus with Asiatic n ation s an d the state o f ,
division into which Egypt appears to h ave fallen ,
both in his reign and that o f R a m e s s u must have ,
weakened its power over distant countries O ne .
I
o f the compartments o f sculpture at K a r n a k re
presents him with a youthful figure i n the first

, ,
year o f his reign engaged in warfare with a people

,
who are called S ho s or S ho s u and their land K a n a n a , .
Their features are w holly di fferent from the E g yp

tians the y have caps on their he a ds and cuirasses
rou n d the b o d v and h ave been armed w ith S pears
,
and battle -axes They are in hasty and disorderly

.
fligh t before the king wh o is p ursuing them in his ,
b i g a and has already pierced m any with his arro w s

, .
O n a hil l ne a r stands a fortress surrounded with a ,
fosse towards which the fugitives are making their

,
R lli i M
o se S tor iii l 33 7 ; Mon Reali tav xlviii 2
n , on . . .
, .
, . . .
[B OO K
i ts strength fo r a fortress is seen in the distance ,
with its gate -posts and architrave fallin g a s if to ,
indicate that it had been captured and dism antled .
The whole concl u des with a triumphal procession ,
i n honour o f the two campaigns The king i s seen .
mounting his chariot lifting two o f th e c onquered ,
nation who are powerfully grasped in h i s right

,
arm while tw o files with their h ands tied and

, , ,
boun d round the nec k by a rope w h ich the con

q u e ro r holds are following him
, In a S imilar way .
the captive Shos are led i n triumph and three o f ,
their heads are fixed o n the b ack o f the r o y a l ‘
ch ariot Egyptians men and women come forth

.
, ,
to meet him some k neel others are standing and ,
lifting up their h ands in S ign o f reverence and wel

come and a company of priests distinguished by ,
their shorn heads offer large nosegays o f the lotus

, ,
1
the characteristic productio n o f the land The .
wh ole scene is bordered by the N ile s u fli c i e n tly ,
m arked by the crocodiles with which it is filled

s”
and a palace stands o n the bank The date O f the .
first year o f the reign of M e n e p h th a h is repeated in

the hierogl yphics at this place a presumption that
the sce ne Of the events cannot have been very
remot e from the frontiers o f Egypt The whole .
finishes with the presentation o f the prisoners o f

the land o f Luden to the Theban triad o f gods ,
A m u n r e Maut and Chons and an o ffering of vases

, , .
The inscri p tion declares them to be fabricated o u t

1
l M R
R o se li n i ,tav xlv
.i -l b bly laid over o e o f the smaller
. a n
A bri d g e over the stre m is streams f L w e E t w here the
. . .
1
a o o r ,
here represented thing which kin g s would

, a y fix their e na t
occurs nowhere else m n g the i d e w hen they were carrying
a o s en c
Eg ypt an monuments I t is p c mpai g ns in A sia
.
i . ro on a .
of their spoils in gold silver C opper and the u n , , ,
‘
known substance c hes e b t and p recious stones , .
Their devices are emblem atic of the event wh ich

they record ; one of them is supported by figures
o f captives ; o n anot h er the head of a prisoner a
p
pears as bent down by grief and in the h i e ro gly ,
p h i c s above t h em they are c alled images o f the “
chiefs o f the strange la n d s Q
N o date is foun d with the scene ne xt represente d ,
i n which th e king is attacking a fortress the n ame ,
o f which h a s been read O ts c h o r A te t situated in ,
the land of Am ar o r Om ar The people who have

3
.
been defending it rese m ble in their features the ,
Shos in cost u me the Re m a n e n They fight in

, .
ch ariots and inhabit a m ountainous and woody

,
c ountry through which herds o f c attle are fl ying

, ,
i n constern ation at the fray Th e king is armed .
with b o w and arrows a n d a ls o with a short spear , ,
which serves e ither to hurl from a little distance ,
o r to stab in close fight The rest o f the e vents o f .
this campai gn are lost by the d estruction o f the

wall ; but it appears to h ave concluded with the
usual offering of vases and prisoners to A m u n r e .
It is probable that the w a r which is the subj ect ,
o f the next representation occurred at a con sider ,
a b ly l a te r period of the r eign of M e n e p h th a h S ince

'
h is son R ameses appears serving i n the cam p aign “

.
Ta ken o r To ken is the nam e o f the people against

1 - S ee p 22 7 f thi s volume ( Josh xvo and A mar t be the o
‘R lli i M
. .
S tor iii l p l nd of the A morites R lli i

. .
1
o se n on , a o se n
compares O mar w ith O mira the

. . . . .
,
3 33
Bir c h R y S oc Lit 2 d name wh ich the E uphr tes bore
.
,
3
In o n a
S er es vol 2 p 3 3 5 I t I S conjee previous t its p

. . .
,
throu g h
to be Haditha on the Mount T aur s ( P liny lg H 5
i , , . . o a ssa e
d b y hi
’
tu re m u
lli i M on S tor ii l
.
,
E uphr tes by D E Hincks to be

a R r
4
o se n I
E dess by Mr O sburn H adashah M R tav liv -l i
. . . .
, . ,
a, .
, . . . . v .
S 2
whom it is w aged the Tah ai w ho are mentioned in,
‘
the account of the statistical tablet of K arnak an d ,
w h o are declared to belong to the B ot h o o r L u d n u .
They wear helmets from whi ch a strap o r strip o f ,
metal depends for the p rotection o f the cheek a n d

, ,
the chiefs are distinguished by tw o feathers in the

h elmet The general of the enem y who is re p r e
.
,
sented as o f an i ntermediate size between his o w n

troops and the gigantic fi g ure of M e n e p h th ah h as ,
been pierced in the breast by one of the ki n g s short ’
S pears a n d th en caugh t round the neck by his bow

,
and with the uplifted scimitar in hi s h an d he i s pre

parin g to put hi m to de ath In another compart .
m ent he appears dismounted from hi s ch ariot and
about to stab with a short spe ar a c hi e f who has

l
been also pierced in the breast with an arrow The .
captives are as usu al led i n files to be presented to

the god Among th e o fferings besides the c u s
.
,
to m a r y vases are bags tied up probably containing

, ,
gold dust o r precious stones .
The people w h o are called S hato o r S he ti n are

the su b j ect of another o f th e great historical pic
tures o f the wars o f M e n e p h tha h U nlike all those .
who have been described b efore th ey use cavalry 1

,
!
as well a s ch ariots i n th e field They are clothed .
in long tunics gir t roun d the mid d le and wit h

,
'
sleeves but th e se do not descend below th e elbow

, .
The y h ave n o b eard their heads are co vered wit h

-
a scull c a p which reaches to the shoulders and p ro
1
See p 2 2 2 of this volume
.
p t t ti ; equi ho ines
s ec u c on em u s m
It
.
k b l th t the horses que raciles

9
I s re m ar a e
p ll
a li t g d i i t au u e sc n c u s
h ve ne i ther s ddle nor bridle in t inermis eques p t q qu d

'
a a r ae e r u am
e o
t hi s res pect
,
b li the N umi j l secum

re s e m n t t equi si ne
ac u a or a
h n cavalry
t a Nihi primo d f i ( Liv 5
.
a re n s .
”
.
,
three cords The di fferent tribes or towns ( fo r .
p robably they are n o more ) are designated by an

embattled oval within which the na m e is w ritten , ,
and over which is placed a head and S houlders the ,

.
cord being fastened ro u nd the neck and the arms

bound O f these ovals fi fty -six are still legible and
.
,
several others obliterated Am ong those w h o b e .
long to the race o f C ush a few names seem to bear ,
some analogy to those known to geography as the ,
B a r a b r a the Ta kr u r i r the B r it S upposed to answer

, , ,
respectively to the B a r a b r a and B er b er the D a kru r i ,
of U pper N ubia and E r c ho as o n the N ile but in '

, ,
most o f them n o resemblance can be traced Some .
o f the characters do n o t belong to the general pho
netic alphabet and thei r sound is unknown Th e , .
features o f the n egro in the group grasped by the

ki n g indicate th at he came from a country far to
the South unles s we are to suppose that tribes o f ,
this physiognom y extended further n orthward in

an c ient times The third file led by the g o d with .
,
the exception o f the first oval i s o f norther n n a ,
ti o n s Q
O f those whom the goddess leads the first
.
,
oval contains a group o f characters which Cham

p o lli o n reads N em o n e and supposes to signify shep ,
herds ( from the Co p tic M o o n e to feed ) and to , ,
denote generally foreigners o f the N orth The next .
are the S he ti n N a h a r a i n a the R o tn u o r Ludun , , ,
lli i M S tor iii l 42 1 be read A d understood

1
R
’ ’
o se n , . om m n, an
h G ll B o f the I o ians o f A i I doubt if
. .
, .
Mus 2 8 9
.
B u c
'
, a . r . . n s a
Th s in this g the I oni ns w ere found
.
, .
g
ssumes the p y
i a a ru s a e a
p lant w h c h the second an third on the coast f Asia d were this

.
, i o an
ov l s cont i to denote the N ort h
,
a a n d i g ph ti ll correct should re a on e ca
1 o ften d
y n
,
s ( p 42 5 ) rather connect it W i th I q the

, ,
R l li i
’
88 1 e
o o se n
.
.
ah
th i nks from I ts S i mil rit‘y W i th the cient n me o f G z ( D ion P i g t
.
0 ,
, a a a a . er e e .
ch r cter answering to E kkq i

a a
w ith the note of E t thi ) u m
’
o g u s a u s
the R sett S tone th t it should
.
on o a a
,
THE E I G H TE E N T H DY N A STY .
U pper and Lower and Sinj ar , . O f the rest though ,
m any o f them are distinctly written little can be ,
m ade N am es o f places in Palestine have been found

‘
.
in them and n o thi n g i s in itself more prob able than

,
that con quests in thi s country should be recorded

o n the m onuments of Egyptian kings ; b ut their
ide ntification with biblical n ames i s not s u fli c i e n tly

supported to warrant o u r proposing them as facts .
There is much probability in the opinion o f R o

sellini that we should read the name of the R o tn u
, ,
L u d i n an d th at the Lydians are meant not using

,
this word in the limited sense to which the Gree k

Writers have accustomed us but as a general n ame ,
for Asia Minor and its prolongation to the country

at the sources o f the Tigris and Euphrates Two .
wholly di fferent n ations are evidently described i n

Scripture under th e n ame o f L a d O ne o f these .
( Gen x 1 3 ) is called a s o n o f Mizraim and i s

. .
,
m entioned by Jeremiah with Ethiopia and Libya
( xlvi . 9 ) as an ally o f Egypt The other ( Gen x 2 2.

) . .
is called a so n of S hem and mentioned i n connex ,
ion wit h Arph axad (Ar ra p a c h i ti s in N orthern

Assyria) and Aram or Syria This is the position
,
.
in which a name might be expected to occur

which represents the Semitic population of Asia
Minor These Ludim not the African nation o f
.
,
the same name appear to be meant i n Ezek xxvii

,
. .
10 where they are j oined with Persi a and Libya as

,
furnishing mercen aries to Tyre To this Semitic .
population was probably owing the m anifest con

n e x i o n bet w een the mythology o f Lydia and that of
1
O sburn O omasticon Ancient Egypt p
, n , , . 15 6
.
Assyri a and th e early civili zation of Lydia which

1
, ,
through the Greek colonies settled on i ts shores

becam e a source of refinement an d culture to all
Europ
We have already d escribed among the sepulchres
o f Thebes the tomb and sarcophagus o f S e te i
,
M e n e p h tha h discovered b y Belzoni in the B a b -e l

,
g
M e lo o k It is the most S plendid that has hitherto
.
been explored and the plates to B elzoni s work Will

'
give a good idea o f the variety and richness o f i ts

decorations It contains a representation which
.
we find repeated with som e variation in the tombs o f

other kings o f this and the succeeding dynasty and ,
which seems designed to express the u niversality o f

Egy ptian dominion The g o d Horus the symbol .
,
o f royalty i s p receded by four companies o f men

, ,
o f di fferent colou r physiognom y and costume , The .
first are plainly Egyptian s ; the third are blacks ;

the second white with bushy black h air blue eyes , ,
aquiline noses and reddish beards the y wear S hort

parti -coloured tunics wi th several tassels at the ,
lower extremities The fourth rese m ble th e people .
called Rebo in the campai gns o f R a m e s e s l V wear .

.
,
i n g feathers i n their heads and large cloaks and , ,
h aving their bodies tattooed The Egy ptians have .
the n ame R o t supposed to signify r a c e a s if they

, ,
identified them selves with m ankind the blacks

that o f N a hsu ; the third grou p are called N a m u ,
and the fourth Ta m /m The N a h s u are represented .
1
Com p Herod l 7 w here from Lyd s the
. of A tys w h a so n o
Ag ron t h e first o f the Heracleid represents a P h y g i n po p ul tion

.
, , ,
. r a a
kin g s o f L y di is m de thea, f e rlier than the

a onnex i on with so n o a c
Ni nus the son of Belus T he pre A ssyri . a .
d o n on w ere descended
e c e s s o rs t Vol i p 1 67 3
. . . .
[B OO K
from other monuments Th at o f the successor o f .
S e te i -M e n e p htha h however is followed by a shield , ,
which contains a phonetic n ame and closes the ,
last line but o n e this name is R ameses Mei Amun -

,
and it is repeated along with the titular shield

through the whole length of the lowest line But .
the titular shield of the lowest line i s n o t exactly

the same as the last titular S hield of the upper line
it di ffers from it by the addition o f a group of ch a
r a c te r s w h ich i s u sually interpreted Approved by ,
1 ”
Re The lateral colum n of th e tablet again ex
.
, ,
h i b i ts only the S hield without the addition Hence .
arises the question d o these two titular shields r e ,
present two sovereigns R ameses M e i a m u n II and , .
R ameses M e i a m u n III o r i s the addition i n the .

,
second shield m erely a di fference assumed by the ,
same sovereign at a subsequent period o f his reign

Such variation s perplexing a s they are appear to , ,
have been practised The obelisk o f the A tm e id a n .

,
already mentioned exhibits four several addition s ,
to the characters which form the titular S hield o f

Tho th m e s and on e o f them is this same
”
group approved by R e
, Again the same tomb . ,
in the Bab c l M e lo o k was found to contain tw o

- -
shields o n e which h as the other which has not

, ,
the addition approved b y R e and hence Maj or

Felix and S i r Gardn er Wilkinson were led to the
conclusion that they indicated only o n e sovereign
, ,
R ameses I I The colossal statue which lies reverse d

.
at M i tra h e n n y has o n the girdle both shields o n e ,
1
Comp r e the shie l ds l l
a 1 2 w hi c h is re d S tp
--
p proved a o n ra, a
the i er lyp h i Pl tes 1 1 by R w hich i w anti ng in 1 1

,
H
.
13 , in o ”
c a a, s no . .
T rans R o y S oc Lit 2
, .
vol l N 1 2 t p h ti n e
. . o . is S e one c am
2
ee
the 2 2 8 2 d S eries
.
. . .
,
b elon g in g t both ; o 13 h o n . as n .
g roup f char cters t the bottom

,
o a a
TH E E I G H T E E N T H DY N A STY .
with one without approved by R e

, At Beitou .
alli th e shield is four tim es repeated once with ,
”
th e addition approved by R e The processions .
o f the kings at the R a m e s e i o n an d Medinet Aboo
exhibit on ly the shield with the a d d i ti o n

.
l
These . .
are strong reasons for believing that only o n e king

“
is designated by both shields Y et a great d i fli .
culty attends this supposition : the nam es o f their

wives and their children are di fferent and it would ,
be too arbitrary a mode of proceeding to assume a

second m arriage an d the death o f the children o f
the first R o se lli n i a d d s th at the physiognom y
.
g
,
o f th e two kings is s o di fferent that even at a ,
distance they can b e distinguishe d by o n e who is .
familiar with them This argument can be a p p r e .
c i a te d only by those who h ave seen the monuments
o f Egypt o n the S pot ; yet the evidence of o n e who
S pent so m any months among them must be a d ,
m i tte d to be of gr eat weight It is also alleged 3 .

,
that in more than one instance the title appro ved

b y Re
.
h as b e e n i n se rte d in a shield i n which it
h ad not been originally found by a cancelling o f ,
—
the previous i nscription a n act not likely to h ave
been performed b y a sovereign on his o w n shield ,
th o u g h w e find a s o n using this li b erty with the

shield o f his father R o s elli n i assures us also that .
he has found dates o f the reign o f R ameses fro m .
the second year to th e S ixty -second all containing ,
the addition approved b y R e and it is di ffic u lt

”
,
to concei v e th at he should before the first o f these

dates have performed those exploits and executed
1 R o s e lli n i ,
’
M S tor l , p 2 05 3
Ro se lli n i , u s Birch G all B .
P
. . . . . . .
,
2
R o selli n i , M . S ta r . 1 , 2 5 6, 2 61 . Mu s 2, . 9 1,. p . note 1 1 .
those works to which the shield without the addi

,
tion i s attached Where obelisks have been begun

.
by On e monarch and finished by another the cen ,
tral line m arks the work of the first N o w the .
central i nscri p tion o n three o f the faces o f the

obelisk trans p orted from Luxor to Paris bears the
shield without the addi tion ; s o does th at which
remains at Luxor o n one of its faces ; the others
bear the shield with the ad dition Without c o n .
c e a li n g the di fficulties which press o n either hypo
thesis I assume as most probable according to the

, ,
present state o f the question that the two shields ,
represent two kings and I shall proceed to give an,
account of the monuments which bear their r e

Sp e c ti v e names .
To RA M E S E S l l belong the historical pictures and

.
sculptures of B e i to u alli near K a la b sh e in N ubia casts ,
o f which coloured according to th e original m a be

, y ,
seen in the British Museum ‘ The sanctuary r e .
presents the youthful mon arch suckled by Isis and

A n o u k e The walls of the vestibule exhibit on the left
.
hi s triumph s over the Eth iopian nations Mounted .
in his chariot armed wi th hi s b o w and a c c o m ,
n i e d by two of his sons who are also i n chariots

p a ,
h e slaughters and tramples down the negroes who

fly in confusion towards a village indicated by its
palms A wounded m an supported by two others
.
, ,
is feebly m aking his way to a cottage within which

the mother is cooking A child and another fe .
male stand beside the door wit h expressions o f

S ympath y and terror Conq u erors have been fond
.
in a ll ages of recording the carnage of their battle

1
Ro se lli i M R t
n , . lxii —lxxv B irch G ll B rit Mus p l 38 p 2
. av . . .
, a . . . . . . .
[B OO K
his ch ariot and pursuing a host o f men o f yello w

complexion short and peaked beards and a sharp
,
physiognomy v arious ly armed with scimitars j ave

, ,
lins and thro w s ti c k s In the inscriptions which are1

.
legible their n ame does not occur but they closely ,
resemble those who o n the walls o f K arn ak are

called the S ho s and whom we have concluded to
,
be a tribe o f Palestine N ext he is seen attacking .
a fortress in the upper story o f which is a chief

,
whom he grasps by h i s helmet and is preparing to

behead with his scimitar O n the lower story are .
several figures in attitudes expressive o f distress

,
and consternation O ne m an holds o u t a censer .
towards the conqueror as if in propitiation o f a god ; ,
two females are imploring his clemency ; a third ,
with similar purpose is holding her child from the ,
battlements from which a m an is also precipitating

,
himself A pri nce ar m ed with an axe approaches

.
the gate of the fortress to break i t o p e n N o nam e ,

.
occurs in any part o f this scene ; but the costume

is that o f the people wh ose name is read by Rose]
lini S hom a i by Ch ampollion S ha r i o r K ha r u
,
“
and ,
supposed to be Syrians Men o f the s ame nation a p . .
pear i n the next co m partment to be brought before

the king to receive their doom He stands o n a board .
beneath which tw o o f th em are lying prostrate and ,
thus literally m ade hi s fo o ts to o l he grasps three by .
th e head and the prince leads a file of others to

,
him bound A similar scene is represented i n

.
;
another compartment where the king holds his ,
scimitar over the head o f a kneeling prisoner of

Asiatic ra c e Finally he i s seen seate d o n hi s
.
,
R e li p l lxv i S ee p 228 f thi l Vol i p 3 l 3

1
R lli i M
o se n , on . a , . i .
9
. o s vo . . . . .
throne with a lion having his fore -p aws bound

,
couched at his fe et Egyptians evidently o f mi .

,
li ta r y rank bearing emblem s o f victory stand i n ,
order before him and one o f the princes o f the

'
blood brings three Asiatic prisoners bound The .
inscri p tion appears to be a genera l sum mary o f the

triu m p h s recorded on both walls mention being ,
m ade of victories over the Cushites as well as the

Shari 1
This is the p rincipal historical m onument o f R a

m eses I I S reign for the obelisks of Luxor contai n
.
’
nothing beyond the cus tom ary pompous and m y

s ti c a l phrases It h as been already mentioned th at
.
,
the tomb in the Bab -e l-M e lo o k appears to have

been begun but not carried on far by hi m
,
Fro m .
this and ot her circum stances it has been concluded

th at his reign was n o t long .
He was succeeded b v RA M E SE S III That h e .
w as the brothe r of his predecessor appears from the

M e n e p h th e i o n already mentioned in which both
Q
,
o f them stand before the figure of M e n e p h th a h ,
and the inscriptio n declares that the y have come

s
to render homage to their father We h ave seen .
however th at R ameses II h ad sons and there fore .

,
We m ust sup p ose that they were dead or what is ,
more probable th at their u ncle s e t the m aside and

’
—
mounted the throne a proceeding not unsuitable
to his ene rgetic character He may even h ave .
dated his accession from his father s death Th at ’

.
R ameses III is the Sesostris o f Herodotus is no

.
longer doubtful Herodotus says that he had him .
1
R o s elli ni , M o n
3
R o s elli ni , Mon S tor . . l, p 2 63 .
S ee p
. .
‘
1
25 5
. of this vol .
self seen i n Palestine o f Syria th e tablet which 1
Sesostris s e t up in commemoration of his c onquest .
At the mouth o f the N ahr e l K e lb the a n c i e n tL y c u s

- -
, ,
not far from B e i ro o t three such t ablets are found , ,
exhibiting an Egyptian kin g i n the customary p o s

t u re of smiting his enem ies His nam e is not pre .
served but the titular shield is that of R ameses III

,
.
with the characters approved o f R e F urther “

.
,
Herodotus relates that Sesostris o n his return to

Egypt s e t up a colossal statue o f himself thirty ,
cubits ( forty -fi ve feet) i n height before the temple ,
o f Ptah at Memphis At M i tr a h e n n y we have seen .
”
that a colossal statue stil l exists forty -eight feet i n ,
height bearing not onl y the titular shield b u t the

, ,
phonetic name o f R ameses III This proof is not

. .
so cogent as the p receding because we are not sure ,
that this is the statue of which Herodotus speaks ,
but even alone it would h ave furnished a strong argu

ment for th e i d entity of the Sesostris o f Herodotus
with this king It does not prove that he was called .
Sesostris i n the Egyptian annals ; but it shows that

o n e remarkable circum stance which Herodotus r e
lates o f Sesostris is historically true of R ameses III .

,
and j ustifies our application o f the written history ,
i n which no R ameses appears to the monumental , ,
in which the name o f Sesostris is not found That .
we should be able to fram e fro m their union a nar

ra ti v e in which every part o f both shal l find a pl ace ,
is not to be expected D i o d o r u s complains that .
Trans of Roy l S Li t l 3 the S othis professed to have de

1
. a oc vo
l st S eries Possibly rived his histo The inseri ti ons

. . . .
p 10 5 P 1
.
, .
th i s y ex p l in t h e t blets
.
in the Wadi
.
’
m a
5 a k tt
a b d ly eu 7 o u u a re ar
S p a f
c ia
; yy pix from w hich of su ffi cient antiquity t be
‘
K er
’
e vw v o re
c c rdin g t S ll p 40 73 ferred t
,
the eudo lél th in

a o o ce u s .
o
Vol i p 1 1 5
. .
,
ed . s an e o
3
. . . .
[B OO K
the conqueror of the world O n his father s death .

’
,
either relyin g o n this oracle o r persu aded by his ,
daughter Athy rti s w ho was endowed with superior

,
sagacity to all other women o r h ad acquired her ,
knowledge by divination he determined to u nder ,
tak e an expedition .
We recogni ze here plainly enoug h the e x a g ge ra

tions n atural to the story o f an heroic conqueror ,
whose memory h as been fondly cherished by the

people and celebrated in popular poetr y Herodotus .
relates n o prodigies o r incredible facts respecting

the c h ildhood of his Sesostris but h e makes his ,
first expedition to be for the subj ugation o f the

people w ho d w elt on the shores o f the Erythr aean
Sea that is the I ndian O cean If he built his fleet
, .
o f ships o f war in some o f the harbours o n the
western side of the R ed Sea and with them passed ,
the Straits o f B a b e l m a n d e b to subd u e th e E thi o

pians it is d ifli c u lt to understand how h is fu rther
,
progress could be stopped as Herodotus s ays by , ,
shallows If however as D i o d o ru s represents he

.
, ,
‘ ,
m ade a land expedition into Ethiopia and as he ,
and Strabo s a y from that coast entered the Arabian

,
Gulf he might naturally enough be stopped by

,
shallows for the sand -banks and coral -reefs mak e

,
navigation along i ts shores towards the northern

end dangerous in th e extrem e to all who are n o t
familiar wi th them These di ffi culties were e x p e
.
ri e n c e d b fE li Gallus when he undertook his

y u s
ex p edition from the head of the Gulf against the ,
Arabs in the reign of Augustus ; and the tides of

,
the Red Sea whic h e mbarrassed h i s n avigation

, ,
B iod S trabo 1 6 p 769

.
, , . .
THE E I G H TE E N T H DYN A ST Y .
m ust ha ve been still more formidab le to Egyptian

‘
sailors in the reign o f Sesostri s A fleet for the .
navigation o f th is sea would be more easily con

structed o n the coast o f Ethiopia which abounded ,
w ith wood than at Suez Myos Hormos o r Berenice

, , ,
where no timber wh atever is to be found The .
subsequent exaggeration s of D i o d o ru s w h o makes ,
Sesostris conquer the whole sea -coast to India an d ,
e ven pass the G a u g e s and reach the Eastern O cean ,
do not belong to the poetical fictio n s o f th e ancient

Egyptians th ey indicate the corrup tion o f history
—
from a more recent source the desire o f the priests
to exalt the conquests of Se sostris above those o f
the Macedonian s u nder whose dominion the land ,
o f the Pharaohs h ad fallen Di o d o r u s who assign s .

,
him infantry cavalry and ,
chariots includes the Cyclades i n his conquests ;

,
” ”
D i c ae a r c h u s the greater p art o f Europe
,
“
.
The Greek historians represent Sesostris as of

unusually lofty stature ; Herodotus according to ,
th e prob able m eaning o f hi s words S i x feet nine ,

‘
3
inches ; an d this may perhaps be a cause why he
seems to h ave drawn to himself the fam e of the
Tho th m e s and M e n e p h th a h whose n ames are passed ,
over b y them I n the Eg y ptian battle -p ieces the

.
sovereign i s always of gigantic size and to th ose ,
w ho could n o t read their n ames they might all pass ,
“
for one and the same Sesostris .
1
who undertook to be
Syllae u s,
2
Schol Apoll Rhod . . 4, 2 72 .
S ee note on p y d -
.
his pi l ot exposed his fleet to d n g er a

3
’
e a os m
’
p vr rq s
enrick s Egypt o f H
,
’
px d h tp e vm s w a p a B a h di v i j fla p ij s , K
’ ' ’
a ta t s , am e
o r d d w v b xi h a w
x p d p e o r a i e fj r e va r o d o tu s , 2 , 1 0 6
S ee p of th i s vol
.
di d e a t w h e i a r o v 85 a i w h
np p vp i d s
‘
1 64
1
’
‘ 1
y
'
e . .
e h b n o vv K a i a i d wr cb r a s
’
’
p ( a '
, . S tr bo
1 6, p .
The historical and oth er m onum ents of the reign

o f R ameses III far exceed those o f any preceding
.
o r subsequent sovereign and correspond with the ,
long reign o f upwards o f S ixty y ears which the lists

and the sculptures agree in attrib u ting to him The .
earliest of these records is o f the fifth year o f his

reign His campaign o f this year is partially d eli
.
n eated o n the walls o f the propyl aea o f Luxor but ,
m uch more fully on those o f the temple o f Aboo
S imbel .So numerous are the pictures that they ,
alone occupy twenty -fi v e plates in th e great work o f

R o s e lli n i ‘ The cost and labour involved i n first e x
.
c a v a ti n g this temple in th e rock and then coverin g ,
it with painted sculptures o f n early the size o f life ,
are incalculable ; yet they could n ever be seen e x ,
cept when explored with artifici al light At the .
time when this temple was excavate d the valley o f ,
the N ile between the two Cataracts was n o doubt

much better peopled than it h as ever since been .
But o n this site there is n o appearance that a n y

town has ever stood ; the N ile is close to the fron t
and the desert is be hind whence the sand has poured ,
down in stream s choked Up th e entrance to th e

,
temple and bu ried the colossal figure o f the king

, .
We can only conj ecture therefore that some u n re

corded circ u mstance i n the li fe o f R ameses led him
to fi x o n this spot for a record o f his g ra ti tu d e g
.
The pronaos o f the temple into which th e tra ,
veller first enters wh en he has worked hi s way

through the sand is supported by a double row of
,
1
M on .
Reali tav lxxix cii i
, . . his return di c a te d to A thor on
S
.
,
1
R lli i supposes th t here from his ex edition
o se Mon tor
n
p a
(
he m y h ve met h queen b y ii i 2
. . .
a a is ,
w hom the smaller temple w de
.
,
as
I T O RY O F E G Y PT
H S .
negroes ; elsewhere we find the Egyptian artists using

a contrast o f colour fo r the sake o f relief The .
features of both the brown and the black men are

equally negro and their costume i s the sam e In
,
.
their rude a n d awk w ard move m ents an d the i n ch ,
c r o u s expression o f constraint and pain in thei r
countenances the pai nter h as exactly copied the

,
worki n gs of nature as they may be seen at this day

in the same people under similar circu mstances .
Th e w a ll on the right -hand side r e p r e s e n ts w i th o u t ,
divisions a series o f actions i n a campaign against

,
the S he to which m ay be considered as th e first mili

tary undertaking of R ameses as it bears date
the n i n th o f E p i p h i i n the fifth year of his reign The
,
.
whole composition contain s more th an eight hundred

figures and the centre is occupied by the camp of
,
the king the various events o f the campaign being

,
exhibited around the four S ides The series begins

1
.
with an attack made by him o n a fortified city

standing o n a river branches o f which flow around ,
i ts walls and serve the purpose of a trench

, The .
enemy who wear lon g -sleeved tunics h ave gene

, ,
rally the head shaven with th e exception of a lock ,
which falls over the back o f the neck and wear ,
m ustachios They fight from chariots but o f

.
,
m uch ruder construction than those of the E g yp

tians and each chariot carries th ree persons a
, ,
spearman a charioteer and a shield bearer Their -

, .
Shields are of di fferent forms some squ are and a p , ,
r e n tl made Of basket -work othe r s o f wood with

p a y ,
incurved sides The enem y are d riven headlong .
to the fortress and some of them h ave b een preci

,
1
R ll i M on S tor ii 2 1 19 tav lxxxv i ii —c iii
o se in , . . i .
, , . . .
p i ta te d with their horses and chariots into the river .
Mixed with the chariots a p pear here and there men

mounted on horseback ; bu t as they are without
armour and the horses without saddle or bridle
, ,
they seem as if they were m aking their escape from

the field on horses which i n th e conflict had been
detach ed from their harness o r else are actin g as ,
messengers ‘ The battle -scene is followed by a n

.
other i n which th e king seated in his chariot and

, , ,
surrounded by his guards and o ffi cers sees the ,
amputated h ands o f his enem ies thrown down

before him and thei r number recorded b V scribes
, .
O ther scenes of war occupy the borders ; they

generally resemble those which we h ave already
described O ne o f them however deserves a S pe
.
, ,
c i a l n otice ; two men of th e hostile nation are under
going the bastinade an d from the inscription above ,
them it appears th at t h ey are detected spies .
The importance which the Egyptian s attached to

th e events o f this camp aign is evident from its r e
petition s at Thebes The scene represented o n the
.
propyl aea o f th e great court of Lu xor is the sam e

as that which we have j ust described We find 92
again the city round which the river flo w s assaulted

by the Egyptians an d some of the co mbatants wit h
,
their chariots and horses precipitated into it The .
b astinading o f the spies is also repeated and the ,
centre is occupied as at A b o o s i m b e l by a r e p re
, ,
s e n ta ti o n o f the camp All doubt of their identity .
is removed by the date which is the fifth o f E p i p hi ,
1
T he cam p which has been al
2
R o s e lli n i , Mon Stor iii . . . 2 ,
re dy described ( vol i p 22 9 )
a . . . 2 22 , ta v c i v —
. . cvii .
occu p ies the centre ; lion bound

a
couches in the midd l e .

[B O O K
i n the fi fth y ear o f the king R ameses III the d ate ,

.
,
o f that of Ab o o s i m b e l being four days later The

‘
.
R a m e s e i o n o n the western bank o f the N ile which

, ,
was his work repea ts with some variations the , , ,
same subj ect The city o n the river again appears

51
,
but it h as a double fosse and a bridge over them ,
connecting it wi th the main land The river is fu ll .
of drowning men and horses a chieftain has been

dragged o u t o n the bank and hi s soldiers are e n ,
d e a v o u ri n g to restore him to life by holding him

with his head downwards These men have e vi .
d e n tly made a sally from the city over the draw

bridge fo r the purpose o f assisting and rescuing
,
their friends whom the Egyptians have driven into

the river In another part o f th e R a m e s e i o n is
.
represented the capture o f a second fortress A .
scaling -ladder i s applied to the walls two sons o f ,
R ameses are ascending upon it and four others at ,
the base are leading as many bodies o f men w ho ,
are sheltered by a large wooden coverlet from the

stones lances and arrows o f the besieged Four
, ,
.
other royal princes appear in di fferent parts o f the

field .
D i o d o ru s S i c u l u s s
h aving described o n the , ,
authority o f the Egy p tian priests and the Greek

writers who had v isited Thebes u nder Ptolemy
Lagi the fore courts o f the monument of O s ym a n
,
-
dyas and the colossal statues of the king his wi fe ,
”
and his mother proceeds N ext to the pylon
, ,
they s a y i s a peristyle hall more wonderful than

, ,
the p receding in which are all sorts of carvings

, ,
1
V ol i p 15 3
. . . .
Hist l 47 11
p 23 t c ix
.
.
,
R
o se lli i n , .
2
av . .
t ures o f the R a m e s e i o n rem ains ; an d as we h ave

already seen that those of Ab o o si m b e l and Luxor
are free C opies of the s ame general s ubj ect we m ay ,
restore and supply the o n e from the other and in

o n e or other all these circumstances are found If
'
then it be ascertained that all these relate to the

same event we know from D i o d o r u s what th at
,
event was it was rep u ted to be according to the ,
Egy p ti an priests the campaign of R ameses against

,
the revolted Bactrian s Amidst all th e u ncertainty .
which attends the interpretation o f the hi e r o g ly

hi c a l inscriptions s o much seem s to be a s c e r
p ,
ta i n e d both from th e words themselves a n d from

, ,
the comparison o f the n ations wh o n ow appear in

the fiel d with those w h o are seen in the battle
pieces of S e te i M e n e p htha h th at this was a second ,
conquest and that consequently there h ad been a

,
rebellion There is n o n ame indeed which bears

.
any rese m blance to that of Bactrians ; nor is it

necessary to suppose that the country bore the
same n ame in the Ptolem aic times as i n th at o f
R ameses III Y et the n am e i s rem arkable as it
.
recurs in Tacitus The priest who acted as guide .
to Germ anicus related fro m the monu ments o f

,
Thebes that R ameses had possessed Libya Ethiopia , ,
Me d ia Persia B a c tr i a n a and Scythia wit h the ter

, , ,
r i to r i e s which the Syrians Armenians and their , ,
Li b ya ,
E thio p ia and Syri a was
, , w ell founded ; in
T A nn 2 60 1
ac . .
, .
TH E E I G H TE E N T H DY N A ST Y
the time of Herodotus its m emorials ex i sted i n

Asia Minor an d m ay y e t perhaps be found there ;
,
the valley o f the Tigris and Euphrates was familiar

ground to the military sovereign s of the 1 8 th and
1 9 th dyn asties Confirmed i n so m any points
.
,
w h y S hould not the accounts of the Egyptian priests
be b elieved when they tel l us that Media Persia

, ,
an d B a c tri a n a were also the scene of the conquests

o f R ameses ? Such were the first conclus i ons of
Cham pollion re s pectin g th e country of the S h e to
an d the other n ations who are represented as war
ring with M e n e p hth a h an d his successors ; and
upon th e whole they appear to be the most pro
bable The expre ssion o f Herodotus that he went
.
,
”
through the whole continent subduing all whom ,
he m et m ay be explained by tw o other p assages in

, ,
which he uses the same expression and from which ,
it is evident th at it included all Asia from the ,
shores of the ZE g e a n to the eastern limits o f Media

an d Persia l
O ne o f the strong evidences o f the wide range
which the expeditions o f R ameses and other E g yp
tian sovereigns took i n Asia was the resemblance ,
which the Colchians bore to the Egyptians Hero

'
d o tu s does not S p eak from hearsay on this point ;

he had been among th e Colchi ans and had ma d e ,
inquiries both from th em and the Egy ptians He .
ack nowledges th at the resemblance of their dark

complexions an d crisp h air was not decisive other
1 ’
-
1 , 9 6 E 6m co v a b r o vé p co u m were subsequently included
iv a ll w ho
in the dominion o f P ersia ( 4
.
- i
r a w d va T Y ) ” 371 u p o n 6366 u rn e
i om the D rius c ll s himself on the t l

,
£9 r vp a vu fd a r m p m h d o v F . a a s e e,
com
p of this pass e with the w hich he set up ne r the B ehrns
a i i so n ag a
c i t is evident H p w
,
be innin
g g of. 9 5 , l i n e
1 q d
a e i/ re Ka a t o s 7 7 9 7r
all on the continent me ns p B A

tli a t
”
a ov aa i evs .
nations had these peculiarities ; but h e lays more

stress upon their linen m anufacture their whole ,
mode o f life their language an d their practice o f , ,
circum cision It was an ancient usage only among .
the Colchian s Egyptians an d Ethiopians ; for the ,
Syrians in Palestine ( by whom thou gh ignorant o f ,
their distinct n ationality h e must have meant the ,
Jews ) and the Ph oenicians acknowledged to have

,
learnt it from the Egyptian s and the Cappadocians ,
from the C o lc hi a n s l Pindar calls the Colchians

dark -complexioned speaking probably according ,
to the received opinion o f his contemporaries The .
’2
later geographers and Ammianus Marcellinus m ay
h ave only repeated Herodot u s As we kno w .
nothing of the Colchian language we cannot brin g ,
to the test the declaratio n o f Herodotus th at they

were similar n o r is m uch stress to be laid upon
it as his knowledge o f the Egyptian language was
,
very limited but the corresp ondence o f th eir m ode

O f life was a m atter i n which he could not be m i s
taken The Colchians were certainly a civilized

.
and instructed people living among tribes remark

s
,
able for their rudeness and no other source o f this ,
superiority appears s o natural a s a settlement o f the

4
soldiers o f Sesostris He rem arks that whe n he .
i nquired of both n ations he foun d that the Colchi ,
ans preserved more memory of the Egyptians than

the Egy p tians of the Colchians This w a s natural .
V ol i p 448 H
1
E tian ori f the Colchianser
an derives tgem from I ndia O ne

. . . . . in o ,
1
22 8 C l h , [E g yp ti
. o c o s, o ru m .
ti b l of h i p oofs wi ll excite smile t

qp h t G g S c r li b 4 the present d y th E gypti
an am so o em . s r a a
3 ”
oc ar eo r a a : e an s,
c 31
, . . .
,
. .
he says i e rly ti mes cordin g n a ac
Ritter th celebr ted g g

, ,
, to the unanimous testimony f

e a eo ra o an
pher in his V orh ll e E pai ti q ity kept themselves to their
, a u ro u ,
s c he r V o lke rg c s c hi c h te ,
”
d e n i c s the native country ”
( p .
[B OO K
their preservation he erected statues o f hi m self and

his wife thirty cubits high and of their son s tw e n tv ,
cubits high before the temple o f Hephaistos at

,
'
Memphis This tale betrays its ori gin in an age
.
when Egyptian tradition had begu n to be corrupted

by a desire to conform to Greek ideas To the .
Greeks the Memphian Ptah was the god o f fire ;

and what cause more n atural for the erectio n
of the family group in costly statues than their ,
deli v erance from burning ? It does not often h ap

pen th at D i o d o r u s is m ore m oderate and rational
than Herodotus but it is so here N either author .
gives the entire story ; D i o d o ru s d oes n o t m ention

the burni n g of the children nor Herodotus say that ,
the statues were erected in mem ory o f th e escape ,
b u t both circum stances are necessary to complete

the narrative .
Herodot u s and D i o d o ru s describe Sesostris o n

his retu rn from hi s long expeditio n as devoting
himself to p ublic work s and to legislation The .
captives who m h e brough t back were employed i n

d ragging s tones to the temple which he built to
He p haistos and others which according to D i o
,
Q
d o ru s he erected in the chief city of every nome
to its tutelary deity placi n g on all o f them an ,
inscription purporting that they had been raised

b y the labour of ca p tives and not of Egyptians .
R meses III
1
a
p pe rs to h ve t d the sm ller tem l
a a t Aboo a ca e a e a
h d t w ent y -t h ree sons but four simbel to A thor he
.
a d another a
seen c onspicuous ly several wi fe I i f w h appears long
, ,
a re on s n o re , o a
( R lli i w ith him in the inscr i ptions t S i l

,
o f the monuments o se n a
M S tor iii 2 240
,
d this silis acco p nied b tw sonsan d

y m a o an
. . .
mig h t g ive ri se to t h e p pu l r opi

, , ,
d u hter ( R ll i M S tor
o a a o se
n on th t ll but f ur h d p eris h ed 1 g
a . in , on . .
i a a o a
( Bir c h G ll B it M us l 56
.
,
. a . r . .
2
,
Besides At ri dedi
.
N o fre - a , w ho
Some o f these c aptives wh o had been brought from ,
Babylon un able to endure the severity of their la

,
bour rose and seized upon a strong po st near the

,
N ile and not far fro m Memphis to which they gave ,
the nam e o f Babylon whence they laid w aste the ,
neigh bou ring country If it w ere true that they .
defied the power of th e king an d at last esta b lished

t h em selves here i n security as D i o d o ru s says this , ,
would give u s no high idea o f the power of the

Egyptian monarchy Traditio n however varied .
, ,
in regard to th e origin of the name Ctesias derived

i t from a n i nvasion o f Egypt by Semiramis ; Jose
h u s with m ost probability refers it to the i nvasion
p
o f C a m b ys e s Sesostris raised m ounds o f earth
l
.
,
to which he removed the inh abitan ts o f those towns

which were in danger of being flooded in the in u nda
tion o f the N ile cut can als through the whole o f
g
Lower E g yp t and built a wall 1 5 0 0 stadia i n , ,
length from P e lu s i u m to Heliopolis to defend the

, ,
frontier o f Egypt from the invasion of th e Syri ans

and Arabs Accordin g to Herodotus h e distributed
.
all the la n ds of Egy p t assigni n g to each m an his ,
”
rood of ground and laid a lan d tax u pon them
-
, .
Even the institution of the law of hereditary o c c u

a ti o n s was attributed to Sesostris ( S e s o n c h o s i s ) by
p
"
D i c aea rc h u s and Aristotle That a reign S O long .
1
A nti q Jud . . 2, 1 5 . duction o f mounted c valry a .
2 represents this
D i o d o ru (p h as 7 0 11 o o ! a vr o v
'
K e i /a t
-
711 1 e
q
'
s e
bein g done partly to render E gypt dp w ( S chol A poll

’ '
B a v an ro u em a i ve . .
Rhod 4
.
in ccessible to
a l y d ch riots ; c a va r an a
P ol 7
.
,
‘
H erodotus to supply fresh water to O m w 6 3
p
.
, e or
p rts remote from the river T he K

a y 7\ .wh j d ara
’
eu o s r o v 7r 0 m . K ov r o vs
country h vi n g been rendered unfit f A iy

a w h y p w p f e
’
v rrr o v
‘
o u a v e r e ve t
for w heeled c rriag es by the cut a w xp w m Mi B h f ro o vo y /( o

x am e av
ting of c n ls it w natur l fi j E b -as a a c ea c a r i or .

a a , p r
tion to ttribute to him the intro

a
and vigorous would witness m any improvements i n

legislation m an y works o f public utility we cannot
, ,
doubt ; we kno w th at R ameses III covered N ubia l .
and Egypt with m emorials o f his devotion to the

gods and his m agnificence i n building ; bu t when
the raising o f the sites o f all the cities the cutting ,
o f all th e canals the division o f the whole land o f the

,
kingdom the distribution o f the people into castes

, ,
are attributed to him we see the ten d ency o f popular ,
history to crowd into one reign th e progressive i m

r o ve m e n ts of m any Egypt had been a civilized
p .
kingdom long before R ameses III and those n u .

,
d e rtak i n g s which are essential to its prosperity and

order h a d probably been the gradual work o f several
sovere i gn s .
The hierati c m anu script k nown by the name o f

the Papyrus of Sallier is said to contain an accou n t ,
o f a war carried o n by R ameses with th e S he to

in the ninth year Of his reign ; but the import o f
this docum ent i s hitherto s o little known that we ,
must content ourselves with indicating the fact that ,
four year s later th an the events which have been

j ust described he was still involved in h ostilities
,
with them .
The south w all o f the palace o f K arnak contains an

inscription dated in th e twenty -fi r s t year o f the reign
O f R a m e s e S and the twenty -
fi rs t d ay of Tybi in wh ich ,
it is recorded t h at four chiefs o f the S he to came to

the tent of h i s m aj esty to supplicate fo r peace w ho ,
Th ey found at I b i D i T hebes the sepulchres f tw li

1
a re r m e rr o o
Amad and W d i E h
, ,
a, a b isse father and
ou a u nder ra r a n s, so n ,
S everal hieratic p p y i w hi h R meses M i
.
1
a r
( Lepsius E in c a e am u n
”
f
, .
,
w still ossess
e d ted rom the leitun
p , a re a
g 1
d I h ve found i
, ,
Ram e se i o n , a n a n
on the walls o f this temple The king in reply .
boasts of having enlarged and adorned the temple

o f the god in the h abitation o f Ptah t h at is Memphis , ,
his peculiar dwelling -place We know fro m Hero .
d o tu s an d D i o d o r u s wh at h e did for the enlargeme n t

and decoration o f this temple the prostrate colossal
statue o f M i tr ah e n n y bears the image o f Ptah and
the contemplar goddess Pasht i n the tablet o n the ,
breast and the S hie ld o n the belt The quarries o f

1
.
S i ls i li s contain several s te lae in which m ention i s

made o f p anegyries celebrated by R ameses III i n .
his 3 0 th 3 4th 3 7th 4 0 th and 44th years The

, , ,
.
last appears to h ave been celebrated o n a larger

scale than usual the cities o f U pper and Lo wer ,
Egypt being S pecially m entioned a s taking part in

the m Q
.
The smaller temple at Ab o o s i m b el was dedicated

by N o fr e a ri queen o fR a m e s e s to the goddess Athy r
3
, , ,
and contains chiefly religious inscriptions but also ,
some in honour o f R a m eses III whose vi c tories .

,
over th e n ations o f Africa over the north an d th e ,
south are commemorated but without any precise

, ,
dates The face o f the rock from which these

.
temples were excavated a lso exhibits sculptures of ,
various kinds and among th em some o f historical ,
import O ne records an act of homage to R a

.
meses III in the 3 8 th year of his reign on the part

.
, ,
o f an Ethiopian prince S o te k a u to hol d ing the “

, ,
onomi in T r ns
B1
a R oyS oc c lled the livin g eyes of the king
a
“
Li t eri es 2 30 0
, . . .
ears of the h mberl ins f

.
2nd S
.
.
, , .
d an
“
C a a o
1
Ro s e lh n i , Mo n . del Culto the roy l house Co p re J ul a
”
m a .
P oll 1 84 E x a a;
.
,
‘
11 230 1 xa o m r i ve r
3 R o se lli n i
.
Mon S tor iii 2

. . .
, .
(b r a 6¢ 9 a h p o i 3 0 0 0 5 0 1 9
K a i
Mon Re l t cxi
. .
,
1 73 ; a i o i r d he / O e r a d i a é h h ow es K a i r d
av
y p w
.
, . .
R o s e ll i n i , p 1 8 7 He is u . s . . . ( Sp rii p e u a .
O ffice of b a s i li c o g ra m m a t N either h ere n o r in .

,
th e other numerous examples of s uch hom age do ,
the person s rendering it exhibit any trace o f E thi o

p i an feat u res o r appear in Ethiopian costume They .
invoke the gods o f Egypt o ffer prayers for the Ph a ,
‘
raoh s and are in every respect Egyptian Either
, .
therefore N ubia between the Cataracts was governed

in this age by Egyptian princes o r as seems more , ,
prob able from th e multitude o f temples of that r e

li g i o n i ts pop ulation was Egyptia n
, O ne of these .
inscription s on th e rocks of Ab o o s i m b e l is import

ant as declaring that R ameses h ad employed th e
,
captives o f his Asiatic wars i n building the temples

o f the gods 2 9
Aristotle an d Strabo inform u s th at Sesostris

”
undertook Pliny th at he meditated th e c o n s tr u c
, ,
tion of a canal to j oin th e N ile with the R ed Sea .
Herodotus when he relates the similar undertaking ,
o f N eco 4
m ak es n o mention o f Sesostris and it is
, ,
probable that the undertaking has been attribut e d

to him from the celebrity o f his n a m e b
.
The tablet wh i ch R a m e s e s I I I caused to be erected .
a t Ab d o s containing the shields of his predecessors

y , ,
h a s been a lready described S e te i M e n e p h th a h .
1
Mon S tor
R o s ellin i , ii i 2, e
p
’
y am
p
’
as
‘
co v o v d e va
ra w eu A i y v lr n
'
Rameses III added tw o

. . .
1 89 n a p e h a fi e , 81 a v r a w 36 7 6 311 a i xp a '
la
. .
ter l columns to the inscriptions

a Adm - c m a rr a vr a K a r e a K ev a a e A 1 61r ep .
on the Obelisks of Luxor erected ,

e 7ri 7ra 0 1 r o w i e o w é rr é
’
p
'
yp l a s r e v ( he
by Rameses II but they cont in a ou fi e w yxdi p to s

f
’
a s a vr a p ep o xOnK e
T he
.
no historic l information T he
.
,
a is an exagg eration
1ra O 1
'
Meteor 1 1 4 S t abo lib

. .
coloss l statues of g ranite w hich

a
1
1 1,
p ‘3 8 F lin N H
.
.
, , .
( vol 1 p 1 71 ) are attributed to . . . .
R meses 1 1 shoul d belong to R

. . .
1
a . a
meses accordi n g to the c i t r e Lepsins ( E i l

5
thinks n .
rion l id down i n p 2 68 of this

a th t S esostri s carried his c n l only
a a a
to th e eastern extremity o f the l

.
volume va
B iod S ic 1 5 6 le y o f G oshen
.
2
Upb
. d .
, . s r
‘
s
appears to have b een th e buil d er o f the temple o r

palace th e greater part of which i s n o w buried i n
,
the sand and to h ave begun the temple o f O siris

, ,
which his son R ameses III completed . .
Eusebius gives sixty -eight years to R ameses and ,
his sixty -second is fou nd o n a tablet i n the British

'
Museum This collection also contains one o f the

.
finest specim e n s o f Egyptian sculpture in his c o ,
lo s s a l bust of red granite the rem ains of a statue ,
o n ce placed in the R a m e s e i o n o f western Thebes

and removed thence by B e lz o n i l
Mention h as been already m ade o f the tomb in

the valley of Bab -e l-M e lo o k in which the shields o f
both the second and th e third R ameses occ u r R o .
sellini wh o entered it with di fficulty found it nearly

, ,
filled with rubbish either wash ed down by torrents ,
o r purposely brought in when it was abandoned

?
It has n o t been explored to its furthest extremity ,
but there is n o appearan ce th at it was ever elabo

r a te ly executed a s we might expect in the tomb o f
,
s o powerful a monarch an d one w ho reigned S O ,
long Was the g re a t S e so s tri s content with h aving

'
covered Egypt with monum ents o f his m agnificence

and indi fferent to the S plendo u r o f his sepulchre o r ,
are we to believe that th e R a m e s e i o n was hi s burial

place as well as his palace ? Such a combination
would be v ery repugn ant to Egyptian usages and ,
yet the authors whom D i o d o r u s followed distinctly

3
asserted th at the tomb of the sovereign who built

,
th e R a m e s e i o n la y apart from th ose o f the rest of
the kings and was approached b y a flight of s te p s

,
1
B irc h, G a ll . o f 1
Mon S tor iii 2 , 2 84
p
. . . .
Vo l 1 . .15 4 . .
1
l 49
, .
[B OO K
ments His tomb in the Bab -e l-M e lo o k i s 1 67 fe et

.
in length a n d has been orn amented with great care

,
in the portions near th e entrance and o n e piece o f ,
sculpture sti ll remains of which the colour s are a s

brilliant a s when they were first laid o n ‘ Mene .
p h th ah crowned ,
with a splendid head -dress and ,
clad i n a long transparent robe fringed at the b o t

tom stands before the h awk -headed god P h re w ho
, ,
promise s hi m length o f days upon the throne This ’

.
is a s u fli c i e n t proof of the custom of excavating th e

tomb during the li fetim e o f the ki n g The n ame .
of the su ccessor o f th e R am eses wh o according to , ,
Eusebi u s reign s S ixty -eight years according to

, ,
Joseph u s S ix ty -six and w ho mu st therefore be R a ,
meses Sesostri s is i n Africanus A m e n o p h a th w ho

-
, , ,
reigns ninet e en years R emoving the A which m ay .

,
have been prefixed a s i n A r m e s s e s M e n o p h a th ,
approaches closely to M e n e p htha h With him the .
1 8 th dynasty o f Manetho conclu d es .
To the reign o f this M e n e p htha h it appears p ro

bable that we are to refer the commencement o f a
Sothiac cycle It has been already stated th at the
.
1 4 6 1 years o f which it was composed having run ,
3
o u t in 1 3 9 A D must h ave begun in 13 2 2 n o
. .
,
If
therefore we could ascertain in what year of what
king o f Egypt it began we S hould have a fixed ,
point fo r our chronological recko nings N o w a .
p assage i n the writing s o f the Alexandrian astro .
nomer and m athematici an Theon published by ,
1
t ken by Mr H y and i in the
a a s
Stor iii 2 ( Birch G ll
.
,
Ro s e lli n i , M o n .
. .
, B ritish Museum .
, a .
p l
Re li t Vol
.
2
1
1 11
0 88 M 1 11 1 1 11 11 a av
3
1 p 3 33
u A c t of this s c u l pture w
:
“ , . . . . .
m en as
.
as
TH E E I G HTE E N T H DY N A STY .
Larcher i n his N otes to Herodotus implies that this ,
cycle had one o f its b eginnings if n o t i ts i n s ti tu ,
tion in the reign o f a certain king M e n o p h r e s As

,
‘ .
there is no king in the lists whose n am e exactly

answers to this Champollion -Figeac conj ectured ,
th at the king intended was the Am m en ep hthes or

A m en op hi s who stands third in the list of the 1 9 th
dyn asty and the year o f the commencement o f the
,
1
cycle the thi r ty s e c o n d of his reign B unsen has
w .
given reasons as convincing as the nature o f the ,
evidence allows fo r considering M e n e p h th a h II as ,

.
s
the king intended We h ave thus a fixed point .
from which we can reckon downward to the reign

o f S h e s h o n k and thence to the D odecarchy and the
,
close of th e monarch y o f the Pharaohs with tole ,
rable certainty and upwards at least to the c o m ,
m e n c e m e n t o f the 1 8 th d y nasty The astronomical .
"
ceiling at the R a m e s e i o n if erected near the close ,
‘
A c i p
1 a d b M
pp vo S yncell us ( p 1 0 3 1 93 ed
e v r ct a e vo c
'
‘
e co s
1
. .
, .
30 1 9 r fie 76756 00 9 Af o b m o v D ‘
) a , c i e ( 5 th ) fr e t r o i) ind s ys '
g
. .
1 7 ) axe, a i r e m
'
a m h eb m w r o s
’
( )
’
r d e m a vva dp e va
y Ke 2 5 t h B K oy xd
‘ '
i j i fi
'
a p ar d d r ijs A Z i nrr o v,
’ "
‘
ii ews e rr l 1 5 Bu r/ a
o t o
p e v r c m ) r 1 s c
p x s p ’
y
"
A to t n a vo i} 31 1 7 p G r et
’
O
’
w o vr m a: r o iJ v i3 h ‘
y y ou 1 K o e o
y y e vo v K I I
3m tu b e “
. su m T he
years the of
h o v, d rrb r o t) 7rp ai r o u B a a th e w r K a iK ' ’
from the era of

”
( ” a ) to
M e n o hres
p oZ K t o r o ii M ea r a i
p p r ij s A i y b rrr ov
'
.
'
the end of the era of A u ustus

( a )
“
g wh q p o fi vr m Er i ) dr ( 700 ) B a m h e a w
' ' '
is to h ch d n the
1 60 5 , w i a di g 1 00 K e a -
g Ch mpol l ion Fi eac j oined the
’
years from the be innin of t h e g g ( w h y p o ii vr a t 31 7

7 d r words
i r ob w th
aera ioclet n
o f) D h ve alto
ia , we a Kv o ii h e o e vo v K t
y p o v, instead
'
'
g ether 1 years
7 05 T he era of
”
. a B ao w h ea w K 6 an d of with hence '
concluded th t the fifth y ear of

,
D iocletian be an the g of 2 9 th A u a
I deler the last k n be fore the

,
g ust A D 28 4 ( der , Ha n d b C o n c h a ri s , . i g
Ch mpollion F i eac
.
H y ksos fell in the

. .
Chron I 1 63 ; a -
g 700 th a o f ye r a
P remi re Lettre M
, ,
S othi c cycle S ee unsen s ypt

.
e a de le D u c . a B
’
Eg , .
p
B la c a s, eductin the
D g 283 1 , 22 1 , E n g .
ye rs o f the Christi n er which

.
a a a a
1
11u n se n , /E gyp te n s , B 3, S telle .
preceded it from the joint

1 605 , 1 23 p .
Vol The expression

.
,
duration of the prece in

tw o d g aeras , 4
1 3 35 p
Rameses II or III nd c tes
. . . .
we h ve a for the com

13 2 2 B C . .
”
i i a . .
m en c em en t of that of M e n O p h re s w the doubt hether these soverei ns

g
T his is the year in which we kno
.
w w a ff ere the s me or di erent .
from Censorinus vol i p ( 3 34, . .
note ) that S othiac cycle be g n

.
a a .
of the reign o f R ameses -Sesostris would exhibit ,
the state o f the heavens as they appeared i n the

beginning o f that of his successor The reign o f .
Sesostris was one o f the times assigned fo r the a p

e a r a n c e of the Phoenix
‘
p .
After the death o f M e n e p h th a h we h ave agai n

di ffi culties from the want of conformity between the
monuments and the lists and discrepancies a m ong ,
th e monuments them selves In the procession o f .
Medinet Aboo the next shield to that of M e n e p h

,
thah i s S E TE I -M E N E P H T H A H II 1 e S E T H O S whom .
,
. .
,
the lists m ake the first o f the 1 9 th dynasty But .
we fi n d o n monuments th e S hield s o f tw o othe r per

so n a g e s wi th titles o f royalty whose names read ,
Mai n P h re S i p htha h a n d Am un -meses S i p htha h

- - 92
.
appears at S i ls i li s m aking an o ffering to A m u n r e ,
accompanied by an o fficer of his court who puts ,
up a prayer for the king ; and in another sculpture

S i p h tha h supplicates A m u n re that hi s s o n N u m e i , ,
m ay s i t on the th rone after him a prayer nowhere ,
else found on E gyptian monu ments an d from which ,
it ha s been argued th at he felt dou btful o f the s ta b i

li ty o f h i s o w n power s
At Q o o r n e h he is r e p r e
.
,
sented o n a stele inserted into the wall receivin g ,
from the same god the scimitar the emblem of mi ,
li ta r y dominion S e te i -M e n e p h tha h I R ameses III

,
.
, .
,
and A a h m e s the queen o f A m e n o p h I standing by .

“
.
The presence of these persons seems to indicate

some genealogical connexion with the 1 8 th dynast y
o n the
p art of S i p h th a h although we are unable to ,
sa
y what it m a v have been H i s tomb in the B a b .
1
T c it Ann 6 28
a . .
R lli i 3 29 3
o sc n u s
M on S tor ii i
, .
. . .
,
1
R
o se ll ini , .
R lli i
. .330 1
o se n .
,
Monarchy If however the kings whom we h ave

.
, ,
distinguished a s R ameses II and I I I were o n e an d . .
the same o n ly eleven reigns intervened between

,
R ameses III and A m o s i s . .
N i n e teen th D yn a s ty . Seven Di o s p o li ta n kings .
(E u s Five )
. .
Y ears .
SE T H O S, rei g ned 51 E us . 55
R AP SACE S ( R a m p se s, 61 E u s . 66
AM M E N E P HTH E S 20 E us . 40
RA M E S E S 60 O mitted Eus .
AM M E N E M N E S 5 E us . 26
called in Homer P olybus the b u s
TH U O R I S , ,
band f Aleandra in whose time T roy w

o
1
, as
taken
I n this same second volume of Manetho

are 9 6 kin g s , 2 12 1 years .
”
It could not escape the observation o f critics ,
that the comm encement o f this d yn a s tv bore a

very suspiciou s resemblance to the term i n ation of
the last We have R a m p s e s reigning 66 y ears fo l
1
.
,
lowed by A m m e n e p h the s who reign s 4 0 in the 1 9 th , ,
and R ameses reigning 68 followed by an Ameno ,
phis reigning 40 (E u s e b ) in the 1 8 th The name s ,

. .
R amesses A rm e s s e s Armais A r m a i o s E r m a i o s if
, , , , ,
we stri ke out the vowels which were not originally ,
expressed reduce them selves to the same three

,
I n the Armeni n E usebius

1
ti 1 8 t primi D y
a 1 9 v lde n as ae e n a
i is sai d to be
.
,
Th u or s vir t mihi sunt p ti t ii d

s ren u u s su S ec an 11 a m em ,
ac f ti ior ss m if the t nsl tor bis positi t male in i

u s, as ra di a e ve rs o s
h d re d A i Ip w hi c h is utique e dem si nt
’’
fip
'
a a cx Ka v ti ti q
o r t l/ V s nc u u m a
the readin g of tw M S S f Sy n nomin re g um idem ordo idem
, ,
o . o a , ,
ll 1 69 D 3 2 0 ed D i nd d iq s p tium re g i ( P i ”
lp ipsi re g es ultimi Dy
ce u s, . . . en u e a n er z o n
E gypt O ri g I
. .
2 a
1 , ti g p . . n ve s . c xn. . .
THE N I N ETE E N T H DYN A ST Y .
letters R M S and therefore prob ably denote

, , , ,
th e same name if n o t the same person ; nor are,
R a m p s e s and R a p s a c e s so remote from R ameses

as to preclude the possibility of their also being
th e sam e Amenophis Am e n o p h a th and Amme
. , ,
n e h the s so nearly resemble each other as t

p o ,
e x c i te a similar suspicion especi ally as the Ame

'
n O p h a th of the 1 8 th dynasty reigns 1 9 years

‘
,
Amenophis o f the 1 9 th 1 9 years and 6 m onths , ,
an d Am m e n e p hth e s 2 0 Agai n the S e th o s -R a ,

.
,
meses of Maneth o quoted by Josephus is so ex , ,
a c tly a counterpart o f Sesostris - R ameses that we ,
cannot h esitate to pronounce their histories to be

the same in origin S e th o s who i s also R a
’2
,
”
m eses says he
, had a large force of ships and
,
cavalry He est a blished his brot her Armais as

.
administrator of Egypt and i nvested him with all ,
other royal au thority only enj oining upon him n o t ,
to wear the di a dem nor to inj ure the queen the , ,
m other o f hi s children an d to abstai n from the ,
royal h arem He himself h aving m ade a n e xp e

.
dition to Cyprus and P hoe n i c e and again to the ,
Assyrians and the Medes brought them all un d er ,
subj ection some by force of arms others w ithout

, ,
fighting throug h te rror of his great power ; and

,
being rendered p roud by his success he went on ,
yet more boldly subdui n g cities and lands that lay

,
to w ar d s the East After th e lapse of a consider .
ab le time Arm ais who had been left behind i n

, ,
Egypt b e g an to do boldly j ust the reverse of what

,
his brother h ad exhorted him to do He took the .
T he authors of the Lists have them w ith the quot tion from a
suppressed the d d months ever y M netho in Josep h us

o a
w here as we find b y comp rin g J oseph c Apio l
.
1 -
, a . . n ,
[B OO K
queen -mother to himself by force and did not ,
abstain from the harem ’

and at the persu asion o f
his friends he began to wear the diadem and s e t ,
himself up against his brother S e th o s was i n .
for m ed o f these things b y the chief priest and i m ,
mediately returned to P e lu s i u m and took possession

o f hi s kingdom And the country was called Ai
.
g p
u to s from his name ; for h e says that S e th o s i s
w a s called A i g u p to s and Arm ais his b rother

, , ,
”
D anaus . Here we h ave evidently the sam e nar
r a ti v e as i n D i o d o r u s and Hero dotus respecting
Sesostris the great force of S hips and cavalry the ,
conquest of Hith er Asia the invasion and s u b j u ,
a ti o n of countries lying still fu rther East ( the Bac

g
tr i a n s o f D i o d o r u s ) the distinction between the
,
n ations who timidly submitted and those who r e

sisted by force of arms the usurpation o f power by ,
his brother and the resumption o f it by Sesostris at

,
P e lu s i u m The rec i tal of Manetho it is important

.
,
to observe since his authority has been often s o

,
ligh tly treated is simple and historical ; it is i n

,
Herodotus an d D i o d o r u s th at we have it embel

li s h e d and exaggerated from popular tradition .
The monuments strengthen the suspicio n which

the lists excite We h ave seen that the 62 n d year
.
o f R ameses 11 1 has b een found ; b u t there is n o

.
trace of any o ther king of these dynasties reigning

so long We are therefore led to conclude that
.
the R ameses o f the 1 9 th dynasty who reigns 60 ,
years and the R a m p s e s who reigns 66 are one

, , ,
and the same historical p ersonage R a meses I I I of , .
the 1 8 th The identit y of Amenophis and Amme

.
1
Comp . 2 Sa m . xvi . 20 .
[B OO K
which the n am e Th u o r i s can be explained Polybus .
‘
is not spoke n o f i n Homer as a king o f Thebes bu t ,
as a rich m an by who m splendid gifts were bestowed

o n Menelaus while his w ife Alc a n d ra ( n o t very
,
consistently with the Herodotean story o f Proteus )

gave appropriate similar prese n ts to Helen a That .
we should n ot find an Egyptian king to answer to

every name which the Greeks interwove i n their
mythology is not surp rising ; yet as fiction i s not
wh olly arbitrary we might h ave expected som e
,
apparent reason fo r the selection o f this n ame .
Bunsen would read for Thu o r i s P hu o r i s Were , .
this admitted a probable derivatio n would be from

,
P h o u r o which is Egyptian for king P hu o r i s

’ 1 ’
.
,
would then be a n am e like P he ro n inserted i n the , ,
room o f o n e that had been lost o r was u nknown .
It is i n this way that we find Pharaoh u sed in the

earlier Jewish books while in the later and c o n ,
temporary history Shishak Ho p h ra N echo are

, , ,
mentioned by n am e N o such soverei gn i s foun d.
i n the procession o f Medinet Aboo n o r can we ,
trace any resemblance i n the history of P he r o n to

th at o f Thu o r i s P he ro n the s o n o f Sesostris loses
.
, ,
hi s sight either by h ereditary disease o r a s a p n

, ,
n i s h m e n t for impiously darting his j avelin into the
N ile when its inu ndation was exceeding b ounds ,
an d recov ered it by a rem edy prescribed by the

oracle In gratitude to the g o d and at th e c o m
.
m and o f the oracle he erected tw o lofty obelisks to

,
the Su n at He li o p o li s s
O ne obelisk rem ains there.
,
but no d oubt h ad once its companion ; it bears the

1
Od 1 26. Na m e, is called Ur anu s ( Ho r a p o ll
o is the Copti c for king
. . .
1
Ou r ,
’
1, l .
)
whence the royal serpent B , am
1
Dio d . l , 59 . Her .
TH E N I N ETE E N T H DYN A ST Y .
name o f S e so r ta s e n I Pliny appears to refer to it .
as set up by a king M e sp h re s O thers at Heliopolis .
he attributes to Sothis i n whose name we h ave per ,
haps th e S e s o o s i s II o f D i o d o ru s Elsewh ere Pliny.

‘ .
gives the n a me of N u n c o re u s to the son o f S e s o o s i s ,
a n d say s that th e obelisk which he erected o n the
reco very of his S ight w a s i n the Circus of the V ati

can There is however another n ame n o t indeed
.
, , ,
in the li sts b u t in the monuments for which a place

, ,
m u st be found The tomb o f S i p h th ah already men

.
ti o n e d in th e Bab -e l-M e lo o k originally exhibited o n

its walls his S hield and that o f his wife ; but they
h ave been co v ered with plaster and other i n s c ri p
tions substituted for them The nam e o f the king .
who h ad thus usurped the sepulchre o f another is

2
not clearly m ade o u t owing to th e n umber o f c h a ,
r a c te r s not phonetic with which the S hield is filled
but it seem s to b e M er i r o r M er i r a His name is .
also o n the granite sarcoph agus which remain s ,
though broken In the procession o f Medinet Aboo

.
,
his S hiel d follows that o f S e te i -M e n e ph th a h I I We .
cannot therefore question his royal dignity Bunsen .

,
o n the authority o f Sir G Wilkinson m akes him .

,
the father o f R am eses III and p rogenitor of .
the lo n g line o f princes o f that name who fill up the

2 0 th dynasty Th e same author h as also rem odeled
.
the two preceding dynasties He m akes the 1 8 th .
to e n d with Horus and the 1 9 th to consist of R a ,
messu S e te i I R ameses II M e n e p h tha h S e te i II

,
.
,
.
, ,
.
1
N H . 3 6, 1 5
. shields are g iven O ne o f them
. .
,
1
calls him Ue i or
R o s elli n i h the fi g ure w hich in the
rr as
M on S tor iii 2 3 1 7 shield of M e e p hth h is p ro

,
Rem e rr i ( . . .
, , n a
tav xiv
. where the various o c e d S t
. n u n e .
[B OO K
M e ri r a who m he takes to he the same as P hu o ri s
, ,
he places at the h ead of the 2 0 th d ynasty .
The period of the 1 8 th and 1 9 th dynasties ex

h i b i ts Egypt in a new relation to the rest o f the
world U nder the O ld Monarch y we cannot trace
.
its dominion beyond th e peninsula o f Sinai the ,
northern shores of the R ed Sea the Lib y an tribes ,
i mmediately contiguous to the D elta and in the ,
1 2 th dynasty Lower N ubia With the expu lsion .
o f the Shepherds however begins a series o f fo

, ,
reign wars which led the armies o f Egypt to th e

,
v erge of the then known world .
N ation s seem impelled b y their geograp hical p o

sitio u and thei r relation to neighbouring coun tries
to seek to expand themselves in certain directions .
Th e first necessity for th e Egyptians was to secure

th e valley o f the N ile beyond the Cataracts o f Syene .
F rom this quarter their independence w as always

threatened N ubia was inh abited by a people nearly
.
allied to th e Eg y ptian s i n blood and not inferio r in ,
valour or perhaps in civilization the banks of the

N ile o fl e r e d them an easy road to descend o n Egypt
'
which could therefore h ave no peace o r safety

, ,
unless they were kept in subj ection Possibly this .
m ay have been facilitated by m a tri m o n i a l alliances

formed towards the close of th e Hyksos period o r ,
b y th e first sovereigns o f the 1 8 th dynasty ‘ How .
ever this may be we fin d that T ho thm e s I had p o s

, .
session o f the valley of the N ile as far south as the ,
island o f Argo ; and the Egyptians remained m asters

o f this country as completely as o f Egypt itself
, ,
during the 1 8 th 1 9 th and 2 0 th d y nasties

, .
S ee before p 20 7 f this vol

1
, . o .
n ation o f Western Africa clearly characterized in the

sculptures ‘ Till the settlement o f the Ph oenician
.
colonies which falls at a later period this region

, ,
appears to have contained n o c ivilized o r powerful

nation .
Towards Palestine Syria Arabia and Mesopo , ,
tamia Egypt stood in a very di fferent relation

,
.
She h ad to fear at once the power o f the nomadic

tribes which still continued to roam over the de
,
sert regions included in these limits and the civi ,
l i z e d com munities which h ad been established i n

other parts o f them At the com mencement o f the .
1 8 th dynasty s h e w a s only j ust recovering herself

from th e invasion of o n e o f th e former class ;
the Hyksos had been driven o u t bu t from Pales ,
tine they still threatened the frontier The desert .
which divides the tw o cou ntries was but a slight

protection to Egypt ; it h as been passed by m any
i nvading armies and would offer little obstacle ,
to Palestinian o r Arabian tribes Besi d es these .

,
Palestine contained many warlike n atio n s dwe ll ,
”
in g in cities great a n d fenced up unto heaven ,
”
children o f An ak whose size an d strength ,
disheartened the Israelites and m ade them shrink

from the attempt to conquer their c o u n tr y g
They .
h a d chariots and h orses and i n the equipments ,
and arts o f war were n o t inferior to the Egyptians

th emselves The towns o n the coast were probably
.
1
There an African nati on
i s a c o n n tr b b ly the
hi l h
g y i
call desi g ted by the bo w s or M urit ni ns ( Jose ii A nt 1
y e o a
p
r , ro
“ ’
9 yw
na a a a . . .
,
w hich the E yptian this the nine bo ws

“
o s,
g B
0 \ ert h c te u c ar a r o
sovere g ns s id to re i g n A occ rs where it ca n t well be

i are a . u n o u n
b ow Copti c P hi t d hence d t od l
in is ly f th L b y an
an e rs o e x c n s 1ve o e I s
is p o e d to st nd for P h t ( S ee R lli i Mon S tor

,
su s a a o se n
w hich G en x 6) is the n me D ent ix 1 2 N umb xiii 3 1
. .
, ,
1
f . . a o . .
, . . . .
THE N I N ETE E N T H DY N A S T Y .
already engaged in navigation and commerce

Zidon is mentioned i n the dying word s o f Jacob .
Syria and Palestine were not only formidable neigh

bou rs to Egypt but a most enviable possession
, .
From the variety o f their soil and surface th ey ,
fu rn i s h e ver y choice productio n o f the vegetable

‘
world ; in the level districts grain i n the more , ,
hilly regions the oli v e the v ine the pistachio and

, , , ,
the odoriferous gums for which the temple service ,
o f Egypt m ade a large de m and ; o n th e mountain
S ides inexhaustible forests for architecture S hip ,
building and the m anufacture o f articles o f luxury

, .
Hence we find that in all ages the acquisition o f

Palestin e h as been coveted by the sovereigns o f
Egypt Tho th m e s I must have held it o r h e could
. .
,
not securely h ave carried o n wars in Mesopotamia .
Sesostris has left the record of his conquest o n

the coast and the last military exploits of the
'
R ameses appear to h ave had Palestine for their

scene . When th e S pirit of conquest revived i n
the 2 2 n d dyn ast y we find S he s h o n k invadi ng P a
,
le s ti n e and besides Jerusale m an d

,
th e fenced “
”
cities o f Judah occup y ing other p laces in that
,
country ‘ There is again an interval in which

.
Egypt was in a state o f weakness and anarchy ;

but when P s a m m i ti c hu s had united its forces the ,
schemes o f Asiatic conquest were ren ewed The .
danger o n this side h ad become more im minent .
In earlier times Egy pt appears as the assailant o f the

Mesopotamian nations ; but the Assyrians under
their later sovereigns had become a conquering
people and Se n nacherib had advanced to the gates
,
2 Chron x ii 4 1
. . .
of P e lu siu m
The power o f the Assyrians soon
.
after p assed into the hands o f a people even more

warlike the Bab ylonians N eco w h o had advanced
, ,
to the Euphrates received a total defeat at Carch e

,
mish . After this the Pharaoh s renounced their

,
attempts to m ake them selves m asters o f the country

as far as the Euphrates but Apries recovered much
o f the sea -coast o f Palestin e and of the interior of
Syria U nder the Persian power all these countries

.
were united in o n e monarchy ; but n o sooner h a d

an independent power been established in Egypt
than a struggle fo r the possessio n o f Syria began
o n the part o f the Ptolemies which was met by ,
attempts o n that o f the Seleucid ae to m ak e them

selves m asters o f Egypt The sam e struggle has.
been renewed S ince th e Moham medan Conquest .
The powers which h ave succes sively reigned i n

Egypt Fa te m i te s Ayubites M a m lu k e s Turks h ave
, , , , ,
all aimed at the s ame obj ect but down to the recent ,
attempt o f Moh ammed Ali n o permanent u nion has ,
ever been e ffected between the tw o coun tries .
Even the Pharaohs with all their bo astful claims

to victory a n d dominion never could inco rporate
them with Egypt If o n e sovereign appears to have
.
put down all resistance we find i a t hi s successors

, t .
have soon to combat the sam e nations Yet this .
would be an i n s u fli c i e n t ground for calling i n ques

tion th e realit y o f their expeditions a n d victories .
We are not indeed to receive the accounts of them

as literally true ; Egyptian sculptures and hiero
l
g yp h i c s were not m ore veracious th an m od e rn
gazettes and bulletins ; B e l and N ebo m ay h ave been
thanked for the same events as Amun and P hre we
li ty and regularity o f the Egyptian government

allowed the soverei gn s to be absent from their d o
m inions wit h o u t danger ; the people were n o t s e
d u c e d from their allegiance even in th e nine years

’
expedition o f Sesostris If Cambyses could reign .
from Media to the c onfines o f Ethiopia an d to the

n ean sea there seem
,
s n o reason why the sove
reigns o f the 18 th and 1 9 th dynasties o f Egypt may
n o t h ave traversed these countries with their armies ,
and m ade them for th e time their tributaries .
To this period later writers refer the arrival o f

the first Egyptian colonists i n Greece Herodotus .
fully believed in the fact but he did n o t connect it ,
with any p articular e vent in Egyptian h istory He .
relates the introduction o f the worship o f Egyptian

deities at D odon a by a fem ale m inister stolen from
,
the temp le o f Thebes the flight o f the d augh ters o f

D anaus from the son s o f E g yp tu s and their touch ,
ing at R hodes in the way he attributes to the m

the introduction of the rites o f Ceres into the Pelo
o n n e s u s and traces the genealogy o f the D orian
p ,
kings th rough Perseus a n d D an aus to Egypt D ivi .
nation processions and solem n festivals according

,
‘
,
to him all came to Greece from the same source

, .
N either he n o r the Greek writers who followed hi m

appear to h ave doubted the fact o f the extensive
influence o f Egypt o n Greece nor its having been ,
produced by colonization The circu mstances o f .
the arrival and establishment of D an aus are indeed

—
clearl y mythic the fi fty -oared S hip the equal n um ,
ber and m arriage of h i s ld a u g hte rs and hi s brother

' '
1
2 , 5 4 5 8 , 1 71 , 1 8 2 6, 5 3 Thé
, . Da n us a an d Lynceus as natives of
i nh bit nts
.
a a of Chemmis c ai m e d their city .

THE N I N ETE E N TH DY N A ST Y .
ZE gyp tu s sons , th e murder o f all but Lynceus by

’
.
the D anaides ‘ But removing these there rem ain.

,
the belief o f the Greek s that the ancient royal

family of Argos was o f Egyptian descent — a belief
which cannot h ave sprung up and become n ational ,
without a S pecific cause — and the conviction o f

.
Herodotus w h o kne w b oth Greece and Egypt well

, ,
that the Grecian rites had been derived fro m E gypt .
2
Som e circumstances see m to indicate th at Ph oe
nicia was the m edium through which the worship
o f Io w a s brought to Gree c e yet the interval was ,
prob ably short as the Egyptian name was pre ,
served J o s e p hu s s ays th at th e Egyptians became

.
3
known to the Greeks th rough th e m eans o f the

Ph oenicians who visited Greece for purposes o f
,
com merce and these visits began i n the heroi c age

, .
Speaking o f the introduction o f the Bacchic r i tes

into Greece Herodotus gives it as his opinion that
,
Melampus by who m they were taught to th e Greeks

, ,
had him self derived his knowledge of them through

the Ph oenicians namely fro m Cadm us the Tyrian , ,
and those who came with him from Ph oe nicia into

“
B oe otia Indeed there 1 8 some reason to believe that
.
M e la m p u s th e supposed founder o f these Bacchic

,
rites in Greece and progenitor o f a caste o f sooth ,
T he number of fifty sons and sons f [E gyp t h d served their o u s a
dau g hters arose from a mythical purpose when f them had one o
propr i ety T he vessel i n w hich a fur ished a soverei g n t A g ; the n o r os
voyag e from E gyp t to G reece was

.
tw disposed of by the dagg ers re s ere
p erformed could not be inferi to f their wives T he D anaides 01 o . re

a p t t the lar g est then mained
e n e c o n o r,
S ee p 63 of this volume
.
known B t the heroes of yth

u m o
2
lo gy the A rg onauts were their -

. .
’ ’ '
3
b
'
, as b y ,p i ( o /m es Kar e xn o
'
ta v ro s
o wn ro w ers hence the sons of

,
”
E h hno w ' ‘
e n s tovrh e o vr e s e v
'
ev s F
Y i
I/ ( )
JE g yp t were fifty and the D

u s a 0 9770 0 11 , K a i 8L e xe fv co v A Z‘y v fl
c A pion
,
na i d e w hom e ch coveted for a

s, a m ac ( Jos . .
bride of an e qual number T he

.
, .
4
Herod .
sayers i s only another name for Egyptian and

, ,
th at the Egyptian origin o f the Bacchic rites i s the

fact m eant to be expressed in calling Melampus ,
t h eir aut h or ‘ The Attic worship o f N eith under

.
,
the n ame of Athen a h a s evidently come from the ,
Phoenicians o f B oeotia .
In the age o f Herodotus historical ch rono logy

was n o t su fficiently cultivated to induce an i d e n ti
fi c a ti o n of D anaus with an individual kin g o r prince
o f Egypt The Greeks h ad already connected th e
.
war o f Troy and the wanderings of Menelaus wit h

Egyptian hi story but they contented themselves ,
with tu rning Proteu s into a kin g o f Egypt an d ,
Thone into a guardian o f th e mouth o f the N ile .
But when learned chronologers bega n to synchro

n ize th e histories o f di fferent countries it w a s n a ,
tural to seek for such illustriou s personages as

D an au s and E g y p tu s j oint fou nders through a son , ,
and daughter of the Argive royal family among th e

, ,
ch aracters o f history The feud of R ameses and .
the brother whom h e m ade his Viceroy repeated i n ,
the story of S e tho s and Armais was o n e o f th e fe w ,
personal anecdotes which th e Egyptian records h a d

p reserved and was therefore fixed upon to exp lain
,
the hostility o f D anaus and E g yp tu s S e th o si s says .

,
Manetho was calle d E g y p tu s and E r m a i o s ( Ar m ais )

, ,
hi s brother D an aus The resemblance indeed 9

.
, ,
ceased with this circum stance ; but this identification

served to m ak e th e Macedonian conqueror o f Egy p t
Ap o llo d B ibl S c li g er M k p fi é k since

11 l 4 AZ of a e a ou
—
. . .
, .
, ,
‘
y w ‘
rr o c
p l p
i
Kara a r
3 M flE t thi
/( and the S choliast
e vo s 7 1 1; e u s a u s on
Aa p m do m
xbpu id c i) d dauthe P rometheus evidently re d
a )
’ '
c a vr o m a as
paa a
f Ai y
'
Th ere
w rr o u ppe rs
. no w w do ( S ee I I
a
y d l ) a e no c ne a oc
J ose ph c Ap l 2 6
. .
su fii m en t re son for the conj ecture

a 2
. . .
, .
[B O O K
cause The Exo d us o r d eparture o f the Children

.
,
o f Israel from Egypt falls according to the common

,
chronology about the year 1 4 9 0 B C ; but a s n o king . .
i s n amed in the account either o f their settlement

,
in Egypt o r o f their departure we cannot connect ,
th e scrip tural history with the regnal ch ronology

o f the Pharaohs The time o f their residence is
.
distinctly fixed both i n the prophecy o f the fortunes

,
o f his descend ants to Abrah am and in the n arrative
o f the Exodus itself In the former ( Gen x v 1 3 )

. . .
G o d says to Abraham Thy seed shall be a stranger

,
in a land that is not theirs an d shall serve them ; ,
and they sh all a fflict them four h undred years But .
i n the fourth generation they shall come hither

”
again . In Exodus (xii 40 ) it i s said The so .
,
“
j o u rn i n
g o f the children o f Israel i n the land o f
Egypt was four hundred and th irty years ; an d at
the end of the four hundred and thirty years even ,
o n that very day all the hosts o f Jehovah went o u t

,
”
from the land o f Egypt These words are s o pre
.
cise th at n o other sense would h ave been a ffi xed to

,
them th an that the soj ourning in Egypt lasted 43 0

years had n o t a d ifli c u lty arisen from th e mention
,
o f the fourth generation in the proph ecy to Abraham ,
and the genealogical notices i n Exod i 1 6 1 9 v — . .

,
N umb xxvi 5 8 where K oh ath is m ade the grand

. .
,
father and Amram the father o f Moses ; K ohath

,
being the s o n o f the Patriarch Levi ( Gen xlvi . .
a n d h avin g gone down with him into Egypt Th e .
di ffi culty of stretchin g o u t four generations to 4 0 0

years w a s early felt where it was most n atural that a
,
chronological d i fli c u lty connected with Egy pt sh ould

be felt at Alexandria Accordingly in th e S e p tu a
,
.
TH E N I N ETE E N T H D Y N A ST Y .
gint Version m ade by learned Jews at that seat of

,
G r aec o -Egyptian science Exod xii 40 reads thus , . .
The soj ourning o f the children o f Israel which ,
they soj ourned in the land o f Egypt a n d i n the la n d

of Ca n a an was 4 3 0 years
, th e Samaritan Penta
teuch which so often agrees wit h the Septuagint
,
‘
against the Hebrew here also follows the Greek ,
V ersion Josephus is inconsistent ; in o n e place he

.
reckons the whole period of Egyptian bondage at

Q 3
4 0 0 y e a r s ; in anot h er h e gives 2 1 5 years to the s o
j o u r n i n g o f Abraham and the p atriarchs in Canaan ,
and 2 1 5 to th e soj ourning i n Egypt This recko n .
ing appears to h ave been adopted by th e Jews wh o ,
chiefly u sed the Septuagint in the age o f the preach ,
ing of th e Gospel and is the foundation o f St Paul s

, .
’
remark ( Gal i i i . th at th e promise to Abrah am

.
”
preceded by 43 0 y ears the giving of the Law That .
the reading o f the Sept u agint i s an arbitrary and

uncritical alteration o f the text is now generally
admitted it appears to remove o n e di fficulty to
create a greater ; since the i n crease o f the children
of Israel from seventy person s to fi g h ti n g
m en in 2 3 0 years is i n credi b le A ge n eration is .
n o t to be understood i n the prophecy to Abrah am
in th e strict and scientific sense it evidently means

th e average period o f the li fe o f m an which might ,
fairly be estimated at a century when 1 1 0 120 , , ,
1 3 0 and 13 7 y ears are assigned as its actual d u ra

,
T his may perh ps be expl ined Jew s of P alestine who hated the
a a ,
by the f ct that the S am ritans Hellenists as much as they did the

a a
appear t h ve been a considerable S maritans

o a a
A nt 2 9 I T p
.
body m Eg ypt ( Fl v V op S atur a . .

~
p w
2
.
, , . er a xo m wu e
ni nus c
, . and may have lived xp 3 1 d j cro w ou ou 77 r v a s
a r c
‘
u vv a a v
there more harmoniouslyy w ith the h p f ra am w a ts .

‘
Hellenistic Jew s th n wi th the A nt 2 1 5 2

a
3
.
, , .
tion There i s then no s u fli c i e n t ground for i m

.
peach ing the purity o f the Hebrew text nor fo r ,
giving to it any other than its obvious meaning ,
that the children o f Israel dwelt 4 00 years in Egypt 1

.
The w ords o f the prophecy to Abrah am d o not n e

c e s s a r i ly imply that their o ppression should last s o
long .
If th e n the Exodus falls in the 1 5 th century before

Christ and the children o f Israel went down into
,
Egypt 40 0 years before their settlement mu st h ave ,
taken place u nder o n e o f the dy nasties between the

1 4th and the 1 8 th The friendly reception which they .
met with in Egypt and the facility with which the ,
fertile lan d of Goshe n lyi ng towards Palestine and ,
Arabia w a s assigned to them is most naturally

, ,
explained if we assume th at the Pharaoh who

,
raised Joseph to the rank o f vizir was o n e o f the

Hyk sos race The Hyksos were Ph oenician shep
. .
herds th erefore o f a Semitic race like the Israelites

, ,
and by placing them o n the frontier of Asia they ,
secured themselves a friendly garrison i n that vul

n e ra b le p art of their dominions It is true that we .
find no m arks o f the sovereignty of a foreign race

in the account o f the settlement o f the Israelites .
Everything corresponds with the usages c e re m o ,
nials and condition o f society as we know th em ,
from m onuments o f th e n ative Egyptians The .
native gods are in high honour ; th e prime -minister

receives for a wife the daughter of the chief-priest
T here still rem ins th cur cy to make them histori cal

a e
‘
di fli a as
cultyy th t Moses i s made the g e t docu ents in th t interval when

,
a 1 a m a
the children of I sr el h d ce sed

,
d of Levi B t it p
so n . u 1s 1o a a a
ble that g ene lo g ic l re g isters to be family and had not yet b

a a a a e
wo ld be preserved with such
u c ome a nation ? ac
H S I T O RY or E G Y PT .
[ K
B O O
only to seventy persons could hardly excite a p p re ,
h e n si o n however much the Egyptians h ad su ffered

,
from an invasion o f a nomad people We d o n o t .
know i n d e e d fro m other a u tho ri ti e s th a t shepherds

, , ,
like swineherds were an abo m in atio n to the E gyp

,
tia n s ; but they were o f a low caste and their 0 0 ,
cu a ti o n evidently ranked below th at o f th e culti

p
v a to r o f the soil
‘ .
The language of th e Book of Exodus a new king ,
”
arose who k new not Joseph points to a change o f ,
dynasty and th e commencement o f the N ew Mo

,
n a rc h y rather th an the succession o f a sovereign o f

,
th e sam e family in wh om such ignorance would be

,
incredible an d a lo n g interval must h ave occurred ,
o f which the historian gives u s some general measure
by saying that the children of Israel after th e“

,
death o f Joseph an d all that generation multiplied ,
an d waxed exceedingly mighty and th e land w a s

”
filled with them Thei r Oppression extended throug h
.
several reign s for Pharaoh not being a person al

,
n am e its recurrence is n o p roof that o n e sovereign

,
is i n tended th rough o u t After the expulsion o f the .
Hyksos the Israelites w ho though not the same

, , , ,
were closely con nected with them n atu rally became ,
an obj ect o f alarm and the kings of the 1 8 th dyn asty

,
endeavoured first to check their increase and then

to brea k their spirit .
I n endea v o urin g to connect the Exodus of the

Israelites with th e Egyptian hi story we must lay ,
Wilkinson M and C 2 1 6
, . .
, . them d i rty and unsh ven and
as a
A if t prove h w much they
s o o a t Beni Hassan d the tombs near an
despised eve y rder of p stors the
r o a , the p y r mids f G eez h they are
a o a
rtists both f U pper and Lower c aricat red ”s a de formed and
,
a o u a nu
E g ypt delig hted in representing seemly race .
TH E N I N ET E E N T H DY N A S T Y .
out o f the account entirely the n arrative o f th e ex

pulsion o f the Hyksos by Manetho It is only by .
‘
the m ean so f the interpolations o f Josephus that it
h as appeared to describe th e Exodus o f the Israel
i tes The a u thentic chronicles o f Egypt contained
.
,
as far as we can j udge no notice o f their settle ,
m ent residence o r departure N or do the monu

, .
m ents supply the deficiency except th at they

appear to h ave been e m ployed in brick -making i n
2
the reign o f Tho thm e s III But the account which .
Manetho real ly gives o f th e departure of the Jews ,
though by his o w n confession derived from u nau

th e n ti c and fabulous sources 3
deserves attentio n ,
as exhibiting the popular belief Josephus h aving .
represented Manetho as identifying the Jews with

the Hyksos charges him with falsehood in men
,
ti o n i n g Am e n ophis as the king u nder whom the

4
Exodus took place when h e h ad himself declared ,
it to be Te thm o si s ; but Manetho is liable to no

such imputation and it i s Josephu s who h as sacri
,
fi c e d truth to n ation al p ride This popular account .
represents th e expelled n atio n not as foreigners , ,
but as an impure and diseased portio n o f the E g yp

tian people Am enophis a pious king desirous
.
, ,
of obtaining a vision of the gods such as Horu s his ,
predecessor h ad enj oyed h a d been exhorted by his ,
namesake Amenophis an inspired m an to clear the , ,
land o f all impure persons a n d those w h o la b oured ,
under a n y bodily defect He accordingly collected .
them to the number of and relegated them

1
S ee p 187 of this vol 4
e m i fr o r ycr a s
’
e
d N
S ee p
. .
2
230 o f this vol y ou B a a th e a
’
(C Ap I ,
o f this vol note ‘
. . . . .
3
S ee p . 1 89 .
,
[E o o x
to the qu arries eastward of the N ile along with the ,
separated portion o f the o the r E g yp ti a n s I th a pp e n e d .
t hat among the leprous persons who in virtue of the ,
edict were consigned to this region and co ndemned

to labour were some learned priests The sooth
, .
sayer w ho had given advice to the king to clear his

land was alarmed when he thought of the hostility
,
which he should bring down on the part of the gods

by the violence o ffered to their mi n isters and put ,
an end to his life leaving behind him a written ,
prediction that the imp u re persons would obtain

,
auxiliaries and b e m asters o f Egypt for thirtee n

years The king mo ved by their su fferings as
.
, ,
signed them as a n abode the Typhoni a n city Of

Abaris which had once been occupied by the Shep
,
herds b u t was then un p eopled Here they chose

, .
for themselves a leader O s a rs i p h one of the priests ,
o f Heliopolis He formed th e m into a confederacy

.
,
whose princip le was h ostility to the religio n of

Egy p t and O p position to its laws and customs .
Havin g fortified their city they sent for aid to the

Shepher d s who had been expelled by Te th m o s i s
and then occupied Jerusalem and invited them to ,
invade Egypt by the promise of r e -establishin g them

in the country from which they h ad been expelled .
T w o hundred thousand men obeyed the call and ,
Ameno p his w ent to meet them with men ,
but thinking that he was acting in opposition to

the divine will withdrew with his forces into Ethi
,
opia leavin g behind him his son S e th o s ( called also

,
R ameses from R a m p s e s h i s father) a child of fi v e ,
years o ld h a v i n g first collecte d together the most ho

,
m oured of the sacred anim als and warned the priests ,

[B OO K
the Jewish n ation are impure Egyptians and their ,
leader a renegade priest The bitterness o f n ational .
and religious hatred and contempt i s expressed

by representing them as originally a company o f
lepers a disease o f wh ich we do not read in Scrip
,
ture before their residence i n Egypt but which ,
seems to h ave been rife among th em afterwards if ,
we m ay j udge from the anxio u s precautions o f the

Law against this disease ‘ The historical n arrative .
and the tale agree in the circum stance th at the de

parture o f the Jewish people wa s acco m panied by
calamity to the Egyptia n s b ut all the circum stances ,
o f th at calamity are entirely di fferent The Ame .
n O p h i s to whom it refers if an historical personage , ,
m ust be the M e n e p h th a h o f the monuments the ,
father o f R ameses -Sesostris ; we know his history

from these m onuments with con siderable minute
ness an d it is quite inconsistent with the s to r v o f
,
Manetho Probably however Amenophis has been

.
, ,
introduced into the story without regard to c h ro ,
n o lo
gy from h i,
s high reputation fo r
p i e ty
Q
What .
Jews an d Christians regard as an act o f cruelty and

inj ustice th e Egyptians considered a s the necessary
,
mean s o f obtaining the favou r o r averting the d i s

pleasure o f th e gods The king w a s to be rewarded
.
,
accord in g to one acco u nt by a sight o f the gods , ,
s accordi g to oth ers by deliverance from p e s ti le n c e

n ,
a
,
o r from th e displeasure o f Isis o r famine if he

“ 5
, ,
destroyed or expelled the enemies o f the gods .
T he story of Job th t a
2
S ee 208 of this vol
Fr lib
.
the lepros w as cousi dproves

ered i as n
3
D io . . 40 .
d i ti t e extremest de g ree of 4
Ch r Jos c Ap 1, 3 2
di vine g
ca n ee a
p
J os
. . . . . .
li sp le and consequent
a s u re 5
. 1 , 33 .
g ilt
u .
TH E N I N ETE E N T H DYN A ST Y .
Popular fable such as we are dealing with would

, ,
n aturally fi x o n an eminent name like that o f Am e

n o hi s whose connexion with Ethiopia gave proba
p ,
b i li ty to th e account o f his flight to that country .
Who was the Pharaoh o f the Exodus in the ,
silence o f Egyptian monuments and the u ncertainty

of Jewish chronology we m ay never be able to as
,
certai n The m ost important fact in reference to

.
the providential character o f th at event a crisis in ,
the religious history o f the world is that Israel , ,
was brought o u t o f Egypt not in a period o f its

,
weakness and depression but when its monarch y

,
was warlike an d powerful ; and only the strong

hand and outstretched arm o f Jehovah could have
e ffected its deliverance .
We could n o t suppose that this event w a s ac

complished by the aid of a n auxiliary body of P a
le s ti n i an Hyksos wi th out imputing to the author
,
o f the book o f Exod u s a wilful suppression of the
truth. But it i s p ossible that the expulsion o f

th e Hyksos under the first ki n gs o f the 1 8 th d y
n asty m ay n o t have been so complete but that a,
considerable remnant o f the population was left

behind in the cou ntry eastward o f th e D elta and ,
that uniting themselves with the Israelites they ,
may have contributed to produce that great i n

crease o f numbers which alarmed the kings of
Egypt It was probably during th e close union o f
.
Ph oe nici a with Egypt that the alphabetical ch aracter

o f the former was arranged and learned by the
,
Israelites In the preceding part o f the history

.
there is n o trace o f its use b ut fro m the account

of the giving of th e Law it is evident that it was
,
Y2
[B OO K
known at the Exodus though prob ably little d i f ,
fused among the nation at l arge ‘ Such an adapta .
tion o f the phonetic system of the Egy ptians is m ore

likely to have been m ade b y the Ph oenicians than
by the Jews and the use of the s am e alph abet by
,
both m ay be best explained by their dwelling to

gether in Egypt before they became neighbours i n
th e land o f Canaan .
D uring their residence i n Egy p t and probably ,
in conse q uence o f this intermixture the com m on ,
people among the Israelites appear to h ave lost in

great m easure their belief in the God o f their fore
fathers When Moses came with a message from
.
him it is evident that he w a s not k nown to the m

,
under hi s distinctive appellation nor have we any

account o f their religious history during the whole
interval from th e settlement in Gos hen to the
Exodus Their ancient faith w a s revived by the
.
mission o f Moses and the events of the 1 r deliver

ance but there are evident m arks of the prevalence
,
both o t E gyp ti a n and Ph oenician superstitions among

'
them notwithstanding the repugnance which their

,
tradition ary u sages created between the m and the

g
E g yp ti a n s As th e land o f Goshen bordered o n
.
Heliopolis a n d was not far removed from Memphis

, ,
the chief seats o f the worship of Mnevis and Apis ,
it is not wonderful that in thei r first distrust o f the

p ower of Jehovah they recurred to the worship of ,
the golden calf The prophet Amos informs u s .

,
The mention of S ig net -rin g a tian f bri c it w ould serve like the
a
in the hi story of J ud h is no proo f br c elets d the st ff to identify

, ,
a a an a
of l p h betic l c h r c ters
,
of the u se a a a a a the w w hi h i ll th t the story

o n e r, c s a a
in the p triar c h l times Th ou g h
a a re uires ( G en xxxviii 1 8
q E xod viii 2 6
.
. . .
,
worn only as an orn ment of E gyp

a , . . .
The mo num ent s o f the re i gn o f R ameses I V .
sh ow that the power Of th e 1 8 th and 1 9 th dynastie s

h ad been tran smitted unimpaired to the 2 0 th The .
pavilion o f Medinet -Aboo o r Southern R a m e s e i o n ,
exhibits the S plendid ceremony o f hi s coronation ‘

In the first compartment the king appears seated ,
under a canopy the cornice o f whic h i s formed by

,
a ro w of the royal serpents o r u r aei T w o figures .
o f the goddess o f Truth and Justice stand behind
his throne and cover the back o f it wit h thei r

,
outstretched wings R ameses wears hi s h elmet .
and carries in his hands the emblem o f Life and ,
the hook an d scourge th e emblem s o f D ominion , ,
w h ich serve also to identify hi m with O siris The .
S phin x and the h awk symbols o f royalty adorn , ,
the side o f the throne which is supported by the ,
figure o f a lion and o f tw o captives The poles .
o n which this canopy is carried are supported o n
the shoulders of twelve princes o f the blood other

attendants carry a broad umbrella and feather
fans Three priests distin guishable b y their sha ven
.
,
c rowns walk beside the throne carryin g the arm s

, ,
and i nsignia of the king and fou r i mmediately ,
behind it They are followed by six more princes

.
of th e blood som e with hatchets an d some with

,
feather -fan s Military attendants bearing the steps

.
o f the throne and square blocks o f wood o n which

,
it might b e rested when lowered from the shoul ,
ders o f the bearers close the lower line o f the ,
procession In the upper im mediately behind the

.
,
throne walk tw o men in civil costume w ho from

, ,
1
V ol . 1 . p . 1 61 . Wilkins n M nn erso , a and ,
Customs pl , .
76 .
TH E TW E N T I E T H DYN A ST Y .
their attitude appear to be m aking proclamation ‘ ;

they are followed by p rinces of the blood fan ,
bearers an d guards In front of th e throne walk .
two priests who turn their faces back towards the

,
king and scatter grains o f incense o n a censer ; a

scribe reads from a roll ; two more princes o f the
blood mixed with priests and military O fficers m ak e
, ,
u p the rest o f the procession which i s headed by ,
drumm ers trumpeters and players o f the double

, ,
pipe .
The second comp artment b egins with a libation

and burning o f in c ense m ade b y th e king who ha s ,
descended fro m his throne to Amun K hem The , .
statue next appears carried in procession by twenty

two priests hidden all but the feet an d heads by the
,
drapery of the platform o n which the statue is

erected The king walks before the god having a
.
,
staff in o n e h and a sceptre in the other and the , ,
red crown o f the Lo w er Country o n his head He .
is preceded by a wh ite bull before who m a priest ,
burns incen se and a long train of other priests carry

,
standards o n which are fixed images o f the j ackal ,
the bull th e cynoceph alus the h awk emblem s re

, , ,
s p ec ti v e ly o f Anubis Apis Thoth and Horus The , ,

.
i mages and shields o f som e o f the predecessors o f

R ameses are also borne on th e shoulders o f the
priests but a m ore complete succession is given
,
afterwards The king n o w appears wearing the

.
Q
P s c hen t which o n the R osetta s to n e
,
he is d e t
scribed as having put o n when he entered the
The hand raised towards the i a fih fl v s i s r d
'
w e p tee p e vo s
f f :
’
cv
mouth is i d i ti f k i g
an n ca on o re ea r s n
'
M c p cpa “ W r ek e a fi T a 11 0 1
g 1t h
in E g y pti n pict res
a u . 77
1 w a a hv
p N/ a 7 779 B a m h e fa s
’
.
3
K a h o vy e m ;
'
B am h e fa IX
I/ G VT, 12 from the end
) .
temple o f M e mphis to perform the ceremonies pre

,
scribed o u taki n g th e throne The hieroglyphics .
i n front o f the king describe him as putting o n the

crown o f the U p p er and Lower countries Four .
bir d s are at the sam e tim e let loose by the priests ,
and th e columns of hieroglyphics above them bein g

headed b y the symbols of the four cardin al points ,
i t has been ingeniously conj ectured by C h a m p o l

‘
lion that the birds were to an nounce to E ast w est ,
, ,
N orth and South the fact that R ameses I V w a s

,
.
crowned .
I n the last com p artmen t the king h a s laid aside

h is crown and with a helmet on hi s head cuts with
,
a sickle six ears of corn which a priest binds to ,
gether and offers to th e sacred bull This c e r e m o n v .
no doub t was emblematical of the relation b etwee n

the kingly o ffice and agriculture the great source ,
o f the prosperity of Eg y t It was also very ap

p .
r o r i a te to the character of Amu n K hem who

p p ,
symboli z ed the productive power of n ature The .
queen w h o was not present at the procession o f

,
the statue o f Amun K hem appears in the two last ,
compartm ents not however as taking a part in the

,
ceremony but only a s a spectator

, .
The interior court of the palace at Medi n et -Aboo

contains an inscription in not fewer th an seventy
fi v e columns he a r i n g date the fifth year of his reign
, ,
in which h i s victories over various n ations are com

m emorated “
It i s not acco m p anied by an y histo
.
r i c a l picture and is i n some parts inj ured by time

,
and i n others obscure in its construction but

enough remains and i s intelligible to furnish u s
Lettres d E g y p t p 3 47 lli i M R tav cxxxix cxl
’
e, R
. . o se n , . . . . .
[B O O K
troops i s represented bows qui vers spears battle , , ,
axes and scimitars are piled o n the ground and ,
distributed by the o ffi cers to m e n who come in

companies to receive th em T he lowest compart .
ment which perhap s sho u ld be considered as the

,
first i n order exhibits th e enrolment o f the soldiers

, ,
performed by a pri nce o f the blood attended by h is ,
offi cers N ext begins the m arch The k in g i n his

. .
b i g a is accompanied by hi s guards an d as Di o d o ru s ,
describes O s y m a n d ya s by a lio n before him is a n

,
other ch ariot on which is erected the royal standard ,
the head o f Amun with the disk o f the s u n In s i x .
lines o f hieroglyphics placed a b ove the god promises ,
to g o before him into the lan d o f the enemy and ,
m ake him pass victorious through it This and the .
following scene represent the m arch through Egypt ;

the next exhibits the Egyptians in conflict with their
enemies Their head -dress is di fferent from that o f
.
a n y foreigners who m we h ave yet found o n the m o

n u m e n ts ; a high cap o r he lm et wider at the top ,
th a n at the base divided into coloured stri pes with

,
disks o f metal attached to it descending o n the back ,
o f the neck and fastened beneath the chin It is

, .
n o t unlike the h ead - dress o f figures o n the Perse

‘
politan mon u m ents but i n other respects their
,
costume is di fferent They carry round shields

.
,
with spears and short straight swords The arrows .
o f the king are m aking h avoc among them ; they
fl y in all directions an d som e o f them appear to

,
have seized o n an Egyptian chariot of which the ,
driver had b een killed to aid i n their escape They

, .
were probably a peo ple of nom adic life ; fo r in the

Wilkinson , M . and C 1, 3 67
. .
THE T W E N TI ET H DYN A ST Y .
rear are waggons with solid wheels and bodies of

wicker w ork drawn by oxen containing their women , ,
and children Their n ame which w a s read To ka ri .

,
b y Sir G Wilkinson is read Fekka r o o by Cham

.
,
p o lli o n and R o s e lli n i ‘but no name in ancient g e o ,
graphy has been found by which it can be explained .
Th e Egyptians were aided i n this campaign by a

body of foreign auxili aries who m ust have been ,
taken perm an en tly i nto their service as they form ,
a part o f the arm y when it sets out o n i ts m arch ,
and h ave previously appeared among the troops o f

R ameses III They have a helmet of a very p e .
cul lar shape a horned crescent being fixed o n the ,
top with the additio n o f a stem surmounted by

,
a b a ll g
Their n ame is written S ha i r e ta a n with an
.
,
addition which shows them to h ave been a maritime

people an d though at ti mes in alliance th ey were at
,
other times in hostility with Egypt .
The next scene represents a lion -hunt o n e of

these anim als lies in the agonies o f death under the
feet o f th e royal horses another pierced with three
arrows is takin g refu ge among the water -plants ,
which indicate the vicinity o f a river R emember .
ing the allusions o f the Jewish prophets to the lions

w hich h arbour o n th e banks of Jordan and are ,
a
driven o u t by the swelli n g of its w a te r s we can ,
h ardly avoid the conclusion that R am eses was n o w

o n his progress through Palestine If this be the .
case it will b e somewh ere on the coast of Palestine

,
,
O sb rn makes them E k
u royal g uards but they were
r o n i tes , ,
e VI
i e P hilistines ( Anc E gyp t p 10 7 d e tly not E g ypti n O sburn

n a s
c o siders them S d m
. . . .
, .
,
(A
.
n as I o ans. nc .
9
R o s e lli n i , E g yp t p , .
Mon Re li . a , ta v . ci He calls them

. Jer xh 1 9 1 a
. x. .
[B OO K
or a country n o t very distant th at we should seek ,
—
fo r the scene of the n ext transactio n a naval fight
betwee n the E g yptians and the nation whom they
h ad j ust before d efeated by land It is the only .
representation o f a n aval b attle remaining am on g

the Egyptian m onuments ‘ The Egyptian vessels
.
h ave both oars and sails t hose o f the enemy sails

,
only and they di ffer in their build the p ro w of the

,
Egyptian vessel is the head of a lion of the other ,
th at of a w ater -fowl the opposite end is armed

with a spike The rowers are protected by a raised
.
bulwark which ru ns along the side the co mbatants

ass a il each other with arrows from a distance or ,
board and fight h and to hand w h en the vessels are

i n contact The Eg y ptians a s usual are completely
.
victorious ; o n e of the enemies ship s has been upset ’
and is sinking ; another has grounded and the cre w ,
are en deavouring to escape B ut the king and a .
body of archers are station ed on the shore ; the fu

i ti v e s are slain or m ade prisoners and are m arched
g ,
o ff bound un der th e convoy of Egyptian soldiers .
It is rem arkable that among the cre w of the hostile

vessels are m any of the same nation distinguishable ,
by their helmets with the horns an d d isk who serve ,
in the army of R ameses We need not however

.
, ,
suppose that some ch ange of policy had converted

them from allies into enemies ; Greeks were fo u nd
fighting against Greeks in the armies o f Persia .
I n the next compartment the king appears having ,
laid aside his arms i n his civil costume and again

, ,
harangues his soldiers and distributes arms and

,
insignia to the officers as rewards of merit The .
Vol 1 p 23 0
. . . .
3 000 h ands according to the inscription are poured

, ,
o u t before the king

‘ as he S its on his ch ariot after ,
the battle to recei ve the return s and an equal num

ber in three other comp artm ents indicating that ,
60 0 0 h ad been slain Besides these 1 0 0 0 appear .

,
to h ave been m ade prisoners As the conclusion .
of the whole the king returns to Egy pt and presents

,
his captives to Am u n re an d Maut .
The S ixteenth is the latest year o f R ameses I V

that has been found o n the monuments an d the ,
lists give only th e duration o f the whole d ynasty ;

but from the extent o f the works executed i n his
reign an d the size and m agnificence of his tomb
, ,
we m ay presume that it was o f more th an the ave

rage length He appears origin ally to h ave destined
.
for himself a tomb at th e very entrance of the Bab

e l-M e lo o k but to h ave abandoned his design when
, ,
the excavatio n had been carried but a shor t way ,
an d chosen a spot further on in th e v a lle y It had Q

.
been known as th e Harper s Tomb long before the ’
discovery o f the hieroglyphics assigned it to R ame

ses I V Bruce having copied two rem ark able figures
o f harpers whic h o n e o f the apartments contains .
Its whole extent i s 40 5 feet ; not however to that , ,
direct depth i n the m ountain th e line o f direction ,
having been diverted to avoid interfering with an

This and another kind f py f d x p fi T his o m a e ve
’
e as
‘
et
‘ o av
es
which the bodies of the

ti la ti o n p rt f his description f the '
s a o o
sl in h d under one e i
a tomb f O y d y in w hich o m an a s,
t ly represente g b y D i d
a ar n ac c u s
ra e va iou bui ldin g s ppear t be co o ru s a s r s a o on

i f performed the livin g prisone rs founded
on
Accordin g t S ir G Wilkinson
. .
'
E 8
v 5d T o)
p w fx w
e vr e ix ro r o v
‘
s a o
R
.
,
- B X ameses I be an the
’
tomb and
y h
a oom u s v1ro r o v
y p I
amI
g ew r a o e .
his le g end can st i ll be tr ced near

,
u o vr eipy o ao id I
at rai TG c o a Ka rag a
e p as
x w
o vx O 3 d e
e o the entr nce bene th that of R
ar z 1 1; o u a a a
t e Bd
o va
‘ atI d x I d
c n meses IV ( Mod E g and Thebes
ra c
’
/v a s u av . . .
,
8p m xa l K ara far cv r o Ir Oc h/ o w
TH E T W E N TI ET H DY N A STY .
adj oini n g tomb The principal h all contained the

.
sarcoph agus o f the king but it had long been rifled , .
It is o f red gran i te and is covered with inscriptions

,
which h ave been filled up with a green enam el Th e .
sarcoph agu s itself seven feet in depth and fourteen

,
in length is in the Louvre the cover at Cambridge

, , .
The queen o f R ameses I V is not named t hough .

,
s h e i s represented in the scene o f th e Coronation
but o n th e j ambs o f a door in the V alley o f the

Q ueens the shield o f R ameses V I appears o n o n e
,
.
S ide an d on the other th at of the royal mother

,
“
,
r u ler o f th e world I s e She must therefore h ave

, .
been the queen of R am eses I V ‘ It is probable

that his three brothers o n e o f whom ascended the ,
throne before and tw o after him were also her sons ; ,
some at least o f the num erous other princes o f the

blood who appear i n the procession at his coron a
tion must h ave been children by hi s concubines .
That he m aintained a harem we know fro m the

representations in some o f t he s maller apartments
of hi s pavilio n at Medinet -Aboo where he is seen ,
”
amon g them playing at a game o f draughts o r chess
,
.
Ten princes app ear with their n ames in o n e of the

courts o f the palace ; the inscriptions of the four
first of these h ave received additions as they suc ,
c e s s i ve ly came to th e thron e ; the rest are qualified
simply as princes .
We found a temporary agreement between the

authentic and monumental history o f Egypt and ,
the legen d ary hi s tory as it was received by Hero

d o tu s in the reign o f R ameses III his Sesostris
,
.
,
.
Ro se lli n i Mon S tor 2

R o s e lli n i , M o n C i v 3 , 1 1 6 ;
. .
Mon li
. .
,
Re a , ta v c x x u 2 , 3
"
. . .
.
It disappears again in that of his successor whom ,
he cal ls P he ro n an d of whom he expressly s ay s that

,
he u ndertook no expedition The interpolation o f .
P roteu s after P he r o n am on g the kings o f Egypt in ,
order to connect its history with th at o f the Iliad

and O dyssey shows h o w little regard was paid to
,
truth in framing this legendary tal e It i s therefore .
u seless to seek among th e successors o f R ameses III .
for the R a m p s i n i tu s of Herodotus wh o sur p assed in

riches all his successors and buil t him self a trea ,
sure -house from which th e s ons of the architect

,
i ngeniously co n trive d to abstract a portion o f his

wealth by m eans of a moveable ston e The n ame .
appears to contain th at of R ameses which is spelt ,
among other varieties R a m p s es in Manetho but

the story o f h i s descent into Hades and his playing ,
at dice t h ere wit h Ceres so clearly discloses the ,
unhistorical ch aracter of the accou nts which Hero

d o tu s receive d as to d eter us from any attempt to
,
place h im in relation with really historical person

ages ‘. D i o d o ru s h aving related the b lin d ness of
Se so o s i s who corres p onds wit h the P he r o n o f
Herodotus passes over a lon g line o f h i s successors
,
with th e remark th at they did nothing worth y of

being recorded .
This appears to be true of the successors of R a

m eses I V All record of foreign expeditions ceases
.
with his reign The p rincipal m emorials of Rame

.
ses V .are th e lateral inscriptions of th e o b elisk

which Tho th m e s I erected at K arnak The y con
. .
tain however no historical fact His tomb in the

, , .
B a b -e l -M e lo o k is small ; th e sarcoph agus remains

H erod 2 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 2
. .
more crowded with ch aracters than those o f the 1 8 th .
As these kings were all b roth ers it w a s n atural that ,
the reigns o f th e last S hould be short His third .
year h as been found o n a m onument ‘ R ameses 1X . .
( V III ) was . accordin g t o Lepsius the son o f R a
m eses V II (V I ) He began a temple to Chon s o n

. .
the right bank o f the N ile near K arnak b u t left it ,
9
im p erfect except th e sanctu ary h i s tomb is small ,
an d appears to h ave remained unfinished at h is

death as the walls of some o f the apartments h ave
,
figures an d inscription s traced upon them b ut n o t ,
sculptured The tombs o f R ameses X X I and

. .
,
X II have also bee n ascertained ; That o f R ame

.
se s X i s executed with care and adorned with

.
,
a strological paintings The seventeenth year o f .
R am eses X I s reign has been foun d o n a papyrus

.
’
,
and the second o f R ameses X II o f R ameses X III3

. .
an d X I V nothin g beyond the n ames is known

.
,
which is the more indicative o f th e inactivity which

ch aracterized the last years o f this dynasty because ,
R ameses X I V reigned at least thirty th ree years

.
- 4
.
R o s e lli n i reckons a fifteenth by who m a hypostyle ,
h all w a s added to th e temple o f Chons at K arnak ,
founded by R ameses I X 5
.
The dominion o f Egypt had long been on the de

cline but A m u n re addresses the last R ameses in the
,
same magnificent language a s his predecessors and ,
gives him to pu t all foreign lan d s u nder hi s feet

“
.
The dimin u tion of power i n the Egyptian m onarch y

B ZE g y p t
u n sen , S telle B 3 XII d XIII h been alread
ens , .
, . an .
, as
p .1 1 9 . pl ced last but in the 1 9t a one

2
R lli i M on S tor 4 1 2 5
o se n , d y n sty S ee p 3 0 1 f this l
. .
, a o vo
lli i M on S tor 2
. . . .
A m en m whom R lli i
e se s , R o se 49 n , o se n , .
lli i Mon S tor 2 0 4

.
, . .
from the position of hi tomb R s

5
o se n
would i terpose between R ameses 1 3 7 M R tav cxlvi

, , . .
, .
,
n . . . . .
THE T W E N TI ET H DY N A ST Y .
S ince R ameses I V was probably caused . o r ac c o m
p a n i e d by an increase i n that o f i ts n eighbours .
Ethiopia seem s to h ave regained its independence .
The Phoenician cities m ust have been rapi d ly rising

by means of commerce to the prosperity in which
W e find them in the age o f S olo mon The recent .
discoveries of the antiquities of Assyria excited the

hope that by their means light would be thrown on
the relations o f that country with Egypt whose s o ,
vere ig n s from Tho th m e s I to R ameses I V r e

,
. .
,
e a te d l invaded Mesopotami a and Assyria We

p y .
cannot however trace any conformity between their

, ,
respective histories as disclosed by their monuments , .
Those o f K ho rs ab a d K o yu nj ik and N e m ro u d are ,
much later than th e 1 8 th an d l 9 th dynasties of

Egypt N o Egyptian appears among the nations
.
with whom th e A s svri a n s are at war ‘ Y et it is .
probable that when the invasions o f the Pharaohs

ceased perh aps b y means o f successful resistance
,
to them the Assyri an m onarchy rose in p ower

,
.
The G re ek traditions begin with mythe in Semi

'
ram is and end wit h it i n Sardanapalu s ; but the

,
monarchy which these mythes represent was real ,
and must h ave begun in the thirteenth century

1We d o not find any close re A ssy ri ns of N
a the Tok em r o u d ;
semblance between the A si tic na a kari or F kk p e m the r
ar o o , 3 3 1, 1
arms and dress and t h e s h pe of

.
tions represented in the E gyptian a
monuments and those w h ppe r o a a their c rts dr w n b y oxen h

a a , ear
in the A ssyri n sculptures A a some resembl nce to a n tion a a re
people rmed w ith S hields li k e presented in the A ssyri sculp

.
a an
tures ( L y d N ineveh 2 493

,
those described p 2 78 seen a re . a ar

’
s , , ,
on the h -reliefs o f K h b d
.
, ,
as o rsa a foll )
Herodotus ( l 9 5 ) s y s th t the
.
,
an d mon g the spoil is

a h a c a
2 a a
Medes revolted from the A ssyri ns

,
riot resemblin g th t bro g ht b y a u a ,
who h d r led U pper A 5 20

,
the R tn to Th th I I I p 22 1
o o o m es a u s1a
The Sh i et p 3 3 1 have m ny ye r This revolt is common l y

. .
,
a r an a , a a s .
peculi rities in common wit h the

.
,
a pl ced 71 1 C ( C li t
a B .b . ) n o n , su a n no .
z 2
I T O RY
H S OF E G Y PT .
[B OO K
that is about the tim e wh en the power o f Egypt
declined .
The battle -pieces o f the reign o f R am eses I V are .
n o t inferior i n design to the works o f h i s re d e c e s

p
sors but those who h ave studied minutely and o n
,
the spot the remains o f E gyptian art discover an i a

fe ri o ri ty in the execution The i nscriptions which .
R am eses V added to th e obelisk erected by Thoth

.
m es I betray eve n i n an engravin g their inferiority

.
i n execution In design there could be little di ffer

.
ence art in its application to sacred subj ects being

,
s o completely submitted to established rules ; but
we perceive th at the style becom es m ore loaded and

elaborate an in dication o f the decline o f taste
, .
Twen ty -
fi r s t D n as t
y y . Seven Tanite kings .
Y ears .
SM E N D E S, rei g ned 26
P S O US E N N E S 46 41 E u se b .
NE P H E R CH E R E S
AM E N O P HT H I S
OSOCHO R
PSI N ACHE S
P S O US E NN E S
In a ll 13 0 years . 1 14 13 0
Tanis o r Zoan although i ts name now appears

,
for the first time i n Egyptian history had long been ,
the most important city o n the coast o f Egypt The

branch o f th e N ile o n which it stood was the most
easterly an d the nearest to Palesti n e and Arabia ,
with the exception o f th e P e lu s i a c It i s spoken .
See vol i p
. . . 56
.
Egypt to form an al liance which implied distrust in

‘
Jehovah are described as repairing to Zoan and
‘
Hanes o r I I e ra c le o p o li s ; the desolatio n o f Zoan i s

,
Q
threatened by Ezek iel as the consequence of the i n ,

’
v a s i o n o f Eg y pt by N ebuchadnezzar I n Strabo s .
tim e it w a s still a large town the capital o f a nome

"
,
i n the age o f Titus it had dwin dled to an i n s i g n i fi

"
cant place I ts ruins attest i ts ancient importance ;
.
its p rinci p al tem p le stood within an area o f 1 5 0 0

feet b y 1 2 5 0 and appears to have been built by ,
R ameses Sesostris whose S hield i s seen in various

-
,
parts of the ruins It was adorned with an unusual .
n umber o f obelisks 5
Had its remains been e x
l re d with the sam e diligence as those o f Middle
p o
and U pper Egypt we shoul d prob ably have learnt ,
som ethin g o f the dyn asty which took its n ame from
Tanis But the inhabita n ts are rude and the air at
.
"
m ost seasons o f the year pestilential and n o trave l ,
ler has remained here long enough to ascertai n what

may be buried beneath the mounds o f eart h which
cover the site .
History h as preserved no account o f th e manner

i n which the sceptre o f Egypt passed from the D ios
polite dynast y to the Tanite and the monuments do ,
not sup p l y the deficiency The temple which R a .
m eses 1X erected to the g o d Chons exhibits a priest

.
,
wh ose n am e has been read H r a i ho r o r P e hor di 7

,
s ti n g u i s h a b le by his shaven head and panther s skin

’
,
and denominated in his shield High -priest o f

I xxx 4
s . . . S ee pl n w ith drawi g s f 5
a a n o
Ch m p olli on L E g yp t sous some f the i scri ptions in B
a ,
’
e o n u r
les P har ons l 3 0 9 P 1 5 4 f ton s E xcerpt Hier pl 38 —4 1

a o
’
a
this
, , . . . . .
Wilki nson M d E g & Thebes

i itp7 80 2
6
o u r e. , o . .
,
a
J oseph II ll Jud
. .
, .
. e . . 4, 1 1 .
7
R o s e lli n i , Mon S tor . . 4, 13 9 .
THE T W E N T Y -F I R ST DYN A ST Y .
Amun wh o at the same time appears to have

,
performed the functions o f royalty In one com .
r tm e n t of the sculptures Horus places o n his head

p a
the white cap and N e b thi th e red cap acts sym

, ,
b o li c a l o f his investiture with the dominion of U pper

and Lower Egypt He even appears in a milit a ry .
capacity with the title of Comm ander o f the archers .
Another priest whose nam e has been read P i sc hi a m

, ,
appears on the same building qualified with the ,
titles of royalty These n am es do not correspo n d .
with an y of those in Manetho and we are left to ‘

,
conj ecture that during th e time that elapsed after the

,
expiration of the R a m e s i d e dynasty and before th e ,
establishment o f the Tanite in ful l authority over

U pper as well as Lower Egypt the High -priests of ,
Thebes assumed the royal style and even military

command It would b e agreeable to the practice
.
o f Maneth o not to include them i n his dynastic

,
lists but to carry o n his chronology by m ean s o f

,
the Tanite kings even though two Or three genera ,
tions elapsed before their authority was acknow

ledged in Thebes His omission o f the reign of .
A c ti s a n e s if as D i o d o r u s r e p r e s e n ts such an inva
, ,
g
,
sion from Ethiopia really took place m a y be ex ,
plained o n the sam e principle He did not like .

,
S ab a c o found a dynasty
,
.
D uri ng a long interval from the Exodus to the ,
reign of D avi d there is no mention o f Egypt in the

,
Jewish history The Jews had not consolidated .
themselves into a nation during th e prosperous

unsen ( B
B trans fers He also g ives
to this dyn st y a N f
.
a e ru (N e
ke r a c
P l a n k a n s w e rm
, g to P sm a e he s .
h e rc h e r e s ) an d a M en ep htha h
2
2 , 60
p
.
[B OO K
times o f the 1 8 th and 1 9 th dyn asties and if they ,
occupied Palestine could o ffer n o resistance to the

armies o f R ameses III o r I V An incident men . .
ti o n e d in th e first book o f K ings (xi 1 4 ) might .
have given u s so me light into Egyptian history ,
had i ts i ndications been more precise When J c a b .

,
in the reign o f D avid slaugh tered all the m ales in ,
Edom Hadad o n e o f the royal family m ade his

, , ,
escape into Egypt and being hospitably enter ,
ta i n e d by Pharaoh recei v ed in marriage the sister

,
o f his queen Tahpenes The name o f this queen .

,
however has n o t been fou nd o n any monument

, ,
and therefore we are still at a loss respecting

th at o f her husband D uring the reign o f Solomon .
an active com merce i n horses ch ariots and linen , ,
yarn was carried o n between Jud aea and Egypt .
Solomon not only furnished his o w n armies wit h

horses and chariots fro m this country but sold ,
them again to the chiefs o f the Hittites and the

kings of Syri a ‘ The Pharaoh whose daughter S o
.
9
l omon m arried mu st have been o n e o f the latest
k ings o f the 2 l st dynasty he received as her dowry
the town o f Gezer in Palestine which the king o f ,
Egypt had recen tly taken but the friendship which

this alliance established was soon d e stroyed under
the 2 2 n d .
1 1 K in g s x . 28 . Vol . i p
. . 196
.
9
1 K in g s ix . 16.
solate condition it still exhibits so me o f the features

which are so graphically described b y Herodotus ‘
”
“
There i s says he,
i n the city o f B u b a s ti s a
,
temple very deserving o f description ; larger and

more costly temples exist but none s o pleasant to ,
behold Except the entrance it is all an island ;

.
tw o canals com e from the N ile not united but , ,
distinct as far as the entrance and one flows round ,
it o n o n e side and one o n the other The propyl aea

,
.
are sixty feet high and adorned with excellent sculp

,
tures six cubits i n height The temple being i n the .
m iddle o f the city o n e who walks round looks dow n

,
U pon it from all S ides for th e city h as been raised

by accum ulations o f earth and the temple remai n ,
ing as it originally was can be looked into An .
outer wall r u ns round it with sculptured figures , .
Within is a grove o f very large trees planted round ,
a large temple in which the image o f th e

goddess is The length and breadth of the hi er o n
.
is a stadium each way N ear the entrance is a .
road paved with stone of the length o f three stadia ,
leading eastward th rough the agora i ts breadth 40 0 ,
feet Trees reaching to the skies are planted o n

.
”
either S ide an d it leads to the hieron o f Mercury
, .
The temples o f Pasht and Thoth can still be traced ;

the mounds which surround the ancient site are of
extraordinary heigh t rising above th e area o f th e
,
temple .
S E S O N C H I S ( Shish ak ) the first o f this dynasty is

, ,
not mentioned by D i o d o r u s nor according to o u r ,
p resent text by Herodotus A happy conj ecture. of

’
Bunsen s has restored his name to the commence
2 , 13 8 .
TH E T W E N T Y -S E C O N D DYN A ST Y .
m ent of the l 3 6th section o f the Euterpe After .
Mycerinus the priests said that S a syc h i s became

k ing of Egypt and built the eastern propyl aea of the
,
temple o f V ulcan With Herodotus the time of

the building o f the pyramids represents the long
i n terval o f declin e an d i n si g n i fi c a n c e which inter
vened between the illustrious sovereigns of the 1 8 th
and 1 9 th dynasty and the revival of the prosperity ,
o f Egypt before the invasion o f the Ethiopians .
The reign of S e so n c h i s is the first which we are

enabled to con nect by m eans of a synchronism , ,
with o u r ordinary reckoning of the years before

Christ as he i s the first Pharaoh who is mentioned
,
by nam e in th e Jewish Scriptures The j ealousy .
of Solomo n having been excited against J e ro b o am g

,
in con sequence of hi s b e I n g p rophetically pointed

out by Ahij ah as th e future sovereign o f th e ten
tribes Jeroboam to save his life h ad escaped i nto
, , ,
Egypt I n th e last years of Solomon s reign an d

,
’
,
had tak en refuge with S e s o n c hi s or as the Hebre w s ,
wrote the name S h a sh a q The folly of R ehoboa m , .
had caused the erection o f a separate kingdom of

the ten tribes which h ad i ts capital at Shechem
,
.
O f this J e r o b o a m was m ade king and set Up here ,
the worship of the Egyptian divinities The country .
being thus divided by a double schism political and ,
religious and a powerful ally to Egypt being secured

, ,
S e s o n c h i s m ade an easy conquest o f Jerusalem He .
came up i n the fifth year after the accession of R e

M i 8 v pI y e
er c
’
6 e p F rom
I/ o v the mention
e ve aof'
h ac O am
'
'
i s
l h
.
Aiy f '
B
m r ov h E N yaa t Z I
’
P
eaE E E le
'
g is stion h
ov O ap p e ars
’
t h t e a e o e
A2 YXI N T he loss of the 2 in s me as the S y h o f D d u a as c IS io or s
su ch a position would easily o c cur ( t h ou g h h c hronolog y I s

.
a . is
entire ly con fused

.
( Co p W essel d D i d 1
m a o
i
.
T he S eptuag int calls S hish k

.
n s
. .
E 1 K g 4 0 a ov
9
x1 . .
,
[B OOK
hob with an overwhelmi n g force o f chariots and

o am
‘
horsemen and an auxiliary body composed o f Li ,
bya n s Ethiopians and the Troglodyte tribes w h o

, ,
’2
dwelt o n the western shore o f the R ed Sea and
Ethiopi a R ehoboam h ad n o t neglected prepara
.
tion he had built some strong places and fortified

others i n the kingdo m o f Judah h ad put garrisons ,
"
i n them an d victualled them against a siege and ,
h ad given the comm an d in them to his own sons .
S e s o n c hi s however S peedil y reduced all the fenced

, ,
cities o f J u dah and Benj amin Jerusalem appears .
to h ave m ade no resistance and thu s escaped the ,
su fferings of a siege and a storm ; but the treasures

“
both o f th e Temple and the royal palace were car

ried o ff including the golden shields which Solomon
,
h ad m ade for the u se o f hi s guards on solem n oc c a

sions and placed in the house o f the forest o f Le
,
banon It was part of the threatening of the prophet

.
Shemaiah that Judah S hould become subj ect to the

king of Egypt that they might learn the d i ffer ,
“
ence between th e service o f Jehovah and th e service

5 ”
o f the kingdom s round about D uring the reign .
o f S e s o n c hi s they probably continued i n a state o f
dependence which however was not burdensome , , , ,
s ”
a s we are told that things went well in J u d a h
d urin g th e later years o f R ehoboam .
M uch over-estimated doubt 2 Chron xi 5 -12 The B ook no

9
in 2 Chron xii 3 at 1 20 0 chariots of K ing s m k es no mention f

. . .
. . a o
an d horsemen these prep rations a
S u c h is the prob ble meanin g M y wrath

. .
9
2 Chron 1 7 a . x 1 . .
“
o f th S k
e u t d 2 Chron
nm sh ll m t be poured t upon
e n 10 n e a no ou
xii 3 T he y w ere skilful Sling ers Jerus lem by the hand f S hi
, .
. . a o
a nd very useful as
ht troops shak 11
”
There w
. .
2 Chron as a
5
xn 8
this coast c lled S uche
. . .
to w n on 2 Chron a
6
xii 12
( Pli N H 6
. . .
n supposed to be
the modern S uakin
. . .
,
.
[B OOK
oron ( l 2 1 1 ) and M a k to
.
,
l ) to be Beth
horon an d Megiddo both o f which Solomon forti ,
fied ‘ M r O sburn h as si n ce pointed o u t some

.
oth ers which bear a resemblance to known names

in Palestine Much u ncertai nty attends these
9
.
identification s because i t i s n ecessary to assum e

,
certain phonetic values for ch aracters which do not

occur elsewhere o r only in positions equally a m
,
b igu o u s There is however no uncertaint y re

.
, ,
S pectin g th e most i mportant figure o f the w hole ,
the third i n th e third line which contains in well ,
known characters J O U D H M A L K i e Jo n dab -Melek , . .

,
K ing o f Judah which being followed by the ,
u sual ch aracter fo r la n d the whole will be read ,
Land of the K in g o f Judah these shields r e

presenting not person s but places symbolized by a ,
figure of t h eir inh abitants Another figure o n the .
same wall represents the goddess Egypt w ho holds ,
in her hand four cords to each of which Seventeen ,
similar shields are attached The greater part are .
legible but n one o f the m have been identified with

,
n ames k nown in geograph y Since this is the case .
o n a monument o f the m iddle o f the tenth century
before Christ we cannot be surprised at the little

,
success which h a s attended the attempts m ade to as

certain th e nation s who are mentioned i n the sculp
tures o f sovereign s o f the 18 th dynasty the Tho th m e s , ,
M e n e p h th a h and the R ameses With th e exception .
o f a few general designations of the African nations ,
we m eet with none o f those with which the earlier

—
monuments have m ade u s famili ar N a h a r a i n a fo r ,
1 K in g s ix . 15 , 17 . 2 Chron .
9
A ncient Eg y pt p , . 15 8 .
viii . 5.
THE T W E N TY -S E C O N D DY N A ST Y .
—
example o r t hose which we h ave supposed to de
,
scribe people inhabiting th e countries eastward of the

Tigris and north -westward o f the Euphrates N ot .
withstanding the pompo u s list of n ames in the record

o f the triumphs of S e s o n c h i s it is n o t probable that ,
h i s expedition extended much be y ond Palestine He .
cou ld not h ave advan ced towards the Euphrates

without encountering th e power of the Assyrians .
There are other memorials of S e s o n c hi s at K ar ‘

n ak a n d S i ls i li s but being o f the religiou s class they
,
throw no light on the history o f hi s reign A stele .
at the latter place bears date in the twenty -fi rs t

year of his reign which must h ave been the last , .
It S peaks of his excavations i n these qu arries for

the purpose of erecting buildings at Thebes These 9
.
were carried o n by his successors in the B ubastite

“
d ynasty .
If S e s o n c hi s were th e S a s y c h i s of Di o d o ru s and
Herodotus he w a s celebrated as a legislator as well
,
as a conqueror To him Herodotus attributes the .
"
law which allowed a debtor to raise money b y pled
ging the body of his fath er u nder th e condition that ,
if he did not repay the m oney neither h e himself ,
nor any o f his family S hould be interred either in th e ,
A cuirassleather studded into any specul tions res c ti g

of a e n
the connex i on of E gypt A ssy

,
with brass sc les bearing the shield

a an
h k is fi g ured in M P risse ria in t h is g till the A syri n mo

,
o f Sh es on a e s a
t o d S ee
, .
d A e
’
Mo
v nn es e
’
E tiens e t
nu m b e tt dns nu m n s are er u n e rs o
B irch T r ns R y S oc Lit vol iii

.
P ris 1 846 p 73 5 T he n me
,
a a a o . . .
From L y d account it is evi

. . .
, , . .
, ,
how ever will not prove th t it w

, a as a ar
’
s ,
worn by S e o hi as thro w dent th t the E gy ti n remains

s nc s, a a a
stick is fi gured in the same w ork found at N ineveh 0 not be l n g o
to the e rliest g of the Assy ri n

,
be rin g the shield of queen

a a a a e a
lli i Mon S tor 4 1 65 monarchy as t h ey occur a b ove

.
9
R o se n
r inedbui l di n g s L y d N ineveh
,
C mpollion -F ig e c L U nivers
. .
, .
,
’
3 5h
’
u a ar s
a
a , ,
. ,
l 2 p 2 05 vo
S ee p 5 9 o f this vo l
. . .
,
I t w ould be premature to enter

3 4
. .
[B OO K
family sepulch re o r elsewhere He was said also to .
have erected a pyramid o f brick and placed an i n ,
scription upon it i n wh ich h e claimed fo r it a

,
superiority over the pyramids o f stone The i n .
scription as given by Herodotus has very little re

semb lance to a genuine inscription and w a s p ro ,
bably the invention of hi s guides But it is n o t at .
all improb ab le th at S e so n c h i s following the exam ,
ple o f his predecessor o f the 1 8 th century m a v ,
have employed hi s A s i a ti c captives i n brick -m aking .
The sepulchres o f the kings after the last o f the ,
R ameses are n o lo n ger foun d i n the Bab -e l-M e lo o k

,
and th ere is no reason why some o f the brick pyra

mids o f Lower Egypt which h ave been ascertained,
by the Prussian Expeditio n to be nearly double the

number previously known m ay n o t have been the ,
tombs o f later kings .
If som e o f them were b u ilt after the end o f the

1 9 th dy n asty when royal interments ceased at
,
Thebes we can understand h o w all o f them were

,
referred to that period S a syc hi s according to .

,
Herodotus built the eastern prop y l aea o f the tem

,
ple at Memphis and adorned it with sculptures of

,
remarkable size and beauty These h ave perished .

,
and the imperfect rem ains at K arnak afford no cri

te ri o n o f the state of the arts i n the reign o f S e s o n
chis It may b e better j udged o f by the statues o f
.
the lion -h eaded goddess Pasht which seem to have ,
been multiplied i n the reign of this first Bubastite

king O ne o f these is in the Museum o f Turin
.
,
another in the Louvre and a third in the British ,
Museum ‘ I n regard to i ts execution Mr Birch

. .
G llery of Antiquities pl viii

a , . .
H I ST O RY OF E G Y PT
family at R ome ‘ an d bears an inscription to this

,
pu rpose o n its opposite side ‘ .
The Book o f K ings gives n o ac c ount o f the relations

between Egypt and the kingdom s o f Judah and I S
rael from th e invasion o f Shish ak till the reign of
,
Hoshea who m ade an alliance with Seva o r So king

, , ,
o f Egypt ( 72 5 s o ) in order to throw o ff the yoke o f,
S a lm a n e s e r and the A s s yr i a n s Q
The Second Book
o f Chronicles ho w ever records an i n vasion o f Judah
, ,
by Z e ra c h the Ethiopian i n the reign o f Asa the

, , ,
grandso n o f R ehoboam In the name o f Z e r a c h .
critics h ave recognized that o f O s o rc h o n the s u c ,
cessor o f S e s o n c hi s A war between the two cou n .
tries was a n exceedingly probable event Abij ah .

,
the s o n of R ehoboam h ad gained a great victory over ,
the kingdom o f Israel Asa h ad raised an army .

,
accordi n g to th e Book o f Chronicles o f ,
m en and built several fortified places in Judah If

, .
Egypt had retained a claim of superiority and tribute

over Judah from th e time of S he sho n k s invasio n ’
,
these indications o f a growing military power would

n o t be overlook ed by her Z e ra c h ( 9 4 1 B c U sher ) . . .
,
came up with a very numerous army as far as 3
Mareshah i n the plai n o f Judah but was defeated ,
by Asa and pursu ed to Gerar o n the southern

boundary of Palestine The only di fficulty which a t .
tends the n arrative is that Z e r a c h i s called an Ethi ,
Opian ( Cush ite) N o kin g o f the Bubastite dynasty

.
could h ave been so design ated ; the work s O fO s o rc ho n
Ch m ol ion Fi g e a cl - L Un i
’ 9
E sti mated
Chron xiv 9
in 2
vers p 36p
a , . .
,
, .
at mill ion o f men d three hun
a an ~
9 2 K ing s x 4 v n . . dred chariots .
TH E T W E N T Y -S E C O N D DYN A ST Y .
and his successors at Thebes show that U pper Egypt

was in the i r possession ; and there fore if we could
suppose a motive for an invasion o f Jud aea by a
sovereign o f Ethio p ia it is not credible that he,
S hould h ave marched through Egypt for its aecom

p li s hm e n t .O n the other h and chronology forbids ,
the supposition that Z e ra c h could be o n e o f the

2 5 th o r Ethiopian dynasty o f Egyptian kings the ,
earliest o f who m lived 20 0 years later than Asa .
The reality o f the invasion and defeat cannot be

called in question ; the n ame Z e ra c h is n o t very
remote from O s o rc h o n when reduced to its con ,
sona n ts and the times wou ld very exactly corre

,
s ond
p . R ehoboam reigned twelve years after the
invasion o f S e s o n c h i s Abij ah his son three years , ,
the victory o f Asa took place in the fifteenth year

of his re i g n l Thus thirty ye ars elapsed between
.
th e in v a sions by S he sh o n k and by Z e ra c h and as ,
S es o n c hi s reigned t w enty -two years a n d O s o r c h o n

fifteen there is s u fli c i e n t room for both events
,
.
The name o f Ethiopian given to Z e ra c h in the Book

of Chronicles which was not written at least in its
, ,
present form till after the Captivity m ay be e x

, ,
plained by the circum stance that his army like that ,
Of S h e sh o n k was composed chiefly o f Libyan and

,
Ethiopian trOo p s Q
The names o f the three successors of O s o rk o n I .
are not given b y Manetho Lepsius m akes his i m

mediate successor to h ave been A m u n m a i P E H O R ,
who w a s probably his son Another son whose . ,
-
name was S he sh o n k filled the o ffi ce of high p riest ,
,
and is m entioned i n a fun eral papyrus which a

p
xvi 8
2 Chron xv 10
9
2 C h ro n
é
. .
. . .
2 A
pears to have accompanied th e mu mmy o f another

h igh -priest o f the n ame o f O s o rk o n the son o f this ,
S he s h o n k and consequently grandson o f O s o r k o n I

,
.
N either o f these appear to h ave ascended th e throne .
P e h o r was succee d ed by O S O R K O N II an d he b y .
,
S H E S H O N K 11 His shield is disti nguish ed from

.
th at o f the founder o f the dyn asty by the addition ,
o f the n am e o f the goddess o f B u b a s ti s P a sht The ,

.
n ame o f Ta k e lo thi s was recovered by Champollion

‘
from a fragment o f a piece o f sycamore -wood the ,
rem ainder o f which is in the V atican o n which a ,
priest clad i n th e leop ard s S kin is represented per ’

,
formi n g a n act o f adoration to P hre in behalf o f Ta ,
k e lo thi s s o n It h as since been foun d o n th e wall at

’
.
K arnak an d with th e date o f the twenty -fi fth y ear o f

,
hi s reign The same inscription mention s the n ame

.
o f his q ueen K e r o m a m a and o f his s o n and p ro ,
b ably successor O s orc ho n who i s called high -priest ,
an d captain o f th e a rc h e r s g
O f O S O R K O N III . .
,
S H E S H O N K III and TA K E L O T H I S with who m

.
,
the dyn asty became extinct n o h istorical fact i s ,
recorde d .
The relations o f Egypt and Jud aea appear n o t to

h ave been friendly u nder this and th e su c ceeding ,
dynasty even when there w as not actu al war b e

,
tween them The prophet Joel ( iii 1 9 ) threatens

.
“
.
Egypt a s well as Edom with desolation for i ts

, ,
violence against the ch ildren o f Judah which m ay ,
h ave consisted i n the forcible seizure o f the i nh a

Ch m Onion -Fi g e c L U ni
a Hi g is uncert i n but from
a
’
s a e a
vers p 3 6 Ch p ol l ion l Jeune the bsence f ll mention of A s

, ,
, . am e a o a
L tt a M J D
e re d Bl e syria he is thou ght to h ve lived
u c e ac a s , a
lli i Mon S t r
,
R 9
o se n ,before th t po w er thre tened the
. o a a
independence of P alestine
.
:33
1 ZE gyp t
-
f
u n s en ,S t ll B 3 en s e e, . , .
p .
[B OO K
ful revolt from Persia a prince w h o reigned only ]

,
during a part o f th e year Lepsius h a s given it to .
P s a m m u s the third o f this dyn asty

,
There r e .
"
m ain s then only Zet whose n ame h as n o t yet ,
been found .
The fifth year o f R ehobo a m in which S he s h o nk ,
invaded Jud a a i s generally placed 9 74 B C B e e

,
.
tween this date and 1 3 2 2 B C we mu st place the . .
reigns o f all the kings from M e n e p h th a h (p 2 9 7) .
to S h e s h o n k Th ese three centuries and a h alf.
su fli c e for the events of the history but their d i s tr i ,
b u ti o n into reign s would be quite hypothetical The .
chronological notice that th e first O l y mpiad fell i n ,
th e reign o f P e tu b a s ti s seems to h ave been tran s ,
ferred hither by mistak e It is not fo u n d in E u s e .
b i u s and cannot h ave pr o c eeded from Africanus

, ,
w h o elsewhere places the first O lympiad i n the first

"
year o f Ahaz This is to o late as the other is to o
.
,
early .
We obtain no assistance either from Herodotus

o r D i o d o r u s i n recovering the history o f th is d
, y
n asty Herodotus knows the n ame o f n o k ing o f
.
Egypt between S a s yc hi s an d An ys i s who w a s

, ,
reigning at the time o f the Ethiopian i nvasion .
D i o d o r u s passes at once from the builders o f the

pyramids to B o c c h o r i s an d h e m akes m any years ,
to h ave intervened between hi m and S ab a c o con ,
tr a r y to the lists according to which B o c c h o r i s w as ,
t aken captive an d burnt alive by the Ethio p ian ki ng .
Wi l kin son M nners d C observes that the y ear B c

, a an u s who
toms l 20 1 Mod E g T hebes 776 th e dmitted r ofthe O lym
. .
, , . .
, , a ze a
p i d fell in the 3 3 d ye r of U
2 25 6
, ,
a s, r a z
9
Le sius B i l l 2 5 6 m kes zi h H i rei g n lasted 5 1 y e rs ;
h i m to pe the S th of Herodotus t h t of hi
, n .
, , a a . s a
d successor J
.
e os . a s so n a n o
3
Pynes Clinton F sti 1 1 5 0 th m th f ther f Ah 1 6, a , , , a , e a o az , .
TH E T W E N T Y -FO U R T H DYN A ST Y .
There are not even any private monuments which

throw light o n the condition of Egypt during this
period That i t was o n e of decline and decay we
.
m ay infer from the ascendency which the Ethiopians

acquired in the n ext dynasty and apparently wit h ,
little struggle o n the part o f the Egyptians .
Tw en ty fou r th D yn a s ty .
Y ears .
B O C C H O R I S of S ai s reig ned
, 6 E u s eb . 44
I n his reig n l mb spoke a a
The D yn asty of Sais founded by B o c c ho ri s m a y , ,
be said to have been in fact prolonged to the time of

the Persian conquest the Ethiopian dynas ty being ,
intru sive and the D o d e c a r c h i a only temporary .
Sais stood near the Canopic branch o f the N ile to ,
which as the n earest and the most accessible the

, ,
tr a fli c of the Greeks was fro m the first attracted .
N aucratis the only h arbour in Egypt to which

,
strangers were admitted u nless under the plea of ,
9
stress of weather was o n th e Canopic branch and ,
n earer to the sea th an Sais It is not certain whe n .
the Greek s were first allowed to settle in N aucratis .
"
Eusebius i n hi s Canon says that the Milesians in , ,
the reign of B o c c h o ri s became p owerful at s e a and ,
built the city o f N aucratis This is not very pro .
bable if literally t aken a n d is contradicted by He

, ,
P rob bly a portent of the p ( 2 1 79 ) as if true of all stran gers

a a .
S
,
p hi
ro a c
g c l ities
n of B h i
a am tr bo i t t th t I t w l
occ fly or s a n Im a es a as c n e
and his k g d S o w hen P

m omi ntended ag t the G reeks from sam am s
i t w about to be dethroned , their p i tw l h b t 1 7 79 2 T he

.
m en u s as ra a a I s, , .
r in fell at Th b ( H
a Ae duty of w t h g the coast and
es er . o a c m
cording to Al li n N H 1 2 3 this keepin g ff stran g ers w com

a o as
i tt d to t h e herdsmen
.
, .
, ,
lamb besides s p e ki n g with h a rude d a u m e , a an
voice h d tw heads ei g ht inhospit b l e r ce

,
m an a o a a
U nder Oly mp
.
, ,
feet & , c
9 . v1 .
This is stated by Herodotus

.
9
r o d o tu s
‘ w ho says the Ionian s and Carian s under
,
P s a m m i ti c h u s were the first foreigners w h o were

all owed to settle in Egypt Considering the wide .
spread coloni zation o f th e Milesians in the eighth

century before Christ there i s however nothin g
e
,
improbable in their havin g established more regular

com mercial relations with Egypt than Greece had
possessed before .
Grad u all y greater privileges seem to h ave been

allowed them and hence the variety o f accounts ,
respecting th e time o f their establishment which ,
Strabo against all probability brings down as low a s

the revolt of I n a r o s 4 62
3
The Portuguese at ,
M acao at first only obtained permission to erect

sheds for their goods but by degrees were allowed ,
to b u ild houses establi sh a government o f thei r ,
o w n and erect a fort The story o f the landing of .
th e Ionia n and Caria n mercenaries in Egy p t at th e

time o f the D o d e c a r c hi a indicates that a r m ed Greek s
were a novel sight to the Egypti ans but of course
4
only merch ant ships an d m en i n peaceful attire

would be admitted to N aucratis The English .
,
when they first established themselves at F ormosa ,
agreed to deliver up all their guns and am munition

5
w hile in port We do not however derive much
.
, ,
increase o f o u r k nowledge respecti ng Egypt fro m

the increased resort o f the Greek s before the time
o f P s a m m i ti c h u s They h ave not even preserved .
2 , 15 4 . moved in the time of I to the n aro s

9
R mb ch de M ileto p 1 9 62
a a , .
, . S itic nome d fortified N au
a , an
C linton F H l 1 1 5 .
c r a ti s .
A ccordin g t h i
. .
, ,
3
1 7 p 80 1
, o m
4
Her 2 15 2
the y first f rti fied p l ce t the
. . . .
,
D vis Chinese vol

6
o a a a a T he 1,
B l bitine mout h in the rei g n f
.
, ,
o o
d fter w rds
,
Psam mi ti h c u s an a a re
he se t a wild bull to attack their sacred Mnevis .
A S the assailant was rushing furiously o n he ,
stumbled and entangling his horn in the tree

,
p e r s ea Mnevis
,
gave him a mortal wound i n the
flank Plutarch while he acknowledges th e j ust
.
'
,
decisions o f B o c c h o r i s calls hi m a m an o f stern ,
character Possi b ly the avarice which D i o d o ru s

.
attributes to him may have been only the u n fa

v o u r a b le aspec t o f a ri gid economy rendered n e ,
c e s s a r y b y dilapidated finances Economy espe .

,
c i ally if accompanied by strictness in the levying o f
taxes is seldom a popular v irtue in rulers The

,
.
celebrity w h ich h e enj oyed is h ardly reco n cilable

w ith the S hort reign o f S ix y ears which the lists ,
attribute to him Eusebius m akes his reign to have

.
lasted forty -four years ; but th is number is s u sp i

cio n s as being th e same which this author a ttri
,
but es both to the 2 3 rd dynas ty which precedes an d

th e 2 5 th which follows The cruel d eath inflicted .
b y S a b a c o o n B o c c h o r i s which appears inconsistent ,
with the h u manity ascribed to the Ethiopian con

u e r o r m ay be expl ained if we suppose th at B o c
q , ,
c h o r i s was at first left o n the throne in the capacity
o f a tributary but revolting was taken prisoner by

, ,
S a b a c o and then put to death by burning Hero .
d o tu s calls the king w h o was reigning at the time

o f the Ethiopian invasion A n y s i s a n d a native o f , ,
the city o f the same name probably the Hanes of ,
"
the prophet Isaiah to which as well as Tanis th e , , ,
ambassadors o f Israel cam e seeking an alliance ,
with the king o f Egypt when they were alarmed by ,
the prospect of an Assyrian i nvasion in the reign ,
H p i Ava
o a m fa s,
‘
p . 5 2 9, E .
9
xxx . 4
. See p . 3 42 of this vol .
TH E T W E N T Y -F I F T H DYN A ST Y .
of Sennacherib According to Herodotus A n ys i s

.
,
was not put to death but took refuge i n the marshes ,
of the D elta He h ad m ade a spot o f solid ground

.
o f a little more than a m ile square by laying down ,
ashes am idst the muddy soil These ashes were .
supplied by the friends w h o unk nown to the Ethi , ,
o i an s
p brought ,
him provisions O n the retire .
ment o f the Ethiopian s he issued fro m his retreat ,
and resumed his power after an interval of fifty ,
y ears These
. di fferences are irreconcilable but on ,
the w hole it appears p robable that a considerably

lo n ger date is to be allowed to the reign of the i m
mediate predecessor o f S a b a c o than S i x years .
of three Ethiopian kings

fif
Tw en ty - th D y n a s ty, .
Ye rs a .
1 . SA B ACO, rei g ned 8 E usebius 12

H e took B o c c h o ri s prisoner and burnt
him alive .
2 . SE B I CH O S his
( S e ve c h o s ) son 14 E usebius 1 2
.1 . TA R K US ( Ta ra ko s, E us ) . 18 E usebius 2 0
44
The word Ethiopian h as s o w ide a meaning being ,
applied to th e Arab o f Y emen to the Ab es s i n i a n , ,
the n ative of Sennaar D arfur and K ordofan as well , ,
as of N ubia and D ongola th at it is necessary to fi x ,
i ts sense more precisely in order to conceive rightly ,
o f the conquest o f Egypt by the Ethiopians in the
latter p art o f the eighth century before Christ The .
seat of the monarchy of S ab a c o and his s u ccessors

was N a p a ta whose site and remains have been
‘
,
already described It extended as far north as to

.
Vol 1 p 1 5 . . . .
[B OOK
th e i sland o f Argo the space between that and the
Cataracts o f Syene m ust be regarded a s a debate
able land which was held by Egypt or Ethiopia a o
,
cordin g to their relative strength U nder the 1 8 th .
dynasty we have seen th at the valley o f the N ile

w a s completely possessed by Egypt even to the ,
south o f th e Secon d Cataract D uring the feeble .
ness o f the last years o f the 2 3 r d and the 2 4th i t ,
i s probable that the Ethiopians had advanced their

arm s to the very frontiers of Egypt o r even oce n ,
pied Thebes Ho w far to the sout h o f N a p ata the

.
Ethiopian mon archy exten d ed at this time we do

not know It has been com monl y supposed that
.
th e island of Meroe was its original seat : H e ro d o

tus calls the city o f Meroe the metropolis o f the “
”
other Ethiopians m eanin g prob ably those o f the,
island N o mon u ments o f equal antiquit y with

.
those o f N ap a ta have been found in any p art o f the

i sland ‘ ’Z
D i o d o r u s says that the city of Meroe
.
was founded by Cambyses and n amed after his

m other ; but Cambyses never reached s o far In .
the Persian ti mes the valley o f the N ile above the

First Cataract was held by the Ethiopian s but ,
a s tributaries ; the Persian frontier garriso n w a s
established in Eleph antine The Ptolemies before .
Euergetes left Ethiopia i n possession o f her inde

n d e n c e ; we fin d the n ames o f E rk a m e n ( Erga
p e
menes ) and A th a r a m a n o n the monuments o f Lower

N ubia "
U nder the R omans in the reign of A u
.
,
gustus Ethiopia appears again as a powerful m o

,
S ee vo l 1 p 10
. . . .
3
Vol . 1
. pp . 2 7, 2 9 .
9
l , 33 .
[B OO K
as if they had fallen u nder the dominion o f a horde

The b la m eles s Ethiopians ‘
o f Arabs o r c th i a n s .
i s the earliest epithet which the G reek s applied to

the m ; D i o d o r u s celebrates the m oderation o f A o
e
tisanes and the account which Herodotus gives o f 8
S a b a c o s retirement from Egypt proves his hum ani ty

and reverence for the gods The dynasty was .
changed the head of it either put to death o r

driven into the m arshes o f Lower Egy p t ; but the
order o f government appears to have su ffered little
change N o di fference o f religion o r m anners em
.
bittered the animosity o f th e tw o nations they h ad

been con nected by royal intermarriages Amm o n
an d O siris were equally honoured at Thebes an d
Meroe and to the inh abitants o f U pper Egypt
4
,
the Ethiopians would seem h ardly so foreign as the

people o f Sais .
The Egyptian hi s to ry o f Herodotus if we under ,
stan d by that word a series of fact s connected i n

chronological order reall y begins w ith the i nvasion
,
o f S ab a c o . He himself remarks that the settle ,
m ent o f the Ionians and Carians i n Egy p t i n the ,
time o f P s a m m i ti c hu s gave th e Greek s an accurate

,
kn owledge of all its subsequent hi story and the ,
e ffect would naturally extend upwards also Hero .
d o tu s indeed considers the same kin g S a b ac o as

reigning through the whole fifty years that the
Eg y p tians k e p t possession o f Egyp t ; but the simi
la r i ty o f tw o o f the n ames m ay partly account for
this error which at all events was not hi s since the
, ,
relation o f the departure of S a b a c o is evidently

3
2 13 9
, .
He r 2 , 2 9
. .
THE T V VE N T Y - F I F T H DYN A ST Y .
formed o n the assumption of the identity o f th e

invader with the sovereign who withdre w from the
country .
The n ame o f S A B A c o written S ha b e h is found , ,
at Luxor with th e usual titles o f Egyptian s o

,
v e re i n t the intern al wall f the propyla raised

g y o n , o
by R a m e s e s S e s o s tr i s 1
The scul p tures having .
been inj ured o r decayed with time S a b a c o re

, ,
newed them and substituted his own n ame for that

o f R ameses they i n dicate that Egyptian art still
existed in considerable vigou r A s ta tu e tte o f the .
same kin g o f the stone called p la sm e d em er a u d e is

,
’ ’
preserved in the V illa Albani at Rome and hi s ,
name occurs also as a date o n some amulets and

smal l figures from the c o llection of A n a s ta s y now ,
i n the Louvre The shield o f S ab a c o has also bee n

.
foun d over a gate o f the palace o f K arnak and on ,
so m e fragm ents o n e o f which bears the date of his

,
t welfth year This according to Eusebius was the

.
, ,
last o f his reign accordin g to the text o f Manetho ,
with which the sum matio n o f the years o f the d y

nasty agrees h e reigned only eight years The
,
.
n am e o f th e succeeding kin g however S e b e c h u s , ,
o r S e v e c hu s is evidently the same as S a b a c o which

, ,
Ma n etho prob ably adopted as one already esta

b li sh e d in history an d the shield at K arnak which
has been attributed to the first Ethiopic king m ay ,
with equ al propriety be given to the second as their ,
s‘
phonetic names are written in the same c ha ra c te rs ,
Mon S tor 2 1 07; n e t o f private perso ns

R o s elli n i , u m n s , w ho
Ch mpollion -Fi g e c call themselves n tives of C
.
.
,
4 a a a a sh .
p 3 63 Th e n me lso S ee Bunsen Pl tes of

, ,
L U i e
’
n v rs, . . a a
9
,
a 2 5 th
occurs ( R o sellin i 2 1 0 8 ) on mo D yn sty N o 1 2
, ,
a , s . .
[B OO K
and thus the monuments and the lists will be
b rought into accordance the date o f the t w elfth ,
year being allotted to S e v e c h u s .
D i o d o r u s besto w s the highest p raise o n S a b a c o ,
as surpassing i n piety an d clemenc y all his p rede

cessors ‘ Herodotus agrees i n representing him as
.
h aving abolished the punish ment o f d eath a n d ,
substituted for it comp u lso r y labour o n public

work s Th ey were such as in the more glorious
“
.
days of the monarchy had been performed by foreign

prisoners The increase in the rise o f the N ile since
.
the reign o f Sesostris had m ade it necessary to add

to the height o f th e embankments which pre
v ented the to w ns o f Lower Egypt from being laid
under water at the time o f the inundation He .
also employed culprits i n excavating canals The .
circum stances o f his retirement from Egypt as re ,
lated by both historians indicate that the priests ,
bore subj ection to a foreig n power ii n pa ti e n tly and

caballed fo r its overthrow He dream t th at a figure .
standi n g over hi m in h i s S leep counselled him to ,
collect all the priests in Egypt together and cut

“
them to pieces S a b ac o perceived i n this a design
.
o n the part of the gods to entice him to the com
His account f Ac ti has o san e s D i o d o ru s a dds p

'
e rr o w 0 57 c
the i f bein g con fused tr d i
,
81 61 0” (l
'
a r o a a
59 06
a c rcumst nce whi c h seems to
7 am u as ,
tion of thi E thiopi n conquest ;

s a i a
the on ly circ umst nce which he a have been added from the story o f
defi nite l y mentions c on c erni ng his X erxes ( H 7 er wh com o
rei g n is th t he did not t c rimi o f Pythius
.
,
, a u m and e d the eldest so n ,
l to de th but b nis ed them

na s a , a whom he h d ende voured to b g
a a e
to Rhinocol r o the confines o f
u a n O ff from m i litary servi ce t be cut , o
S yri a ( 1 , in tw o pieces which were fixed on
either side f the line o f marc h

,
9
H erod 2 13 7 .
, .
o .
p w Her 2 139
'
9 '
M B
e o ovs
‘
ta r a ec , .
, .
selves and the warlike and aggressive empire o f the

Assyrians It is probable that the rapid m ovements
.
o f Shal m aneser who had an ally in the king o f

,
Judah anticipated the aid which S e v e c hu s had

,
engaged to furnish to Hoshea ; but the very brief

n arrative o f the Book o f K ings gives u s n o details .
Many of the Israelites avoided the captivity which

th reatened them by taking refuge in the friendly ,
territory of Egypt while others even penetrated into ,
Ethiopia a n d from this time forward there seem s

,
always to have be en a con siderable body o f Jews

in the eastern side o f Egypt speaking their o w n ,
language pr actising their o w n religious rites and

, ,
exciti n g the bigotry of t he n ative Egyptians ‘ The .
‘
prophet Isaiah anticip ates the tim e when the rem
2
n a n t o f th e people should be recalled from Assyria ,
a n d from Egypt and from Pathros ( the Thebaid ) , ,
”
and from Cush an d in glowing language describes
,
Jehovah as dr y ing up the gulf o f the Red Sea ,
smiting the seven channels o f the N ile and m aking ,
a highway through the D esert th at they might re ,
turn without danger o r delay .
T I R H A K A H the Ta r c u s o r Ta ra c u s o f Manetho
, ,
th e Te a rc o o f Strabo s u cceeded S e ve c hu s
“
Hi s , .
n ame written Tarb ak or Ta rh a k a is found o n the

, ,
internal face o f the pylon o f a building erected at

Medinet Aboo by Th o th m e s I V and at Gebel -e l
“
.
B irkel with the date o f his t w entieth year which

, , ,
according to Eusebius must have been the last of ,
his sovereignty over Egy p t O ther inscri p tions r e .
main in which he is m entio ned but they give u s no ,
I s i h xix
a a . 1 8, foll .
9
B
‘R ose ]
. 1, . 61 .
9
xi l l
. .
1 ini M
, . S tar . 2 , 109 .
THE T W E N TY -F I F T H DY N A ST Y .
other knowle d ge concerning him th an the name o f

his qu een and o f the nurse o f his daughter The .
Egypto -Ethiopian monarch y must h ave been very

powerful though Memphis had been given up to
,
S e th o s Strabo speak s of him as rivalling Sesostris

.
in the extent of his foreign expeditions and as ,
h aving reached th e Pillars of Hercules ‘ These are .
evident exaggerations but they prove the historical ,
fame o f Tirhak ah a n d m ay have had their fo u n d a

,
tion in an expe d ition into Western Africa of which ,
the Phoenician colonies were the object and limit .
The n arrative o f the expedition o f Sennacherib

against Jud ae a and Egypt indicates the Opinion e n
te r ta i n e d of his po w er The king of Assyria was .
dissatisfied with the conduct of Hezekiah who after ,
h aving paid him a heavy contribution in gold a n d

silver was meditating defection in h O p e of aid from
,
Egypt He h ad taken all the strong p laces of Judah

. ,
and from Lachish a town in the plain o f S e p he la , ,
o n the road to Egypt which he was besieging he , ,
sent a powerful detachment with a threatening mes

sage to Hezekiah ?
The king himself and the i a
h abitants of Jerusalem were filled with alarm but
Isaiah encouraged them by a prediction that Senna ,
e h e r ib should hear a rumou r and retu rn to his own

land 9 ”
.
This rumou r was evidently of the marc h o f
Tirh akah to the relief o f J u d ae a the expectation o f ,
B p 61 ; 1 5 p 68 7
1, appears to be reference to the
a
I s i h xxxvi xxxvii ; 2 K ing s

. .
. .
,
mi culous destru ct on fh army

.
9 ra i o 1s .
a a . .
xviii xix B t
u this is an error A t h p . rc S o
Th e common T ranslation h S eeker and B ishop Lo w th transl te

. .
9 a
a s,
I wi ll send blast upon him and a the p ssage I will f g‘ i

a ,
i spir t n u s a
into hi m }
,
he sh ll hear a rumour d ret rn expl n I t a p

.
d an t ai s m
a an u ,
to his own l nd in which there of w d

.
” l ee
a co ar
,
which h ad emboldened Hezekiah to withdraw the

s u bmission which h e had recently m ade The n a r .
r a ti ve ho w ever implies th at there was another power

, ,
i n Egypt o n which Hezekiah relied for Sennacherib

in his taunting message says O n who m dost thou ,
trust that thou rebellest against m e ? Lo thou

, ,
trustest in the staff o f this broken reed o n Egypt ,
whereon if a m an lean it will go into his hand and

pierce it ; s o is Ph araoh king of Eg ypt to all who
trust i n him . N ow we learn from Herodotus that
”
after the retirement of the Ethiopian from Egypt“
,
and th e res u mption o f power by the king who h ad

fled into the marshes S e th o s a priest o f He p h a i
, ,
stos m ade himself king probably only of part of

, ,
Lower Egypt He treated th e warrior caste n o t

.
only with contempt b ut with inj ustice endeavour

, ,
ing to deprive them o f the lands which preceding

kings had allotted to them The consequence w a s .
,
that w h en Sennacherib whom Herodotu s calls king ,
o f the Assyrians and Arabians i nvaded Egypt the , ,
military refused to m arch against him The priest .

,
reduced to des p air went into the sanctuary o f his

,
god and lamented to hi m his condition In the

, .
midst o f hi s lamentations he fel l asleep and a dream ,
came over him in which the god appeared to stand

,
beside him and exhort him to fear nothing from an

encounter with the Arabians for that he would ,
send him defenders R elying o n the dream S e tho s

.
,
m arched to meet th e enemy atten ded by those o f ,
the Egyptian s who chose to go But none of the .
military j oined him ; his forces were composed of

m en altogether unused to warfare tradesmen an d ,
with this inscripti on Whosoever look s o n me , ,
”
let hi m be piou s We can h ave n o doubt from .
—
whom Herodotus derived his tale the priests o f
the temple o f Ptah at Memph is The mouse w as .
‘
an emblem of destruction an d it m ay be that the ,
narrative o f the defeat o f Senn acherib s army owed ’
its S pecific form to this circumstance We must

believe that in the time o f Herodotus the temple o f
9
Memph is contained such a statue as he describes
but th at it was a statue o f S e th o s o r that the i n ,
scription meant wh at his guides told him i s not ,
equally certain The Jewish account is more faith .
ful than the Egyptian inasmuch as it notices the ,
rumou r o f T i rh a k a h s expedition while the E g yp ’

,
tian makes the cause o f th e Assyrian s retreat ’
w holly supernatural Pestilence and panic appear .
to h ave combined in bringing it about 8

The fli ght
of Sennacherib prob ably put a stop to the m arch o f
Tirh ak ah Whether he ended his days as sovereig n
.
o f th e Thebais o r reti red into Ethiopia and c o n ,
tin n ed to reign there we do n o t know but it i s e v i ,
dent th at the seat o f h i s power must have been i n

U pper Egypt wh en the rumour o f his coming could ,
produce su c h a sudden retreat o f the Ass y rians .
The tw o circumstances which characterize the

’
A¢a m a without exagg eratin g their de
p hv Bnh o fi w cs p 9 1! {w
- structive power and the sto y
yp p ii
at ow 5 a8 ) i f ef w
1 11 6 1
j 1 m u ra o ( If a u s, r
'
i i xp n i (H
c
p Hi g their
o ro
g na
'
w in g b o w st i
o ra s i told f e ro r n
The mouse is produced In other pla es ( Strabo I3 p
a i vu Ka . . . s o
1 , c .
, , .
sudden and extr ordi ary numbers aK i ii n 3 6 B -h n 9

a v u 0 1 7 09 aa t e ;
in E g y p t and c uses g re t de 3 m a i
g pq i i)
‘
H p
t - a 0 “
’
c v r e)
'
ro m
'
o r ov
struction ( ZE l H ist A nim 6

,
Aid ( 2 14 1 a /o r .
T he ncients w ere not s tis fi ed

. . . .
, ,
a a
9
The A ssyri n sh ll f ll by s w ord t o f
a a; a a no m an
s w ord not of mortal sh l l devour him
,
Y ea , a , a :
And he sh ll bet ke hi self to fli g ht fr m the f c e f the s w ord

,
a a m o a o
A nd th cour g e f hi c h sen men sh ll f il 1 xxxi 8

,
” -
e a o s o a a . s . . .
THE T W E N T Y -F I F T H D YN A ST Y .
reign o f S e th o s the usurpation o f su p reme power

,
by a priest and the degradation of the military

,
caste indicate a decay of the ancient constitution

,
o f Egypt That the increase of population in the

.
great towns o f Lower Egypt the consequence o f,
the fertility o f the soil and the growth of com

merce should have made the civil element m u ch
,
more important th an it had been in the fl o u rI S hi n g

days of the monarc h y was n atural It was not less
, .
natural th at this rise o f the commercial and work

ing class should be attended with a change in the
military system Widely di fferent as the Calasi
.
rians and He rm o tyb i a n s were in many respects fro m

the G e o m o ri o f Athens b efore the time o f Solon ,
and the Hi pp e i s and Z e u g i tae o f his constitution ,
from th e original Plebs o f Rome and the Feudal

—
army o f the Middle Ages i n one respect they all
agreed lan ded property and military service were
conj oined And all these in process of time
.
, ,
yielded up their exclusive right to bear arms and ,
admitted into partnership with them in this func

tion the m ixe d multi tude whom the p rogress o f
,
society engenders i n flourishing towns At Athens .
th e ch ange was brought about by the rise of its

naval power which transferred the chief strength
,
o f the state from the land to the sea At Rome .
the cultivators of the soil were not su fficient to

supply the demand o f a military rep u blic and em ,
ployment and p ay w ere needed for the city p O p u la

tion I n modern Europe the rise of the cities was
.
everywhere accompanied with a more promiscuous

constitution o f the military force and at n o long ,
interval with the establishment of mercenary troo p s .

We know not h o w the elevation o f S e tho s took

place but it i s evident that he relied o n the town
population as the instru ments o f his design o f de
pressing the ancient military b o d y H i s po w er .
appears to have been exercised tyrannically ; fo r

Herodotus speaks o f the Eg yptian s a s being s etfr ee
after his reig n ‘ He notices n o anarchy a s super
.
venin
g u pon h i s death but his usu rpation and hi s ,
encroachments o n the military order render it abun

da u tly probable ; and D i o d o ru s infor m s us th at it
9
actu ally took place and assign s tw o years as its ,
duration The n ineteenth chapter o f Isaiah written

.
,
about this time perhaps towards the close o f S e th o s

,
’
u su rpation foretells a state o f complete anarchy an d

,
the con sequent depopulation and impoverishmen t

o f the country to be succeeded as anarchy usua lly
, ,
is by the reign o f a d e S p o ti c mon arch

,
I w ill .
“
s e t the Egyptians against the Eg y ptians and they ,
sh all fight every o n e agai nst his brother and every ,
o n e against his n eighbour city against city and , ,
kingdom against kingdom And the Egyptians will .
I give over into the h an d o f a cruel lord and a fierce ,
king shall rule over them In that day S hall Egypt .
be like unto women and it shall be afraid and fear ,
because o f th e shaking o f the hand o f the Lord o f

Hosts which he hath determined against it And
, .
the land of Ju d ah shall be a terror unto Egy p t ;

ever y o n e th at m aketh mention thereof shall be
”
afraid i n himself We know of no period i n .
fl p eé H p l ces it imme 9
,
9 2 1 47, E h . 1 66 ev e w u r es , . e a
'
A i y i zm w i 7 6» i p e a
'
r o
'
t} H ¢ a t fter the retirement f the
d i a te ly a o
0 7 0 11 B am he da a w a ( a d d er/a d
y p E thiopi n and does not mention
a ,
vo v o i o f r e h
’
xp d o ax ; i
r ve v B a m he o r S e th o s
Sta i r d o ea i ) co r ti c a l/ T o Ovm d e x a Ba
w hi n e .
Tw en ty -s i x th D y n a s ty . N ine Saite kings .
AFRI C ANUS .
ST E P H I N AT E S, reig ned
NE CH E P SO S
NE CHA O
PSAM M I T I C H US
NE CHAO II .
He took Jerusalem and car ied Jehoash r
the ki n g c ptive into E g ypt

a .
P SAM M UT H I S II .
UA P H R I S
To him the remnant o f the Je w s fled when
the A ssyrians took Jerusalem .
AM O S I S
PSAM M E CHE R ITE S 6 months .
150 6 m .
E US E B IUS .
Years .
AM M E R I S, the E thiopian reig ned

, 12 ( A rm . 18)
ST E P H I N AT H I S 7
N E CHE P SO S 6
NE CHAO 8
PSAM M I T I C H US 45 ( A rm . 44)
NE C HAO II . 6
P SA M M UT H I S II who is also P
. sa m m i ti c h u s 17
UA P H R I S 25
AM O S I S 42
We find the list o f Manetho beginning with three

names before that of P s a m m i ti c hu s whom Hero ,
d o tu s and D i o d o r u s represent as raising himse lf to

the throne when he h ad put down the D o d e c a r c hi a .
It seems to have been his principle to admit of no

interregnum ; he takes cognizance neither of the
anarchy o f which D i o d o ru s speaks nor of the s u b ,
sequent agreemen t among the chiefs of the principal

THE T W E N T Y -S I X T H DYN A ST Y .
cities bu t makes S te p hi n a te s found the 2 6th d y

,
nasty immediately o u the cessation of the 2 5 th or

Ethiopian The list of Eusebius gives a fourth
.
Ethiopi an king A m m e ri s who is certainly misplaced

, ,
at the head o f the Saitic dynasty but m ay have bee n ,
transposed from the close of the Ethiopian In this .
case we m ust regard the Ethiopian power a s con

tin n ing to maintain itself at Thebes while S e tho s ,
called him self king at Memphis and another po w er , ,
seated at Sais claimed to be the depositary of legi

,
tim ate authority N o such king as Am m e r e s has

.
been found in the m onuments of Thebes ‘ .
We are not informed in wh at relation this new

dynasty o f Saite kings stood to B o c c h o ri s the Saite ,
whom S a b a c o deposed and put to death ; but in the

statement o f Herodotus that the blind king who
“
,
had fled into the island o f Elbo in the m arshes ,
when the Ethiopia n s invaded Egypt returned when ,
they retired we m ay probably trace the fact that

, ,
Sais still claimed the sovereignty over the district

of Lower Egypt in which it stood d u ring the whole ,
time of the Ethiopian dominion Thus Egyp t was .
truly divided every one against his neighbour

,
“
,
”
city against city kingdom against kingdom the , ,
upper country being under the dominion of the

Ethiopians S e th o s ruling at Memphis and over
, ,
the cou n try towards the frontiers of Palestine and ,
the Saitic nome and western mouths o f the N ile ,
near o n e o f which Elbo stood being under the ,
sway o f the princes fro m whom P s a m m i ti c h u s
B nsen B 2 1 3 9 Lepsius mig ht g ive rise to th t of

u a Am
discovered t T hebes queen meres
, .
, .
ha s a a .
i th w hose name he thin k s

9
Am n er ,
2 140 , , , .
[B OO K
descended That hostile relations existed between

.
them and the Ethiopians is evident from the accou nt

o f Herodotus th at N echo the father o f P s a m m i ti
,
chus had been put to death by S ab a c o ‘ This can .
n o t have been literally true ; but we have seen that
to H erodotus the name o f S a b ac o represented the

whole Ethiopic dynasty which as enlarged by th e , ,
ad d ition o f A m m e re s will occupy the space fro m

,
S a b a c o to N echo The first act recorded o f this

.
dyn asty w a s the puttin g o f B o c c ho ri s the Saite to

death ; the last a S imilar act o f violence towards
,
the Saite N echo This is a reasonable presumption

.
that during this whole time Sais m aintained at least

a claim o f independence and will explain its s u b s e ,
quent elevation to th e suprem acy o ver all Egypt .
The ruins o f S s a the ancient Sais attest its former

, ,
grandeu r the wall o f crude brick w hich surrounded

th e principal b uildings of th e city w a s seventy feet
thick an d therefore probably n o t less th an 1 0 0 feet
,
in h eigh t It en closes an area 2 3 2 5 feet in len gth

.
,
b y 1 9 60 i n breadth and traces ap pear in it o f th e

,
lake i n which according to Herodotus the mysteries

o f O siris were performed o f the temple of Minerva ,
and the tombs of the Saitic kings There are also .
beyond this enclosure two large cemeteries o n e for ,
the interme nt o f the privileged classes the other o f ,
9
th e comm on people The S ite however h as been
.
, ,
ver
y i m
p e r fe c tl
y explored by modern travellers and ,
much m ay rem ain un d iscovered which will throw

light o n the history of the last dynasty o f the in d e
p endent Pharaohs The names o f S te p h i n a te s N e
.
,
2, 15 2 . 1 , 183 . Ch mpollion Lettres

a , , 50
9 53 .
[B OO K
of all Egypt It was to this tem ple that they all

.
repaired in a body Fo r a long time all observed

.
faithfully the term s o f their allia n ce But it hap .
pened one day th at as they were sacrificing the ,
chief priest brough t o u t only eleven vessels o f liba

tion instead of twelve and that P sa m m i ti c h u s w ho
, ,
stood last in the row took o ff hi s brazen hel m et , ,
received the sacred wine in it and poured it out i n ,
libation —
He had n o sinister design all the other
.
kings h ad he lmets and were wearing them at the

time B u t the oracle was brought to their mind
.
,
and though u p on examining P s a m m i ti c hu s they

found that he was innocent of a n y evil purpose an d
therefore would not put hi m to death they deter ,
mine d to strip him o f the chief part o f hi s power ,
and confine him to the m arshes o n the coast from ‘

,
wh ich he was n o t to go o u t into any oth er part o f

Egypt In the former part of his life P s a m m i ti c hu s
.
had been an exile in Sy ria his father N echo h aving ,
been put to death by S a b a c o ; and the people o f

th e Saitic nome had brought him back an d replaced
hi m in the sovereignty Feeling h im self to h ave .
been treated with great inj ustice b y the eleve n

kings he sought the m eans o f being avenged and
, ,
sent from his retreat to consult the oracle o f Laton a

at Buto which had the reputation of being the most
,
truthfu l in all Egypt He received in an swer fro m.
th e oracle a p rediction that he S hould have retri

b u ti o n o n his enemies by means o f brazen m en a p
pearing from the s e a That brazen m en should .
’
come to hi s aid appeared to him a thing utterly

incredible ; b u t not long after some Ionians and ,
B iod i ga i Si a r p i B e w 31! i ; {h e m
'
. 1 , 66 . n
p oa rc m I
ro e na
p d d d ha r r a v
'
.
Carians who h ad sailed o n a p iratical expedition

were driven by stress o f weather to the coast of
Egypt and landing i n their com p lete suits of brazen
,
armour began to plunder the co u ntry An Eg yptian .
w h o had never before seen men i n a panoply of
brass hastened i n to the m arshes to P s a m m i ti c hu s

,
with the intelligence that brazen men had come from

th e s e a He at once recognized the fulfilment of
.
the oracle e n gaged th e Ionians and Carians in his

,
service by m agnificent promises and with the as ,
sist e nce of the Egyptians who favoured his cause ,
b e defeated the other d o d e c a r c h s ‘ It was natural

th at th e auth ority o f an oracle should be pleaded
for a proceeding so repugnant to Egyptian feeling
as the engagement o f a body o f foreign mercenaries
to fight against native Egyptians but we can hardly ,
believe that their appearance was accidental as the

story represents It is evident from the account of .
,
D i o d o r u s th at P s a m m i ti c hu s who by his possession

, ,
’
o f Sais and o f course N au c ra ti s h a d the readiest ,
access to the sea h ad encouraged the visits o f Phoe ,
n i c i a n s and G reek s
9
an d had excited the j e alo u sv ,
o f his colleagues not only by the wealth he th u s a o
quired b ut by th e frien dly relations which he had

,
established with foreigners In regard to mythic .
times the tendency of D i o d o r u s and the authors o f

,
his age to find historical explanations for every

thing m akes their accounts s u Sp i c i o u s B u t o n the .
other h and Herodotus is disposed to attribute to

,
There w another version f as immedi tely eng ag ed them o a .
the oracle that T th ,

f (P l
yE
em S trat
en 7 a s, o n e o o aen . .
,
the d d had been w arned

’
o he c arc s, i} Ap 8 m
9
x 76 T : a , ¢a r Kat s
to bew re of cocks d th t P
a Kp i ij T f p 9 ¢6p
an a s am a
'
ic e Ka r s
'
an / a r 10 0 o vr
f
,
m i ti h
e u s,understandin g this o the p pd pd ( B i od 1 ‘
er a n e t c vo s . .
,
crests o f the Carian helmets ( Her .

dreams oracles and prodigies what had its origin

,
in political causes The m ention of C a rian s renders .
it probable that the Ionians here spoken of were

Milesians whose territory was surrounded b y that
,
o f the Car ans pirates and rovers fro m the earliest

i ,
times The Milesians had vi sited Egy p t for half a

.
centur y before the D o d e c a rc h i a and nothing could ,
be m ore n atural th an that P s a m m i ti c hu s a native ,
o f Sais should engage their ser vices when he h ad

, ,
been deprived of his share o f the government by

the inj ustice of his colleagues He had not trusted .
to Greek merce n aries alone during his exile under

th e Ethiopian sway he had formed connexions with
the Arabian s who border 0 11 Egypt and Palestine ,
and D i o d o r u s tells u s that he had sent for them ,
and th at they composed a part O f the forces with

which he overthre w the d o d e c a rc h s The battle .
‘
w a s fought at M o m e m p hi s near the Canopic branch
o f the N ile and o n the shore of the Lake M a re o ti s
, .
Some o f the d o d e c a r c h s were slain the rest escaped

into Libya near the borders o f which th e battle took
,
place .
According to Herodotus the d o d e c a r c h s while ,
they lived together in peace conceived the wish to

leave a j oint memorial of themselves and in fu lfi l ,
”
m ent of this design built a labyrinth near the La ke
M oeris and n o t far from the to w n of Crocodilopolis
, .
It is evi d ent from other p assages o f his histor y that

8
C lled by the Copts

P a nou f He does o t c ll it T he
L
a s sa es
a g n a
af b y t h e A r bs ( Ch m
, .
and M en o a a ab
y r i n th b ut l byrinth
“
a th
a is
” “
E gypte sous le P har ons

.
,
lli o n , l byrinth s a , a .
”
F or instance his believin g th t 9

a
I n the time o f Herodotus it the L ke Moeris h d been exo
,
9 a a n
w as ac o n me for buildin g vated d the earth thrown into

om m n a a an
or excav tion o f a gre t v riety o f the N ile (2

a a a .
,
allotted them a district on the P e lu s i a c branch o f

th e N ile a little nearer to th e sea than the city o f
,
B u b a s ti s and allowed them to construct fo r ti fi c a

,
tions . His foreign mercenaries and the native

‘
Egyptian s who had j oined h i m were stationed on
—
opposite sides of the river a necessary precaution , ,
as even their engagement i n th e same service could

hardly h ave prevented h ostilities between them ;
such w as the contempt o f th e Greek s for Egyptian
superstition and th e horror o f the Egyptians fo r
,
Grecian usages “
As the Ph oenicians had borne a
.
part in establishing him o n th e throne it i s probable ,
t h at their settlement at Mem phis ,in what w a s called

the Tyrian Camp dates from the same time "
,
It .
w as in great m easure com m ercial o r if meant for ,
warlike purposes was a n aval station ; but th at o f

th e Greek s and Egyptians was evidently designed
to form a body of troops o n whom h e m igh t rely
for th e m aintenance of his throne to which the ,
ancient militia o f the country the C a la si ri a n s and ,
He r m o tyb i a n s were m ade to give way The Ionian s

,
.
and Cari ans would no doubt receive accessions by

fresh immigration ; in the reig n o f Ap ri e s they
amounted to m en
“
A m a s i s subsequently
removed th em to Memphis that they might aid ,
him more e ffectually against the Egyptian s ; bu t

their dock s and the foundations of their houses
, ,
were still to be seen at their original settlement i n

the time o f Herodotus "
.
T I o cnl "
i I
oo m
y p Ixap é ii B h n
TO w O i
'
a v a re r o o i
'
cr
’
w vr o ov o e vo
'
c
i r i 6 ‘
’
f
'
I’a
q
a a a e u o ra t a
xa r e
py p p
dia j
e vo u cf a a i He r 2 , 4 1
'
p i n
x os
‘
to m
x ai
p o vs . .
( i i/r i o u s d hh rj h w v, T o ii N e fho v r d 3
He r 2 1 1 2
.
, .
p é cr o v g xo w o s r o I O t o hvé
‘
'
'
p a r a 37 6 0 17 He r 2 , 1 63
. .
E ( Her 2 ,. Com 5
2 15 4
, .
TH E T W E N T Y -S I X T H DYN A ST Y .
P sam m i ti c h u
also caused Egyptian children to
s
be placed under the instruction o f the Greeks that ,
they might beco me m asters o f the language and ,
they and their descendants b ecame after the model ,
o f Egyptian life a é c o r hereditary caste of Inter

vo
y ,
p r e te rs It is
. important to remark that the G reeks
never a ppear to h ave acquired the Egyptian lan
g u age but to h ave dep ended entirely upon native
,
interpreters Their k nowledge might have been

.
m uch more comprehensive and accurate had they ,
been able to converse with th e inhabitants ,
to check the accounts which the y received from

th eir d r a g o m a n by their own inquiry to test the ,
correctness o f th e popular explanations o f names ,
and cross -question an informant who might be i n

c li n e d to i mpose o n the ignorance o f a stranger .
U nfort u nately th e Greeks in all ages dis d ained the

acqu i rement o f b a r b a r o u s tongues Herodotus wit h .
,
all his zeal for k nowledge does not appear in hi s ,
wide j ourneyings to have learned more than a

chance word or two of the languages of the countries
which h e visited For co mmercial a n d political pu r
.
poses they used interpreters w ho were common ly ,
not Greeks but barbarians S peaking Greek

,
‘ No .
Greek philosopher ever condescended to study a n

other language th an hi s o w n for ethnographical o r
philological purposes 9
The versatile Greek intel
.
lect can not h ave wanted aptitude for such attain

ments but the perfection of their own lang u age in
Ti m e si th e u s , the T r ap e z u n ti a n ,
9 Pythag or s is s id ( Di
a a og . L a e rt.
addresses the M y i i their 8 3 ) to have le rnt the Eg ypt an

os n oec n a i
l n g u g e ( X en Anab 5
,
ow n a a lan g u g e a .
but he w the P roxenus of their

.
.
,
as
nation .
sou nd and structu re would m ake those o f A sia and

Egypt seem h arsh and clum sy The caste o f i n .
te rp re te r s in Eg y pt was prob ably form ed from the

lowest people ; Herodotus places them last but o n e
‘
in his enu meration immediately before the pilots , ,
“
with whom Eg y ptian s would hold n o i ntercourse ;
they possessed no knowledge of the character with
w hich the monuments of Eg y pt were covered ; but
being com pelled to satisfy the curiosity o f the

Greeks they gave such s u perfi cial explanations a s
,
might correspond with their m ost obvious features .
Befo re the Persian conquest very few Greeks pene ,
tr a te d into U pper Egypt Those who cam e fo r com .
m e r c i a l purposes w ould be attracted to Sais those

who like Thales o r P ythagoras o r Solon s ough t
, , , ,
scientific knowledge would find it at Sais H e li o p o li s , ,
and Mem phis 3

The old n ational feeling o f th e
.
Egyptians which had been weakened i n L o w e r E g yp t

,
by commercial intercourse subsisted i n all its i n te n ,
s i ty in th e U p p e r c o u n tr y w h e r e except th e kindred , ,
Ethio p ia n the face of a stranger w a s rarely seen

, .
N o monument o f any m agnitude bearing the ,
nam e o f P s a m m i ti c h u s rem ains in Egypt but it is , ,
eviden t that th e whole o f that country was subject

to him as his shield is found in the palace at K ar
,
n a k and in a little island o f granite in the N ile near

“
Phil ae In th e quarry o f To u ra h the design o f a
.
,
monolithal sh rine intended to be excavated is traced

polis and by them put ff with o a
Pl t Is p 3 63 X re feren c e t the priests o f M em

,
9
t O i
o e s r v o ~
p h is d g in by t h em to those
. . . . .
B p j
e m wp
ra r
y p ou oo a o e vo v m on . an a a
T
, ,
b - 6 01
’
c u ra i 37 f
1 hebes
0 0 0 t on the uthority o I es s a
xp
The ccount of Pyth g oras o f A t h recorded b y P p hy ry
.
,
9
a a n 1 1 o or
h vin g been re c ommended by

.
,
a S vol 1 p 140 C h p l ec am o
Am si to the priests of Helio l on

. . . .
a a p 3 67 1 . .
[B OO K
sovereign ty and to gratify th e people of M emphis he

,
built a splendid cou rt in which he might be S ho w n

to his wo rshipers It was i n front of the propyl aea
.
o f the temple of Pta h

‘ which P s a m m i ti c h u s also ,
built and was surrounded with a colonn ade i n

, ,
which colossa l figures twelve cubits in height sup , ,
p lied the place o f pillars The priests who h a d th e 9

.
ch arge o f Apis brought hi m forth into this court ,
th at he might be o ffered food by hi s votaries and ,
an om en be drawn from h i s favoura b le o r unfavour

able reception o f it .
As P s a m m i ti c h u s had obtained the throne by

m eans of foreign m ercenaries he trusted to them ,
for its support increased their numbers and gave

, ,
them precedence in honour above the n ative troops .
Th is pro d uced disconten t and ultimate ly revolt o n

the part o f the C a la s i r i a n s and He r m o tyb i a n s Its .
i m mediate occasion i s variously reported O n e of .
his military enterprises was the siege of Azotus or

Ashdo d This town o n e of the fi ve called in Scrip
.
,
”
ture cities of the Philistines appears to h ave
“
,
been a place o f great size and importance and the “

,
key o f Palestine to an invading force from the side

o f Egypt It i ncluded a harbour and an inland
.
“
fortress like Gaza which lay a little neare r to ,
Egypt and in the age o f P s a m m i ti c hu s a p pears to

,
have h ad the sam e place i n military importance for

th e attack o f Palestine from Egypt or Egypt from ,
Palestine as Gaza i n the age o f Alexander the

,
S trabo 1 7 80 7 9
T7) : S u p i ns p ey d hrj u n dh w
S i G Wil k inson
.
, , .
9
r . ha s g iven a ( Her 2 .
,
dr w in g illustrative of it ” ” -
( M an
4
i p a ho g ,
’
a A gw r o s '
m A go r oe .
ex N ot P triarc h t in
.
ners and Customs l Frontis ( E xcer p t a . a a
Rel nd
, , .
piece )
. a . l ’
l
a sc s t .
TH E T W E N T Y -SI X T H DYN A ST Y .
Great who did not venture to p ass on to Eg y p t

,
‘
till he had taken it Azotus belonged to the Phi .
listines b u t it was n o t their power which enabled

,
it to resist s o long the arms o f P s a m m i ti c h u s We .
9
find from the prophecies o f Isaiah that it had been
besieged and taken by Tartan the general of Sargon ‘
,
king o f Assyria This king is n o t elsewhere named .
in history and it i s there fo re di fficult to s a y whether

,
b e preceded or fo llowed Sennacherib ; but a s we

know the successio n of Assyrian kings pretty accu
r a te l
y after Sennacherib the probability is th at he ,
w a s his immediate predecessor reigning only for a ,
short time Tartan was in the service o f Senna

.
c h e ri b and was o n e of the envoys sent b y him to

,
Hezekiah when he invade d Jud ae a and meditated

th e co nquest of Egy p t 3
Probably the Assyrians .
h ad ever since kept a garrison in Azotus and hence ,
the obstinate defence which i t made Herodotus .
“
says it lasted twenty-n ine years but we can onl y ,
u nderstand by this that from the commencement of ,
the siege to the capture twenty -nine years elapsed ,
and it would be suspended d uring the invasion of

the Scythia n s It was in these operations in S y ria
.
that according to D i o d o ru s who ho w ever does not

, ,
specifically m ention the siege of Azotus P s a m m i ti ,
chu s o ffended hi s Egyptian troops b y allotting to ,
the mercenaries the post of honour in the right

wing Herodotu s gives a di fferent account He
.
.
says that in the reign of this king garrisons were
Ar r i a n , 2 , ad fi n T he stren g th 9
2 K in g s xviii
‘
. 17 .
of G aza was o g re t that Alex n Ag

.
4 ” b s deo i q x o vr p
p
ra r
s a a e nc y e
y g
der s eng ineers pronounced it t
’
o
’
ér e a pn o a xa m p
‘
e u o s en o hw xee
p er
be p e nable
0
Im r To f gf t h f .
(2 ,
I s ia xx
.
9
a .
stationed in Eleph antine agai nst the Ethiopian s i n ,
D aphne near P e lu s i u m against the Arabians a n d

Syrian s and in Marea against the Libyan s to the
, ,
number in all o f men For three years .
these garrisons were not relieved and the soldiers ,
h avi n g com municated with o n e another all revolted ,
from P s a m m i ti c h u s and m arched away into E thi o

pia D i o d o r u s calc u lates their numbers at
.
Both authors agree in representing the king as

h astening after them and endeavouring to prevail
on them to return B u t he was unsuccessful . .
When h e implored them not to forsake their coun

try and th e temples o f their gods their wives and ,
their children they all raised a S hout and clatter

, ,
ing with their S pears upon their shields declared ,
that while they were men and had arms in their

h a n ds the y should never w ant a country n o r wives
, ,
and children ‘ According to Herodotus o n reach

.
,
i ng E thiopia they gave themselves up to the king ,
and h e bei n g in hostilit y with a portion o f the i a

h abitants assigned th ei r territory to the Egyptians
,
w h o conquered a n d took possession o f it And by .
”
their s e ttle m e n t s a ys th e historian the E th i O p i a n s
, ,
“
9 ”
became hum anized learning Egyptian m anners , .
A S the R omans garrisoned Elephantine with three

cohorts only we cannot readily believe that
9
,
or m en S hould have been distributed through

three frontier town s o f th e kingdom o f P s a m m i ti
chus N either is it very credible that separated by
.
, ,
60 0 miles as those at Elephantine were from their

,
B iod 2, 67
. . i
A df n es
o
‘
, 69m p a fidw es A iy b m ra .
T o d- Her hr e
9 ’ '
!
r ou x 8S c u o m w ee w w v 39 ( 2 3
S a
Romans p l
.
,
,
r o fs Ai efo a a s rj p c i b r e p m
'
p e é va o t
y y ypt under
Eg th e , .
up the N ile from Meroe would carry us ver y far

beyond every trace o f th at Egyptian civilization
which Herodotus declares that th e Ethiopians re
c e i v e d from the Egyptian deserters I n fact no .
such traces are foun d further south than lat .
which is within the limits o f the island of M eroe

itself The kin g of the Ethiopians by whom they
.
were received and w h o gave them permission to

,
conquer them selves a settlement within his domi

nions was probably a successor of S a b a c o and Tir
,
h a k a h having his capital n o t at the Meroe of later

, ,
geography b u t at N a p a ta n or does it necessarily

,
follow that they proceeded so far as N a p a ta before

th ey received hi s comm ands D i o d o r u s s ays they .
took posses sion o f some of the best land in Ethiopia

and divided it among them Eratosthenes Strabo .
, ,
‘
Pliny all mention them b u t with s uch variations
, ,
as to their position that it is evident they wrote

,
fro m n o certain k nowledge Herodotus tells u s.
that the Au to m o li bore the name of As m a c k which ,
signifies those who stand on th e left h and o f the

“
king ; D i o d o r u s attri b utes their emigration to their

displeas u re at being posted o n the left win g in an
"
expedition into Syria ; both accounts being proba
bly etymological conj ectures founded o n the cir ,
c u m s ta n c e that a people called E u o n y m i tae ( left) ,
o f Egyptian origin dwelt between Ethiopia and

,
Egypt We cannot avoid the suspicion that th e

.
distance o f the countr y to which they emigrate d ,
as well as th eir numbers has been greatly e x a g g e

,
.
rated that their real settlement was near the Second

,
S trab . 1 7, 78 6 P li n 6, 3 0
. . .
9
I l c r 2, 3 0
. . Di o d . l , 67
.
TH E T WE N T Y -S I X T H DYN A ST Y .
‘
Cataract and th at they w ere referred to a region
,
far south of Meroe not because any traces of E gyp ,
tian civilization were found there but in deference ,
to the authority of Herodotus Those from whom .
he recei ved his accoun t had made no better estimate

o f the di fficulties o f a march to a country fi ft -S i x
y
days sail south of Meroe than those who re p re
’
sented D arius as h aving marched from the D anube

to the Wolga ; and the historian was not the man
to correct such tales by applying the tests of time
and space .
P s a m m i ti c hu s relieved by the departure of h i s ,
discontented troops app lied himself more diligently ,
to the internal arrangements o f his kingdom the ,
collection of taxes and the culti vation of friendly ,
relations with the Greeks especially the Athenians ,

.
Egypt formerly the most inhospitable of all coun

,
tries towards strangers now opened all her harbours ,
to them 9
The king caused his own sons to be i 1i
.
structed i n Greek learni n g The intercourse of .
Sais and Athen s would be p rom oted by their wor

ship of the same deity and the Opinion u ltimatel y ,
S prung u p though in a much later age that Cecro p s

, ,
had led a colon y from Sais to Ath e n s S

It is ch a .
P liny on the authority of Ag th Geog M in 2 5 ‘M d aw a . .

, . er r
N ero s wp l t
.
,
‘
’
e pl ces the p y
or a o r es , fip m
d e s p Sa
p
é w
'
e au Kam x v m eu va
E u on
y i t on
m the frontier
a? o f 3 N h E d p I E fi p d 701 et
'
ov
'
r a t, e i ai ,
E thiopia towards E g ypt betw een K d w i ”p a fi M p y m y ro

'
ro c
‘
Ka . r e O
'
a
the S econd Cat ract d the island M p

,
tpd y
,
s Eh d ‘o
' ’
a an e I/ o ve s 0 e m irro c
G g d
a au prob bly Arg o Ag
e s, Ai d i a ) T he G reeks used t h e . a m re s .
th em places them the w est n mes i g ht and l ft w do I n

e ru s on a r e as e .
or left bank o f the N ile bove the reference to t h e c ourse o f a a rI y e r .
S e c ond Cat r ct ddin g the name ( S ee Herod 1 72 B ust d D i on

,
a a a .
,
. . a .
,
S b id
e r as comin g next to them P i g
ce er e .
S teph nus B y ti s y s they

.
a D i d 1 67
z an nu s a
9
o
He ll en s c he S t mme
.
.
,
are an E g y p ti n nation on t h e a M ii ll 9
er , i a
b orders o f Ethiopia ( Plin y 6 3 5 und S t d t l 10 6 '
a e, ,
.
Ste p h B y
.
.
, ,
. v E bw piz
-. s . . w r a t.
r a c te r i s ti c o f
a time when there was a great i ncrease
o f intercourse with foreign nations that a ri valry in ,
antiquity S hould have existed which led P s a m m i ti ,
chus to m ake hi s experimen t o f educating two

new -born children ap art from men and watching ,
to wh at language their first vocal utterance would

belong ‘ Having been suckled by S h e -goats the
.
,
first sound they uttered w a s b ec o s an d thi s being ,
found to signify b r e a d i n the Phrygian language ,
the Egy p tians c o n c e d e d t o the Phrygians th e honou r

o f p riority
9
Such was th e acco u nt given to Hero
.
d o tu s by the priests of M em phis o f the first attempt

made to apply the evidence o f language to d ecide
the antiquity of n ations We m ay smile at the .
experim ent and th e inference deduced from it but ,
till lately philological arguments have been applied

to historical questions with not much more disere
-
tion To obtain a b e tte r knowledge o f Africa b e

.
,
train ed youths o f the Ichthyo p h agi to explore the

fountai n s o f the N ile and others to examine the ,
D eserts o f Libya They were taught to endure the

.
extremity o f thirst b u t few survived 9

, .
It was towar d s the latter part o f his reign

that Egypt was threatened by an i nvasion of the
Scythians C ya x a re s king o f the Me d es having
.
, ,
defeate d the Assyri ans in a great battle was b e ,
sieging N ine veh when his o w n king d om was over

,
run by a horde o f Scythians They had driven the .
Cimmerians before them and entered Media C ya x .
He r .S c h o l Ap o ll . . Rhod me ni ng p parently S esostris the

. a a
w orld -c nquer r ( S ee p 165 of

,
4, 2 62 Ar i s tO p h N u b 3 9 7 d)
. . . . o o . .
ri
p m e m ) Ka i K
p this vol )
o u i w v hfm u K a i B e x
The S cho l iast there

.
'
x e o e h nv e
'
Her 9
Athen
. .
refers the stor y to S e so n c ho s i s ,

9
. 8, p . 345 .
T hat day is a d y f w rath a o
A day f distress d f an guish ;

o an o
A da y f desolation and f destructi on ;

o o
A day f d rkness d of g loom ;

o a an
A d y f clouds d f thi c k d rkness ;

a o an o a
A day of the trumpet and of shoutin g

A g ainst the fenced cities and g inst the hig h tow ers a a .
The invasion o f the cities o f th e Philistines is

S pecifically mentioned
S urely G aza shall be fors ken and A scalon a desolation ; a
A shdod shall be driven t t noond y d Ekron Sh ll be rooted up ou a a an a .
The sea-coast sh ll be dwelling s for shepherds and folds for flocks

a .
(v . 5,
The prop h et anticipates that the flood o f invasion

would roll fo rward even to Ethiopia ( v as no .
doubt it would h ave done but fo r the gifts and ,
supplication s by which P s a m m i ti c hu s i nduced the

Scythians to return Y et it i s intim ated also th at .
their success should be S hort -lived and be followed

by a great reverse
G the ryourselves tog ether d ssemble O nation th t feareth t ;
a an a , a no
B e fore the de c ree brin g fort h th t your d y pass w y h fl; , a a a a as c a

"
B efore the h t an g er of J ehov h upon you ( ”

o a com e . 11 .
This also corresponds wit h history The Scyth ians .
were enervated by their residence in a southern

climate and overpowered by C y a x a re s and the
,
Medes The capture o f N ineveh foretold by the

.
,
ro
p p het ( Zeph ii S peedily fo llo w ed the r.e .
c o ve r of Median ascendenc ‘ A few years later

y y .
the northern n om ad tribe s a p pear to have medi

9
ta te d another and combined i nvasion o f the South ,
d h ty w p
’
‘
trj s ci vci tr r a r a
'
r
w fjpzra fo v
‘ ’ '
l nd of M g og Rhos ( the n tions
a a , a
p
’
n e ce h a tz u o w e e 7 0 177 0 67 1 e xo re v . d w ellin g on the Ar xes ) Mesech a
d T ubal ( the M oschi and T iba

,
- ”
e xa m oi
( Her 1 , an
reni ) G omer ( the Cimmerians )

. .
H erod l , 106 ,
“ ”
the T o g armah ( the A rmenians )

. .
,
9
Ez ek xxxv ii
. i G og, of.
”
.
TH E T W E N T Y -S I X T H DY N A STY .
in which they were to have been j oined by Persia ,
‘
Ethiopia an d Libya ; its defeat was foretold but ,
from some cause which history has n o t explained ,
it never took place The pro p hecy stands insulated .
among th e oracles of Ezekiel and may have been ,
delivered when the great power of N ebuch adnezzar

h ad alarmed the neighbouring nation s both north
and south .
The lists represent P s am m i ti c hu s as reigning

fi fty -fou r y ears and Herodotus agrees with them ,
among the papyri of Turin L e p s i u s h a s found the date ,
o f his forty fi fth —

’
y ear 9
He was succeeded ( 6 1 6 B e ) . .
by his s o n N E c o or N E C H A O the Pharaoh N echo of ,
the Second Book of K i n gs His first undertakings .

,
according to Herodotus were peaceful To con ,

.
struct a canal which should j oi n the N ile with the

R ed Sea and save th e troublesome transp ort by
,
land across the D esert was a proj ect which would ,
naturally suggest itself to th e mind of a king of

Egypt where stupendous works of the same kind
,
"
existed in the F yo u m and th e D elta We have .
noticed the tradition th at it h a d been begun by

“
Sesostris D uring th e French occupation of Egypt
.
this district was carefully explored and the a n ,
cient line o f the canal traced It went o ff fro m .
the N ile in the neighbourhood of the modern town

of Belbeis supposed to represent the B u b a s ti s Agria
,
E z iii 5 xxxix 1
x x xv Thus Di d ( 1 68 ) omits the
“ 9
o o ru s ,
s ith the Lord G od Behold I reig ns o f N eco d P

. .
. .
,
i d
a
n am an sa m m s, a
O c
,
a
g inst
a thee G g the hief passes ( d p
o p y ) are ov T G TT a O L
'
/e a rs
en
prince o f M eshech d T ubal and to th t of Ap i H ment i ons

, , .
an a r es . e
I w i l l turn thee b c k d leave but N e c o ho w ever n ci dent lly ( l 33 )

, .
a an , i a ,
the sixth p rt o f thee as t h e ut h or o f t h e c n l

,
” a a
a a .
Bunsen {E gyp t S telle B 3 S ee pag e 2 9 1 of th s vol

.
9 i
, en s , .
,
.
p 144
. .
o f the ‘
Greeks and ran east w ard th rough a natural ,
valley the Goshen of Jewi sh history till it reached

, ,
th e Bitter Lakes whic h derive their quality from ,
th e saline im pregn ations o f the D esert The in fl ux .
o f the water o f th e N ile rendered them sweet and ,
9
they abounded in fish and aquatic birds Issuing .
from these it pursued a southerly course to Suez .
Towards the western end its traces are very

v isible notwith standing the deposit o f the N ile
, ,
which h as partly filled it up ; towar d s the East ,
where the influence o f the D esert is more powerful ,
it h a s n early disappeared At the j unction of the .
R ed Sea remains of m asonry are visible but they

, ,
are p robably no older than the ti m e o f Ptolemy II .
N eco is said to h ave sacrificed the lives of

m en 3
i n the attempt to excavate this canal which ,
after all he left imperfect being w arned it is said , , ,
by an oracle that he was only labouring beforeh and ,
“
for the benefit of the barbarian D arius resumed .
the work and according to th e description o f H e

,
r o d o tu s m ade i t o f su fficient width to admit tw o

,
triremes rowed a b re a s t f
H i s language leaves no ’
.
s
doubt that i n his time it reac h ed the sea though ,
D i o d o r u s says th at D arius left i t unfinished b e

7
,
cause he was informed th at it wo u ld inundate Egypt

with the water o f the R ed Sea Since the F rench .
Ch mp lli a o on , of this c n l T he C
L
’
E g yp te sous b li s h m e n t a a a
les P h r ns 2 c losed it for this re son

.
a ao56 11p h s h a d a
P lin y d i b i g it fter its

.
, ,
9
St b 1 7 p 80
ra o,
5
e sm n a
c o p l eti n b y Pt l e y s y s 100
, ,
H 9
2 15 8
er m o o m a
H erodotus ( 4 42 ) repe ts his feet w ide 40 dee p ( N H

.
.
, ,
ssertion of N e c o s h vin g le ft the The w hole len g th i s bout 90 miles

. .
, ,
’
a a a
c n l un fi nished ; simil r m tive

.
’
6
8 p 8p ) G dh
’
a a E x ia
p E a o a c ei : T ! v ru a rr
is s id to h ve rendered M oh m
a a a
med Ali verse from the -esta

a
7 l 33 re , .
they d i ffer i n n o small degree Fo r Europe stretches .
i n length far beyond them both and as to width it ,
does n o t appear to deserve a compariso n ‘ Fo r a s .
to Libya it S hows itself to be circumnavigable ex ,
cept where it borders on Asia this was first proved ,
as far as I k now b y N eco king o f Egypt When

, , .
h e gave up excavating the canal th at runs from the

N ile to th e Arabian Gulf he sent o u t some Ph oe ,
n i c i a n s in ships giving them orders o n their way

,
b ack to sail through th e Pillars o f Hercules into the

N orthern Sea and thus return to Egypt Setting
, .
o u t th en fro m the R ed Sea th ey sailed on the South ,
ern Sea As often as autum n returned they landed

.
an d sowed the ground in the part o f Libya where

they ch anced to be an d awaited the harvest ; and ,
then sailed agai n when they h ad reaped it So tw o .
years h aving elapsed in the third doubling th e , ,
Pillars o f Hercules they came back to Egypt , .
An d they said what to me is n o t credible but m ay

, ,
be to some o n e else that i n sailing round Liby a ,
they had the sun o n the righ t h and I n this way .
Libya was first k nown The Carthaginians are .
th e nex t w h o a ffi rm it [to b e ci r c u m n a vi g a b le] fo r

S a ta sp e s th e s o n o f Te a s p i s did not circumnavigate
, ,
Libya though sent out fo r this very purpose but

, ,
turned b a c k fearing the length an d the dreariness

,
”
of the navigation .
It is remarkable th at Herodotus does n o t express
Herodotus reckoned a pro as but was evidently u posed b y him

s
l g ti o of E uro e w h t we c ll
on a n a a to su rpass th t o f i
a he w s n, a s as
N orther A sia
n it h d never
an as a not ware of t h e
a t extension o f
ca
been cir c umn vi g ated i t bre dth the peninsul o f ndi S ee

,
a , s a a a .
from south to north w unk o w n as n ,

the smallest d oubt respecting th e reality o f this cir

c u m n a vi a ti o n that the Carthaginians confirmed
g
the testimony of the Ph oenicia n s all whose nav a l ,
and g eographical knowledge they would share and

that in the age O f X erxes S a ta sp e s was sent out , ,
not to try if Africa could be e i rc u m n av i g a te d b u t

‘
,
to perform its circumn avigation as an admitted ,
possibility Whether the O phir o f the Book o f

.
K ings were a port in India or Sofala o n the S E , .
coast o f Africa it is evident that the ships o f the ,
Phoenicians had for several centuries been accus

to m e d to distant voy ages — vo y ages even of three
years duration accordi n g to the Book of C hro n i
’
,
cles ‘ Their ships were large and so arranged

.
,
i nternally as to give the greatest stowage i n the

9
smallest sp a c e Maj or R e n n e ll s researches have .
’
shown that th e circum navigation might be much

,
more easily accomplished from the eastern side o f

“
Africa than th e western and that consequently ,
the failure of S a ta S p e s who tried it from the west , ,
and the slow progress o f the Portuguese in reach

-
ing the Cape afford no ground for calling i n ques

,
tion the truth o f Herodotus account The time of ’

.
three years however must appear i n a d e q u a te w he n

, , ,
we consider th at S c yla x occupied two y ears and ten

months in his voyage from C a Sp a tyru s on the Indus
“
to S u ez .
It may appear extraordinary that i f the fact ,
Chron ix 2 1 w hich may be X en (E con c 8 speaking of the

2 . . .
,
admitted as an evidence for the g e P hoen i c n vessels that resorte d to

.
.
,
a ia
in which this book was written if the P ir eus a

G eog f Herod S ect xx i v
.
,
not for the g e of S olomon a .

9
. o . . .
Hh I - in i Her 4 44 ’
9
or t n
p
e a ra
j g (m a ev u t/( . .
,
ci
- ei
B
'
i a xe w w e va
' ’
d ea a é p q v
'
yy q i
x p p e .
2 D 2
that Africa was a peninsula h ad once been as

c e rta i n e d it should have been virtually denied by
,
‘
Plato and expressly by Ephorus an d doubted by “
, ,
9
Polybius who h ad hi mself visited the western ,
coast in a fleet fitted out to explore the traces o f

,
th e Carth aginian settlements The art o f n avi .
g a t i o n however h ad
,
greatly d eclined am ong the,
n ations bordering on the Mediterranean betwee n ,
th e times o f Ephorus and Polybius and th at in ,
which Ph oenicia flourished : th e voyages m ade

from Egypt u nder th e Ptolemies were d irected i n
the profitable ch annel o f Indian com merce He .
migh t th erefore well speak o f that as doubtful o f ,
which th e evidence was fou r centuries and a h alf

o ld and which h ad not been confirmed by s a bse
,
quent v oyages Strabo appears to h ave entertained .
n o doubt th at Africa terminated in a southern cape ,
though b e conceived most erroneously o f its form ,
believing the eastern coast to form a right a n gle

w ith th e northern and the western to be the hypo ,
ten u se o f the triangle He d i d n o t however b e “

.
, ,
lieve in th e circum n avigation In speaking o f the .
eastern coast o f Africa he says th at n o o n e had ,
advanced more th an 5 0 0 0 stadi a beyond the e n

trance o f th e R ed Sea and havin g perh aps E p ho
5
,
rus in his m ind that those w ho h ad coasted Libya ,
whe r e it i s washed by the ocean whether they had ,
I n the g f Plato the Atlan in insulam Cer en

a e o posse p , n non ro
ti e was believed to be incapable of vehi .
navi g ation o w in g to the d p 0 58 1 2m Aé- 9 '
y w I p I 3 m u ro 1 5
1 9 e ( T G Kt
‘
M, m :
d c d b y t h e sunk isl nd A tl ntis

,
‘
6 8 jp d é i - ’
‘
u e p a
p 7 a 7 1» K 0 v s Kat w, m re o v 7 11 6 1
I f the Atl ntic p 6 K d 6 x3 d p e

.
( Ti § 6 ii i
m a 9 t ar 1 (r m /6 9 r a s
not navi gable A frica o f co rse j p q p fi p 6 o xam , w p x
.
.
,
’
w as , u n u m iau a e ie c
could not be circumn vi g able ( 3 3 8 Flin N H 5 a . m i
N H 6 3 1 Ephorus
. .
, . . .
,
9
P li n. . 1 7 p 82 5 , .
,
auctor est a Rubro mari navi g antes

. . .
1 6 p 769 from Eratosthene s 9

, .
, .
of O n their expulsion ( 60 8 B e ) C y a x a re s
N eco . .
resumed h i s enterprise against N ineveh ; and about

the sam e time N eco left hi s kingdom to m arch to
the Euph rates ‘ He seem s to have employed his .
fleet o n the Mediterranean to transport his army to

some h arbou r in the north o f Palestine and was ,
th e n ce proceeding inland towards Carchemish Jo .
siah who was king of Judah and held also the an

, ,
9
cient territories o f Israel induced perhaps by the ,
Assyrians e n deavoured to stop th e march o f N e c o , ,
with the whole force o f his kingdom He would .
gladly h ave pas sed o n to the Euphrates unmolested ,
and earnestly entreated Josiah to abstain from in

te r r u p ti n g him but Jos i ah was not to be dissuaded ,
and they met in battle at Megiddo in the plain o f 9
Esdra elon n ear the foot of Carmel “

Josiah had dis .
guised him self before the battle that the royal i n

5
,
s i g n i a might not m ake him a m ark for the enemy
but an arrow reach ed him he w a s brought back to

Jerusalem and died there This battle delayed the .
m arch of N eco ; h e took possession o f Jerusalem ,
“
the C a d yti s o f Herodotus and advanced a s far as ,
2 K in g s xxii i 2 9 I n the d ys A S yrian re dy t perish w my . a a o as
f Josiah P h rao h N echo ki n g father

.
o Her 2 104 a
”
R F
, , . .
, .
f E g ypt w ent up ag ainst the ki n eland l est 8 93

g
o a s
f A ssyria to the river E uphrates

, .
2 C h i xxxv 22
.
,
” 9
o . rO I
T he name seems t
. . .
Jose hus y ( A t ag inst sa s th n .

“
a
9
o m ean
“
e
the edes and B abylonians w h Hol y city From a comparison , o
”
.
had overthro w n the po w er o f A the assag es in Herodotus 2 S of

p 5 t ap pears that
, ,
syri ”
a . 15 9 ; , i no
2 K in g s xxii i 19
9
2 Chron other place than Jerus lem can be a
me nt H erodotus w ou l d t have
. . .
xxxi v 6 a no
G
. . .
9
E p w 6 N v
v h d
o w compared '
za
t or K desh B rne
- es
‘
(r a a a a a
(H 2 w ith S ardis J erus lem h d been

’
M yd h p i j
'
ev a o c eu xr a e er .
, . a a
i
Ap d (po
- T
r a 'rr a i /
'
I 8 kno w n the seat of magnificent
r o 1. O US
‘
’
ov
'
a i o vr as a
( E nsch temple f sever l centur i es and or a
This i s prob bl y h d enj y ed a reputation for s n c

.
,
P E-v
r es . a a o a
fl i n m i ne A
t i J h d h tity mu ch e rlier times S ram e a e , in a ee
G
.
S yri n of J udaha D t xxvi 5

8
°
en xi . en .
.
.
,
TH E T W E N T Y -S I X T H DY N AST Y .
R iblah in H a math his way to the Euph rates on .
The people of J u d ae a however m ade J e ho a ha z the , , ,
s o n of Josiah king N eco sent for him to Hamath

, .
,
deposed and imprisoned him after he had reigned

three months an d sent him to Eg ypt where he
, ,
’
ended his da y s At the same time he made his .
younger brother Eliaki m king changing his name ,
to Jehoiakim and imposed a tribute of a hundred

,
talents of silver and a talent of gold upon the la n d Q

.
Whether N eco him self retu rned to Egypt or re ,
m ained in Palestine to secure hi s power there we ,
a r e not informed but four years later he marched

to the Eup h rates with an army comprehendi ng , ,
3
according to the prophet Jeremiah Ethiopians ,
“
and Libyans as well as Egyptians Carchemish .
,
o r Circesium W here the b attle took place in which

,
he w a s defeated by N ebuchadnezzar stood on the ,
eastern side o f the Euphrates in the angle or as the , ,
ancients said the island formed by its confluence

, ,
with the C h a b o r a s whi ch gathers the waters of ,
northern Mesopotami a an d discharges them into the

Euphrates nearly in N lat It lies in the line . .
of march o f an a rm v proceeding fro m the n orth o f

Palestine to northern Mesopotamia and N eco was ,
o n his march to occupy it when intercepted by ,
He is the same w h in Jer

1 S uch w as the te d iousness o f
o,
S
.
Xxn 11 i called hallum

s and of ancient s i e g e th t he m i g ht have s, a
f
.
, ,
hom the prophet declares th t been n a ed be ore

.
p t o in o e ra 1 n s
w e g g a
he should never return to his own C i c dur n g t h e i nterv l but r e sm m i a ,
l nd Comp E zek xix 4

a . .
the lan g uag e of the prophet eems
. . .
s
2 Chron xxxvi 3 to indi cate a recent Jer 1 n va s 1o n . .
. .
xlvi 8
.
Jer xlvi . .
.
Eg ypt riseth up like flood a ,
And his waters e moved l ik e the ; ar

‘ ‘
I I VCI S
A nd he s ith I will g up and c e th e rt h ;

a o ov r e a
I will destroy the city and the i nhab t nts thereo f

,
i a .
[B O O K
‘
Josiah If N ineveh still held out against th e forces
.
o f C ya x a r e s and the Babylonians the obj ect of ,

’
N eco s m arch might be to relieve th at city ; if as ,
seems more prob able it h ad already falle n he m ay Q

, ,
h ave deemed i t politic to anticipate the hostilities

which he could not b ut foresee o n the part o f th e ,
power which h ad thus become predominant in Asia .
Carch emish was an i mportant military position .
The Euphrates i n this part o f its course i s fordable , ,
both above and below the influx of the C ha b o ra s 3

,
and by the possessio n of Carchemish its passage

m igh t be impeded When D iocletian was strength .
e n i n g th e frontier post s o f the Empire in the East ,
against the inroa d s o f th e Parthians into Syria b e ,
erected a strong fortress at Carchemish w hich P ro ,
c o p i u s calls the most rem ote garrison of the R 0

“
m ans In th e times of Grecian and R om an power
.
it appears to have been a place of little strength ,
b ut it would be otherwise wh en Egy p t an d Assyria

contended on the Euphrates This is implied in .
th e boast of th e king o f Ass y ria ( l s x Is n o t . .
Calno as C archemish — is not Samaria as D amas

”
cus ? and the n am e itself indicates the existence
o f a fortification s
.
We h ave no further account o f the battle o f Car

chemi sh than that o f the prophet that N e b u c h a d ,
2 C h ron xxxv 2 0 C i i t t e rc u s u m m u n m en u m u
c pture f N ineveh is ti i
. . .
Th e a t f bre li t
o cuj us ss m u m e a o u m :
usu l ly pl ced but not on ver y cer
a a oe i A bora t p h t
, m n a e u ra e s am
t in g rounds in 606
a the first b i t fl i l t P tium insuD C u n u m na , ve u s a
y ear f N ebuch dnezzar w hich w l re fi g t Q uod Di l ti
, . .
o a as a n en es oc e an u s
t h t f the b ttle f C rchemish
, .
a o ig a t h t o
p t a ex u u m an e ac e su s ec u m
( Jer xlvi the uthority of uris t i b q on i d dit

a m u rr u s u e c rc u m e
P tolemy s Canon in 604
. .
’
l i (A i M rc 23 ce s s m m an a
S ee Col Chesne y s M p in
.
, . . .
,
k in S i castle ’
5
3
K i a a ra a
P rl Report on S te m N vi g tion S ee Cleri c d 2 gh xxxv

. r ac s a .
a a a a a ro n
t I ndi
. . . .
o a .
rem ar kable monum ent i n the Museum at Florence ,
published by R o s e lli n i l
It recor d s that P s a m m i
ti c h u s a priest of Sokari w a s born o n the first of
, ,
the month P a o m —
in the reign of N eco th at he
’
g
,
lived seventy -o n e years fou r months six days and , , ,
3
d ied o n th e sixth d a y o f the m onth P a op i in the ,
thirty -fi fth year of A m a s i s If we allo w that the .
authors o f the lists in extracting fro m Manetho

h ave given us round num b ers instead of the exact ,
su m in m onths and days which they found in the

original the correspon dence will be complete
,
“
.
N eco w a s succeeded ( 60 0 by his son P S A M

M I T I C H U S II whom Herodotus calls P S A M M I S The .
record of Manetho in Africanu s is evidently imper f
feet P s a m m u th i s i s called the Second though no ,
other o f the n am e has been mentioned and therefore ,
we should rea d with the aid of Eusebius P sam

"
, ,
m u thi s who is also P s a m m i ti c hu s th e Second

,
His .
phonetic nam e is spelt with precisely the same

characters as those of his grandfather but the ,
titular shield has a di ffere n ce i n th e m iddle cha

r a c te r N o public building remains erected by
.
him nor i s any large work o f art extant o f hi s

,
Mon S tor . 2, 1 5 1 g st ndmore accu

thus The r e c ko n i n w ill a
supposin g N eco t h ve rei ed
.
,
t ly 4 1 9 7
c u ra e o a
T he tenth month of the E gyp s i xteen years and the priest t i i e

, . x
2
o rv
ti y e r S ee vol i p 3 3 0
,
an a been born when he h d rei gned a
T he second month
. . . . .
3
2 ye rs 9 months d 1d y
. a an a :
R esidue of his rei g n 1 3 ye rs 3 months a
lI 6 y e rs
.
P i
sam P m i ti h
s or sa m m c u s a
1 9 y ears
. .
Ap i r es
i to the de th of the priest 3 4 y e rs 1 month 6 d y s

. .
A m as s, a a a .
ye rs 4 months 6 days 72 a .
T he excess of one ye r is ccounted y e rs have been reckoned fu l l

a a a as
for b y Bunsen ( B 3 p 143 ) by the ve rs u
supposition th t the fractions o f

. .
, .
a
reign .
Fragm ents
sculpture however bearing of , ,
hi s n ame exist in the citadel at Cairo and under

, ,
the base of th e colum n called Pompe y s Pillar at ’
Alexandria The former of these appears to have

.
m ade a part o f some erection in honour o f the god

Ptah a t Memphis ; the latter probably belonged to
some b u ilding at Sais His titular shield is also .
found 0 11 the obelisk of the Piazza Minerv a at Rome ,
which was executed u nder his son and successor

A p ri e s
‘ Th e British Muse u m contains a por
.
tion of an i n te rc o lu m n i a l plinth inscribed with his

n ame and titular shield in which he appears o ffer ,
i n g to the gods who give him all power and victory

, ,
and put all lands under his sandals ?

He had a
daughter who se nam e was N i to c r i s the same a s
, ,
that o f the queen of P s a m m i ti c h u s the First and ,
derived from N eith the tutelary go d dess of Sais , .
Herodotus mention s a single anecdote of the

reign o f P s a m m i s which is not otherwise important ,
th an as indicating the reputation which Egypt e u

j oyed among the Greeks for wisdom and equity .
The inhabitants of Eli s to whom the administra ,
tion o f the O lympic games belonged were accus ,
to m e d to consult the oracle of Jupiter at Ammo

n ium : inscriptions remained there recording the
n ames of the delegates and the answers which they

h ad received ; and libations were o ffered at Elis to
the Am m o n i a n gods Jupiter and Juno and Mercury , ,
3
who presided over games Exercising the delicate .
function of j udges between Greek competitors ,
R lli i Mon S tor 4 1 9 8

o se n ,
P usan Eli c 5
.
Mer
.
, .
3
a . a a, ,
2 13 6 cury w surnamed H p p p as a a wv .
Birch G ll f B rit M P 2
, .
2
, a . o . u s . .
,
p . 1 09 .
H1 ST O RY O F E G Y PT .
th ey would naturally seek to arm them selves with

the authority which this ancient and venerated
oracle conferred To ascen d the N ile to Te re n u thi s
.
o n the Canopic bran ch below Memphis and cros s
the valley o f the N atro n Lakes was an easier way ,
o f reaching Am mo nium th an from the s e a - coast ,
p rovided Egypt were frien d ly ‘ In going o r return .
ing the delegates fro m Elis h ad an audience of

,
P s a m m i ti c hu s and boasted to hi m o f the perfect

,
equity with which they m ade t heir decisions If .
we m ay believe Herodotus they had come for th e ,
sole purpose of i nquiring if the Egyptians the wisest ,
o f men could devise any better method of securing

,
imp artiality The king summ oned those who were

.
reputed wisest among them and they h aving heard ,
th eir statem en t asked if Eleans were allowed to

,
contend in the games as well as other Greeks The .
Elean s replied th at they were Then said the E g yp .
tians ,
Y our method is entirely unj ust ; it i s i m
“
possible that you should not be biassed in favour

o f one of your o w n people and if y o u h ave really
come to Egypt desirous o f attaining to perfect
equity y o u must henceforth exclude every Elean
,
from the contest Di o d o ru s with more probability

.
refers the story to the reign of Am a s i s and a ttri ,
butes th e advice ( which was n o t follo w ed ) to the

king hi m se lf Q
Towards th e end o f hi s reign P s a m m i ti c h u s II .
m ade an expedition into Ethio p ia of which H ero ,
3 does not m ention either the pur ose or the

d o tu s p
1 Alex nder went by P ar e A i 3 4 S ee lso
a a rr an , , a M i n u to li ’
s
d the co st but fo nd T r vels

.
t i
on u m an a , u a .
the di ffi c ulties so t th t he ea D i d l 95
a
2
o .
, .
returned by the a tron L kes a .

3 2
1 61 .
the throne o f J u d ae a had been compelled to subm it

,
himself to N e b u c ha d n e z z a r and for three years r e ,
m ained faithful ; but at the end o f th at ti me per ,
h aps i n h o p e of assistance from Egypt he turne d ,
”
and rebelled again st him The weak ness to which
.
Jud aea had been reduced exposed it to invasions ,
from all the neighbouring tribes Moabites Ammo , ,
l
nites and Syrians as well as the C h a ld e e s
,
The
king of Babylon himself it should seem was e u , ,
gaged elsewhere prob ably in establishin g h i s domi

,
n ion at home Jehoiakim was succeeded by his

.
son Co niah o r J e ho i ak i n in 5 9 8 B C He had . .
either m ade hi mself ki n g o n his father s death o r ’
h ad been placed o n the throne by the people with

o u t the approb atio n o f the king o f Babylon An .
arm y w a s i m mediately sent against him and th e ,
siege o f Jerusalem was formed by the lieuten ants

o f N e b u c h a d n e z z ar ; but appears to have proceeded
slowly til l the k ing him self came to take the c o m ;

, ,
m and of the besieging army wh en the city speedily ,
; J e h o i a k i n was carried captive to

g
s u r re n d e r e d
Babylon within twelve months from h i s accession ,
and his u ncle Zedekiah placed o n the throne in h i s

stead Ap r i e s h ad succeeded to his father abou t
.
four y ears previously and th e earliest u ndertakin gs

,
o f his reign were directed to the reco very o f that
ascendency in Syria and Palestine which N eco h ad

possessed But Jerus alem being virtually i n th e
.
power o f N ebuch adnezzar he did not venture at ,
first to attempt an invasion by land We find th at .
the hopes of the p eople of J u d ae a were strongly ex

cited the prophet H ananiah foretold that within ,
1 2 K in g s xxiv . 1, 2 .
9
2 K i g s xx v
n 1 . 10-1 6 .
TH E T W E N T Y -S I X T H DY N A ST Y .
two years the yoke o f the king of B ab ylon should

be broken an d th e captive king be restored to his
,
throne This was the e ffect o f the success which

.
attended the first undertakings o f Ap ri e s and a ,
truer prophet warned th em that they would prove

fallacious All the nations of Palestine appear to
.
h ave been alarmed at the growing power of B aby

lon and sent em issaries to Zedekiah tempting him
, ,
to throw o ff his allegiance to N ebuchadnezzar .
They were also warned by Jeremiah of the fruitless

ness of their attempts b y the symbolical act o f ,
sending a yoke to the sovereign s when their emis

s a ri e s returned 1
Their more i m mediate danger ,
however was from Egypt Herodotus speaks only

, .
o f Ap ri e s
’
expedition against Sidon and his s e a
fight with th e king of Tyre but according to D i o ,
dorus h e took Si d on by storm reduced the whole

, ,
sea coast o f Ph oenicia an d defeated the Cy p rians

-
,
wh o appear to have been allies if not s u b j e c ts o f ,

g
,
the Ph oenician s A lthough Gaza and the other .
towns of South Palestine are n et expressly men

ti o n e d by either o f the Greek historians it is pro ,
bably to thi s time that the prophecy in the 4 7th

chapter o f J e re m i a h is to be referred ; and as the
3
d estruction is said to co me from the north it mus t ,
h ave been attacked o n the return of Ap ri e s from

1 Jer xx I n th first verse ( c omp v
vn . if i ndeed the w hole
e .
of this chapter Z d ki h should verse which is w ntin g in the S ep

. .
e e a a
certai ly be read for J eh o i ki t g i t be not i nterpolat i on

,
n a m u a n , an .
3
Virg fE l 62 1 n
G enitor tum B elus o p i

. .
,
m am
V t h t C yp t victor di ti
as a te eb t a ru m e on e n a .
Men nder ( J o A t 9 14 2 ) p e
a s The word of the Lord that
n re r
3
i the time of Sh l came to J eremi h the p rop h et

. .
, ,
sents E 1 l u aeu s , n a a
m s reducin g the revolted

a n e s er, a
g nst the P h l t before th t a ai i is m e s, a
people of Citium into obedien c e Ph araoh smote G az ”

.
a .
[B OO K '
his campaign against Cyprus an d Sidon After .
these successes Ap ri e s dispatched an arm y into

,
Jud aea Zedekiah having violated the oath of

.
allegiance which he h ad s w orn to N e b u c h a d

n e z z ar
‘ ,
and sent a m b assadors into E gypt to
“
ask for an auxiliary forc e of cavalry and infantr y ,
the Chald aeans h ad inve sted Jerusalem The .
ti dings of the m arch of the Egyptia n army caused

them to raise the siege but they returned as
3
, ,
Jeremiah h ad foretold in greater strength the , ,
king him self comm anding them 4 ; and the troops

o f A r i e s it is probable retired without a contest
p , ,
.
s
The prophecy of Ezekiel in which the arm o f ,
Pharaoh is described as bein g broken so that it ,
could never be bound up again to hold the sword ,
was delivered o n occasion o f this retreat when ,
Egypt renounced for ever its attempts to o c

c u p y Palestine N ebuch adnez zar after a siege of
.
,
eigh teen months took Jerusalem by storm and , ,
Zedekiah being m ade p risoner as he was attempt ,
in g to escape in disguise by a concealed breach i n

the wall , was deprived of his eyesight and carried
"
,
in chains to Babylon This took place in the .
eleventh year o f Zedekiah s reign and the seventh ’
o f th e reign of Ap r i e s ( 5 8 7 s o ) In consequence .
o f the m urder of Gedaliah to whom the governmen t ,
o f Jud ac a h ad been entrusted by N ebuch adnezzar ,
m any o f the Jewish chiefs who had escaped the

7
execution o f R iblah fled into Eg y p t carrying with ,
2 Chron xxxvi 1 3 J er x x xvn
E zek xvii 15 T he embassy

. . . . .
E zek xxiv 2
Eg y pt ust have taken pl ce E z e k xxx 2 1
. . . . . .
t
o m a
E ze k xii 1 2
. . .
tow rds the end of the sixth year

a . . .
o f Z edeki h in 5 9 2
a , 591 or
7 2 K ing s xxv . 21 .
N ebuch adnezzar and his troops h a d served a

great ser v ice ; their h eads had grown bald with
the pressure o f th e helmet and their S houlders had ,
been galled by the weight o f the c u irass ; expres

sions which indicate a p rotracted warfare ; yet
h ad th ey no wages for Tyre fo r the service that
t h ey had served against i t 1
an d th e spoil o f Egypt
is promised to them as a compen sation for this di s
appointm ent which probably arose from the city ,
having surrendered o n term s which saved it fro m

bei n g given up to pl u nder ?
That an invasion o f
Egyp t actually took place is probable M e g a sthe n e s .
asserted th at N a u o c o d ro s o r u s (N ebuchadnezz ar )
h a d led his ar m y as far as the Pillars o f Hercules ,
an d conquered great part o f Libya s

U nless this .
i s a pure fiction h e m ust h ave m ade conquests ,
to the w estward o f Egypt which h e could not d o ,
w ithout passing through the northern border o f that

country .
N ow the prophec y o f J e r e m i a h implies n o m ore

4
than such a passage a ccompanied by the usual o u t ,
rages o f a victorious arm y I t does n o t describe a .
perm an ent occupation The prophet declares that .
h e would S pread his pavilion in Tahpenes (D a p h n ae )

break the images o f Bethshemesh ( Heliopolis ) an d ,
S t Jerome on E zek xxix 18 , which l ted ten ears ; then fol

as
rel tes that when N ebuch d ezzar

. . .
a a n lo w ed a period m i xed govern 0
h d ne rly completed hi mole t

a a s o ment of f t su i t and
e es , r es
a tt ck the isl nd the Tyri ns put

a a a kin g for ei ght y ter w hi c h e ar s , a
their we lth o s h ipboard d car two princes i n succession were sent

, ,
a n an
ried it ff but it is d i ffi 1t to

o : 0 11 for to Ty re from B bylon to be a , in
know w hether he i l ti a cer vested w ith lty w hich seems

to im p ly some k
s re a n ro a ,
ti fi e d f ct o expoundi n g t e pro
a r ind o f de d en ence
h t th t time ( Jos A nt l4 2
yhe reign
ec a a
p . .
S tr bo
. . .
, ,
9 r
the of I tho b alu s,
3
a
J er xliii 1 2 ; xlvi 1 3 —2 6
,
kin g u der w hom the sieg e to k

n o . . . .
pl ce w follo w ed by th t of B al
a , as a a ,
TH E T W E N T Y -S I X T H DYN AST Y
la y waste N oph (Memphis ) ; that he should arra y

h imself with the land of Egypt as a shepherd put
teth o n his garment and go forth thence in peace , .
He might be deterred from attempting the conquest

of Middle and U pper Egypt by the power of Ap ri e s ,
o r dissuaded b his sub mission This explanation

y .
,
however will not apply to the prophecy of E z e ki e l l

, ,
according to which m an and beast were to b e cut o ff

from the land from M i g d o l to Syene and Egypt to be
, ,
desolate for forty years The remark is often forced .
upon o n e who compares prophecy with history that ,
the prophet in enlarging upon his theme and carry

,
ing it out into details indulges his own peculiar g e ,
nius and obeys in som e m easure the impulse of his

,
o w n feeling The geni u s of Ezekiel was e x a g ge r a

.
ti v e and vehe ment whereas th e s tyle of Jeremiah

e
,
is more simple an d prosaic It would be pushing .
a negative argument too far to deny any in vasion

o f Egypt by N ebuch adnezza r because it is not ,
m entioned in Hero d otus ; but to relate its desola
tion fo r a lon g series o f years a s a fact would be a ,
violation of all p rinciples o f historical criticism It .
is certain th at from this time there was no hostility

between Egypt an d Bab ylon and there is even rea ,
son to think that N ebuch adnezzar married an E g yp

tian princess .
There is a striking correspondence between the

language i n which Ezekiel describes the pride o f
Pharaoh and its hu miliatio n and the contrast ,
which Herodotus d raws between the commence

E zek xxi x coris aut g rati e a c a u sa , s e d ex indi
E ze k iel— est ( Lo w t h
. .
”
3
a tr o x , ve h e n a ti o n e e t vi o le n ti a . , e
Sacra
.
mens trag icus

, , to tu s in
f eq e
r in p
u ns re e ti ti o n i b u s, non de
[B oo x
ent and the close of his reign N ext to P s a m

m .
m i ti c h u s he had b e e n the m ost prosperous o f E

g yp
tian kings but the time h a d arrived when h e was
destined to misfortune and according to the h i ,
s to ri a n s philosophy great prosperity especia lly if

’
, ,
acco mpani ed with any elevation o f mind was pro

‘
,
vocative o f a reverse Both the prosperity and .
2
th e pride o f A p r i e s are set forth in strong poetic
imagery by Ezekiel : he is likened to a crocodile
lyin g in the midst of th e N ile saying o f the river , ,
”
It is mine o w n I have m ade it for myself trou , ,
blin g the waters with his feet when h e rushed forth ,
to seize his prey 3

It was not howe v er from the .
, ,
rival power of Babylon that h e was destined to m ee t

with destruction .
Th e Greek colo n y o f Cyrene h ad been founded

about half a century before this tim e The history .
o f its establishment is curiously illu strative of the
state o f geographical k nowledge among the G reeks

in th e seventh centu ry before Christ The kin g o f .
Thera a sm all i sland o f th e Sporades had gone to

, ,
D elphi probably to consult the oracle respectin g

,
the drought under which the islan d h ad su ffered “

.
Th e Pythia replied that they should g o and foun d ,
”
a city in Libya The Ther aeans were descended .
partly from the Miny ae the earliest n avigators o f ,
G re e c e partly fro m th e Phoenician companions o f

b
,
Cadmus yet they kne w n o t in what part o f the

,
’
i m pa h e w s i m i dp fi o oa r
' '
l
1 , 34 M 67 31 83 E dh a wa o lxé 80 xc e
'
. ( vr
q i 6 .
1 6 11 0 11 , E h a fi e e x 960 5 P e r (2,
’ ’
a s o n p e yrih q
'
1
K p oi a o v
'
( he e lxd o a r,
'
on e vé
pw e
’
3
E zek xxix xxx 2
. . 1, 3 ; h . .
-
{ai m 61» e fva r d u flp dn ra w d m i w co u d 1v Her 4 represents the
.
, 15 1,
droug h t follo w in g the first visit
.
B d
r i r a r o v.
'
as
63 )xé ye‘ra t 6 21/a t 1786 r) t D el p hi

’ ' '
2 A 1rp 1 e a) o .
Bi ci u o ra , p nd d v 66 6V p u p u pd e va 813
’ ’
;
f M i i ll
"
O rchomenos und
er , die
va rr fla r ra ii o a r r rj r B a m h q tq s o fir w M m yer, 2 5 8
'
w
’
.
their first settlement w a s not prosperous and when ,
tw o years h ad elapsed leaving one o f their number ,
o n the island th ey again visited D elphi

, and com ,
plained to the Pythia th at though they h ad colo

n i z e d Libya they had fared no better
,
The answer .
o f th e Pythia implied that t h ey were mistaken in
supposing th at the i sland was Libya and they a c

’
,
c o r d i n gl y removed to a place named Aziris Opposit e ,
to it o n the m ainland at the opening o f the valley ,
which i s n o w called Wadi e l Te m m i n e h Herodotu s .
says that after remai ning here six years they were
,
induced by the promises of a better settlement to let

themselves be conducted by th e Libyans to Cyrene ,
a n d th at their guides cont rived to lead them by
n ight through the finest part of the country Bu t .
it is evident fro m the exclam ation o f o n e o f the

guides when th ey arrived at Cyrene Greek s , ,
here it is best for you to dwell for here the skies

are pierced that they h ad been pining for a land
watered by rain h aving found that the evil o f ,
d rought h ad followed them to their n e w settlement .
3
Such a l and is the Cyren aica as the traveller as
c e n d s from the Gulf o f Bomba towards the elevated
plateau 0 11 which the city stands the san d y soil ,
changes to a rich loam ; a fine vegetation clothes

the hills ( the Arabs n o w call it the G reen Moun
tain) ; herds o f cattle are seen which the land o n ,
A Z 7 15 e p c ii 11 118 67111 p nh o r p é d m u 0 330 9 d y e w o v

’
'
M r) e h fld w e h fld w o s‘, d y a v d y a p a r o o ¢ fq v a a h
' '
— Her 4 1 5 7 .
, .
I n the l nguag e f S ripture

9
a o c the coast com a l i k e Cerne on
of M au itani Compare I s i h
, ,
the w i ndo w s f he ven o e a ar r a. a a
( G en i i l l
,
o d
en e
”
M l iii v v 1 w here a very f itful hill “ ”
1g
. . . . . . .
, a ru
is li ter ll y a horn the son of a
The n me w pr b bly P h f tness

,
’ ’ ’
3
wi p
’
a as o a ce a c v xe
p a r r, ev m m om
derived from ( WP ( S ept )

.
n ician, an d
"
TH E T W E N T Y -S I X T H DY N A ST Y .
the sea coast is unable to su p port ; the olive the

-
,
citron the j uniper the cy p ress the pine grow

,
‘
, , ,
luxuriantly and there i s an abundant su p p ly of

,
water The w hole district produced the Sil p hium

.
“
,
which was so highl y p rized i n ancient pharmac y

that it sometimes sold for its weight in silver " .
.
The different elevation of the coast the mountains ,
and the i ntermediate region gave the Cyrenians ,
three harvests in the year one becoming ripe while ,
the other was gathered in The site of Cyrene “

.
was well a d apted for th e settlement of a flourishing

colony Th e promontory on wh ic h it stan d s b e
.
,
t w een the Syrtis and the Bay o f Bomba is the ,
nearest point to Greece o f the whole line o f the

African coast ; and there is an excellent harbour
at the distance of 8 0 stadia or 1 0 miles from the
5
town The gardens of the Hesperides as far as ,
they had a protot ype in nature appear to have ,
been hollows i n the limestone hills on the western

side o f the promontory where orchards of extra ,
ordinary productiveness are found .
The establishment of the colony o f Cyrene was

indire c tly fatal to the Saitic dynasty U nder .
Battus I its founder who reigned 40 years a n d

.
, ,
his s o n Arcesilaus who reigned 1 6 the numbers of , ,
the ori ginal settlers were not increased b y any n e w

i mmigration But in the reign of Battus surnamed. ,
1
P cho Voyag e dans la M
a , ar 4, H 2 2 49l
P i n y,
‘
N . .
, ,
m or iqu e, p 83 enumerates t rtues w h ch ex 1 s Vi , i
I t is supposed t be the L tended from the d i spers i on of

. .
2 a
o a
s er
p i ti u m hich P ac l o o h
D er i a s w i d O p y t the cure of c rns
r s o o .
served to g row plentifully in the Ari s to p h P lu t 9 2 5 Pli n N H

3
. . . . . .
Cyren i c thoug h he no w here

a a, 19 , 15 .
met w ith it betw een E g yp t d an H erod

4, 1 9 9 . .
the B y of B omb I t w not

a a as S c y la x , 1 0 7, p 23 4, e d K a n . .
l
found west w rd of th e Syrtis ( H
.
a er . se n .
[ B OOK
the Prosperous an invi tation w a s sent to all th e ,
Gree ks to come and aid the Cyrenian s in 0 0 10

n iz in Libya with a promise o f an allotment o f
g ,
land The Pythia lent her aid as before by an

.
, ,
‘
oracle which warned against delay a n d a great ,
m ultitude soon assembled at Cyrene fro m Crete ,
Peloponnesus an d the Cyclades and Sporades ,

"
.
They could not be provided with the land th at had

been promised them but at th e expense of the ,
n ative Libyan s who were not o nly stripped of their ,
territories but treated with great insolence accord

, ,
i n g to the common fate of barbarian s who presum e

to defend their rights against the intrusion o f a
civilized people They were probab ly the sam e .
Libyan tribe the G i li g a m m ae in w hose territory

, ,
th e first Ther aean settlers h ad landed Egypt was .
interested in preventing the further growth o f a

power w hich threaten ed to encroach o n all its
3
neighbours A d i c ra n the king of th e Lib y ans , ,
sent to implore aid from Ap ri e s and place himself ,
under hi s authority A p ri e s accepted the o ffer o f .
the Libyans and sen t a large army to their a i d

,
but a s he could n ot venture to emp loy his Greek

m ercenaries against thei r co u ntrymen it was com ,
posed entirely o f Egyptian troops The Cyrenians .
m arched o u t and a battle took p lace at Irasa now

, ,
Ai n E r s en between the Bay Of Bomba and Cyrene

“
,
.
°
39 A rfi fi rj v w o h v rjp a r o v fi m c p o v
1
O s 86
'
KW
P59 d va d a w p é va s‘, 11 e o f f o n d ( pa p a ”s h am r an — He r 4, 1 5 9 . .
2
Her 4, 1 61
'
E s
'
Ipa o a
xé p o v m l evt x p rj w j
’
l v
S c lax ( 1 06 p e m ( H 4
. .
3
He r 4, 1 68 me ns e
’
u er Ai n a
the E gyp fount in

. . . . .
, ,
2 3 3 K lausen ) exten d i these co ntries

s a an n u
A pis ( B
,
ti n territory f
a as fount in
ar a s more per nent than onn a s are m a
Aj b h ) but his w ork w

on a h rdly to w ns T he - me i s prob bl y lso
as a . na a a
w ri tten before the middle of the Ph i i n wy b S ee G ce n c a n u r s e~

Lin g Ph en 1 424
.
4th century i se n n s, . o .
, .
[ oosn
P a ta rb an o fficer of high rank with orders to

em is 1
, ,
bring A m a s i s alive in to his p resence Am a s i s .
bade him return wi th a contemptuous refusal and ,
when he appeared before A p ri e s the king ordered ,
hi s ears and nose to be cut O ff The Egyptian s .
w h o had hitherto adhered to the royal cause seeing ,
th e outrage o ffered to a m an who was highly

esteemed am o n g them immediately j oined A m a s i s ,
and th e revolters A p ri e s was thus le ft alone with

.
his Carian and Ionian auxiliaries w hose numbers ,
amounted to He m arched from Sais where ,
hi s royal residence was to meet A m a s i s who was , ,
advancing from Libya and the armies encountered ,
at M o m e m p h i s near th e borders o f th e Lake Ma

,
r e o ti s The digression which Herodotus m akes at

.
this moment of his n a rr a ti v e to give an acco u nt g

,
o f the castes o f Egypt and especially of the num ,
bers and privileges of the mi litary caste proves ,
th at in his mind this revolt was closely connected

with the attempt which the Saitic princes had
carried o n for three -qua rters o f a century to raise ,
u p a body o f G reek troops by whose means they ,
migh t m ake themselves independent of the ancient

soldiery Their dissatisfaction first m anifested itself
.
i n the emigration of th e Au to m o li and most e ffe c ,
tu a lly in the revolt under A m a s i s That they were .
still s o powerful is a proof that the numbers O f the

A u to m o li must have been greatl y exaggerated The .
auxiliaries we re defeated owing to the s u p e ri o r i tv ,
i n numbers of the Egy p tians and A p ri e s being ,
1
He lla ni c u s ( Athen . 15 , p . W i th P a ta rb em is .
680 )c lled the kin himself Par 2 , 164

t mis p p rently grom confu ion
a .
a , a a s
THE T W E N T Y -SI X T H DY N A S T Y .
taken prisoner was carried back to Sais to the

,
palace now becom e th e pro p erty of A m a s i s For a

, .
time he was treated with kindness by his con

u e r o r ; but th e Egyptians murmured at the i a
q
d u lg e n c e shown to o n e who had made himself
so odious to them A m a si s therefore delivered .
h i m into the han d s o f the people b y w h om he was ,
strang led b ut a llowed to be buried with his a n

c e s to r s in the splendid temple of Minerva at Sais .
To the m odes of interment in pyramids practised

u nder th e O ld Mon archy and i n grotto sepulch res
by th e Theban dynasties another had been added ,
by the Pharaoh s o f Sais The level and alluvial .
D elta afforded n either hills on which pyramids

could b e set u p as obj ects conspicuous from afar
, ,
n or rocks in which sepulchres could be hewn .
They therefore con structed for their remains vaults

within the precincts of the temples surrounded with ,
pilasters and column s and opening with folding ,
doors The interments o f the common peo p le o f

.
Sais were made in a large necropolis o f which the ,
Ap ri e s had re i gned
g
remains m ay still be tra c e d . ,
according to Herodotus and Manetho as reported

by Eusebius twenty -fi v e years and died 5 69
, ,
A M A S I S o r A m o s i s was a native of S i o u p h a
, ,
sm all town in the Saitic nome and o f plebeian ,
birth Thus another great principle of the ancient

s
.
constitution o f Egypt was infringed according to ,
which the king must be chosen from the priests
Jer xliv 3 0
1
T hus saith 2 Champollion Lettres p , ,
. 5 0,
the Lord Behold I will g ive P ha
. . .
52
l
.
r oh H p h into the h nd o f h i s
,
3 dw r
i 7g
a Ap p om v f o 7rp w e a m
a o ra
enemies d into the hand of them ( He r 2,
'
d
' ’
m g o vx e m >a u eo s
q
.
an
.
th t seek hi life
a s .
[B OO K
orthe soldiery Being a m an o f the people he w a s .

,
n o doubt s u pported by them and at first despised ,
by th e higher castes for the meanness o f his birth .
He adm onished them by a truly oriental mo d e a , ,
symbolical action o f the folly o f valuing m en a c ,
cording to their o rigin instead of their actual place ,
and u s e i n society He had a golden foot -bath in .

,
which h e an d h is guests were accus tomed to wash

their feet before the banquet This h e broke up .
,
and o u t of the m aterial fashioned a statue o f a g o d ,
which was erected i n a p u b lic place and received ,
the hom age of the citizens Sending fo r the E g yp .
tians he pointed out to them to wh at honour this

,
v essel had been rai sed which h a d formerly se rved ,
for humble and even dishonourable uses ’

My .
lo t s aid he
, has been the same : I w a s once a
,
plebeian ; I am n o w your king ; and y o u must

honou r and respect m e accordingly a n d in this
way he gently reconciled them to his yoke In .
another respect he i n novated upon ancient custom s .
The cou rt ceremonial o f Egypt arran ged by the ,
priests regulated fo r the sovereign the employment

,
o f all his hours and wh en he had given th e morn ,
ing to the dispatch of business prescribed to him ,
religious duties and moral reading Am as i s did .
not neglect the duties of sovereignty o n the con

tra ry he established a strict administration through
o u t Egy t and raised it to a high degree o f pros
p ,
e r i ty B u t having given the earl y hours of the d a

p .
y
The livel y descri tion f I l p
1 1 dd o e
'
‘
p
es u x0 fl as
ro d t g ives
o u s b i g ide o f the 1 72 no I n picture t T ebes ( Wil
a . a a h
refinement of Egypti n m nners kinson M pand C 2 167) a a . . i s a re
present ti on o f the ffects f w ine

, .
,
’
h
( as w d
ex qprov y hp o a m m os rw a a a e o
y y e o ve vm
’
p d p ,p w
'
on
70 l d i
1! r t fe st
re ov er
“
ro a es a a a .
A ly vn r ro v s e v
q u e w r e m 1 ( 1 c u
[
B OO K
equitable and sagacious a d m i n i s tra ti o n ; and the l
u nion o f seve re application to business with the ,
love o f pleasure a n d a playful humour i n the hours

o f relaxation has a parallel i n Philip of Macedon
,
.
H i s reign was favoured by external circum

stances The N ile was regular i n its ri se an d the
.
,
land yielded abundance to the people the number

.
o f inhabited p l aces exceeded twenty thousand h A

t
friendly alliance was m ade with Cyrene and E gyp ,
tian prej udice s o far set at nought th at A m a s i s ,
m arried L a d i k e the daughter eith er o f the king o f ,
that city o r o f an eminent citi zen N o danger

, .
th reatened o n the side o f Babylon ; o n the con

tr a r y th eir rela tion s were friendly and A m as i s
, , ,
after the power Of Cyrus became formidable e n ,
te re d into an alliance with N a b o n a d i u s o r Laby

netus the last king o f Babylon fo r th e de fence o f
, ,
Croesus against the M e d e s s

The rapid move .
m ents o f Cyrus defeated their purpose and Sardis ,
was taken before the allies o f Croesus could muster .
Th i s was i n the y ear 5 4 6 The n aval power of

the Ph oe nicians was s o m uch reduced by the war
o f N ebuchadnezzar against Tyre th at A m as i s dis ,
“
possessed th em of Cypru s and m ade it tributary , ,
which woul d facilitate hi s intercourse with Asia

Minor His internal regulations were s o j udicious
.
,
that he is reckoned with Menes S a s yc hi s Sesost ris , ,
and B o c c h o ri s as o n e o f the great legislators o f

,
Eg y pt They extended according to D io d o r u s to

.
, ,
1
'
H a p a de d or a t o w ' -
n 6s re yy
‘e '
o Herod 1 77
3
.
, .
H erodotus s ys D 6 K p
' ’ '
j
1
ve w u K a fl i m e B ohr u r d v r p dwo v a
p G “ 5 i rrr ov
”p ie- d fi d w
,
j i d fx a w s‘ ( B iod 1, but this evi

'
em e u rr r K a r oe
p v i m v, s
m i st ke
. .
1
Herod . 2 , 1 77 . d tly
en a a .
TH E T W E N T Y -SI X T H DY N A STY .
‘
the whole administ ration bu t only one o f them is ,
s e c i fi ed Q
I t obliged ever y m an to declare every
p .
year to th e chief m agistrate of his nome by what ,
means he lived an d if h e could show no honest ,
livelihood h e was to be put to death It is pro

, .
bably m ore correctly stated b y D i o d o ru s that he

s
,
who gave a false account of himself o r followed an ,
unlawful calling was punish able with death From , .
th e general character o f th e administration of Am a

s i s we shoul d expect to find him moderating the
,
severity o f a pen al law Herodotus sa y s that the .
law o f Solon which was in force in his time and

was an excellent law was borrowed from Eg y pt ; ,
but Solon s law only pu nished idleness with the

’
loss o f civic rights an d that perhaps only if a man ,
h ad for three successive years been without a n

h onest calling “
.
A m a s i s at first was not favourably disposed

towards th e G re e k s by whose defeat h e had been
s
,
advanced to the t h ron e but h e continued them in ,
his servi ce and afterwards removed their quarters to

,
Mem phis th at th e v m ight be available against the

,
population of the capital He showed himself also .
very friendly towards the whole G reek nation He .
allo wed all who pleased to inh abit the city of N au

c ra ti s and to those w h o came only for commercial
,
purposes h e gave sites on which th e v might build

,
altars to their gods The largest and most illustrious .
o f these factories was that which w a s called H e llen i o n ,
1
l , 95 of Solon s visiti ng E g ypt
’
f
ater he
h d g iven law s t A thens
.
2
Herod 1 1 77 .
, .
a o
Ap a
3
l 77 5
y c v dp ‘
e vo s o
P etit Le ges Atticas p 5 20 ed

,
, , .
,
. 0 19 is the expre sion
s of Herod otus
Wessel Herodotus himself S pe ks
. a (2 .
founded by the pri ncipal states of Asiatic Greece

Chios Teos Phoc aea an d C la z o m e n m i n Ionia ;
, ,
R hodes Cnidus Halicarnass u s and Phaselis i n

, ,
D oris and the single city o f Mit ylene i n 3 3 0 115 .
These cities enj oyed exclusively the p rivilege Of

appointing th e m agistrates o r c o n s u ls w h o reg u
lated the commercial concern s o f the He lle n i o n ;
others claimed a share but Herodotu s e m p h a ti ,
call y declares th at it d i d not belon g to them .
[F g i n a however had i ndependently foun d ed a

.
, ,
tem en os of Jupiter the Samians o f Juno an d the ,
Milesian s of Apol lo their respective chief divi ,
n i ti e s ; and these were probably older th an the

He lle n i o n as the states which fou nded them were
,
distin guished in n avigatio n earlier than the others .
A m a s i s sen t presents to several o f the Grecian

temples ; a gilded im age o f Minerva with his own
pictu re to Cyrene ; to L i n d u s tw o statues o f
, ,
Minerva in stone and a linen corslet o f won d erful ,
work manship According to the d escri p tion whic h.
Herodotu s gives l o f a similar present m ade to the

Laced aemonian s each thread consis ted of 3 60 fi la ,
ments clearly to be distin guished Figures were .
woven i n the p atter n Of the linen and it w a s ,
adorned with gold and c o tto n Cotton being used g

.
,
as a costly materia l along with gold for the en rich

m ent of the linen was probably of recent i n tro d u c ,
tion from Ethio p ia or I ndia for i t seems not to have

”
been know n in Egypt in earlier times The corslet .
sent to L i n d u s remained to the time o f Pliny ,
though nearly destroyed by the curiosity o f tra

1
Her . 88 xp v rr rf
i K a i c l p fo r rn i
r n d £15
E6
’
vr a
'
j a i u Alve o v Ka i {cho w
’
e vv h o v ( He r . u
Jul Poll
. . .
'
3
( 1
1 0 17 11 6v ( ri / cf w
, c oa
pqp eu ov . .
7 75 , .
The alliance and friendship of A m a si s with Poly

crates o f Samos is very celebrated and must belong ,
to the latest part o f A m a s i s reign Polycrates ’

.
( 5 3 2 h ad m ade himself m aster o f the whole

o f th at islan d having killed o n e o f his brothers
,
and expelled the other and acquired a degree o f ,
power and splendour which no Grecian tyrant ever

equalled excep t Gelon and Hiero o f Syracuse
,
1
The S amians as we have seen were commercially

, ,
connected w ith Egypt and Polycrates cultivated ,
the friendship o f A m a si s Fo r a time u n i n te r .
ru
p t ed success atten ded h i s schem es ; but they
were carried o n with little regard fo r the rights o f

g
his n e i ghb o u r s whom he invaded and plundered
,
without scruple A m a si s had marked his p ros

.
e ri t and o n occasion o f so m e new success was

p y ,
s o convinced that a dreadful reverse mu st be pre
paring for him that he addressed to him says, ,
Herodotus th e following letter

,
A m a s i s to Poly
crates I t is pleasant to hear o f the prosperity o f
.
o ne with whom we are connected in friendship and
hospitality But th y great su c cesses displease m e

.
,
k nowi n g h o w e n v ious the divinity is and it i s m y ,
wish fo r those i n w hom I am interested that they ,
should succeed in som e things and fail i n others ,
and thus experience an alternation o f fortune

through life rather than be always prosperous
,
.
F o r I have never yet h eard o f any o n e who had

been successful in everything w h o did not su ffer ,
tions London
, , The 1
Herod . 3 , 1 25.
ancient l en appears o t t have

a u m n o
1
Herod . 3 , 3 9, 40 .
bee n o well purified as o u r alum

s
from the sul p hate f iron which is
o
mixed with it in natur e .

THE T W E N T Y -S I X T H DYN A STY .
entire rui n before he died Take my advice then .

, ,
and counteract your p r o sp e r i tv in this way ; con

sider what is the thing yo u value most and would
be most grieved to lose and throw that away in ,
s u ch a manner that it shall never come back

again among m en And if in future good and ill .
fortune should not alternate with you a d e p t the ,
”
remedy that I suggest The moral of this lette r .
is that with which Herodotus himself p hi lo so

p h i z e d o n history and hum an life and it coincides ,
s o exactly with th e address of Solon to Croesus ,
i n another part of his work even to the p h r a s eo

‘
,
logy as to leave no doubt that he has held the

,
pen for A m a si s as h e m ade himself the S p okes ,
h i an of Solon Polycrates weighed the advice and

.
,
found that there was nothing which it would grieve

him more to lose th an a costly emerald ring e n ,
c
"
graved by Theodorus o f S a m o s He therefore .
ordered a p e n te c o n to r to be manned rowed out ,
into the deep sea and i n the presence of all dre w ,
his ring fro m his finger dropped it into the water , ,
and returned to his palace with a heavy heart It .
w a s a notion o f the ancient religions that one who

was threatened with an overwhelming calamity by
the anger o r envy o f the gods might break the ,
fo r c e o f the blow by voluntarily taking o n himself

‘
8
I
- l 3 4 0
'
1 1
E 1r 1 0 p1 6 v 6v y e
'
1 a fi1 f
f o v s ri v e r pq r d f e ,
0 v w a . .
‘
w a y 361! (b flo v e d v r e 0 1311 30 7 1 9 m ir eho s o v x a s
p ’
fi d fi fi §
’
é f h o s y ei i r vxe w v
d fs fl
'
i w w o e 7r p 1
fv a
v e r e r n
p x z s, fi p
c m cl a
p m j
'
T a a e fl r v
7 8
’
ol a t
'
a r w v 7re 1 ; 3 4 0 E 1 wa
r
S ardo
u
a
p yp p
'
a , , .
.
O al
'
p ye ci h a r ei r rv
x
. r at
’
Oi m d p
'
eo
2
P l in
’
N H ’
3 7, . . .
R O W” , 7 5 0 15 20 1; e m
-
o r a p
’
e w p 639 n y c h e m r
'
g e m m a m u i ea n f sse con
’
e o n
¢ 0 0 v e p d m 1 , 32 ‘ Xp r) n v a a ;
. o s te n d u n t
q u e R st t
o m eo , 81 cre
f a r o s O K o rre e w rw r e h e v
'
di m u s C o n c o i d i aa , c
g
rn u'
delubro
—
r
'
xp m
'
7 1111 K r) d w o fi ficr e r a r
1 “
“ 07171 0 10 1 y p
.
’
A u g u s t i d o
a aureo
n o i n c l u s a m .
871 1377 0 865“ 3 h /3 0 v 6 65 69 7r p o p

1
[B OO K
some minor evil and thus compound his debt to ,
F ate . But in this case the composition was re

fused Five o r six days after a fisherman w h o h ad
.
,
caugh t a fish Of unusual size and beauty ; carried it as

a present to Polycrates When the servants opened .
it t h ey found i n the stomach the lost ring and in

, ,
great j oy brough t it to their m aster who struck , ,
with the ominous character o f th e event wrote a ,
full description o f all that had h appened to Am a s i s

in Egypt He perceived th at th e g o d was ben t
.
upon the ruin o f Polycrates and sent a herald to ,
Samos to renou nce his friendship in order says , ,
Herodotus th at when some terrible calamity should

,
befall hi m he might n o t b e grieved by thinking o f

,
hi m as his friend The story o f the ring recovered

.
by mean s o f th e fish i s o n e o f the traditionary ,
stock o f fiction s wh ose origin i s n o t to be traced .
A m a s i s may h ave h ad reasons o f policy for r e

n o u n c i n g the friendship o f Polycrates He aspired .
to be m aste r o f Ionia an d th e islands

‘and v o lu n ,
ta r i ly o ffered a n aval armam ent to Ca m byses for ,
the invasion o f Egypt which was o n the point o f ,
takin g place w hen Am a si s d ied 2 And though

Herodotus has courteously omitted any intim atio n
i n the letter that the abuse o f power w a s a sure
,
m eans o f drawing down retribution Am a s i s cannot ,
h ave been i gnorant that Polycrates was guilty o f

acts o f tyranny very likely to bring about hi s
,
ruin The unrom antic account o f D i o d o ru s i s that

.
,
A m a s i s renounced the friendship of Polycrates o n ,
finding th at he paid no regard to an embassy which

he sent exhorting h i m to abstain from h i s outrages
,
1
Her . 3 , 1 22 .
1
Her . 3 , 44 .
cine and strict system o f dietetic rules lead us to

, ,
conclud e that he h ad been trained i n Egypt where ,
m edicine had attained th e hig hest perfection and ,
dietary rules h ad been systematized with th e

greatest success His attainments in geometry .
correspond with the ascertained fact th at E g ypt

w a s th e birthplace o f that art He is distinguished .
i n the history o f philosophy fo r an attempt h a p ,
pily unsuccessful because uncongenial to the Gre ,
e ian mind to m ake knowledge a m ystery

,
to O b ,
struct th e approach to it by the interposition o f

long and repulsive discipline by investing th e ,
teach er with a supern atural ch aracter to exalt his

precepts into oracles an d to place th e governing ,
power o f the state i n the hands o f an order w ho

h ad been separated from their fello w -citizens and
inspired with an esp r i t d e c o rp s by their education .
I n these respects the Pythagorean school resembled

the Egyptian priesthood o f this age as fa r a s the ,
di fferent circum stances of Greece and Egypt would

allow imitation and there was no other model in ,
the ancient world that he could have cop ied ‘ .
2
Solon mu st have c o m e to Egypt before the reign
bu y in woollen as b e
h i b i ti o n to r sents him visiti n g E gypt after
as
lon g in g to the orgies w hich were his leg islation ( 5 94 B c but does
c lled O rphic d Bacchic but
. .
a an n o t expressly y that he w there

sa as
in the re i gn f A i w h c me
,
were re lly E gypti n d P yth

a a an a o m as s, o a
g o r e an rites ( 2 but this does to the throne 5 70 B C lth h in s ou
not necess ri l y imply belief in the seem to i jfiy

, . .
a a his w ords m
transmi gr tion f t h e soul
a o n o t onl y this but th t A i w a m as s as
A c cordin g to Plin y N H 3 6 a le g isl tor before S o l on G rote

.
,
1
, . .
, a .
9 S em
p t
en w the n me of
se r e u s as a an d N iebuhr h ve rem rked th t a a a
the king i n w hose Pyth g r s t h ere is an err r of forty years i

,
c e t E gyp t Th 31 b M S
rei 1 a o a o n
am o . e am er . H erodotus c hronolog y o f this
’
re d s Sp t p p h
a em e ne w ence
s er r eo , period ( G rote 3 There i
, s a
similar v ri ti n of forty y e rs in
,
Bunsen elicits P ti h N p hsam e c o e er a a o a
ph r eo
( U rkundenbu c h p 85 the assi g ned g o f P th g a e a o ra s
G erm )
,
Sc e Pynes Clinton F
.
.
, .
. vol 2 , . .
,
2
Il d t e ro( l 2 9
o u s 3 0 ) repr o
, ,
~
p 9 . .
TH E T W E N T Y -S I x T H DYN A ST Y .
of Am as i s ,
if his visit preceded h i s legislation ; a
supposition not necessary to account for the simi
la r i ty between his laws and those of Eg pt Tra
y .
dition related th at he had been the companion of

P s e n o p hi s the priest of Heliopolis and S o n c hi s
, , ,
the priest of Sais two of the most learned of their ,
order and philo sophized with them His Obj ect

'
'
“
, .
would be ver y di fferent fro m that of Pythagoras ,
not to dive into religious m ysteries but to learn ,
pra ctical wisdom such as he might have applied ,
to the benefit of his country on his return had he ,
not fou nd its liberties overthrow n by Pisistratus .
If we m ay believe Plato ho wever he brought home , ,
then ce a wondrou s tale of the ancient glories of

Athens in times some thousand years prior to
,
Pho roneus and N iobe and D e u c a li o n s flood whe n ’
s he had repelled an i nvasion of the inhabitants of
the since sub merged island of Atlantis who had ,
overrun the whole of the w est as far as Egypt ,
2
and Tyrr he n i a There is much in the story
which betrays the desire of the priests o f Sais at
’
once to in gratiate th emselves with the Athenians ,

‘
by findi n g p a ralle ls b e tw e e n Attic and Egyptian
usages and to m aintain their own superiority ; and
,
n o historical inference c a n be drawn fro m any part

o f it Y et the m ention of the impossibility of na
.
v i a ti n g the Atlantic in consequence of the mud

g ,
produced by the subsidence of the island deserves ,
notice in reference rather to the age of Plato than

,
of Solon We have seen that after the time O f

.
1
P1ut S ol . . 26 .
‘
y
--
A o rw r ri r o ts 0
‘
50 1
2
T im iii
. . 25 , Step h .
¢ h o o d cl> no
’
isp ew v
'
T cb v o v if e 1 a
Herodotus it became the established opinion tha t

Africa could n o t be e i rc u m n a vi g a te d owing to so m e ,
obstruction vaguely described The modern navi .
gator finds neither m n d nor sh allows n o r dead calm s ,
but the seaweed whi ch covers the ocean south o f

the Azores really does i m pede navigation and would ,
h ave s te p p e d the enterprise of Columbus h ad he ,
not skilfully turned the terror o f hi s crew into an

encouragement by representin g it as a pro o f that
‘
,
land was near . Should i t hereafter be as certained

th at a ridge now covered by the Atlantic ocean once
j oined the two worlds th e tale o f the priest o f Sais
, ,
o r of Plato , will only be an example o f a gues s

curiously fulfilled like Seneca s prophecy o f the
,
’
discovery o f a n e w world .
Am ong the temples enlarged o r decorated by

A m a s i s th at o f Minerva at Sais was particularly
,
d istinguished . He erected there propyl aea which , ,
both fo r height and size an d the magnitude and th e

quality o f the stones employ ed surpassed all others ,
.
These he brought from the quarries of Memphis as ,
w ell as the colossal fi g u res and androsphinxes with

which the dromos was adorned A m onolith al .
shrin e o f gra n ite from the quarries o f Elephantin e

excited the especial admiration o f Herodotus Two .
thousan d m en were appointed to bring it down

the N ile ; from Elephantine to Sais was an ordi
n ary navigation o f only twenty days but in this ,
c ase three years were occupied probably because the ,
i mmense weight made it impossible to float it ex

cept during the season of the high N ile 1 ts heigh t .
1
S ee G t G reece 3 3 82 note
’
ro e s , , , .
[B OO K
Syene which confirm th e accounts o f Herodotus

respecting the extensive excavati ons m ade there by
this king for h i s various p u b li c works .
His reign lasted according to the lists and Her e ,
‘
d o tu s forty -four years ; an d R o s e lli n i has foun d a
,
tablet in the quarries o f M o k a tta m bearin g his ,

g
n ame a n d this d a te His death took place i n the .
year 5 2 6 when his kingdom was o n the point

o f being invaded by Cambyses the s o n o f Cyrus , .
Cyru s the gran dson of A s tya g e s and s o n o f the

, ,
C ya x a r e s b v who m N ineveh was besieged had ,
united th e empire o f th e Medes with that o f the

Persians an d reduced Asia Minor Lydia and th e
, , ,
Grecian colonies into subj ection Babylon alon e .
rem ained in Western Asia as an in dependent state .
It is rem arkable th at Herodotus s a y s n o th i n g o f ‘
the expansion of the power of B abylon i n the reign

o f N ebuch adnez zar but represents N i to c r i s queen , ,
o f th e Bab ylonians as alarm ed at th e growing em ,
3
pire of the Medes after their capture of N ineve h , .
I t should seem that imm ediately after this event ,
accomplished by the alliance of th e Medes and B a

b ylo n i a n s the Medes turned their arm s toward s
,
Lydia and left Babylon in possession o f the greater

,
part of the territories dependent o n N ineveh ; fo r

3 10
l of the S un & M l k is fou d ”
c a e n
Mon S tor 2 1 5 2 I t has over some shields h i g this

.
, , ,
2 . e ar n
,
been s id by S ir G d Wi lki
. .
a n me but they y belon g to the

ar n er n so n a , m a
( M d.C 1
an th t the ti tle
. A ,
i mentioned by Herodotus a m as s
M e le k is g iven to Am as i s in some (4 , who lived in the rei g n of

o f h i s le g ends D r Wisem a n ( Lec D arius S e Sh p H i t o f Eg ypt
. e ar e, s .
tures on Sc ience d Reve led R e

. .
,
an a pl tes 1 90 1 9 1
a , .
li gi pag e 3 0 1 ) s ys that A i
on , a ,
m as s Her 1 1 85 T j M 68 ” dp if
3
.
, . r v 11 ! io a
on h i monuments
s v rece i ves ne er d p xfiv p e y ri l u r e K a l 0 13K d r p c p f
the E ti n titles f roy lt y but a o a , {o v rr a v {170 m r e d p a tp rj y c va d o m
'
r
i t
ns e a of pr enomen th S emitic
a a e
’
a i zr o lo r £ 11
'
,
1
36 31) K a i r rj v N i x/ a v,
1
title of M l k This is a mist k e ;

e e a ”p a t chvh ri go r o 61m 5 81 1 Va r o
11 1i
1 '
S on
.
Am i has th e usual titles

as s ,
Ato m .
the king against whom Cyrus advanced is called ,
n o t king of Babylon but king o f Assyria 1

The , .
n ame of the quee n N i to c r i s is so entirely Egyptian ,
th at we cannot hesitate to consider her as a daughter

?
o f th e Pharaohs The wife o f P s a m m i ti c hu s I and .
,
the daughter of P s a m m i s or P s a m m i ti c hu s both

bear this n ame s
Coupling this circumstance with .
th e absence o f all hostility bet w een Egypt and B a

b ylo n after the invasion of N ebuchadnezzar it 4
,
seems probable that N ebuchadnez zar h ad married

an Egyptian princess The succession of the B a .
b ylo n i an kings is thu s given by Ptolemy whose ,
authority must be c on sidered as the highest
1 . N A B O C O L A S SA R ( N ebuchadnezzar )
2 . I L L O AR A D A M US
3 . NE R I G A S SO L A SSAR ( N e ri gli s sar )

4 NAB
. O N A D I US
The N ab o nad iu s of
Ptolemy is evidentl y the La
b y n e tu s of Herodotus the Belshazzar of D aniel , ,
and according to Herodotus the so n of N i to c ri s

, , .
Herodotus calls her husb a nd also L ab yn e tu s which ,
does not agree with P tolemy ; but he appears to have

kno w n only two Babylonian kings both of whom ,
he calls L ab yn e tu s 5
In wh at relation I llo ara d a m u s .
( Evilmerodach N ebuchadnezzar s son

, ) stood to ’
N e ri gli s s a r we do not learn from Ptolemy but B e ,
ro su s
s
informs u s th at N e ri g li s s a r was husband of
h i s sister and put h i m to death
,
It seems probable .
th erefore th at N i to c ri s was th e widow of N e b u c ha d

1
Her 1 188 L by t the B b y loni 5
a ne u s a an ,
P h il t V it A poll 1 2 5 c lls w hom he mentions ( 1 74) as

.
, .
2 m e
os r a ,
kin g pe ce b et w een the Lyd ians

. . .
, ,
her a Median a
lli i M on S tor 2 1 3 0 d M edes must be N b

.
3
R o se n . .
h d , ,
an ,
e u c a
,
137 n e z z ar
‘
.
S ee p A p on
.
‘
1
. 41 9 of this vo l .
1
Jos . i . 1 , 20 .
nez z ar ‘ ; th at after the death o f N e r i g li s s a r w h o ,
reigned but fou r years she was regent o r guardian , ,
o f her son N a b o n a d i u s and that foreseeing the i m ,
pending attack o f Cyrus she performed those works ,
which Herodotus describes and praises for the pro

te c ti o n o f Baby l onia against invasion They are such .
as m ight naturally suggest themsel ves to a n ative of

Egypt That country h a d been rendere d i m p ra c ti
.
cable for the Operations of c a v alr y b y its canals The .
Euphrates j ust above Babylon had previously flowed

in a straigh t channel ; sh e gave it such a winding
and interlaced course that according to Herodotus , ,
( l ,
in descending i n a boat you were brought
thrice to the same place and on the third day were ,
no fu rth er advanced than on the first She raise d an .
embankment along the course o f the river resembli n g ,
that by which Memphis was pro tected ; and a re

s e rv o i r like t h at o f Moeris below the city to receive
the superfluou s waters of the inundation These .
works were evidently intended to answer a double

purpose to regulate the operations of the river and
, ,
render the country inaccessible and di fficult fo r an

invading arm y Another o f her work s was the c o n
.
structio n o f a bridge consisting o f piers o n w hich ,
plank s were laid for j oining the two parts o f B a

,
b ylo n on the opposite sides o f the Euphrates We .
know from the monuments th at the Egyptians had

co n structed such bridges so me cent u ries before this
Q
ti m e All her precautions however were u navail
.
, ,
F rom Jeremi h
1
7 it h
a perh ps son s
x x vn . may only as a
’
so n
been inferred that N b h d

,
mean a short suc essi on as 11 28

e u c a nc z c , 11 “
z r s gr ndson w to lose his w fd w
a
’
a as w 1 6 9 y w a v r o1
’
ne 1 67 1 11 0 6
'
ev vr m
ower d E vilmerodach may in Homer an i ndefinitely lon g o

an
fi ve been the husb nd of N it i

ne.
S ee p 25 8 of this vol
, ,
1
a a ocr s .
d f ther o f L b y t
.
an a B t
a ne u s . u
[B O O K
miracle Popular tradition however supplied

.
, ,
m any s u c h causes According to that which was .
m ost evidently devised in order to soothe the

n ational pride o f th e Egyptians Cambyses was ,
the son o f N i te ti s a daughter of Ap r i e s who m , ,
Cyrus had take n as a secondary wife wh ereas — ,
says Herodotus it is notorious that no son o f a

,
secondary wife could succeed to the throne of

Persia and th at Cambyses was the s o n o f Cassan
,
dane the daughter Of P h a rn a s p e s a m an o f the

, ,
Ach aemeni d family The Persian story was that .

,
Cambyses h a d sent to Egypt to dem and in m a r

ri e ge a daughter o f A m a s i s who knowing s he , ,
would be only a secondary wife and not his queen ,
substituted a beautiful daughter o f Ap ri e s and ,
th at Cambyses disco vering the fraud was s o e n ,
raged th at he determined to invade Egypt This .
story is refuted by chronology Ap ri e s had died .
'
m ore than forty y ears before and his daugh ter , ,
though arrayed as Herodotus says , i n royal ,

”
vestments and gold could never have gain ed the ,
affections o f the youthful m onarch as the story ,
implies Another version w a s that N i te ti s was the

.
wife not o f Cambyses but o f Cyrus A Persian

, , .
woman visiting his harem w a s struck with the ,
beauty o f the children o f C a ss a n d a n e and praised ,
them greatly to their mother Yet would y o u .
”
believe it said C a s s a n d a n e,
Cyrus neglects me , ,
the m other o f such children as these to p a y honour ,
to an Egyptian interloper !2
O n this Cambyses , ,
1
H erodotu
s c lls her ) l a
1
1 n a s,
9 Trj v i r
t r
’
A ly i m
'
'
’
r o v e rr fx r nr o v
but we h ve before h d occ sion
a a a £11 rt
p r id e r a r ( 3 ,
to observe how little he troubles

himself wi th chronolog ical d i ffi
cu lti e s .
THE T W E N T Y -S E V E N T H DYN A ST Y .
her elder s o n a b o y o f ten years of age ex claimed

,
, ,
Therefore mother when I am a man I will turn

,
,
Egypt upside down and recollecting his promise

when h e ca m e to the throne he prepared to invade ,
that country .
Among these various stories o n e thing alone ,
appears to h ave the sanction of Herodot u s An .
Egyptian at th e request o f Cyrus had been sent

, ,
to him b y Am a si s as th e most skilfu l oculist i n,
the country This was equivalent to a perpetual

.
separation from hi s wife and children ; and either

i n revenge o r in the hope of revisiting Egypt
, ,
if war should result from the refusal o f A m a s i s ,
h e urged Cambyses to d emand h i s daughter .
The dem and was probably refused — the Persians

said eluded It happe n ed about the time w hen
,
.
Camb yses was preparing his expedition that Am a s i s ,
had given offence to Phanes o f Halicarnassus one ,
o f the commanders of his mercenary troops a man ,
o f great valour a n d ability He had g o t on ship .
board intendin g to j oin Cambyses but A m a s i s

, , ,
knowing his estimation among his a uxiliaries and ,
his acc u rate acqu aintance with everything relating

to Egypt sent a trireme in pursuit of him The
,
.
eunuch w h o had the comm and Of the vessel e ver

took and seized hi m i n Lycia but he made his ,
guards intoxicated and escaped to Cambyses The ,

.
Persian king was then deli b erating how he should

p ass the D esert bet w een Egypt and Palestine and ,
Phanes not only gave him information o n this

point but laid o p e n to him the whole state of
, ~
A m a s i s affairs
’
This D esert o f sand extends from
.
K an Iones (J e n ysu s) about five or s i x hours tra ,

v elling to the south -west o f Gaz a to S a lah i e h in ,
Egy pt Along this distan ce of 1 0 7 geographical

.
m iles there i s n o trace of vegetation nor any water ,
fit fo r drinking ; the first sixty m iles from K an ,
Iones to the co mmence m ent of the Casian Mount

at the angle o f the coast are entirely destitute of ,
water 1
The sands o f the I sthmus are loose and
shiftin g an d the track was m arked by tall poles
, .
The Casian Mount o n which a temple of Jupiter ,
stood was only a ridge of sandy downs somewhat

, ,
high er th an th e adj acent coast 3

Th e s e a -coast .
anciently possessed by the Philistines as far south

as J e n ysu s was at this time in the power o f the
Arabians and from J e n ys u s to the co n fines o f
,
Egypt of the Syrians o f Palestine

,
“
The Arabians .
were Idumeans who h ad encroached upon the ,
territory o f the Jews and extended themselves

5
,
from Petra and the ZE lan i ti c Gulf to the M e d i te r

r a n e an The Syrians according to th e use o f that
.
,
n ame elsewhere by Herod otus must h ave been ,
J ews som e o f those fugitives who as we learn

, ,
from various passages in the prophets had settled ,
themselves at the time o f the Captivity alo n g the, ,
frontiers o f Egypt from the neighbourhood o f ,
Heliopolis to the s e a The Syriac language was .
spoken there even in the days o f Jerome “

, .
1
A vv 8p d v Sa ( Her éxp r 3 1711 1517 0 1) m i lu d s e rr n
’
di s 3,
’
u . .
p
'
ra il
1
N isi c l mi d efi xi re g u n t
a a via 1
A a/
P
'
3 1 o v, fi n d 86
1
5
(11 7 1:
n o n r e p eri tu r , s u b i n d e ve s aura '

S v p a w p e xp r E G p m Bo c
'
ti gi a O p e ri e n te ( P li n . N H .
( He r 3, the boundaries By “
S trabo
. . .
1
, 1 6, 760 , p . Luean
. o f th citye Herod otus C a d y ti s ”
P hars 8, 5 3 9
. . probably me ns Joppa which w a as
th e port f Jerus lem ( S trabo 1 6
,
'
"
A n d Ch o u /fro ) : ne Xp r o fi m v r a w
p ’
o a .
, ,
K a d fir i o s wolv e s , 1) e rrr l E vp a w r a w
H a h a to r tvfi w K a ll c o p e vm u , ci rro r u é E zek xxxvi
'
5
. 5
Hieron ad I s Os
. .
‘ - 1
6
fl a k é cr m
’ 1
fl : rd
) e n
p op
. m r ti 6 11
'
1 ): . . 19 , 1 8 .
.
H I ST O RY O F E G Y PT
fe re n taccounts were give n o f th e m anner i n which

the necessary quantity o f water w a s supplied It .
was said that a river had been conveyed through

leather hose into three reser voi rs on di fferent parts
o f th e line of march But no such river existed .
anywhere within reach an d it appears that a great ,
n umber o f camels were laden with water - skins and ,
d riven by the Idum aeans to th ose points in the

D esert at which the army o f Camb y ses would halt .
The Book o f Job affords a proof th at the Idum aeans

possessed very numerous herds o f camels which i n ,
thi s age were unk nown except as foreign animals , ,
1
o n the western S ide Of the Isthmus o f S u ez The .
Persians im mediatel y to ok m easures to secure a

regular passage by layi n g down vessels o f earthen
,
ware beside the track which were filled with water ?

,
fro m the N ile .
A m a s i s died ( 5 2 5 while Cambyses was pre

s
p aring hi s expedition and h ad been embalmed and ,
consigned to the tom b which he had constructed fo r

him self i n the temple of Minerv a at Sais His s o n .
P S A M M E N I T U S assembled his Greek and Egyptian

forces and awaited the approach o f the Persian s in
,
hi s camp n ear P e lu s i u m Before the armies e n .
gaged th e Ioni ans and Carians took a cruel revenge

,
o n Ph anes by wh ose treach ery the enemy had been

,
S ee Ritter A sien
1
and Athen 2
S c hw e ig ha e u s er (a d
This p ractice the N ab th e n
, , .
,
1
a a a 67) t the expedition f Cam
o o
A rabs lso used ( D i d

a o by ses .B t the description evi
u
i
. .
T hey buried pots full of r n -water a d tly belon g s t

en much l ter o a a
in the D esert i n places kno w n only period of the P ersi n Mon rchy a a
t t h emselves nor it e sy to c onceive h w the

, ,
o S R ennell ee u 3 is a o
A p ss g e of Th p p
. . .
,
1
a a eo om u s, rei n o f C mbyses should a com e
preserved b y Lon gi nus sect 43 .
, w i t in the scope f y w ork f
o an o
and describ i n g the

,
B w f xa r a a cr o The p o p who
om w rote History
u s, a
some P ersian king into E g ypt

o
o f the l tter p t f the P l p o

a ar o e o n
has been f d by T oup ( l c )

i e e rre . . ne i war and th rei gn o f P hilip
s an e .
.
J TH E T W E N T Y -S E V E N T H DY N A ST Y .
enabled to pass the D esert His children whom .

,
he had left behind him in Egypt were brought out , ,
o n e at a time into the space between the camps in

,
View o f their father their throats c u t and the , ,
blood which was received into a goblet mixed

, ,
w i th wine and water and drunk by the auxiliaries , .
”
And so says the historian
, they went to ,
The calamitou s issue of the battle h ad been por

tended to the Egyptians by the fall of a shower of
rain at The b e s ; it was obstinate and attended
Q
,
with great slaughter on both sides b u t ultimately ,
th e Persians triumphed and the Egyptians fled in ,
disorder to Memphis The field remained strewed .
with skulls i n th e tim e of Herodotus and those of ,
the Egy ptian s could be distinguished from the

Persi ans by their superior hardness ( a fact c o n
firmed by the m u mmies ) the result as he thought , , ,
o f the practice o f shavin g the head from infanc y .
We read of no outrages o r acts of cruelty com

m i tte d by Cambyses o n occasion o f his victory ;
he sent a M i tyle n e a n vessel with a Persian herald ,
o n board to Memphis to propose a p a c ifi c a ti o n

,
.
The E g yptians as soon as they saw it approaching

, ,
rushed down in a body destroyed the ship hacked , ,
th e crew to pieces and exposed their mutilated ,
limb s o n the wall Cambyses immediately formed .
the siege o f Memphis which held o u t for a con ,
s i d e ra b le time b u t ultimately surrendered

,
Ten .
1
A ccording to preventin g them from us ing the i r
P o lyaen u s( 7, 9 )
Cambyses e d t t g e u s missiles ag i nst the Pers ns
a s ra a m , p la c i
n
g a 1a as
in front of his line do g s sheep they approached , ,
Her 3 1 0
,
cats ibises and other nim ls held

, a a
2
.
.
sacred by the Eg yptians and thus ,
2 G 2
d ays after its capture 2 000 Egyptian youth s were

,
l e d out to be put to death in reprisal for the 2 0 0 ,
men of the M i tyle n e a n vessel whom the people o f

Memphis had m assacred This was no sudden act .
o f fu rious revenge o n the part of Cambyses ; the
royal j u d ges had decided that a tenfold retribution

m u st take place D arius without such provocation
.
empaled 3 0 0 0 o f the most eminen t Babylonians ‘ .
The law o f reprisal s is terrible in its operation ,
falling on the in n ocent instead Of the guilty o r ,
at best involving both ; but it is the u lti m a r a ti o

which upholds the la w o f nations clearly violated ,
by the Egyptians Herodotus thus relates the scene

.
which passed I regret the necessity o f giving hi s

.
n arrative in any other language th an his o w n :
Ten d ays after Memph is had surrendered ,
Cambyses brou ght out P s a m m e n i tu s w ho h ad been ,
s i x months king o f Egyp t and seating him exposed , ,
to public contumely i n the suburb along with

, ,
other Egyptians of the first rank put h is S pirit to ,
the proof in this way Having dressed the daughter

.
o f P s a m m e n i tu s in the garb o f a S lave he se n t her ,
forth carrying a pitcher to fetch water and with her ,
the m aiden daughters o f the ch ief m e n i n a similar ,
garb to that o f the pri ncess The other parents .

,
when their children came opposite to where they

sat lifted up their voices and wept at the sight o f
,
their a fflicted condition but P s a m m e n i tu s though ,
he recognized hi s daughter only ben t h i s h ead ,
towards the ground When these were gon e by

.
,
Cam b yses m ade his s o n pass before him alo n g

with 20 00 other Egyptian s of the sam e age gagged , ,
1
Herod . 3, 15 9 .
[B OO K
Egyptians w h o report ) felt som e touch o f ‘

pity ;
he com manded the s o n o f P s a m m e n i tu s to be
spared and his father to be brought from the
,
suburb to his presence The son had suffered .
before the messenger arrived ; but P s a m m e n i tu s

was conducte d to Cambyses and for the present ,
lived u nmolested i n his household .
F rom Memphis Cam byses went to Sais and com ,
m a n d e d the m um my o f A m a s i s to be brough t forth
fro m its repository It was subj ected to various .
indignities the h air was plucked o ff the b ody

, ,
pierced and beaten with stripes But th e process .
of embalm ment h ad m ade it s o firm th at all this ,
p roduced little ch ange i n it an d Cambyses ordered ,
it to be burnt This w a s an act according to H e

.
,
r o d o tu s equal ly abhorre n t to the feelings both o f

,
Persian s and Egyptian s ; fo r the Persi ans w h o ,
esteemed fi r e to be a g o d woul d regard its employ ,
m ent fo r the consumption o f a dead body as a pol

Q
l u ti o n The Egyptians believed o r pretended that
.
3
it was n o t really the corpse o f their late king which

underwent these i ndignities but that A m a s i s fore , ,
seeing the violation o f his sepulchre o f which he ,
h a d been w arned by an oracle h ad buried a corpse ,
close to the entrance and comm anded his s o n to ,
inter his o w n i n an interior recess Such outrages .
o n the remains o f the dead are j ustly reprobated as
1
H er.
‘
3 1 4 Q 86 A
y , { . tract i P hotius
r is O bscuree
) but
’
er a r m
’
n ,
K a 8 11 0 7;
n/
’
e or e h he ch rg es Herodot s w ith false

a u
f dv
o kr rwa . hood d there is no other part of
an
Ctesi s ( P ers 5 7 B hr ) p t h e history t which he can refer

,
1
a a a o
e rs t deny this burning o f t h e
. . . .
1’ ’ ’
Al
’
o i) Ap d cn
p d y of A i but only the
a er
p
m m ex r e or eu
l
.
'
lta f} 11 0 1 Bo x e o vo w a pxrj v
’
o m a s s, on ro a vr a 1 o
g round th t it w not accord

a nt as a y e t/50 911 1 , (7) t 8 a il-
r d Af f
‘
y m
1
r ro r
'
w ith P ersi n us g e H does

a t a . e no o ep u o fi u .
( He r 3 .
,
indeed ention A i ( the

m m as s ex
TH E T W E N TY -S E V E N T H DYN A ST Y .
e ffu sions of impotent rage b u t they have been too ,
often imitated among Christian nations .
A s Egy pt was subd u ed and apparentl inca able

y p ,
o f resistance Cambyses planned three e Xp e d i ti o n s

,
for the extension and security of h i s conquests .
The people of Libya bor d ering on Egypt surren

d ered without a battle submitted to become tribu ,
taries and sent presents with which Cambyses was

,
s atisfied The people O f Cyrene and its colon y

.
,
Barca did the sam e but he either despised thei r

'
,
gifts or doubted their sincerity and flung the 5 00 ,
min ae o f sil v er which th ey had sent him in handfuls

to his soldiery He allowed however Ladice the .
, , ,
widow o f A m a s i s to return u n molested to Cyrene , ,
h e r native city The Carthaginians were the only

.
other power in N orthern Africa from whom Cam

b ys e s had anythin g to fear They were at this time .
i n the height o f their prosperity predominant over ,
the colonies which they h ad planted a m ong the

Libyan tribes without a rival in n ava l power in the
,
g
western part o f the M e d i te r ra n e a n and enriched ,
by an extensive traffic both maritime and inland .
They could be reach ed h owever only by s e a and , , ,
Persia had no fleet of her own depending o n her ,
Greek subj ects and her Cyprian and Ph oenician

allies and Carthage b eing a colony o f Tyre the
3
,
Ph oe nicians professed to regard it as an impiety to

attack their own children Cambyses did not think .
it expedient to attempt to force them and the rest ,
1 Her 4 1 60 I t h d been m rk its site ( Ritter E dk 1

.
, . a a . , r .
,
founded about thi rty years before

T f P
.
T he remains f w lls d p l
o
hey h d de
a
e ted the
an ho se u
1
a a
chres t M g bout eig ht miles c c ns

a er e, a g re t n v l b ttle a a in a a a a a
from Cyrene w hich w ere fi rst dis 536 .
covered b v D ella Cel l ppe r t

,
a, a a o
3
He r 3 , 1 9
. .
[B O O K
of his fleet n o t being able alone to c e pe with th e

Carth aginians they escaped being reduced into
,
slavery to Persia .
N othing h a s contributed more to procure for

Cambyses th e character o f a frantic m adman than
his expedition to Ethiopia Had it been really u n.
d e r ta k e n against a people living a s H erodotus s u p ,
posed where Africa is washed by the southern s e a

,
‘
and i n revenge for an insulting m essage he would ,
have deserved th i s character But we must distin .
guis h between the Ethiopia o f E gyptian history a n d

the Ethiopia o f Greek mythology The former i s .
better kno w n in this age th an in the age of Her e

d o tu s . Its seat w a s i n U pper N ubia D ongola and ,
Meroe and though we have heard o f n o i nvasion

,
o f the Egyptian territories b y th e Ethiopians since
the accession o f th e Saitic dynasty we have n o ,
gro u n d to believe that their power was s o decayed a s

to be no longer formidable to Egypt especially to ,
Egy p t when become a province of Persia and filled ,
with a discontented population Sound reasons o f .
policy might therefore induce Cambyses to under

tak e a n expedition against it The narrative o f He .
r o d o tu s is altogether rom antic Even in the time .
o f Homer the G reek fancy was excited by tales
respecting the Ethiopians They were a blameless

.
race exten ding from the risi n g to the setting s u n

, ,
devoted to the worship o f the gods and honoured ,
by their special presence If Homer had any di.
s ti n c t conception o f their geographical position he ,
p robabl y placed them im mediately above Eg y pt ,
whence he believed them to spread in indefi nite ex

1
l l er . 3 , 1 14 .
Berenice to assist him in seeki n g the fountains o f

,
the N ile an d a chief requisite for this purpose would

,
be a k nowle d ge of the lan guage of th e Ethiopians ,
w h o occupied th e banks o f the N ile for more than

a thousan d miles o f i ts course They appear to
h ave been permanently establish ed at Eleph antine ,
the frontier town of the two nations and languages ,
where their services as interpreters would be equally

val u able to the Egyptian s and Ethiopians ‘ The .
subsequent proceedings are th us rel a ted by Hero

d o tu s
When the Ich thyophagi appeared before the

king Of the Ethiopian s bringing the gifts which ,
Cambyses h ad entrusted to them ( a purple garment ,
a twisted golden collar and bracelets an alabaster ,
vase o f perfum e and a j ar of palm wine ) they thus ,
spoke : Cambyses ki n g o f the Persians wishing , ,
to be o n a footing O f friendship an d hospitality with

thee has sent us to confer with thee and o ffers thee
, ,
as gifts these things in using which he himself most ,
delights T he king o f Ethiopia k nowing that th ey

.
’
,
h ad c o m e as spies replied to them thus , The king

o f Persia has not sent o u with these gifts because
y
he values my friendship but ye are come to s p y ,
o u t my ki n gdom : nor is h e a j ust man ; for if he
h ad been he would not h ave desired any other

,
country than his own nor have reduced to S lavery ,
men who had done hi m n o inj ury whatever Give .
him then this ho w and s a y these words to him , ,
The king o f the Ethiopians advises the king o f the

Persians not to invade the long -lived Ethiopian s
1
Her 3 19 S tr bo 1 7 p 8 18 is mbi uous but it i prob- ble he
me nt g
, . a , . . a s a
Elep h antine b y ) j
.
, ,
Th e expression of Herodotus , a r m rr o s .
TH E T W E N T Y -S E V E N T H DYN A ST Y .
till the Persians can draw with c ase such large bows
as this an d then to come with su p erior forces Till
, .
that time let him thank the gods that they do not
,
put it into the hearts of the Ethiopians to add to

’
their own territory Then unstringing his ho w he
.
gave it to th e m essengers of Cambyses N ext .

,
taking up the purple garment he asked what it ,
was an d h o w it w a s m ade The Ichthyophagi

, .
having told him all about purple and dyeing he ,
said they were deceitful men and their garments de

c e i tfu l . Then he inquired about the golden collar
and bracelets and when the Ichthyophagi explained
,
the ornaments he laughed and said that they had

,
stronger fetters than these thinking they were ,
m eant for fetters In the third place he inquired

.
ab out the perfum e ; and when they told him how

it was m ade and how it w a s used he said the same ,
thing as about the purple garment But when he .
came to th e wine an d heard how it was made b eing ,
excessively delighte d with the draught he inquired.
o n wh at the king lived and what was the longest ,
life th at a Persi an attained They told him on .

,
bread explainin g the nature o f wheat and that 8 0

, ,
ears was the longest term o f life that awaited man

y .
N o w onder then said the Ethiopian if those

, ,
’
,
who live o n dirt h ave such short lives they would

not even h ave lived so long if they had not kept
them selves up w ith this liquor ; in this one thing
’
the Persians have the advantage of us The Ich .
thy o p h a g i i n their turn questioned the king about

the life an d diet of his peo p le and he said that the ,
m aj ority of them lived to 1 2 0 years and some even
m ore ; that their food was boiled flesh and their ,
d rink was mi lk Wh e n they expressed their won

.
[B OOK
der that the Ethiopians lived so long h e led the m ,
to a fountain which made those who bathed in it

,
s le e k as if it h ad been o i l and had a fragrance like ,
violets an d so light that neither wood nor bodies

,
lighter th an wood would swim i n it they all sunk ;
to the bottom N ext they were taken to the prison

.
,
where all the prisoners h a d fetters o f gold and to ,
”
the table o f the Sun .
Th e Vi ew which a barbarian takes o f the arts o f

civilized life al w ays a ffords a lively contrast and ,
the opportunity o f covert satire o n artificial m an

ners Such i s evidently the purpose with whic h
.
this scene has been described The king o f the .
Ethiopia n s treats the dyed garment as a fraud the ,
perfumed ointment as a corruptio n o f the simplicity

o f n ature
‘ and takes the royal orn aments for the
,
collar an d fetters o f a culprit In o n e thing only .
does he admit the superiority of the Persian— the

art o f produci n g wine everywhere the most irre l ,
S i s ti b le attraction to the savage There i s a certain .
adaptation i n the story to what was known o r b e

li e ve d respecti n g th e interior of Africa but it c a n ,
only be received as a h appy fiction The I c hth yo .
ph agi vanish and re -appear like theatrical messen ,
gers without an y no te of time Cambyses remaining

, ,
as it should seem at Memphis while they go to the ,
”
ends o f the earth and return The sole fact o n ?
1
The rustic served the same the kin g of E thiopi to Herodotus a
contr st to V ir g il as or the uthor o f t h e tale

,
p urpose f o a , a :
S i non varios i hi t pulchra testudine postes

n an
A lb a ne
q A
u e s c
s y r i a f a e ta r la wn ven en o ,
cN ee as i a li q u i d i c o n ru m p i tu r u s u s o li vi ;
A t secur c a G eor
q u i e s, as t —
g 2 , 4 6
. 1 .
1
I n its disre g rd of time d Wolg Her 4 ( S ee Mr G
a an a, . .
’
ro te s
dist nce this story resembles th t remarks Hist of G reece 4

.
a a , .
,
of th expedition o f D arius to the

,
e
m arch beyond the frontiers o f Egypt N ature .

,
however has marked o u t the lines o f c o m m u n i c a

,
tion between it and the country which he was

endeavourin g to reach and they remain the sam e ,
i n all ages He might h ave followed the N ile

.
upwards from S y ene thro u gh N ubia and D ongola , ,
to Gebel -c l -B irkel and s o further to Meroe ; but

,
this would h ave occupied m an y m onths and would ,
n o t h ave involved him in that D esert of sand which
ultim ately compelled him to return He might .
h ave struck at once from Syene into the D esert ,
to p roceed by th e track which th e caravans fro m

Senn aar n o w Often take an d which Bruce and ,
Burckh ardt followed ; but this would be i n c o n

sistent with the account o f Herodotus who r e p re ,
sent s th e soldiers as supporting themselves o n the

scanty vegetation which they found before they ,
entered th e sand The third track is that which

.
is m ost commonly pursued by caravan s and tra

v e lle rs at the present day F rom Syene they ascend .
the river to K orosk o (D err ) about h alf way b e ,
tween th e F irst an d Second C ataract Here an .
Aka b a o r mountain pass opens into the valley Of

the N ile leadi n g through the D esert b y a route
, ,
o f about 2 5 0 miles to Abou Hammed near the

, ,
island M o g re b where it rej oins the river j ust at

,
the beginning o f its great bend to the south -west 1

.
The first part Of the m arch for about sixty m iles , ,
lies through a valley bordered by sandstone h ills

n o t wholly destitute of vegetation since Hoskins ,
was informed that the Bish areen Arabs come hither

1
i n the season to pasture their flock s Beyond .
1 S ee l i p 2 6
vo
R P
. . . .
1
R
u sse gg eisen
e r, 2 d B l p 42 3 Hoskins
,
n p 2 3 . .
, . .
, . .
THE T \V E N TY - SE V E N T H DY N A ST Y .
this valley lies a plain o f desert sand called Atm o o r ,
b ela -m n th e s e a without water extending to the

, ,
south for fifty miles on the west to the Second ,
Cataract and o n the east nearly to the R ed Sea ‘

,
Th e desert is seen here in all its horrors which ,
h ave been in some m easure relieved by a variety

i n the scenery while passing through the rock y
valley The want of water is aggravated by the
.
illusion which presents everywhere lakes and pools

to the traveller su fferin g the extremity of thirst .
The wind sweeping over the unsheltered plain

, ,
raises pillars o f sa n d w hich choke the breathing ,
passages while the h eat of the blast relaxes his

,
strengt h and augments h i s distress Even the .
obstinacy o f Cambyses was compelled to yield to

th e su fferings o f h i s followers an d their d readfu l
e ffects could he h ave struggled through the sand ,
there was still considerably more than 1 00 m iles to

be accomplished through a region o f barren rock ,
before h e could h ave reached the N ile at Abo u

H amm ed This desert however is not impassable
.
, ,
fo r an army ? if proper precautions be taken In .
th e reign o f Augustus the Ethiopians under Can

3
d ace had advanced as far as Elephantine the Roman ,
garrison being weakened by the withdrawal of part

o f the troops under [E li u s Gallus to attack the
Arabians Petronius with about

. infantry
,
and 800 horse fi rs t o f all drove them from E le p ha n

,
'
tine into the fortress of P s e lc i s ( D akke ) between ,
Syene and K orosko and t hen as the remains of the

, ,
1 S ee R gg K arte von from what Mr Hos k ins s ys that

u sse er s
’ a ,
fo nd near some
.
N ubien hiero g lyphics are u
Th t it was commonly tra of the wells (

.
2
a
versed in ancient times i evident S trabo

s 1 P 8 22 3
. :
[B OO K
arm y had fled into the D esert passing through the ,
1
tract o f sand wh ere the army o f Cambyses was
over w helmed a violent wind falling u pon the m
,
Q
,
cam e to P r e m n i s a stron g place which he took , ,
”
a n d then advanced against N apata The P r e m n i s .
h ere spoken of m u st be the P r i m i s M a g n a of Pto

le m y ?
He places it b ey o n d N a p a ta and j ust above ,
Meroe i n his enumeration o f towns on the eastern

,
o r righ t bank o f the N ile It m ust therefore have .
been somewhere near the termin ation o f the pass

o f K orosko at Abo u Hamm ed Petronius was de .
te r r e d from proceeding further south by the heat

“
and the sand an d could not remain where he ,
was with his whole a r m v He r e fo r ti fi e d P r e m n i s .

,
garrisoned it with 40 0 m en victualled it for tw o ,
years and ret u rned to Alexandria In his absence

,
.
Canda c e attacked P r e m n i s but Petronius was i n ,
time to relieve the garrison and compelled the queen ,
to send an embassy to C aesar In this age the D e .
sert had been long k nown and often travelled by

those who passed between Egypt and Meroe but ,
to Cambyses and h i s army its di fficu lties were u n

known a n d it is not wonderful that h e should have
,
been b affled in hi s attempt to cross it The nam e .
o f Magazine of Cambyses ? which Ptolemy places
was the appropriate name , g j ay a; ” 0 0 -

for these s ndy re g i ons Cle rchus
.
a a “ w ei r d , " M e d fb
I p q x p d
( At h en 8 345 ) wrote
.
.
, tre tise a a , ion C ss lib
4
D a 5 4, p 73 4,
D L l A Reiz He calls
. .
1
1
[1 e OC S ? 3 11 0 8 3 N a p a ta , Ta r/ri m )
4S tr bo has c onfounded the ex
6 11 .
.
P tolemy
.
5
K a p flfi o o v Ta p re i a , 4,
'
a
ainst thiopi ith that I t was on t h e

,
p e d i ti on a
g E w a
7 b nk the 1t a of
ag inst Am monium but it i 1
,
a s eV ’
river T p i w not merely a a re o v

'
as
dent he b l C d the rm y f C
, .
e IeV a O am tre sury but storehouse ma

a a 01
'
to have been in the sandy P A

,
by se s
g zin
a ( ollux 9 g , ccordin g
to the c c ount of Pliny P etroni s
,
desert
,
.
a u
ed
,
1
P to l G g . 4 7 p£
eo r12 .
, . . .
ret rned t N p t on hi second
u o a a a, s
Wilberg p p w M y dli ; 58
. e r expedition b y the valley of the ,
[B OO K
appears to h ave had also a Greek population ‘ .
Their route after leaving it wou ld lie through th e

O asis o f El F a r a fre h i n lat n early opposite .
S i o u t i n Egypt and thence through the O asis o f El ,
°
B a c h a r i e h o r the Little O asis in lat 2 8,
But , .
it was only known th at they never reached Ammo

niu m and never returned The A m m o n i a n s said
,
.
that they had arrived about half way between the?2
Great O asis and their o w n and while sitting down ,
to tak e their meal were overwhelmed b y a sudden

an d Violent wind which buried them u nder heaps
o f sand N O well -attested instance i s k nown o f a
.
traveller being deprived o f life by the fall o f the

m ovi n g pillars o f sand in the D esert much less o f ,
whole armies and caravans bein g buried by them ?

N o r is there any necessit y to h ave recourse to this
supposition to explain th e loss o f Cambyses army ’
.
They m ay h ave been misled b y their guides ; they

m ay have found th e wells dry or choked with sand ,
at which they expected to rene w thei r supply o f

water ; the wind m ay have obliterated the track by
which they had advanced and baffled their attempt ,
to return In all these cases they must perish m i

.
s e r a b ly and the traveller who saw their shrive lled

,
b odies o r their skeletons covered with the drifted ,
sand would n aturally suppose that i ts fall had b u

,
ried them alive The expedition o f Cyrus against 4

.
1
Her2 , 32 . , Vol .
-i ; p .
72 . 1
(7 0111 6 0 , 583 fo r m 6 186 t
0 i i/ a xp r;
1 , ' ’
M e r a ffi K o v p d h w r a n o e é e o fi a r, x a fid rre
2
f é
' ’
w re
p e u n e hd y a r fi
'
a fr
p ,
-
( He r 3 ,
1
K a i r fjs 0 60 1 0 9
d pp ‘ 6
’
fd
'
E
'
o r t xa r d
'
co m m e a o i m
m i
Compare the c ounts of Bruce

. .
n j easy , ar ; w o o 3 m , 0 177 s 8e u 8 o v
2 ‘
'
ac u o
p p ,
( 6 45 8 ) w ith those f B rckh rdt o u a o fir e
y rj h o ri m
j 5
5
1 60 1 0 1 d u e o
m xd r e c
N
.
, ,
( ” ubia l , ,
o ff n o w
'
o f 681 r a 1 r e x a f o w r o 611
y p
1
Am i r 3 1] 8 or m r or
1 1 !
1 711 1 1 111 1 6 1 0 11 j
r r v n o e fa v, K a dd rr e
p p o i va fi r a t r o le
’
e xe u f
q
i r
a x p
”
p i
'
oi r rijs d/ cip p o v
‘
’
cm (l a r
-
p Arri n
o re ( marc h
e , 3 , 3 , o f th e
of Alex nder to A mmonium )

.
,
¢ o
p e1
’
e i r
e a,
r p y
’
l
f ai d
q m m fe r m
'
r d a .
THE -
T W E N T Y S E V E N I H DYN A ST Y ‘
.
the M a s s a g e tae was rash ; so was that of D arius

against the Scythians ; but the D esert expeditions
o f Cambyses were far m ore rash because like N a
, ,
polcou in R ussia he committed h i mself to a strife

,
with the powers o f nature .
We are not informed when it was that P sa m m e

n i tu s endeavoured to raise an insurrection in Egypt ,
but it was prob ably during the absence of Cambyses

o n his Ethiopian expedition when the countr seems
y ,
to h ave been left with fe w troops except the Gre ,
eian Ph oenician and Cyprian mercenaries It is

, .
therefore not wonderful that h e treated Egypt on

h i s return with m u ch greater severity than before .
P s a m m e n i tu s who might h ave retained the vice

,
royalty O f Egypt as Herodotus assures us had he

, ,
‘
known how to remain quiet was compelled to put ,
himself to death by drinking bu ll s blood Thebes ’

.
first felt his vengeance and here he began those ,
outrages upon th e religion of Egypt which made

h i s name odiou s to the priesthood Probably the y .
h ad sympathized with the attempt o f P s a m m e n i tu s ,
and h ad ill concealed their j oy at the disasters of

Camby ses The temples were not only stri p p ed of
.
their wealth in gold silver and ivory whic h was

2
, ,
carried to Persia but burnt ; and no doubt ruins

,
which were the work o f time and earthquakes and ,
the neglect which is the lot o f a deserted capital ,
were attributed to this arch -enemy of their country

and religion The rage of Cambyses against the
.
priesth ood was inflamed by h atred and contempt

for their rites and dogm as The Persians were not .
monotheists in the sense in which the Hebrews

,
1
Her . 3, 15 ,
2
D i d
e . 1 , 46 .
2 11 2
[B OO K
were s o ; they worshiped the elem ents earth air , , ,
water and before all fire ; the whole circle o f hea

,
v e n was their supreme god bu t they vie w ed with

abhorrence the confinement o f the deity within the
walls o f a temple and his representation under a
hu m an form They o ffered sacrifices but without.
,
altar o r fire o r li b a ti o n o r sprinkling o f sacred meal

, , , ,
o r music ‘ These di fferences were quite su fficient

.
to awaken the S pirit o f intolerance which i s natu ,
rally th e strongest wh en the most opposite opinions ,
com e into co llision when th e monotheist is op p osed

to the polytheist the iconoclast to the i dolater ?
In ,
such conflicts a fanatical persecution is the first r e

sult interest subsequently dictates toleration if the ,
p arties h ave need of each other s services ’

.
A circumstance occurred which call e d forth in all

its bitterness the contempt o f th e Persian for E g yp
tian superstition When Ca m byses arrived at Mem .
phis h e found the people feasting a n d in holiday

attire an d sus pectin g th at it was a rej oicing for his
,
o w n defeat b e summoned the m agistrates o f Mem

,
phis to his presence and asked them w h y these

festivities were goi ng o n n o w though he had seen ,
nothi n g o f the kind when he was in Memphis before .
They replied that a god had appeared among them

as he was wont to do but at con sidera b le intervals ,
o f tim e He regarded their answer as a falsehoo d

.
,
and commanded them to be put to death N ext .
he se n t for th e priests and as they gave him the ,
same account he said he would know whether a ,
Herod
1 . i ti b i l d e t deos quibus r c u s ne u er n
Cic de Le gg 2 1 0 M g is omnia d b
2
t esse p tenti a e e re n a a ac
X erxes i fl
. .
.
,
auc to i b
r u s e liber q q h i mundus
n am m ass a, u o ru m u e e
templa G r c i e d i i t quod p
ae so i templum esset t domus
c u r a m n s e .
[B OO K
r o d o tu s after relating these things th at Cam b yses ,
was very mad he would n o t else have treated tem

ples and established usages with ridicule Fo r if .
o ne were to propose to all men to select from all
the usages in the world those which th ey deemed

the best they would each after deliberate compari
, ,
so n fi x o n their own
, N one there fore but a mad .
man would treat these things with ridi c u le An d .
th at this is the j udgement o f all men respecting

their o w n usages I infer from m any other proofs ,
and from this instance more especially D arius .
once called the Greeks who were near him to his

presence and asked them fo r what consideratio n
,
they would devour their dead parents and they

answered for none that could be n amed After
,
.
thi s D arius called the C alla ti a n Indians w ho are ,
accustom ed to eat their dead parents and asked ,
them by an interpreter in the presence o f the

Greeks fo r wh at consideration they would agree to
,
burn their parents corpses ; an d they with a lo u d

’
outcry begged him not to shock their ears wit h

such horrid words Well has Pindar written th at.
,
U sage is lord o f all Had Herodotus who here.

,
expresses the feeling o f hi s o w n humane and reve

rent m ind been acquainted with the history o f per
,
s e c u ti o n he would hardly have co n cluded Cambyses

,
to be m ad because he treated with contempt the

,
religious conviction s and practices o f others .
T he acts of cruelty which Cambyses subsequently

com mitted his p u tting to death his brother S m e r d i s
,
and his wife w h o was also his sister his murder

’
,
— ,
1
We m a
y observe th t the it y in the E g y ti n version of the
a a
c ruelty of h i s beh viour to w rds stor y ( Her

a a . .
his wife is a gg ravated into brutal

THE W
T E N TY S EVE N T H
- DY N A STY .
of the so n o f P r e x a sp e s and execution o f twelve

—
Persians belong rather to Persian than Egyptia n
h istory We might conclude from them that he
.
was really frantic were there not s o many parallel ,
instances of cruelty in th e acts o f oriental sove

reigns and e ven o f the successors o f Cambyses
,
himself Wh en O i o b a z u s supplicated that one of

.
his three so n s might remai n with him the wise and ,
humane D arius promised that as he was hi s fri end ,
and his requ est was moderate they should all be ,
left and ordered them immediately to be put to

,
1
death In answer to a similar request X erxes
.
,
comm anded the eldest son of his b e s t P y thius the ,

2
Lydian to be cut in h alf that the army might
, ,
m arch between th e portions o f his body If the .
lust and cruelty o f Henry V III appear less brutal .
than those o f Cambyses it is only because Christian ,
civilization an d the forms o f a constitutional govern

ment imposed a certain restraint on the English
sovereign Cambyses no doubt was subj ect to
.
, ,
epilepsy which m ay h ave weakened his power o f

,
self-control ; but to the last he showed no w ant o f

vigour o r sagacity D i o d o ru s has rightly described .
him by saying that h e h ad by n ature a touch o f ,

“
insanity and m ental aberration but that the great ,
n ess of his p ower h ad mu c h more to do in making

him cruel and insolent 3
Cambyses h a d spent between three and four years

1 H er 4 84
. , .
p . Herodotus seems to doubt
2 H e r 7, 3 7
. .
‘
whether the misdeeds of Cambyses
fi j 3 p i w ere the c nsequence o f D t
3 K B ( p et
p am
o
IS o u
'
p a g 1 1;i m e u i o
rag e on Ap i s or of natur l fl :
.
« 5 . K a t n a p a xe m m j xcb g r o i s h o ym
'
' a in u
e — i
”
1 h
’
3 6 d h h v a I JT oV ( 1111 611
’
B d d A l '
c r6 m 1
enc s
y y
e re
y i m
"
1 0 5 n o ii o ,
1 n
O la H a k k a 6 10 06 6 a u fip am
’' ' ’
K a i é w e ij c a vo v r d r ij s B a m ri hh co s
o vs
p p ,
7\ 6 1 a s p éy e flo s
'
( B .E iod . xcerpt . K a xd K a r a h a p B a ve w ( 3 ,
[B OOK
i n Egypt when he was recalled to Persia by the

,
us u rpation o f the tw o M a gi one of whom pretended ,
to be S m e r d i s the brother o f Cambyses whom he

, ,
h ad murdered by the h ands Of P r e x a s p e s He had .
already reached a town in Syria which Herodotus ,
calls Ecb a tana w h en he m e t the messenger w h o ,
was o n his way to Egypt to call on th e army to ,
renounce their allegiance to him Leapi n g hastily .
o n his horse to proceed to Persia he shook o ff the ,
knob which closed the lower end o f the S heath i n

which he w e r e h is short sword a n d the point p ro ,
tru d i n g woun ded hi m dangerously i n the thigh ,
precisely where he had wounded the god Apis The .
bone became carious a n d he died in Ecbatan a a c , ,
cording to an Egyptian oracle which h e h ad inter ,
re te d to m ean that he should end his d ays an old

p ,
m a n i n the ancien t capital o f Media where all hi s

, ,
treasures were laid u p Such is the account o f .
Herodotus which was no doubt derived from th e

,
Egyptian priests and i s suspicious from i ts e x hi ,
biting a striking proof o f the vengeance of their god

and the infallibility of their oracle Ctesias says .
,
he died at Babylon o f a wound i n the thigh which he

gave himself while planing wood fo r his amusement ‘ .
He had reigned over Egypt s i x years ; n o memo
I have not hitherto noticed himself T his is inconsistent w ith .
C tesi s c c ount f the conquest the Egyptian monuments w ith

a
’
a o
f E g ypt b y C mb y ses A ccord i n g M netho The on]

,
o a dH d t a an e ro o u s
king of c ircumst nce in reg rd t w hi h l

. .
to him A y t w m r ae u s as a a o c
Eg ypt t the time f the inv s on thi k Ctesi s cc unt the more
,
’
a o a i n a a o
Comba hes h i chief eunu c h w uthentic i t h e de th f C

.
s as a s a o am
induce by the promise of t h e b

, ,
w hich the E g yptia s h d an n
hi
l se s, a
s tr py to betr y his m ster d
a a a a , an o motive to isrepresent
v ou s m
A y t
m bein g taken prisoner
r ac u s an d w hich w ould be better kno w n
trans ferred to S us w ith six t B b y lon th n in Eg y pt
,
w as a, a a a
thous nd Eg ypti ns selected b y

.
a a
gained popularity for himself by m aking a con

s i d e rab le reduction upon the amount ‘ H e divided .
°
his dominions into twenty provinces each ruled by a ,
Viceroy ca lled a s a tra p w h o comm anded the military ,
forces administered the affairs o f th e province an d

, ,
collected the tribute wh ich w a s system atically levied

throughout the empire The satrapy o f Egypt .
,
besides the country usually s o called included the ,
coast o f Libya as far as the E u e S p e r i d ae a little ,
westward o f Cyrene and the c a s e s o f the Libyan ,
D esert The country between th e N ile an d the R ed

.
Sea must also h ave been in cluded i n it as the nam e s ,
of Persian sovereigns are found on th e road to C o s

seir Ethiopia above Egypt which h ad been s u b
.
,
dued by Cambyses paid no regular tribute and w a s , ,
n o t included in the sa trapy ; but once in three years
i t brough t a voluntary o fferin g consisting o f two ,
c hwn i ares ( three pints ) o f gold dust two hundred ,
blocks of ebony twenty tusk s O f ivor y and five , ,
youth s The trib ute paid by th e satrapy o f Egypt

?
w a s seven hundred talents in money independently ,
o f the produce o f the fisheries o f the Lake M oeris ,
which amou nted to a talent a day during the s i x

months that the water flowed in from the N ile an d ,
a third p art o f that s u m durin g the e fll u x ?

Egypt
h a d also to fur n ish medimni O f corn as
rations for the Persian troops and their auxiliaries ,
1
P o ly aen 7 1 1, 3 toilette ( ri d
'
p fi p a Ka i r ov fih h o v
This custom p
. , .
2
He r K a h h co m o m d v) a
According t pe rs to have been P ersi n ( Her

. .
3
He r 2 .149 , . o a a .
D io d ( 1 5 2 ) the revenue f 2 not E y ti n and H ero

o
'
Lake which he reckons t a d t d escribes tpe revenue of the

a
o ru s , g , ,
th e ,
a o u s
talent d y without distinction of L ke

a a ,
a , as p i d into the royal trea
a
seasons was ssi g ned by M eris t sury (

, a o o r o B a m h rj i o v)
‘
.
his queen for th expenses of her e

TH E T W E N T Y-S E V E N T H DYN A STY .
who were stationed in th e White Fort o f Memphis ‘

Except i n the p a y m e n to f this tri b u te ( ab o u t
sterling) which cannot be considered as oppressive
,
to a cou ntry s o productive as Egypt no ch a n ge a p ,
pears to h ave been m ade in the administration The .
nomarch s levied the trib ute and handed it over to

the satrap ? But Egypt could not reap the full
benefit o f th e wisdom and h umanity o f D arius under
the governm ent o f a satrap whose character w a s ,
more important to the country which be ruled than

that o f the distant sovereign : we know by modern
examples th at the trib ute rendered to a sultan may
,
be far less onerous than th e exactions of a pasha .
When Cambyses w as recalled to Persia by the

u surpation o f the false S m e r d i s he left A r a n d e s in
y ,
com m and of Egypt and D arius continued him in ,
his post Little i s related o f hi s government e x

.
cept h i s e x p e d i ti o n into Libya The j ealousy which .
the Greeks o f Asi a and Europe felt of the Persian

power n aturally extended to the people of Cyrene
and Barca an d they su spected their o wn reigning
,
family o f a design to perpetuate their dominion by

allying themselves with Persia The changes i a .
tr o d u c e d by D emonax 3
into the constitution had
been borne with impatience by the kings whose ,
prerogatives were transferred to the people Arce

silaus 1 11 h ad attempted to repossess himself o f
.
1 Herodotus ( 7 1 87) reckons a ,

men The allo w ance f .
o a
military ration at a ch oenix day choenix however e d by

.
e t a , , is m n i on
The medimnus contained forty Herodotus

.
i m u m
n5 6 as a m i .
eig ht choenixes ( B Oc kh H h l A H st 3 , au s a
2
rr i a n , i .
, , .
tung der A thener 1 H 4 1

,
61 T 9,
3
1 11 B
p
c o n se
3
er . , . ) 11 0 1 61 a rr c
quently e ch man consumed annu

a n & ‘
k lp w w
t re
I
e ve a
3
6 xa 1 o i r, Ta
ni,
’’
h ka i x/f a , pd
o f
li a lf m e d im
g:
eg
t s e ve n a n d
b
g{y
e ov
a lly a f
cx m r ti n
ou a
and the g rrison consisted of about hé

1
1 60
6
a B am s, 6 9 1 0 11 r rp u
p xc .
[B OO K
the ancient prerogatives and domains and being ,
worsted in the struggle had fled to Samos Here ,

.
he collected a force by means of which he re ,
established himself a t Cyrene and having treated ,
his enemies with great rigour and b urnt alive ,
many of them who had taken refuge i n a tower h e ,
was i nduced by the fear o f vengeance and the r e

collection o f an oracle to wit hdraw to Barca where ,
his father -i n -law governed At Barca h e was killed .
b y the inhabitants an d some o f the exil es fro m

Cyrene His m other P he r e ti m e who h ad fled to
.
,
Cyprus whe n her s o n fled to Samos had returned , ,
and administered the government o f Cyrene till his

assassination O n that event s he betook herself .
to Egypt and represented to A r ya n d e s that her s o n

,
h ad incurred the hostility of his su b j ects by his

sub m itting to p a y trib ute to Cambyses and had ,
been put to death because he leaned to Persia l

A r y a n d e s thought he saw a favourable op p ortunity
for reducing all the Libyans into a real dependence
o n P e r s i a ; but he first sent a herald to Barca to
Q
,
demand the persons who had killed Arcesilaus .
The B ar c ae a n s adopted it as the act of all and j u s ,
ti fi e d it by the tyranny of w hich he had been guilty .
O n this Ar ya n d e s sent all the disposable troops of

3
Egypt with a fle e t under the co m mand of A m a s i s ,
and B a d re s against Barca They besieged it in , .
v ain for nine months and ultim ately obtained pos ,
1 Her
4, 1 65 H p o ro xo p é vn T o sep rate the civil d i i
' 2
a a m n
M from the mi lit ry po w er in

. .
n d fia o w ( 11 9 81a re
-
p q v
am a p oi; o t ti s ra on a
w o w 0 1 1 6010 710 5 . the s trapies appe rs to h ve been a a a

2
H e r 4, 1 67 D a hlm a n n ( H e . subsequent re fi nement f P e s n a o 1 1a
seinem Bu c he sein L p oli cy Heeren I deen

.
r o d o t, a n s S e ee
p 1 64) doubts this project 5 24 G erm

.
, ,
ben , 2, .
, .
o f Ary a n d e s .
[B OO K
tris The high -priest rem onstrated and ventured

.
,
to observe that he h ad n o t equalled the exploits o f

,
Sesostris fo r th at he had n o t been able like him , ,
to subdue the Scythi ans D arius was so far from re .
senting th is allusion to his unsuccessful expedition ,
that h e was pleased with th e priest s freedom of ’
speech and in reference to the long reign o f Sesostris

,
replied th at if h e lived as long he hoped to aecom

,
l i s h as much The Egyptians reckoned him after

p .
Men es S a syc h e s Sesostris B o c c h o ri s and A m a s i s

, , , ,
the sixth o f the i r great legislators We may there .
fore concl u de notwithstandin g the S ilence o f h i

,
story that he made regulations for Egypt which

,
secured its religion from the o utrages to which it

had been exposed from the fanaticism o f Cambyses
and A rya n d e s and protected the people from o p
,
”
pression Hating savs D i o d o ru s
. the lawless , ,
i
v iolence o f Cambyses a a i n s t th e Egy tian temples

g p ,
h e pursued a hum ane and p i ous course o f life He .
associated familiarly with the Egyptian priests w ho ,
imparted to him a knowledge o f their theology and

the history contained in their sacred books Learn .
ing from these the m agn animi ty of their an c ien t

kings and their mildness towards their subj ects he ,
imitated their course o f life an d was so much h e ,
1
n o u re d by them th at he alone o f the kings, durin g
h is lifetime was called a go d by the Egyptians and ,
a fter his death received the sam e honours a s the

”
ancient kings who had reigned m ost equitably .
The monuments confirm these accounts He is .
1
D io d l
He me ns 95 a of
‘
ym rr o v Comp o o vo w
course the P ersian kin g s w h o
.
.
, . .
A 1‘ ‘
, a re
yv 7rr 1 0 1 r o vs e a vr d w 3 11 0 171 6 1 9
here O pposed to the d h r nu m ou n
p o o xvve w re m 1 r1
p c w, b
c c n po r
d h rj fi 61 a v 6vr a r 9m
’
A 1-
'
b
vo y rp r r a r a B am h e vo a m xa r m .
T HE T W E N T Y -S E V E N T H DYN A STY .
the only Persian king whose n ame is acc o mpanied

with a titular shield and whose phonetic shield ,
bears the crest o f the vulpanser and disk son o f ,

”
the S u n It is rem arkable however that neither
.
, ,
his name n o r that o f any o f the Persian monarchs ,
is found o n a public monument within the limits of

Egypt O n an ornament of porcelain preserved in
.
the museum o f F lorence he is called b e n e fi c e n t ,
and this adoption of his name o n an article

o f familiar use is perh aps the strongest proof of the
a ffection wh ich the Egyptians he re to his person .
He even appears to h ave carried his conformity s o

far as to o ffer worship to their gods At least he
'
is represented in a sculpture with a sacerdotal

ornament o n his head with a lighted lamp in eac h ,
h and ( the em b lem o f fire the great divinity of ,
Persia ) before a sh rine in which stand Athor and , ,
O siris in the form o f a mummy ?
It was prob ably o n occasion of this visit of D a

rius that the Persians obtained possession of the
Great O asis and the O asis o f Si w ah the temples ,
in both bearing his inscriptions He resumed the .
excavation o f the canal between the Nile and the

R ed Sea which Sesostris attempted a n d N eco par
,
ti ally executed Its length fro m near B u b a s ti s to

.
,
’
the Gulf o f Suez was four days navigation It ,
.
should seem however that even D arius did n o t

, ,
actu ally open a com munication betwee n the end o f

1
R o elli i Mon S tor 2
s n 1 70 vers pl 8 7 The evidence w hich
, . .
Wilkinson M and C 1 The

. . .
, . ,
such a monument p les of su i an
same title is g iven to X erxes in an actu l offeri n g o f w r p b y D

, . .
,
a e e 1 11
inscription the C e i road

on o ss r rtus, i s w e k ened b y a fi d
n g ou r in a
S m l r representat i on o f T b e i us
.
( Burton E H i
xee g pl ro i i a i r .
the s me w ork pl 9 1
. .
Champollion F i g eac L U i
.
,
2
,
’
n S ee a , . .
th e can al and the R ed Sea th ough he left a very ,
1
narrow S pace between them He is said to have .
been d eterred fro m cutting th rough this space b y ,
the discovery th at the level o f the R ed Sea was

higher than that of Egypt The Macedonian rulers
?
of Egypt appear to have been the first who m ade

the communication perfect and placed a lock at ,
th e entrance from the sea The through -navigation .
would be practicable only during a few week s of th e

year when th e N ile is high est
,
.
The road from Coptos to C o s s e i r j udging from ,
th e in scription s bearing the n ames o f Persian sove

reigns must have been m uch frequented in these
,
times and was probably the principal ch annel Of

,
the trade with Arabia and th e S hores o f the Persian

Gulf The increase of comm ercial i ntercourse with
.
strangers i s i n dicated by the number o f contracts

i n the demotic ch aracter which bear date in the
?
reign of D arius This character appears to have
been invented for such uses and n o specimens o f ,
?
i t are found Older th an P s a m m i ti c h u s
The relation s o f Egypt with Greece probably re
m ained friendly during the early part of the reign
o f D arius th e resort o f Greeks thither for c o m
m e r c i a l purposes and the pursuit o f knowledge
continued A ch an ge would take place after th e
.
revolt as it is called of the Ionian ci ties from the

, ,
1 A monument w ith cuneiform d 8 0 f S ee p 40 1 f this rev

' ‘
6 1 7r6 1 0
' ‘
6 s. o
char cters w found by the French vol
.
a as
near the B itter L k es S ee R Ch mpollion Fi g e c L U i

.
11 ’
a 0 a a n
de l E g y p t A ntiq vers‘ p 3 79
.
,
zi ere D e sc r
’
e .
I t cont ins p rt lli i M S 2 1 72 1 74

. .
,
.
,
1
Me m 1 p 2 65 R a a o se n ,
o f t h e n me of D arius
. . . .
.
, , , .
a( L epsius L sins Lettre a M R . lli i , e , . o se n ,
B i l l 3 5 4 note )
n p 9
S tr bo 1 7 p 80 4 s y s
. . .
.
, ,
2 a
a , , .
, ,
[B OO K
D arius troops at Marathon i n the year

’
o ffere d 49 0 ,
to the Egyptians a prospect of recovering their
liberty and wh ile all Asia resounded with the pre
,
a r a ti o n s which he made for three years to in v ade

p
‘
Greece an d e fface the dishonour of hi s arms
, ,
Egypt revolted He died 4 8 5 ) j ust

when hi s preparations for a ttacking Egypt and
Athen s were com plete and left the execution o f his ,
enterprises to his son XE R X E S The latest record o f .
D arius reign i s a contract in the demotic ch arac

’
ter dated in th e month P h a m e n o th of hi s 3 5 th year

,
.
An inscription in the C o s s e i r road mentions his

3 6th ye ar but this was engraved under the reign
,
of X erxes who h avin g recovered possession o f

,
Egypt considered his predecessor s reign a s unin

,
’
te rru p te d notwithstanding the re v olt at its close

?
,
Herodotus and the lists agree in assigning 3 6 years

a s the length o f D ariu s reign
’
.
We know not by whom the revolt o f the E gy p

tians w a s headed o r what for m of government was ,
estab lished during th e brief inter val o f its i n d e p e n

dence The entire history of this event which was
.
'
,
alm ost lost to the G reek hi s to r i a n s i n the magnitude

o f th e i m p e n d i n g struggle be tween Persia and Greece ,
is contained in a few words; of Herodotus X erxes .
was disinclined from a Grecian war but M a r d o n i u s ,
exhorted hi m first to tam e the insolence o f the re

v o lte d Egyptians and the n to lead hi s army against
,
Athen s The advice was sound a s regarded the

“
"
order o f his Operations T d h a v e attacked Greece .

‘
before Egypt w a s reduced would have deprived hi m ,
1
Herod . 7 l 4
, . .
2
R o se lli ni , M S tor
. . 2 , 1 74 . B urton , E xe . Hi e ro g 1 4 3 .
,
.
of th e m ost valuable p art of his naval force except
the Ph oenician s it might have added an Egyptian
fleet to th e navy of the Greeks In the year after .
the death O f D arius there fore h e made an e x p e

, ,
d ition against Egy p t and h aving sub d ued it appa

,
r e n tl y with little di fficult reduced it to

y
a condition of much more severe de p endence than
it had experienced under D arius and appointed his
brother Ach aemenes satrap who governed it for ,
twenty -four years till he lost his life i n the revolt

,
of I n a ro s , 4 60 .
I n the invasion of Greece on which Xerxes e n ,
te re d after four years of additional pre p aration b

y ,
m archi n g from Sardis in the spring O f the year

4 80 B C the Egyptians bore a very im p ortant part
. .
, .
They furnished 2 0 0 ships The C a las i r i a n s and .
H e r m o ty b i a n s ( for the O ld names were still kept up )

served o n board of them as ep i b a tae or marines and ,
were armed specially for this service with b oarding

spears and large hatchets They assiste d in the
?
construction of the bridge of boats by which the

Persian army crossed the Hellespont furnishing ,
the ropes o f p apyrus as the Ph oenicians did those

o f flax and conveyed corn to the places at which
,
m agazines were to be established for the S u p ply of
the army 3
In the battle of Artemisi u m they di
.
s ti n g u i s h e d themselves a b ove the whole fleet and ,
captured five Greek vessels with their crews N o n e “

.
o f the m were enrolled in the land army o f X erxes

- ,
b ut when the fleet lay at P hale ru m M a rd o n i u s dis ,
embarked the fighting portion of the crews a n d ,
Her He r 7 3 4 2 5
:
1
. 7 7 , .
.
,
. .
2
Her .
7 89,
He r 8 l 7. , .
2 r 2
[B OO K
t he yserved as swordsmen in th e b attle o f Platea ‘ .
The internal history Of Egypt is an entire blank

from this time to the deat h o f X erxes n o doubt ,
because all access to that country was forbidden to

‘
th e Greek s The name o f Ach aemen es is not found
.
o n any Egyptian monument but that o f X erxes ,

“
O ccurs o n the C o s s e i r road with the date o f his

seventh y e a r Q
E arly in the history o f hi e r o g ly
.
h i c a l d i scovery Champollion read the name of

p ,
X erxes i n Egyptian and cuneiform characters o n

an alabaster vase in th e royal library at Paris c o n ,
firming his o w n discoveries and those o f G ro te fe n d .
X erxes was a s sa sss i n ated by A R T A B A N U S in the year

’
B C 4 65 and after an interval o f a few months

. .
,
3
was
s ucceeded b y A R T A X E RX ES L O N G I M A N U S the second ,
o f his sons in 4 64 The com mencement of

,
h i s reign appeared to o ffer a favourable opportunity

o f revolt to the Egypti ans The Persian power
4
h ad been greatly wea kened by the result O f X erxes ’
invasion o f Greece N ot only had h i s i mmense .
fleet and army been destroyed but the Greeks fol , ,
lowing up their victory h ad driven the Persians ,
from the Thracian C he r s o n e s u s fro m Byzantiu m , ,
fro m the coasts of Asia Minor and from Cypru s ; ,
and X erxes in the latter part o f his r eign had aban

d o n e d himself to luxury and the baneful intrigues
and j ealousies Of his court and harem The first .
care o f Art a xerxes was to punish the murderers

o f his father and brother and substitute satraps ,
friendly to his interests in those governments fro m

Her 9 3 2 rei g ned seven months after hi s as
i ti o of X erxes and his eldest
.
.
,
B urton E c H ero g pl 14
, x . i . . . s a ss n a n
3
E usebius C hron p 3 1 ed son D ri s . , . a u .
Sc ali g er makes Art b u to have

.
,
,
B iod l l 71
a an s .
, .
the fleet O ff Cyprus Artaxerxes in the meantime .
h ad been collecting a fleet and army from all the

satrapies o f his empire and was about to tak e the ,
comm and in person but o n the advice o f h is friends ,
gave it up to Ach aemenes w ho appears to h ave fled ,
from Egypt to Persia after the first victory o f I n aro s ‘ .
Ach aemenes after a short interval employed in r e

,
c r u i ti n g his army advanced against I n a r o s wh o , ,
had retired to the western side of Egypt to collect

hi s forces from Libya and a v ail him self of the aid
o f the Athenians ; an d here at P a p r e m i s a great g
battle was fought i n which I n a r o s slew Ach ae ,
m enes with h i s o w n h and and the Persians were ,
defeated chiefly by the valour o f the Athenians .
The Persians fled to Memphis ; the Athenians sailed

up the river in pursuit o f them and having p o s ,
sessed them selves o f tw o o u t o f the three regions

o f the city besieged the Persians and the Egyptian s
,
who adhered to them in the citadel called the White

F ortress Artaxerxes first endeavoured to oblige
.
th e Athenian s to recall their fleet from Egypt by

sending M e g a b a z u s with gold to S p arta to induce ,
the Peloponnesians to make an i rruption into Attica .
His money was expended in vain Athens had j ust

placed herself i n security by the com p letion o f the
Lo n g Walls and had shown how formidable was
3
,
h e r naval power by sailing round the Pelo p onnesus

and burning the n aval arsenal O f the L a c e d aem o
n i an s O n the return of M e g a b a z u s Artaxerxes
.
,
1
D i o d o ru that the
s, S ee M
l l , 74 t
sa ys G og x l 3
an ner e r
A ch emenes who com nded the p 5 9 1 for th position o f P pre

.
, , .
,
a m a e a
i in t h e w estern p rt o f the
.
,
expedition w the son of D rius

as a . m s a
C tesi s c l ls him A h te e i d
a a D elt (Di d l l
c m n e s, a o
Thue l 1 0 8 1 0 9
. .
,
b rother of Art xerxes a .

3
.
, , .
TH E T W E N T Y -S E V E N T H DYN A ST Y .
colle c ted another ent o f which he gave the

arm am l
,
comm and to M e g a b y z u s the son of Z o p yr u s The .
fleet was equip ped in Cilicia and being joined by ,
the army which had m arched from Persia proceeded ,
by the coasts of Syria and Ph oenicia to Egy pt The .
A thenians and Egyptians were still blockading the

White Citade l which during more than a year they
,
”
h ad been unable to reduce The news of the ar .
rival O f the Persians caused them to raise the siege

and retire i nto Lower Egypt "
They established .
themselves i n the island P r O S O p i ti s formed by a ,
canal fro m the Cano p ic branch of the N ile b y ,
comm andin g the n av igation of which the y kept

“
Open their communication with the sea After the .
experience which they h a d had of G recian valour ,
the Persians abstained from battles in the fi e ld ; fi
av a ilin g themselves of th e d r y season the y suc ,
c e e d e d at the end of fifteen months in diverting the
water from the ch a n nel in which the Athenian fleet

lay and the ships being thus useless the Egy p tians
, ,
were alarmed and m ade conditions for themselves .
The Athenian s burn t their triremes and were pre ,
paring for a desperate defence : as the y were still

60 0 0 in n umber the Persian commanders did not,
desire to drive them to extremities and agreed to ,
allow them to retire from Egypt Through Libya .
they reached C y rene but only a small remnant re ,

‘
turned i n safety to A the n s fi
I n a r o s and some of . ,
Di d
1
o s ys of
o ru s a Ch mpolli on E gypt sous les
m en a ,
c
Th is is st ndin g number w ith Ph r ons 2 1 62 C tes i as c ll s the

.
,
a a a
a a , ,
.
ll 4 5 l c e to w hi c h I fled Byblos
5 Di d ll
'
l a n ar o s
5 n e oth erw se un k no wn to
.
1 11 1 , , .
e am i
Ctesi s spe k s o f e g e E g y p ti n to p hy
.
,
3 r a
D d l pg
a o
w un g
a a an n a .
ment in w hic h I w n a ro s ed as o 7 t
5
io
h c l
. .
an d T u 1 1 0 6
.
,
.
an d T hu cy dides g rees W i th h
a im .
the Greek s were carried to Su sa ; their lives were

,
at first spared accor d ing to the capitulation but ,
A m y ti s the m other of Ach aemenes who had been

, ,
k illed by I n a ro s succeeded after five years in per , , ,
s u a d i n g the king to give up I n a ro s to her and he ,
was crucified Th a n n yr i s the son o f I n ar o s suc

.
, ,
‘
c e e d e d him i n hi s govern ment o f Libya ; S a rs a m e s
was made satrap o f Egypt A further misfortune .
be fell the Athenians ; fifty trirem es destined to ,
reinforce the arm ament touched at the M e n d e si a n ,
m outh i n i gnorance of what h ad h appened

,
They .
were attacked by the Ph oe nician fleet and the E g yp

2
tian land -forces and nearly all destroyed These , .
transactions occupied a S pace o f S i x years from 4 62 ,
to 45 6 B C b u t the chronology of each i s not easily

. .
,
fi xed .
The Persians thus Obtained possession o f the

greater part o f Egypt ; b u t the marsh -lands near
the mouths of the N ile bein g extensive di fficult o f , ,
access and i nhabited by a warlike population were

, ,
f’
not s u b d u e d There was i n this district an island
.
called Elbo in which A n y s i s m any years before h ad

,
taken refuge during the invasion o f the Ethiopians “

.
Here A m yr tae u s descended fro m the Saitic dynasty , ,
established himself and maintained hi s i n d ep e n

dence The Athenians during a temporary remission
.
,
o f their war with the states o f Peloponnesus after ,
the peace of F ive Y ears turned their a t

’
tention again to Cyprus and Egyp t and sent sixty ,
ships to the latter country o n the invitatio n o f

Am y r tae u s In Cyprus they
. were i
v c to r i o u s fi but '
1 Her d o 3 , 1 5 C te s c 35 He od
r 2 , 1 40
l
. . . . . . .
Thu c y d , 1 10 .
5
Thu c y d 1 , 1 1 2 P1ut Cim 18
P ut
. . . . . .
3
Thu c y d , 1 10 . l .
6
1 ( Ji m 1 8
. . .
Persian troops ; but the worship at the temples ,
the celebration o f the panegyries went on as usual ,
Greeks were foun d in all the principal towns e n ,
gaged in commerce and u nmolested by the E g yp

tians notwithstanding the strong repulsion whic h
,
m an ners and religion placed between them ‘ .
Y et on the first o p portunity which th e st a te of

Persia ap p eared to o ffer for throwing o fl the yoke
’
th e Egy p tians were eager to avail themselves of it .
N o other n ation whic h formed a part Of the Persian

empire was so loosely connected with th e general
body as Egypt It was in contact with it at a
.
single point onl y and even there difficult of access

,
.
N o other n ation could boast of so long an a n te c e

dent independence as Eg ypt the power o f the A s
syrians and B ab ylonians was of recent origin com ,
pared with the m o n a rc h y o f the Ph araoh s R eli .
gion however w a s th e stro n gest Obstacle to u nio n

, ,
between the Egy p tian s and their masters Tho u gh .
persecution had ceased the p riests O f the n atio n al

,
religion h ad lost the ascen dency which they had

once enj oyed They might possess their reven u es
.
without disturbance o r diminution a n d worship ,
th eir native gods without hindrance ; but they no

longer chose their sovereign enrolled hi m in their ,
order regul ated his public policy an d controlled

, ,
h i s d ai ly action s The to lerance which the Persian s

.
practised left th e priests in possession of all their a h

cient p ower over the minds of the com mon people ,
whom it would be eas y for them to sti r u p to r e

bellion when a favourable occasion Offered itself
, .
-
D uring the reign O f Artaxerxes who governed with ,
I l e ro d 2 , 4 1
. .
THE TW E N T Y -S E V E N T H DYN A ST Y .
great vigour for forty y ears they remained quiet , .
The dom estic quarrels O f the Greeks who were e n ,
gaged i n the latter part of it in the Peloponnesian

War prevent ed their giving aid to Egypt which
, ,
with o ut it could h ave no hope o f success in a revolt

from Persia .
O n the death of A rtaxerxes 42 5 the u sual , ,
disputes respecting the succession distracted the mo

n a rc h His legitimate successor XE RX ES was
y .
,
i mmediately murdered b y his brother S O G D I A N U S ,
and h e in turn by O c hu s who possessed himself of ,
the th rone u nder th e n ame of D A R I U S and is distin

,
,
u i sh e d by the addition f N o thus ( illegitimate )

g o ,
B C 424
. . He was not allowed to retain it without
.
a struggle His brother A rs i te s raised a revolt

.
,
and w a s only subdued by th e help of Greek mer

c e n a r i e s i n the service of Persia The satrap of .
‘
Eg y pt A rx a n e S h ad declared himself for O c hu s ,
, ,
when he rebelled against S o g d i a n u s ; but this was

m erely a declaration of th e Persian forces in favour
Of one sovereign and against another in which the ,
Egyptians h ad no interest When however a truce .

, ,
for fifty years had been m ade between th e P e lo p o n

n e si a n s Laced aemonians and Athenians B o 42 1
, , . .
,
the hope of Athenian aid which was now the hinge ,
o f Egyptian policy l n its relations with Persia would ,
”
n aturally revive and a revolt speedily followed It ,
.
began in th e second year of D arius N othus ; b u t

was either suppressed or was very limited in i ts
’
extent till the tenth year of the same sovereign

,
s
reign B c 4 1 4 I n the interval the short truce

, . . .
P ers c ed B ehr Ow n ing) {T u N 600 1

'
l
C te s . . . 47, . a .
Hep o é w
p
'
2
Sy n c ell . . 25 6 D . Aty
'
v7r r o s
' ‘
A a p e to v .
[B OO K
between the contending po w ers i n Greece h ad been

brok en and the Athenian s had en gaged i n the ex
,
p e d i ti o n to Sicily which i n the following year p ro
d u c e d such disastrous resul ts Egypt therefore h ad .
to struggle unaided for her indepen d ence O nce .
more we chronicle the events o f Egyptian history

by the years o f a native dynasty .
Tw en ty -ei g hth D yn a s ty .
AM Y R TE US the S aite rei g ed

, n
It has been suppose d th at this Am yr tae u s is

the sam e person who established himself in the
m ars h y region s o f the D elta
‘ nearly forty years ,
before and had there maintained an independent

,
sovereignty till this n e w revolt called him forth to

.
place hi mself at the head o f his countrymen N o .
thing favours this supposition exce p t the identity ,
o f the n ame and it i nvolves serious chronological

,
di fficulties Prob a bly the A m yr tae u s wh o co n sti

.
tu te s the twenty -eighth dyn asty was the grandson

Of him w ho fled into the m arshes and the s o n of ,
that P a u si ri s to whom according to Herodotus the , ,
Persian s conceded the sovereignty which his father

had exercised The attachm ent Of the Egyptians
.
to the ancient line o f the Saitic kings su ffi ciently

explains their placin g A m y r tae u s at th e head o f
their r e -established monarchy History i s enti rely .
silent respecting the events by whic h they regained

their i n d ependence Their success might be aided
.
by the revolt of the Persian satraps of Lydia and

1
See p . 488 of this vol .
H 1 STO R Y O F E G Y PT .
[B OO K
the sam e sovereign The shield at K arn ak appears .
also to express that he had bee n th e co n queror o f

the land o f Heb or the Great O asis ; and his
“
,
n ame has been foun d o n the temple in the O asis o f
El K ha r g e h in a position which shows that it was

,
introduced subsequently to that o f D arius ‘ At his .
death his body was placed in a m agnificent sareo

p h a g u s of gree n breccia This was o n e o f the tro .
phies of the Briti sh expedition to Egypt h aving ,
been take n by the F rench fro m the m osch which

h ad formerly been the basilica o f St Ath anasi u s . .
D r E D Clarke supposed it to have been the sar

. . .
C O p h a g u s o f A lexan d er the Great ; but it bears

th e shie ld o f A m y r tae u s Q
and by its size and beauty ,
o f execution proves th at art h ad declined but little

,
since the days o f P s a m m i ti c h u s A m yr taeu s reigned .
only s i x years and th e Saite d ynasty expired with ,
him ( B O an additional proof that he is not

the Am yr tae u s o f Herodotu s who was succeeded ,
by his s o n P a u s i ri s .
Twm ty -n i n th D yn a s ty . F our M e n d e s i a n kings .
Ye rs a .
1 . NE P H E R I T E S, rei gned 6
2 . A H O RI S
G . 13
3 . PSAM M UT H I S 1
4 . NE P HE R ITE S 0 4 months .
20months 4 .
[E usebius in Syncellus adds a fifth M thi , u s, rei g ning one year I n .
the Arme i n M th i is pl ced before N e p he

n a , u s a r i te s .
]
It may ap p ear singular that no attempt should

Wil k inso Mod E gypt and an en ra in g of it is g iven in the
n, v
T hebes 2 3 67 g re t ren c h work o E g ypt A nt

.
a n
R o se lli i Mon S tor 2 2 0 5

, , .
, .
2
n vol 5 pl 40
, . .
, : .
, . .
TH E T W E N T Y -N I N T H DYN A ST Y .
have been m ade by Persia to recover i ts dominio n

over Egypt especially at the extinction of the Saitic
,
dyn asty and that a n e w famil y should have been

,
allo w ed quietly to possess itself of the throne Just .
at this time however the Persian p ower was shaken

, ,
‘
by a revolt O f the Medes who had en d eavoured ,
i n th e tim e o f Cambyses to regain their lost ascend

ency in what was called the conspiracy of the Magi ,
and had never been reconciled to the monopoly of

the great O fli c e s O f government which the Pe rsians
had assumed Ho w long the revo lt lasted and .
,
whether it was p ut down easily o r not we are not ,
informed o u r whole k nowledge of the event being

,
derived fro m a short passage in X enophon ; but

while it lasted it must h ave precluded all thoughts
o f attempting the reduction of Egypt D ari u s N O .
thus died soon after B C 40 5 and was succeeded , . .

,
by Artaxerxes Mnemon The ambition of his bro .
ther Cyrus led to the expedition O f the Ten Thousand

Greek s which h e was preparing from the time o f
,
Q
their father s d e a th till the year B C 40 1 Cyrus
’
,
. . .
h aving perished i n the battle of Cunaxa the first ,
care o f Artaxerxes was to recover his au thority i n

Asia Minor which had been the government o f
,
Cyrus and h ad j oined in his revolt He was thus .
brought into hostility with Sparta ; Clearchus the ,
L aced aemonian h ad been the leader of the ,

G reek
mercenaries of Cyrus the Op p ressed cities of Ionia
called for protection on Sp arta which by the issue , ,
o f the Peloponnesian War had been placed in the ,
H ell 1 2 , ad d wo m é w e r m ik w
’
1 K en . .
,
o
fin . i 6
K a o rk e w
‘
s, ”p o o
b s (Own/ e rr o fir o s , 311 ( 5 T h 409
' ’
a vr i
’
K a i M ij e
x
oJ
p na a v q l s w as
'
em a vr .
An b l
.
.
‘
, 1
2
K
’
80 1 , ci m ) Aa a o v, 7 0 17 H e a rin! B a en a
p p
. .
.
[B OO K
heg em Greece and was protectress o f its liber

on i a o f
ties When S h e prepared i n Obedience to this call to

.
, ,
invade Asia she made an alliance with N e p h r e u s

, ,
k ing o f Egypt the N o fr e O p th o f the m onum ents ‘ ,

,
and N E P H E R I T E S o f the lists and he sen t a b u n ,
d red triremes and large supplies o f corn Th e

9
.
ships which co nveyed it entering the port o f Rhodes ,
which was in possession o f Co non who com m anded ,
the Persian fleet were all tak en The success o f

, .
—
D e r c ylli d a s an d A g e s i la u s (3 9 9 3 9 4 B C ) fully o c .
c u p i e d th e Persian arms in Asia Minor for several
ears and i t was n o t till the po w er o f Athen s r e

y ,
v i ve d an d a league w as for m ed in Greece against

,
Sp arta by the infl u ence o f Persian gold that Arta ,
x erxes could attend to the re -establish ment o f hi s

authority in other parts of h is dominions The .
peace O f A n talc i d a s concluded R e 3 8 7 freed hi m

, .
,
from all further apprehen sion o n the side Of Greece ,
by sacrificing th e liberty O f the Asiatic cities and ,
leaving th e pri ncipal states o f the mother -country

n early balanced i n power an d each prepared to ,
resist the ascendency Of a n other .
His first attack fo r w hi c h he h ad bee n collect

’
ing forces during se v eral years was m ade o n C y ,
prus If held b y a hostile n aval po w er it not onl y

.
,
gave th e command o f the sout hern coast o f Asia

Minor o f Syri a and Phoenicia but even o f Egypt
, ,
.
E v a g o ra s o f Salamis h ad availed h im self o f the

weak ness o f Persia to m ake him self m aster o f ,
Mon S tor 2 209

R o se llin i , . Di d 14 79 Justin c lls the
.
, .
9
o .
, . a
His n me is not found o any kin g f Eg ypt H c y o ( 6

a n o er m
'
buildi n g in E g ypt but on a statue Ac ho i ?

, r s
in the Museum of B olog n a.

[B OO K
3 85 B After this defeat h e visited Egypt to

. C .
,
arrange with A c ho ri s the means o f carryi ng o n th e

war A c ho ri s encouraged him to perse vere an d
.
,
entered into a league against Persia w ith the people

o f Barc a but the pecuniary assistance which h e
1
gave him was less than E v a g o r a s had expected ,
and h e ultimately m ade peace with Artaxerxes o n

condition th at h e s hould p ay an annual tribute to
Persia but retain the rank o f a d epen dent k i n g ;
,
and thus the Cyprian war ended after eight years ,
S pent in prep aration and tw o in actual hostility s

.
Egypt however foun d an unexpected ally Gaos

, , .
,
the son o f Tamos com m anded the Persian fleet , ,
and dreaded the displeasure of Artaxerxes by whom ,
his father -i n -law Te r i b a z u s had been imprisoned .
Availing himself o f hi s popularity with the fleet he ,
induced the com manders o f the triremes to revolt ,
and e n tered into a treaty with A c h o r i s ; Sparta

j oined th e league She h ad brought i gnominy o n .
h erself by sacrificin g the Asiatic Greek s to Persi a

i n the peace o f An talc i d a s a n d was desirous o f ,
recovering her ascendency and her reputation by a

"
n e w war Th e death o f Gaos b y treachery in the
.
,
y ear 3 83 5
pre vented any hostile Operations against
,
Persia Tachos succeeded to him and fortified

.
,
himself o n the coast o f Asia Minor between Smyrna ,
and Phoc aea but dying soon a fter the league fell
, ,
to pieces Sparta by a change o f policy began

.
, ,
The o p o m p u I socrates places this

s a i years eac e s x
wh o seems to m e the Cyprian a fter the n val de t S ee the a ea .
war end under N ect nebus h l discussed by Mr Pynes

a . c ro n o o .
3
B iod 15 , 9
. Y1ra xo tze w
.
' '
i
( n Clinton , H . vo l . 2, p . 2 78 .
4
B a w h ei ”11 0 0 7 617 0 117 1 D io d 15 , 9
'
. . .
3
I s o c r E va g. 1 02, . p
B . ed attie
. .
5
Di o d . 15 , 18 .
TH E T W E N TY N I N T H'
DYN A ST Y .
to court the aid o f Persia in order to make h e rs elf ,
‘
sovereign o f Greece and seized the citadel o f ,
Thebes 3 8 1 B C D uring these events Egypt w as

. .
,
u nmolested b y the Persians but towards the close ,
o f the reign o f A c h o ri s very formidable repara

p ,
tions were m ade by P ha r n ab a z u s for i ts invasion .
To repel t h e m Ac ho ri s collected a large body of

Greek mercenaries twelve o r twenty thousand ; ,
and as he h ad no general capable of comman d ing

them: he invited C hab ri a s the Athenian C ha b ri a s .
undertook th e com mand if D i o d o ru s be correct , ,
withou t the approbation of the people and was ,
recalled o n the remonstrances o f the satrap who ,
regarded it as a vio lation o f the peace existing b e

?
tween Persia and Egypt He appears however , ,
to h ave remained long enough in Egypt to assist

N ectanebus in establishing his power on the ex ,
3
tinctio n o f the Saitic dynasty and rapidly trained ,
“
the Egyptians into accomp lished seamen .
Memorials o f Ac h o ri s are found in several

places as at M edinet -Aboo o n a restoration of a
,
building erected by Th o th m e s I V and probably .

,
d estroyed by Cambyses and among the ruins of ,
K arnak The quarries o f M o k a tta m also contai n

.
.
his shield and there is a S phinx in the Museum of

Paris o n the base o f which his name is found hie
,
r o gly p hi c ally written with the addition beloved, ,
s ”
Of K n e p h .
B iod 15 , 1 9 N am N e c ta n a b in a d n tuj r
n p ro fec
Corn N ep
. .
2
D io d 1 5 , 2 9
. . . . tus re gnum c 1 c o n sti tu it
.
C hab ri a s, 3 P o lyac n u s 3 2 7 .
Mon Stor 2 p:2 l 3

.
, , ,
3
Cha
C o rn N e ) C h ab r1as , 2
“ 5
R o s e lli n i , .
,
.
brias multa l uropa bell dmi

.
. . .
- eac L m U
’
ir E a a Ch a m p o ll 1 o n Fi
g .
ve rs .
uum dux p 3 84
o
n i s tr avi t Ath e n i e n sm m . .
esset in gyp t sponte g t o su a e ss1 .

O f the short reign of P s a m there is no m u th i s

record in histo ry but h is shield has been foun d at ,
K arnak ; N E P H E R I T E S is equ ally unknown in history

1
a n d i n the monu ments The M a this o f Eusebius .
appears to h ave originated from a rep etition o f th e

last syllable o f P s a m m u th i s w hom he follows i n ,
the Armenian reigning like P s a m m u th i s one year ,

.
Thi r ti e th D yn a s ty . Three Se b e n n y ti c kings .
Years .
1 . NE CT A N E B E S, rei gned 18
2 . TE O S 2
3 . N E CTAN EB U S 18
The accession o f N E C T A N E B E S o r N ectanebus the , ,
first king o f the S eb e n n yti c dyn asty falls probably i n .

,
the year B C 3 80 He was immediately called upon

. . .
to defend his kingdom against the invasion which

P h a rn a b a z u s was preparing when A c ho ri s died .
The Athenians h ad not only recalled C h ab ri a s i n ,
obedience to th e demands o f Persia but h a d sen t ,
I p h i c r a te s to lead th e Greek mercenaries in the

,
Persi an s e rv i c e Q
The movements o f the satrap .
were S low for all his m easures were subj ect to the
,
control of the king and awaited his sanction for ,
th eir execution At length however the fleet and .

, ,
army m u stered at Acre th e nearest harbo u r on the ,
s
Syrian coast where such a fleet could lie The land .
forces consisted of barbarians and

R o se lhm , Mon S tor
2, 2 14 . p . .
( S t ra bo , while It w as
2
Corn . N e p 1p h i c r a te s , 2
. . the rm ment w musterin g here
a a as
3 ”
H r o h ep a i g 131» Am p ; m u o na fo v
'
th t the de fection of D ta
a from a m es
the P ersi ns took place ( Corn
,
’ ' '
n p p
or e ov e
xp cb vr o p p rj m p tm
o a
N ep D t
.
' '
1r o r
p r ip:
“
Ai yv m ou oi H ep o a t . . a .
Egypt for himself but as is more likely because h e , ,
did not c h o o s e o n his o w n respo nsibility to attem p t , ,
a movement which could be justified only by an ,
improb able success Meanwhile the Egyptians .
rallied their forces garrisoned M emph is and a t , ,
tacked the fortress at the mouth o f the M e n d e s i a n

b ranch which the Persians h ad S eized They h ad
,
.
th e advantage in a ll the encounters w hich took

place ; as the s u m mer advanced the waters o f the
N ile began to rise and th eir e fflux being retarded ,
by the strength o f the Etesian winds the whole ,
country w a s covered with th e inundation The .
Athenian and Persian generals h ad com mitted the

same error which led to the d estruction o f S t L o u i s
, .
and hi s army in 1 2 49 and which Bonaparte avoided , ,
i n his cam p aign o f 1 79 8 and were compelled to

1
,
return into Syria Their d i s c o m fi tu r e produced a .
quarrel between P harn a b a z u s a n d I p hi c ra te s w ho ,
fearing the fate o f Conon soon after secretly e m ,
b arked for Athens P ha r n a b a z u s sent an embassy .
thither an d accused hi m to the people o f being the

,
cause of the ill -success o f the Egyptian expedition

they replied that if they found him guilty they ,
would punish him ; and soon after gave him the

comm and o f their whole fle e t We fin d him i n Q
.
Les Chrétiens e t ient entré s

1
’
a le 8 J u i n dit N a o lé o n , S int
a
d ns D mietta l 7 Juin ; c est

a a , e
’
L o u i s e at comme t
m a n oe u vr on
l é oque d
’
plus basses eaux ;
es fait les F ran cais en 1 798 11 serait
l 1 1111 comme ce a i t e e
ne c ro r u i é l 2 6 J u in
arr v e C i re ; i l it au
,
e
q n a a u ra
i u jours p lus tard

nz e ol t c e au s s 1 conquis la Ba se-E pte d ns le s a
mois de son a rriv e I ] urait

,
é té ; il éle e lentement
’ ’
et s v . a
j q u s a l é
u
q
’
i
’
n l onucoupe n o xe , o
’
ttendu ensui te d ns l b d c
a a
’
a on an e
e di U g rand mai tre d ns d une c pit le le d b d

’ ’
s s e t s. n a a a t
, e or em en ,
l rt e la g erre compar nt son

’
a u a
p uis la retr ite des eaux a ( Si
’
s.
S
, , .
ex p ed i ti o a celle de n int Louis a , mondi H ist des F ran cais 5 149

, .
, , ,
nous f it sentir tout l prix d

a e a ed de Bruxelles )
temps perdu p le crois é s S i
. .
ar s . D i d 15 43
2
e .
, .
TH E T H I R TI ET H DYN A ST Y .
the autum n o f the same year B C 3 73 commanding , . .
‘
,
in the waters of Corcyra .
If even with the aid of Grecian mercenaries Per ,
s i a could not succeed i n reducing Egypt there was

,
little likelihood th at its o w n resources should avail

for this purpose The state o f Greece precluded .
the hO p e o f o b taining aid from thence Sparta w a s .
engaged from 3 7 1 B C to the battle of Mantinea . .

,
3 62 B C in a deadly warfare with Thebes while

. .
, ,
Artaxerxes vainly endeavoured to reconcile them “

,
th at he might employ the Greek forces in his Ow n

service Athens tho u gh not directly embroiled in
.
,
the conflict between Sparta and Thebes s a t by , ,
watching its events and flinging its weight alter ,
n a te l into the lighter scale Egypt therefore

y e n .
j y
o e d p e a c e during the remainder of the life of
s
N e c ta n e b e s His name spelt N a c ht qf n eb occurs .
, ,
at Phil ae On a temp le de d icated to Athor and on ,
th e rocks o f the island of Beghe ; at Coptos in a ,
church built out o f the fragments of an O ld E g yp

tian edifice and at Medinet Aboo in a small build
ing o f elegant workm anship in which he i s re p re ,
sented O fferin g to A m un R e and the other gods of

‘
Thebes 1
According to Plin y he cut out an obelisk
.
from the quarry which Ptolem y Philadelphus after ,
wards floated down the N ile and erected in honour ,

”
o f his sister i n the A r s i n o i te nome Its excavation .
1
Clinton F H sub anno nebns as restorin g the temple f o
7 M rs at S b
. . .
,
2
B i o d 1 5 70 K e Hist tus w ith g eat e nn r
d
n . .
,
a e
,
plendour in be ience dr am
. .
1 3 3 q se S O t ,
o a e .
lli i Mon S tor He calls the ki

.
, ,
R3 2 2 2 0 g N thh b i 6
n ec e s
o se p n
c
.
, .
accordin to om
. .
,
Wilkinson Manners and C

4
( 3 6 d g th u s an e
k
,
toms l 2 09 quotes a G ree k p mon re din m e

,
3 6 1 1
g ( a a s 1 11 1
a
h l b l
,
pyrus in the p ossession o f i g n r

, ,
S t
,
ve ived 5 0 0 y e rs f re A c a o o a a e o
A t y whi c h de cr i b
n as as ,
N ect n d er t h e G re t T s
h B b
es g a a a . e am cr
H S I T O RY OF EG Y PT .
p robably took place to w ards the en d o f the reign

of N e c ta n e b e s as it rem ained witho u t an i n s c ri p ,
tio n The celebrated Lions Of th e F on tana di Ter

.
mini a t R ome now placed i n the Museum of E gyp ,
tian antiquities in the V atican S ho w that the art o f ,
sculpture i n the execution o f anim als had declined

, ,
but little ; th ey are the last S peci men Of Egyptian

sculpture executed under n ative princes ‘ .
E u sebiu s has S hortened th e duration o f the Se

b e n n yti c dyn asty fro m thirty -eight y ears to twenty ,
and th e reign o f N e c ta n eb e s from eighteen to ten .
That the Greek text o f Manetho i s correct i s i n

part proved by a stele preserved at R om e o n which ,
?
hi s thirteenth year i s m entioned
T E O S (3 6 1 R C ) th e successor o f N e c ta n e b e s a o ,
cording to Manetho i s evidently th e Tachos Of th e ,
Greek historians In what relation h e stood to his .
predecessor we are not inform ed probably that of ,
son The empire O f A r ta x e rx e s was at this time sur

.
3
rou n ded with enemies The m aritime provinces
o f Asia h ad before revolted and the generals an d ,
satraps Ar i o b ar z a n e s of Phrygi a M a u s o lu s of Caria

, , ,
O rontes o f Mysia were p reparing to m arch again st ,
the Great K ing The Syrians and Ph oenicians an d .

,
the adj acent litoral states o f Cilicia Pisidia and ,
Lycia h ad j oine d th e league The Spartans were

, .
h ostile to hi m because he had demanded that the ,
M S re ds N c htheb i gi D
a — Di d
“
Ye s re s
3
o
‘
n o rov a vr o v
'
M ag um and K p o 38 1 6
. .
ante Ale d x an ru m 6 ) A y r n a1 u 61 71 1 9 76 7 11 f r : 1 u 1
Bunsen supposes th t P li y w rote B h h p w l p d ‘

a n TO U am
’
ea no e e xa fl s ra s
re gis A fourth k in c opy

’
1
m A e E hh j fi w k «am y m
’
av r m
'
ar o
‘
a s
i g some G reek author U rk n

, . .
,
n i A e l -w a Ka a om
'
o vs xa r e vs r o vr a
m a
89 G erm )
.
deub ch a , g pp x p 7 m u a o vr o ar
'
an as Ka1 0 1 m
R o e ] 1 1 Mon S tor 2 222

. .
1
s 11
y T d px w , w p o u r,
‘
O US o
‘
a s .LG V r a n a a
Cham p ollion -Fi g e c L U i fl h

.
, .
, .
2 ’
w fl m
’
w d w a , n a ao m v r
'
n
'
u , o v e e c vo v s
‘
vers p 3 8 5 , . 6. w p y 6 no o rr n m v .
gave hi m O ffence and a di fference o f opinion soon ,
arose b etween him and Tachos respecting t he c o n

duct o f the war Ag e si la u s advised that Tachos .
should remain in Egypt and commit active Ope ,
ratio ns to his generals — advice th at we cannot

wonder Tachos should h ave de c line d since two of ,
these generals w ere foreigners of a n ation notoriously ,
ready to embrace the side which policy o r profit r e

commended He placed N ectaneb u s hi s brother.
,
- -
o r brother i n law ‘ at the head o f the Egyptian land ,
forces and advanced into Ph oenicia The m easures

, .
which he had adopted to r a ise m oney fo r this e xp e

dition o n the recom mendation o f C ha b ri a s had been
very unpopular The Ath enian general had r e p r e .
sented to him ho w m uch mo n ey that might be use

fully employed for the serv i ce Of the state was ex
pended o n religio u s i i te s and recommended the ,
abolition o f m any o f the p riesthoods The priests .

,
u nwilling to renou nce their Offices gave up their ,
private p roperty to the king But when they had .
m ade this sacrifice he ordered them to expend i n ,
future o nl y a tenth part o f wh at they had been a o

customed to lay o u t o n religious rites and to m ake a ,
loan o f the rest to h i m till th e expiration of the war ,
with Persia Besides this C hab ri a s advised him to

.
,
impose a h ouse -tax an d a poll -tax a duty o f an Obolus ,
o n the sale o f every artaba ( nine gallons ) o f corn and ,
a ta x o f a tent h of the profits o f navigation m anu ,
twice have g one to E g y pt un u

d gto xp e m v p e r e n e p d/ a r o X a B p m v a
‘
th o i
T OV A flnva to v o u r o s a v e v 7 779 T O U
'
d I t i certain that he w r z e . s as
S fip o v here now without a commission

n p o a fi e ga n e v o r ,
o r
p j y
'
a r r d ry
'
ta vw from the st ate S ee
n P l t Ag 3 7
e tr o
'
ra a u es
N b
. . . .
Kar
'
A y t vm
'
O n w
'
ovthat h T
u t/a h ectane
e us
», w h revolted e
1
e o
has prob bly repe ted himself I t w nephew to T chos ( P1ut

a a . as a . .
is not l i kely that C h b ri a should A g es a s .

THE T H I R TI ET H DYN A ST Y .
factures and every kind o f occupation All the

, .
gold and silver bullion was to be brought to the

king who gave an assignment on the n omarchs for
,
i ts repayment from the taxes ‘ These devices of the .
Athenian financier must have been very distastefu l

to th e Egyptians w h o appear hitherto to have been
,
?
lightly taxed A people enthusiastic in the de
fence o f their religion and their liberties have sub
m i tte d cheerfully to much greater sacrifices but the
,
Egyptian s were n o t threatened by any imminent

danger and might reasonably regard Tachos as e n
,
gaged i n a war o f ambition rather than of self-de

fence Th e general who had been left in command
.
o f Egypt during his absence though so nearly ,
3
related to him perceiving the discontent of the
,
people sent a message to h i s son N ectanebus ex

, ,
h o r ti n g h i m to claim the crown N ectanebus had .
been detached with some Egypt i an troops to b e

siege th e stro ng places o f Syria and adopting the ,
“
suggestion of his father induced the generals by ,
gifts and the soldiers by promises to espouse hi s

cause He endeavoured to persuade Ag e si la u s and
.
C h a b ri a s to employ their forces also for the esta

b li sh m e n t o f his po w er C hab ri a s was desirous of .
supporting Tachos ; Ag e s ilau s had been mortified

and O fl e n d e d by him and as the Egyptians gene ,
rally had declared for N ectanebus refused to fight ,
5
against th ose whom he h ad been sent to aid He
d ispatched messengers to Sparta instructed to make ,
1
sive A o y i )
Ar i sto te li s ( n n m
1
S ee p 3 6 of th s vol . i .
c
O ZK o vo m K ai , ed G ettli g
2 3, o n
3
S
e e note 1 p 5 06 , . .
B i od 1 5 92
. . ,
where m ny sin g ul r expedients

a a ,
.
, .
on the part of states and financiers 1

Fla t Ag e s d 3 1
. .
for ra g money e collected

I SI n , ar .
I I I STO R Y O F E G Y PT .
representation s favourable to N ectanebus the rivals

also sent each his ambassador The Spartans after .
,
deliberation left it to Ag e s ila u s to act as he thought

,
most advantageous for h i s country He carried .
over not only the S p artans b u t all the mercenaries ,
to the side Of N ectanebus and the Athenians at , ,
'
the instigation o f Persia recalled C ha b ri a s Ta , .
chos thus abandoned b y his troops native and

, ,
2
foreign first retired to Sidon and then crossing
, ,
th e D esert which extends o n both sides o f the Eu

,
p h ra te s
3
cam e to the kin g
,
at Babylon or S us a by ,
whom h e was favourably recei ved and accordin g to ,
D i o d o r u s entrusted with the comm and o f an e x p e

,
d ition again st Egypt .
This expedition Artaxerxes Mnemon did not live

to carry i nto execution He died i n the year B C . . .
3 5 9 and w as succeeded by his s o n D arius O c hu s

, ,
som etimes also known by the name of Artaxerxes .
“
He was at once cruel an d u nwarlike ; he had
secured his own succession by mu rders surpassing
th e ordinary measure o f oriental bar b arity ; the
kingdom was distracted b y the revolt o f the satraps
w hich we h ave already mentioned He suspended .
therefore all Operation s against Egypt Tachos w a s

retained at the Persian court and soon ended h i s ,
days there a victim to indulgence in i ts luxuries s o

, ,
di fferent from the S imple habits of th e Egyptian s "

.
1
1 refer to this period what basis ( 1 lying south of the
Araxes
,
D i o d o ru s ( l 5 , 2 9 ) r e la te s o fth e r e i gn .
o f Ac h o ri s S ee notes p ‘
49 9 a n d
Di d 1
o 1 6 40
V H i st
. .
, .
,
5 05 iodo 5
[F.li an , 5, 1 . D
A es k es him return to E gy pt
. . .
2
Xe n o p h g 2 3 0 rus m a
K
. . .
and recover his th rone b y the d

,
3 ‘‘ 1
D i o d I 5 , 92 . 0 Ta xto s a r a
. ai
n ha
y e i ; e r dh p ntr c 81 11 7 1
’
7 o f Ag e il
9 Ap a B 1 a s
‘
1
( 15 but the best

’
s au s
This authorities S ee
,
g inst him
’
d i m /3 61 11 1 7rp Os 7 6V B a m h e a
1
‘
. a re a a .
is th e aA r bia of X enophon s A na I V li g d loc

’
c ss e n a .
[B OO K
forced their way through routing the troops Opposed ,
to them before the others could assemble to s u p

,
port them Soon after h e gained a decisive victory

.
by superiority o f t actics Being greatly o u tn u m .
bered by the Egyptians h e took post where both ,
his flanks were covered by a canal and thus avoid ,
ing the danger o f bein g surrounded he easily de ,
feated those who attacked hi m in front and routed ,
the m with great S laughter NE C TA N E B U S II was . .
thu s secured o n th e throne .
A g e s i lau s imm ediately s e t sail o n his return to

Sparta As it was already m id -winter h e coasted
.
,
along Libya n o t venturing to stand straight ,
across th e Carpathian s e a and had reached the ,
port of Menelaus opposite to Crete on his way to , ,
Cyrene w here h e died in his 8 4th year ‘ Wit h .

,
2
the departure o f the Greeks i n the en d o f ,
the year 3 5 9 B C o u r knowledge o f the internal .
state o f E g yp t during the reign of N ectanebus , ,
ceases till 3 5 0 B C when Persia resumed an d car

, . .
,
”
ried into e fl e c t the proj ect o f reconquest It is .
probable th at hostilities never entirely ceased b e

tween th e kingdom s O c hu s m ade more th a n o n e .
un successful attempt to enter Egypt and was de ’

,
feated by the skill o f Lamins o f Sparta a n d D i o '
p h a n tu s o f Athens whom N ectanebus placed at the ,
“
head o f his forces .
O c h u s was an indolent and unwarlike prince but ,
the ridicule with w hich he h ad been covered by the

1
F l t A g es
a 40 (B iod 1 6 The lan guag e o f
I socr tes l p 2 80 ed B ttie
.
. . .
,
2 '
O i
'
M eO '
ov
x p ii
et t vo s Vr o s
‘t
1r o7r he i a , .
, a
A es
.
, .
i
'
dt ( Xe n o p h 2, m
y seem
a to imply th t O c h s h d a u
n ip
o xa . . . a
3
e ts
‘
Ka i commanded in person .
tr r
p
-
a n
r o v ‘
y s, wo hh ti xts‘ ti n e -
rfi
y xa ve . D i o d 1 6, 48
. .
THE T H I R TI ET H DYN A ST Y .
defeat o f hi s attacks on Egypt roused him at l a st ,
to m ake a great e ffort N ot only had h i s name .
b -
become a y word among the Egyptians fo r b eavi
‘
ness and sloth but the de p endent rulers o f Cyprus ,
and P hoen i c e were encouraged to follow the example

‘
of E t fi
The Persian empire was evidently i n
g yp .
danger o f dissol u tion but the vigorous exertions to ,
which C o hns w as stimulated preserved it for a

quarter o f a century He began by reducing C y .
prus and Phoe nicia Sidon the most flourishing of .

,
the Ph oe nician cities had made great preparations ,
for defence but it was surrendered by the treachery

,
of its king Tennes and the in h abitants having first , ,
destroyed their fleet burnt themselves their wives , ,

3
and children and slaves Cyprus also was sub .
dued “
The states o f Greece were invited to furnish
mercenaries ; Athens and Sparta promised neutra
li ty but declined c o -operation ; the Thebans Ar
, ,
gives and Asiatic Greeks sent together men ,
and O c hu s after th e destruction of Sidon advanced

, ,
b y the sam e route as Cambyses to the desert which

"
sep arates Egypt from Palestine In passing the .
Serbonian Lake part of his army were lost in the ,
quicksands called Barathra which border the coast “

.
Had Tennes th e kin g of Sidon been alive he might

, , ,
h ave saved the Persians from this disaster for he ,
was well acquainted with the approaches to Egypt

1 2
12x 0 11
-
o i AZ v
y nrim
'
r fj
’
em
xwp ttp
'
cou t quoted by Lon h fro m
n as
¢ wv fi
"
é
0 k d h o v v 7 1) 11 11 1 66 9 a i rr o i}
vo v
1 ’
Th o p o p
e ( p 4m5 0 th
u s i s . 0
describes the exped t i on of O h

,
3
71 9 y vdi p q g OLa B d AAO V I f S
‘
( E lian '
i c u s.
This is prob bl the event

, .
VH 4, The Coptic for ass is 6

a ,
which D i d
. .
E io (1 o h ag
o ru s , as e x
erated into the sw llo w in g up

.
2
D i o d 1 6, 40 f a o
. .
g
3
D i o d 1 6, 45 w hole armies C om p P r L st . . a . o ,
th e Serbon i a b o
. .
‘
1
B iod 1 6, 46 2 5 93
, ,
n
I t appears to me that the

. .
5
se Where arm es whole have sunk i .
an d the proper points for m aking a des c ent ‘ N ec ,
ta n e b u s h ad not neglected the means o f defence .
He h ad under arms of the H e r m o tyb i a n s

and C alas i r i a n s
,
Libyans and an equal nu m ,
ber of Greek m ercenaries In s e a -going S hips he

.
was far inferior to the Persians w h o h ad the com ,
m an d o f th e Cyprian an d Phoenici an n avies but he ,
h ad a large fleet Of boats adapted fo r fighting o n

the branches o f th e N ile ; and h e h ad rendered the
frontier towards Arabia nearly impregnable by a ,
continuous chain o f entrench ments and fo rti fi c a

tions P e lu si u m was garrisoned by 5 0 0 0 Greek s
.
,
u nder th e comm and o f P h i lo h r o n The Theban s

p .
in th e Persi an army eager to m aintain th e glory

,
which they had acquired at Leuctra and Mantinea ,
advanced alone and rashly across a deep canal to ,
attack P e lu si u m . The garrison sallied o u t and a

fierce con flict ensued which lasted till night N ext
,
.
day the whole body o f Greek mercenaries were

brought up in th ree division s each under the j oint ,
comm and o f a Greek and a Persian L a c r a te s .

,
who comm an ded the Thebans cut the banks Of th e ,
canal letting o ff the water an d h aving filled it up

, ,
with earth planted his m ili tary engines o n th e em

,
b a n k m e n t These soon m ade breaches in the walls

.
but the besieged rapidly raised new walls behind ,
an d erected wooden towers upon them O c h u s .
might have returned again d i s c o m fi te d but in the ,
m eantime a great calamity h ad befallen N e c ta n e
bus I t was evidently his policy to avoid a p itched

.
battle and let the enemy exhaust their strength i n ,
1
Di o d . 1 6, 43 .
[B OO K
condition that th ey should be transported to Greece
with their prop e rty untouch ed This condition was .
violated by the Persian troops w ho endeavoured to ,
plunder the Greeks as the y m arched out L a c r a te s .

,
indignant at this breach o f his pled ge d word a t ,
tacked the Persians and killed som e o f them .
B a g o a s their com m ander complained to O c h u s

, , ,
but he j ustified the Greeks and ordered the Persians ,
who had b roken the truce to be put to death Men .
tor th e com mander o f another division of th e Per

,
sian army soon reduced B u b a s ti s and the other

,
citi e s of Lower Egypt They were all occupied by .
m ixed garrison s o f Greeks and Egyptian s and as ,
b e ca u sed the rumou r to be spread that those who

surrendered should be treated with kindness while ,
a m ore terrible fate th an th at o f Sidon awaited all

w h o m ade resistance they were eager to anticipate ,
each other in subm ission N ectanebus found th at .
h e could n o t maintain himse lf at Memphis and fled ,
into Ethio p ia havin g reigned between eight and

,
nine years His fligh t closed the Thirty D yn asties

. .
o f the Pharaohs — a succession unexampled in a n

1
cient or m odern times .
O c hu took possession o f all Egypt razed th e

s ,
walls o f the principal towns a n d plundered the ,
temples It is said th at he imitated the outrages

.
L y n c eus ( w h lived 2 80 per When O h h d part ken

o B o c u s a a
S ee Clinton F H 3 49 8 ) says of it he ex cl i ed O E g yp ti n
. . .
“
. a m a
that N e c t nebus w t ken pri w h t f ll y to le ve such feasts as

.
, , , ,
a as a a o a
son er and invited to su p p er by these d set your he rt on an a a
The fe st ppe red e n more di t ! ( Athen 4

,
”
O h
c u s a a a m a 8 a re e
to N ect nebus w h requested t p
. .
,
a , i o di et ho w ever w o . e r s an , , as
be llo w ed to order his former more luxu ious than Eg ypti n
a r a .
co ks to prep re an E gypti sup

o a an
F I N A L C O N Q U EST B Y AL E x AN D E R .
of C a m b vs e skilled Apis and gave his flesh to ,
the cooks and commanded an a s s to receive the

,
honours due to the god When he subseque ntly .
fell a victim to assassination by B a g o a s who made ,
d a gger -handles of his thigh -bones and gave his ,
fl esh to cats s uperstition s a w in this a retribu tion

,
corresponding to that which fell on Cambyse s ‘ .
The temples were n o t only strip ped of the gold and

silver which they contained but rifled of their a n ,
cie nt recor d s whic h B a g o a s subsequently restored ,
for a large sum to the priests The Greek mer ?
c e n a ri e s were dismissed with m u n i fi c e n t rewards ;
P h e re n d a te s was m ade satrap of Egypt and O c h u s , ,
in 3 5 0 B C led back his army in triump h to Bab ylon

. . .
O f the administration of the Persians i n Egy p t

”
during the remainder of the reign o f O c h u s and
th at o f D ari u s C o d o m a n n n s nothing is known ,
.
The long struggles of Sparta Athens and Thebes , ,
fo r supremacy i n Greece had ended in their su b ,
j ugation by Macedonia a n d o n e of the first uses

.
which Philip m ade of the comm and which he a o

quired by the battle of Ch aeronea was to p repare ,
an expedit i on against Persia His o w n assassina .
tion b y P e rd i c c a s prevented his execution of thi s

plan b u t it was resumed by Alexander who crossed
,
,
the Hellespo nt in 3 3 4 B e The battle of the

’
’
Granicus gave him possession of Asia Minor ; that

o f Issus o f Syria ; the sieges of Tyre and Gaza
o f ,
,
the coast o f Ph oenicia Palestine and the Idumean , ,
Arabia Seven days march brought him from

s
.
G a za ’
1
E li a n , V Hist 6, 8 S uid s v
2 15
l
.
Hi st
. . .
. . .
’
Hist Anim 3
Ar ri a n 3
Aa B a i s o ZE li a n
.
. .
.
. r . . . .
1 0 28
, .
to P e lu the fleet accompanyin g him M a z a c e s

si u m ,
.
,
whom D arius h ad appointed satrap o f Egypt did ,
n o t attempt resistance The Persian arm ies h ad .
been driven across the Euphrates and the E g yp ,
tians w ere prepared to welcome the conquerors o f

their o w n masters Having placed a garrison in .
P e lu s i u m he m arched through the desert country

,
alon g th e eastern ba n k o f th e N ile to Heliopolis and ,
crossing the river there cam e to Memph is where ,
his fleet which had sailed u p the N ile w a s awaiting

, ,
him Greek philosophy h ad b anished fanaticism

.
fro m his mind and policy clearly dictated that h e ,
sho u ld conciliate th e Egyptians whose religious ,
feelings h a d been deeply wounded by the Persians .
Having sacrificed to the other gods and Apis he ,
descended the N ile b y the Canopic branch and ,
fixed the site o f the new city which still preserves ,
hi s n am e and attests his sagacity Hence after .

,
founding a temple to Isis he set o u t fo r the oracle ,
o f the Libyan Amm on a divinity whom Greeks ,
and Egyptians agreed to honour His expedition .
was performed along the coast o f Libya as far as

Par aetonium th ence through the D esert to the ,
O asis of Si w ah O n his return he avoided the .
dangers to which he had exposed himself and took ,
th e shorter route by the N atron Lakes to Mem

phis 1
Here while recruits were raising i n G reece
.
, ,
O n the poi nt w hether Alex

1
p d y have forg otten mi
an m a
nder returned by P ar tonium nute circ mstances I h ve f l

.
a ae or u a o
the N tron L kes tw general s of lowed P tolemy w hose ac c ount is
.
a a o ,
Alex nder Aristobulus and P to

,
a , the more probable Curtius g rees . a
lem y L g i w at vari nce in their

e re a a with Aristobulus and m kes Alex a
memoirs A ristobulus did not w rite nder found A lexandria o hi way

, ,
. a n s
his history ho w ever till he was 8 4 , home ( 4

S
, ,
( see t Croix.E x men C ritique , a ,

[B OO K I I I .
appears to h ave availed himself Of the power which

his o ffice as chief fi nancier ga ve him to u surp a ,
kind o f supremacy and various acts O f extortion 1

,
are recorded o f hi m i n the interval between the ,
conquest o f Egypt and the esta b lishment o f the

Ptolem aic monarchy ?
He repeated the threat o f
N ectanebus to suppress some o f the priesthoods
,
o n acco unt o f their n umber and the largeness o f ,

.
the sums expended o n religious c eremonies and ,
thus Obtained fro m the priests considerable su ms ,
n o t onl y from their private property b u t from the ,
tre a s u r e s o f the tem ples

'
Alexander left Memphis early in the S pring o f

3 3 1 B c and having c rossed the N ile and i ts various
. .
,
canals o n bri d ges p assed the D esert and at Tyre , ,
j oined his fleet which h ad preceded him He , .
never again visited Egypt ; but his corp se w a s

brought hither from Babylon and deposited at Alex
S
andria in a s a r c o p h a g u s within a funeral hypo ,
g aeu m
“
I n the
. division o f hi s empire Egypt w as
chose n for h i s portion by Ptolemy the so n o f L a g u s , ,
with whom begins a new period o f i ts histo ry .
1
10 1 1 0 11 511 779 A 1 yv1 rr o v 0
'
a t1
2
Ju ve n a l, Sa t .
( A rist
‘
m va w. . (E c on o m . c Lue n 1
a , P har s a l 10, 1 9,
. speak
2
A rist . i g O f Julius C esar n a ,
E fl o s su m tu m li cupide descendit antrum

'
u s in
Il i i proles ves au s P hilippi

.
l o P e llae
Felix p r ae d o jac e t .
I N D E X .
A .
A unt i
m 3 83 , .
Am u n tu an c h , 11 2 5 0
A A E H th e i 65
. .
B B D Am yrtaeu s , i i 488 , 49 2
A b ris ( Au ris) ii 1 8 1 1 93 3 2 0
,
An ly hs i
.
, . . .
a a , ag p , 321
An t y w h ether kn wn i E gypt
.
, , . . .
Ab i b l ( Ab
oos m i ) i 2 4 ; i i 465
e occ s , . . a om o n
n te
, ,
o 1 2 71 ; i i 1 2 3
Greek in c ri p ti t h ere 41 3
.
An x g r s h is d ctrine c ncerning
. . .
s on 1 1. a a o a o o
temp le f ii 2 76
.
, ,
o G d i 43 8 o
Abyd s i 46 A d r ph inx i 1 3 7 1 72
. .
, , . .
o n os
T bl t f 1 0 8 1 60 2 00 Ani l s s ctity f i Indi
.
, .
, .
, .
a e o 11. m a 11an o n a , 11
A cac i i 1 45 w rs hi p f ii 1 -2 7
, , , .
, , . .
a, E g yp ti an o o
ili t ry ensigns ii 7
. .
, . .
A h i i i 49 7
c or s, . . as m a , .
A ti
c i i 3 68 n te
sa n e s , o A non k i 3 85 e,
A ub is i 424
. . . .
A d is m urni g f i 41 5
on o n or , n
w it h h e d f j
, . .
,
. .
E gyp t ii 3 1 1 u s, k l i 42 5 a o ac a
t use d by th E gyp ti ns
. . . .
,
1E ra , n o 95 e a 11 A y i i i 3 62
n s s,
A p hr d it C l esti l i 38 6
. . .
, .
fE sc ul pi i 3 96
a n s, o e, e a
w rsh i p p aid t h i serp e t
. . .
,
.
o o s n Ap i n i i 1 80
o
A fric wheth r c i rcu n i g ted by A pi h i w rshi p w h en intr duced
. .
, ,
a, e m av a s, s o o
th P h i c i s i i 40 1
,
e oen an ii 6
Afric nus Jul iu i i 8 9 h n u s p i d t hi
. . .
, .
a s, o 23 o r a o m 1 1.
hi c p i g n in E gy p t h is rk s i i 2 2
.
, . . ,
Ag il es a u s, s am a , 11 . m a , . .
5 05 E p ip h i f ii 3 8 9 468 a ne a o
A l b st r qu rries f i 49
.
.
, .
,
a a e a o u i s f ii 24 m m m e o
A l b tr n i 49 2 3 3 A p ll d rus h is l ist f k ing 9 7

.
, , . . , .
a as o o o o o s , 11 .
Al x nder h is supp sed sarc p h gu

, .
, . , ,
e a o o a s, 1 94 n t o e
Ar b i c nu er l s i 3 44
.
,
i i 49 4 a m a
Arch its nti quit i 2 5 9

.
A lex ndri i t p p ul ti n i 1 79
. . , .
a a, s o a o a y
Ark f th C ven nt i 460

.
f und ti n f ii 5 1 6
.
, . .
, ,
o a o o o e o a , . .
A lluviu dep sit f i 78 1 5 0

.
,
Ar is i i 3 1 2
.
m o o m a
A l p h b eti c l ch r cters w h n
. .
, , .
,
. ,
a a a a e ar A i
r o e r s , s ee ll i a ro e r s .
r ged i i 3 2 3
an
,
Art E gypti n i 2 0 2 3 5 2 3 89 a 1 1.
i nfluen c d by re l i gi n 1
.
. .
Al i 75 ; i i 433
, . . , ,
u m e o , .
, . . . 9
A m i ii 42 5
as s , 2 65 2 68
hi l w s
.
i t p r gress th sa e
. . ,
48 s a 11 . s o e m as
th t f c ivil i ti i 2 73
.
,
( s tr p ) i i 4
a 8 1 a a o za o n,
d cl in f i i 3 40 5 0 4
. .
.
, .
A m enm i i 3 3 8 n te
e se s , o e e o
Art xerxes M e n i i 5 0 4
.
, .
,
A n p h i I i i 2 06
. .
m e o s a n m o ,
. .
Ar tu ti i i 2 2 3
. . .
,
i i 232 u na o n,
A es ( Asse th) i 3 3 0 ; 1 89 n te
. .
. . ,
ii o
ii 234 s
A h es cri i l s plu ged i i i 1 5 0
.
. .
. . ,
n,
Am e n th e , i 3 9 4, 484 s m na n
bl f th S i i 2 1
. .
. . ,
Am m o i m , i 71 nu Aps em em o e u n, .
As ph l bl et
.
. . ,
ex i i n
p e d t o o f C a m b y se s a ga i n st ,
it
a tu m i ,
s u se n em a m m n ,
1 1 465 i 498
A sy ri e pi re u 3 3 9
. .
. .
Am o si s , i i 2 04 m
y h
s an . .
ss ri n t r er
. .
,
A un , i 3 69 A ia p w s, 1 8 6 2 1 2 e o 11 .
,
.
Atet f rtres i i 2 5 9
,
m
A un h
. .
m K em , 3 75 ; i i 3 2 8 i . . . , o s, . .
I N DEX .
Ati n re , 11 25 1 B idges none th e N i l e i 2 1 1

r on . .
Athens w h eth er c l ony fro S is

. .
, ,
a o m a B b ti i i 3 45
u as s,
Bull of Wh t ty p e 1 9
. .
,
i i 3 95 a a 11 .
de of recon c il ing E
.
ll i ces w ith E gy p t
. .
, ,
it s a an 11 . Bunsen hi s m o ra
d M neth o ii
, ,
48 6 49 3 t th os e n e s an a
Ath o i 3 93
.
, . ,
m Busi ris k ing ii 8 1

At h r i 3 86 c it y i 5 6
.
, . .
, , .
o
Atl ntis i sland its sub ersi n n
. .
, . . ,
a m o But g ddess i 3 82
o, o
B yblos i 41 0 41 4
. .
, , ,
.
,
40 4, 43 9 .
, .
,
.
Atm oo, i 3 93
At osp h ere of E gyp t its effe ct
. .
m
c l ours i 2 62
o
, on
C .
Au ris ( Ab ris) i i 1 8 1 C b iri i 3 8 1 3 9 7

. .
,
a a a
C ad us th e h istori n 68
.
, . . , .
,
A t
u li ii 393 3 9 5
om o m a n
A otus siege of i i 3 9 1
. .
, .
, .
, ,
z C l i i i 2 2 1 ii 4 2 3 9 0 48 3 a as r an s ,
C el s i E gypt i 76 ; ii 45 0
, ,
. . . .
, , .
am n
C l b w een h N i l e and t h e R d
. .
, .
B
et .
an a , t e e
S ii 2 9 1 3 9 9 4 79 ea,
C ncer Trop ic of i 2 8
.
, , .
B p ronounced i 393 as o u a
B b i t si gnifi c tion i 1 66 C nd c e h w w it h th e Romans
. .
, , . .
, ,
a s a a a er ar
B bylon i i 2 2 7
, , . .
, ,
a i i 463
E gyp tian u 28 7 C nop i i 405
. . . .
,
a
B byl ni ns th eir inve tions i 3 40 C n p ic mouth fi rst fre quented by
. .
, . .
,
a o a n a o
th e Greek s i i 64
, , . .
,
B g
a ii 5 14
o as ,
B h r-b -l -M i 70 79 C p tives rep resented furnit re i
. . .
.
,
a e a a, a on u
B h -J usuf i 5 0 1 1 3 1 4 7
.
.
,
.
,
a t 235
B r br s i 1 03 C r v n routes fro E g y pt to M eroe
.
, , , . .
a a a a a a m
B r th r ii 5 1 1
, . . ,
a a a, i 2 6 ; ii 462
Barb ri ns ll oth er n tions so c lled C rche ish b ttl e of 408
. . . . .
a a a a a a m a n
by t h e E gyp ti ns i i 2 48 C ri ns in E gyp t i 4 65
.
, , , .
a a a
t h eir settle ent in E g ypt 383
. .
, , . .
B ri i 2 1 0 45 9 5 0 1 5 08
a m u
B s l t i 2 63
.
C ric ture i 2 69
.
, .
, , , . ,
a a a a
C rt h ginia s t h eir n v l p ow er
. . .
, , .
B sis ii 1 26
a a a n a a in
rel i ef E g y pti n i t pe c uliarity

.
, . .
, ,
B -
as 45 5 a s
C s l uh i u 1 9 0
, , , .
i 2 72 a m
Be ns i pure veg et bl e i 447 C ste l f ii 3 0 44 46
. .
, . .
a an m a a aw o
Be rd b senc e of i Afri c n nations C t s ctity o f i i 4
, , . .
, , .
, , .
a a n a a an
con ecr ted to th e Mo n
, , , , ,
. .
i i 1 67 s a o
lli te pl e of C t r cts i 1 4 1 9 2 2
. .
,
B i
e to u a 2 68 m u a a a
Bel ni i 24 1 2 8 C v lry t used i E gy pt i 2 2 6
. .
, , , .
, , ,
zo a a no n
to b disc vered by i 1 67 Ced r il f i 49 3 49 7
. . .
, , , , .
m o a o o
Berb ers i i 2 48 C eil ing s str no ic l i 1 68 1 69
.
, .
, , .
, .
a o m a
C e eteri es E gy pti on t h e estern
. . . .
, , , ,
Bes i 45 4 a, m a n, w
Birk et -l-K erun i 5 1 u 1 5 6 side o f th N ile i 5 0 1 5 02
. .
,
e e
B l e yes i 2 8 C erb erus i 40 7
.
, . .
, .
,
.
m m
campaigns in E g yp t
. .
, , . .
B occ h i ii 3 5 9 3 61 or s, Ch b i hi a r as , s
h is l egisl ti n ii 5 8
.
.
, ,
ii 49 9 5 0 5 a o
kh hi view o f M net h o s h w ork on Hi
. .
, .
,
l
’
B o ec , Ch s h g y a c ro ac re m o n , is e ro
l gy i i 9 4 n te
no o
phi ii 3 65 note o c s,
Bon p rte hi c p i g n in E gyp t Ch r n i 5 09
.
, . . .
a a , s am a , a o , . .
i i 5 02 Ch b ii 2 09 e ro s ,
B k f th e D e d i 48 5 Cherubi i 460
. . . .
oo o a m
Bo k s not i c on use i E g y pt Ch i n e of E g yp t 1 1 5
. .
, , . .
o n om m n em am 11 .
Ch e ist y rigin f th e n e i 2 1 5
.
, , ,
i 2 84 m r o o am
de of d r w ing i 2 2 3 et l ii 2 2 7 2 5 9
. . . .
, ,
B ow m o Ch b a ese t, m a
Brec ci quarries of i 63 Ch i nese w rit ing i 3 08
. . .
, , , .
,
a,
Bridge in E gyp tian monu ents u Ch iun or h ip of ii 3 2 5
. .
, , . .
m , .
, w s , . .
2 5 8 n te o Ch h t ( t C h l h yt ) i 5 0 5 oac u ze no o c ae
o f bo ts ver th Helles pont Ch ns i 3 8 4
. .
, .
a o e o
Ch roni cl e h Old E g ptian 9 5
, , . .
n 483 . .
, t e y , n. .
I NDEX .
Emb lmment its purp se i 476

a o G sh en its p osition 2 3 1
o 11
different mode of i 49 1 G r in w h t s pecies cul ti vated i
.
, , . , , . .
a a n
E gy p t i 1 8 7
, . . ,
E m e p h i 3 73
E eralds mines of i 64 Gr nite qu rries of i 3 2
, . .
, . .
m a a
l t h e i r contemp t for b ar b ari ns
, , . .
, , . .
E p g a i 330
om e n aa, G re e
i i é7
s, a
E pi p hanei of Ap is u 2 2
. . ,
a
Er t sth enes ii 78 9 7 th eir negl ect of for ig n l
. . . .
,
a o , .
, . e an
E g
r i 27
a m e n es , g u ges i i 3 8 7
a
Grott s of B i has i 47
. . . .
,
Etesi n w i nds i 8 1 3 47
a o en s an ,
Eth iop i conception of i th e g of of K ou -l-Ahmar i 49
, .
, . . .
a, n a e m e
G y nastic exe cises i 2 2 2 2 3 7 2 40
.
, , .
Her d tus i i 4 5 6
m
o o r
Eth iop i m n rchy extent of i i 3 63
.
, .
, .
, , ,
an o a 2 2
Et hi p i ns isit of gods t i 45 8
. .
, , .
o a v o,
H
Eth i p i c l gu ge i i 3 65 note
, . .
o an a
Eunu ch s w heth er know n i nc ient n e of i
. .
,
n a Ha m , a m 96
E g yp t i i 1 64
.
, , .
Ha p i m o ou , i 3 9 6
h is ll i nce w it h E gypt
. .
, .
.
E va g o ras , a a , 11 .
H a r ka , i 3 85 . .
49 7 i
H ar o e ri s , 3 9 2 42 1
Eusebius hi s ch r nology 9 0 r er s Tomb
.
. , .
o n. Ha p ’
, ii 33 4
rb itr ry ch g es i ii 1 79 n te
. .
, , .
a a an n o r ocrates
Ha p , i 41 1 , 422
Ex dus of t h e Isr e li tes i i 3 1 3-3 2 5 tch in by arti c i l h e t
. . . .
o a Ha g fi a a , i 20 7
E y e f Osiri s i 403 a k emble of orus

. . . .
,
o H w , m H , ii 19
E yes arti fi c i l i 49 7 e d sto l used by t he E y tian
. . .
, .
a H a - o , g p s,
E y es of th Ki g
, , .
2 9 0 note e n 11 i 236
E ek iel h i p rop h ecy g in t E g yp t He vens e bl ematic fi gure of i 1 69
. . . .
,
z s a a s a , m , .
,
, ,
ii 41 9 3 95
of M i letus i 1 0 1 u 68
. .
.
H t
F .
eca a
H ll i
e
eu s
ii 68
an c u s,
, . . .
F ct ri es of th e G reek s i E gy p t f ct ry f th e Greek s in
. .
a o n 11 H ll i
e en o n , a o o
E gyp t ii 43 1
.
,
43 1
ine in E g ypt i 85 Henneh of i 2 5 1
.
.
, .
F am u se
Her cl e p li s i i 1 5 4
, . . , , . .
F b
an ii 36
ear ers , a o o
Feast o f t h e g ds w it h t h e Et h i p ians h is interp ret ti n of

. .
. . ,
o o H e rm a pi on, a o an
o belisk i 2 9 1
,
i 45 8
Her es b k s o f n 1 0 3
, . .
. .
Fe kk ar o o , 11 . 3 33 m oo
Fish f rb idden t p riests i 447

. , , . .
o o Her es Trim egistus i 42 7 sm
Fish f t h e N i le t heir sp e cies i 2 05

,
.
, . .
o H e rm ty b io i 22 1 42 an s , n.
Fl int kni ves i 492

. .
, ,
. .
Her d tus i i 70—76

o o
Fl ow ers i E g ypt not fr gr nt i 8 9 h is defi ci ency i c al cul ti n

. .
, . . ,
n a a n a o n
their symb l ic l i p ort ii 1 5

. .
, , .
o a m 395
F rest p etrifi ed n r C i o i 78 Her es w orsh i p of i 43 1
. .
, .
o ea a r o
t o f i 2 3 0 n te
, , , . . , , . .
F ti fi ti
or ca o n , ar o rei gn f i i 1 1 3 o
Fow l do esti c w h eth er k no w n i

, . . , . .
m n Hesti i 3 8 5 a,
E g yp t i 2 0 7 Hierog ly p h i c s i 2 83 —3 2 4
. .
, ,
Fr g e bl em of L i fe i 41 6 kn w le d ge of t hem how f
.
, . . , .
o m o ar
Fru ts o f E gy pt i 1 9 8
, , . .
i diffused i 2 8 5 ; ii 76
Furniture b uried w it h deceased p rder f re ding th e i 3 1 0
.
, . . , . .
, er o o a m , . .
sons i 5 04 Hiero gr mm teus i 45 1 ; i i 1 0 4

a a
Hin ck s D r E ii 1 5 9
, . .
, . . .
Fyo u m i 50
h is difi c ti ns of Ch p l
. .
,
. . , , . .
G .
l ion s s yste i 3 2 4
’
m o
m
a o am o .
G rdening t of i 1 99 Hi p p r ch us d is c verer o f t h e p re c es
.
, .
a ar a o
G rdens f S l sion of th e e qui n xes i 3 3 8
.
, , .
,
a n i 200 o o om o o
Ger i cus h i vi sit t Th ebe n 2 28
.
, .
, . .
m an s o s, Hi p p p t o us i 2 0 3
o am
s y b l f c ri e 1 1 9
.
, .
, . .
G ili g ii 3 05
am m ae , m o o m 11
Gl ves w rn by n rth ern c p tives n sy b l o f d rkne s i 40 7

. . .
, .
o o o a m o a s
Hi p p y s o f Rh eg iu
.
, , , . .
221 ii 68 m
er hi cc unt of Thebes i 1 78
.
, . .
G ds divisi f i 3 66 3 67
o , on o , .
, . H om , s a o ,
.
rei g f i i 1 1 3 n o i i 66
G ld cc unt f Ph r s n 65
. . .
,
o ines i 64 m , . . h is a o o a o , . .
INDE X .
i
Ho rap o llo , 2 88
Jew ish l s re bl t th zE gyp aw
embl e
. .
se m anc e o e
H o r-
,
ti n i i 5 3
.
h a t, hi s m , i 2 61 , 3 9 2
r l um i
. .
a , .
Jose phus h is unf irn s ii 18 7 188

.
Ho o o gi , 3 2 8 i i 1 03 . .
a e s,
.
,
H
.
i 45 1 45 6 i i 1 03
,
o r o sc o u s, 1 96
p .
, . .
Horse its i 1 9 5 —1 9 7 J d g t f k ings p th

.
u se , u em en
n 34 o
,
os
. .
u m ou s i
H rus g d i 42 0 Judge ent-sc ne i 40 6 429
. . .
o o
k ing i i 2 47
, , . .
m e
l nd of i i 22 8
, .
, .
J k
u asa , a
t h e g l den
, . .
, . .
1 49 o 11
Hyk sos t h ei r inv sion i i 1 8 1
.
, .
, a , .
K
.
I K an l nd of ii 2 5 6
an a , a
K r k r y l tablet f 1 08 22 9
.
, . .
a na o a o u
i
,
st tisti c l t blet f ii 22 2
, .
, .
I am b li c h u s, 3 60
. a a a o
Kh sin i 68 n te
.
, . .
I a tr o m ath e m ati c , i 3 48 am o
I bis emble of Th th 2 0
. .
,
f E g yp t t hei r mod f l if
. .
m o Ki g
sm
n n o
I ch neu n i i 1 5 7
, e o
, . .
, e,
m o 11 .
Ic ht hy p h gi t as i nterp reters
, . .
o a , ac
, n. nu b er of u 1 90 note m , . .
45 7 K p h i 3 73
ne
K r sk Ak b a f
.
,
n 449
.
Id u m ze an s , o o 462 o, a o u
I llumination i h nour of N eith i K uf n ti n i i 22 0
. .
, . .
n o a, a o , . .
, .
466 . K u p hi , i 446 .
u 48 5
.
In ar o s ,
Indi sup p sed early c nnexi n wit h

.
L
.
.
a, o o o
E g yp t i 1 0 5 -1 1 0 La byrinth i 5 3 ; ii 1 72-1 76, 3 8 4
tenure f l nd in n 2 9
.
,
T b nt
.
, . .
.
o a L ac ra te s, c o m m a n d s the he a roo s
p
s nctity of p lants and animal s E yt
, . .
a i n g p , ii 5 1 2
k es Bitter
. .
i ii 1 1
n, La , th e , ii 400
Interest r te of 5 9 n t hreef l d ivis n u
. . . .
a n La d , o d i o o f, 2 8, 3 7
E yt
,
Interp reters caste of ii 45 38 7

.
, . . .
tenu e
r o f, i n g p , ii 28
1 l e g end f i i 1 63 rk c rest d venerated by the
, , .
, . . .
0 o La , e , Lem
I ni c rder i t ori gi n i 2 5 5
, , .
, .
o o s n i an s , i i 1 7
h is camp i gns i E gyp t of Synce lu u

. .
, , . .
I p hi t c r a e s, a n L ate rc u lu s l s, 95 , 1 9 4 .
i i 5 00
,
n te o
I b itu inous s p rin gs o f
. . .
s, m 2 28 n L tus th fi h i 41
a e s
Isai h hi p rop h ec ies agai nst E gyp t

.
, , .
L w d inistr ti n f n 4 1 5 1
, . .
a s a a m a o o
E gyp ti n i t hu i ty ii 5 3
, , , .
, .
,
i i 3 76 a s m an
Isi c rit s i 469 L y d N ineve h ii 2 2 5 3 3 9
. .
, , . .
’
a e a ar s
L eg is l t rs E gy p ti n ii 33
.
, . . , , .
Isis i 405 a o a
Isl nds of th e B l essed i 68 48 1 486

, . .
, , . .
a M m n ti ii 22 6
an e n , a on ,
L e p rd s sk in w rn by p ri e ts i 5 03
. .
, .
, , .
’
o a , o s , . .
L ep id tus th fi h i 4 1 1
J .
L ep r s y o
o
ng th Jew s u 3 22 am o
, e s
e
, . .
J b l ky P nt heon n yp ti L ep sius h is disc very of rk s f ri

. .
,
a ons i a o ru m o m a o se
of th e N i le in Nubi i 22
, , . ,
3 5 5 3 71 a,
J b i t i i 1 88 re di ng of the n O t
. .
, .
e u s es , a am e so r ase n ,
Jehov h h i n e unknow n to th e
. .
a s am u 1 60
J ew s i t h e ti e of M ses i i 3 2 4 e f th bui ld er
. .
,
n m o f th n o e am o e
Jeremiah h is p rop h ecy ag inst Ap i f th L by rint h i i 1 73

. .
,
, a r es, o e a , . .
ii 4 1 7 f th n S t 25 4 o e am e e 11 . .
J erusal e c p ture f by Sh h k
. . ,
m a o es on L et i 3 8 6
o,
t l i ni n 5 5
. .
, , ,
i i 3 49 L ex a o s,
by N ec 406 L i b r ry f t he R
. . . .
o, n a i i 15 5
o a m e se o n , .
L i by ns ii 1 1 8
.
by N ebuch d e r
. .
a n zza a
J ew s t th sa e as th Hyk s s i i
. .
,
L i n nt hi di sc veri s in th Fy
,
no e m e o a , s o e e ou m .
, , .
187 i 5 1 ii 1 5 6
L i -h unt i i 3 3 1
. .
t heir dep rture fr E g yp t

. .
a om on
d cc p ny i g th k g
11 , . .
Li n t
.
,
o am e a om a n e in ,
M et h cc u t f i i 3 1 9
. , ,
an
’
o s a o n o i 2 29
pl y d i b ri ck k i g i i L i ns
. .
f th F nt di T r i i
.
, .
o o e o an a e m n n.
em o e n m a n , . ,
,
5 04 .
I NDEX .
Lo tus th e sac ed i 9 0 r M l ch h is orsh ip u 3 25

o o w
its for f od i 1 90
, , . .
, , . .
u se o M om p h i ii 3 8 4
em s,
M ons C i i i 1 9 2 n te
. . .
, .
L udi n tion ii 2 63
m a as u s , o
M onth s E gyp i their n es i 3 30
, , . . . .
Ludun n ti n i i 2 2 1 2 5 7 a o t an , am
L y di p rt ly Semit c M nu ents p ubli c t heir sup eriority
. .
, , .
, , ,
h d
a, a a a i p Op u la o m
ll ot h r eviden c e ii 2 0 0
, ,
tion i i 2 64 t o a e
M or g e of i 2 43
.
, .
, . .
M .
a,
M ou t i ns of t h e M oon i 7
n a
am , . .
M agi cians of E gypt i 45 6 M ourning i 49 0

. .
,
M use an embl em of destruction

. . .
, . ,
M d li i 3 9 4
an ou s, o
M nd i 3 9 4
. .
, ,
a oe , i i 3 73
song of i 2 3 8 M u ies of ani al s i
. . . .
M a n er o s , m m 1 65 ; m
M nes reign of ii 9 2
.
, .
, .
a ii 5
M netho i i 88 92 M um ies p l edged for deb t 5 9
.
, , . . .
a m 11
w h et h er hi dynasties w ere con k ept in h uses i 5 00
. .
, .
, , , .
s o
Greek i 49 4
. .
,
sec uti i i 9 6-1 0 0 ve ,
dur ti on of hi dynasties u M um y derivation of i 49 8

. . . .
,
a s m
introduced at b anquets i 2 38
, .
, , . .
1 1 0 , 1 77
My steries i 467
. . .
,
M an m i si , i 3 8 , 25 5 ; 11 . 23 7
E leusini n i 471
. . . .
,
i
M a n o skh , 75 a
M rri ge of sisters d b roth ers n
. . . .
,
a a an , .
57
M ars i 434 465
.
w ors h i p o f t P p metric l
. .
, ,
i i 4 65 a a re m s, N ze ni a , a , i 49 0 t no e
M arsh es of E gypt ch r cter of th e
. . .
, .
a a N ah a r a i n a , i i 2 1 1 , 2 1 7, 2 2 7
p op ul tion of i i 64 488 h si
. .
,
a Na , ii 2 64, 3 0 5
mh u
. .
, , . .
M ash i o sh a , i i 3 2 9 . . Na , ii
2 64 . .
M au th e m va , ii 2 3 4 , 2 3 7, 2 46 N a n te f, i i 1 70
M edi cine i
. . . .
, N t . 3 45 n . ap e a , i 1 8 ; 464 . . .
M g b
e a mission to S p arta u
az u s , hi s ii N asam o n es , 30 5
N tron k es i
. . .
,
48 6 a La 70
M el p us i 3 99 401 467 ; n 3 1 1 tron its use e b lmment i
. . .
,
am Na in m a 49 3
M el ek on E gyptian monuments ii uc r tis
.
, .
, , . .
, , .
Na a , ii 67
v ation isestee ed E y t
. .
, , .
Na ig , d m i n g p , 11
M e non ii 2 41—2 46
.
m 45
M emn nia unh e lt hy emp l yments N ebuch dnezz r h is invasionofE gyp t
. . .
,
o a o a a
c r i ed on th ere i 49 1
, , ,
a r ii 41 9
M e p h is ety ol ogy of ii 1 1 4 N e c t ne b us I n 5 00
. . . .
,
m m a
M endes w orsh ip of th e go t t here Nect nebus 1 1 i i 5 1 0
. . . .
, ,
, a , a . .
ii 6 1 2 6 N f t p i 1 70 1 9 0 e ru a e i
E gyp ti n nu ents 2 1 9
. .
.
, , , .
M en n a h n tion 3 29 om N e g ro a 11 in a m o m u
l h l ke f i 5 5 p hy si g o y di fferent fro
, , . . , . .
M e nz a e a o th o n m m e
M eroe i 1 0 1 0 4 ; n 3 64
, , .
E ti n i 9 7 a
w h eth er th civi l i ti ono f E g y p t

. . . .
, , .
,
N i t i 3 88 e za e
derived th ence i i 5 0 note 1 71 N d E g yp ti n t bl ets found t
. .
,
w as em r ou a a a
M ete p sychosis i 1 08 477-48 4 ; i i
, .
, .
, ,
m i i 2 2 5 3 3 9 note
N e t- en p e cul i rit y o f n 2 1 2
. .
, .
, .
,
10 m am a
M exic n w i ting i 3 08 N enii su p p sed N ineve h i i 2 2 5

. .
.
, ,
a r o
M il esi ns t heir settl ement i E gyp t N

.
, . .
, , .
a ii 3 1 n e o c o ro s ,
P lat nists i 3 5 4
. .
, ,
ii 3 5 9 3 8 4 N - eo o
M il itary g i 1 8 1 N e p ent h e i i 66
. .
.
, .
,
a e,
M ines th e w rk ing of 5 5
. . . .
,
N ph o fA i n 48 1 n. e r a , so n o m as s ,
emer l d i 64 Nep h thys i 42 3

. . .
, ,
a
M inotaur leg nd f n 1
. . , . .
,
N tp i 3 9 8 49 6e o e e,
M i rai i i 1 1 5 b f i 48 ; n 1 68
.
, , . . .
,
z m N p h t e vo t om o
M nevis w rsh i p of 6 N i g er th c onfounded w it h th N i l e

. . .
, . .
, ,
o n e, e
M eri s l ke i 5 1 ii 1 5 5 2 29
, , . .
, ,
o a i 6
i t fi s h e ies i 2 0 4 N i l e i t ch nges o f c l ur i 8 7
. . .
, , . .
,
s r s a o o
ety ol gy f i i 1 5 5 fi gure of i 3 9 6 ; ii 2 3 8
, . .
, , . .
m o o
qu rries of i 1 39 N i le-
. .
, . .
, .
M k tt
o a am ,
w ter i 8 7 2 3 7
a , . . a , .
, .
I NDEX .
Pl t
a o, visit to E gyp t i 5 5
hi s R eses I V
am 325 11
h is doctrine of transmigr tion
. .
, . , . .
a , V —XI V , 11 3 3 6— . 3 38 . . .
i 48 3 R am p si n i tu s , ii 3 3 6
Pl ut rch de Iside t Osiride i 3 5 3
. . . .
a e R an p o i 43 5
P lutus d Pluto th e s me i 40 1
, , . , . .
an a Re , i 3 90
Po try h ist ri c al i E gyp t 1 0 7 Rebo n tion
. .
, .
e o n 11 . a , 11 333
Polycr tes of S m s h is h ist ry Rec rds nt qu ty of in E y t
, , , , . .
a a o o 11 . o , a i i g p , 11 1 0 0
routes f om E y t to
, , , . .
43 4 R e d Se a , r g p , i 43 ,
P lyga y i 45 0 ; n 5 8
.
.
o m 62
Poti p her h i 3 90 n te Reh e rsin si n E y t n
, . . . .
a o a
g , g o f, i n g p i a pic
F unt l nd
.
, .
o 219 a 11 tures , ii 32 7 o n te
Precession f th e quin xes i 3 3 7
.
, , . .
o e o R e kam ai , 1 46
i ( Pri is M gn ) i i 464
.
, . . .
P r em n s m a a Re i
m a , i i 14 6
Priesth ood effects of th eir p w er

. . .
, .
, o , 11 . nat n
R e m an e n , i o , 1 1 2 2 6, 2 5 7 . .
35 Re t r or i n to roduce
n , i ts p o p to p , 11 29
t h eir condi ti n d influence amount in E y t
. . .
o an i ts g p , ii 29
Resurre cti n d ctr ne of
, . .
1137 o , o i , i
Priests w heth er j udges n 41

.
Rh d nt hys et y l y of
. .
a am a m o o
g i 4 86
Pri is ( I b ri ) i i 465 n t Rh d is
, , . .
, , . .
m m o e. o o p , ii 1 5 2
Pr cessi ns i 45 7
.
, . .
o o , . . R o t, i i 2 64 . .
P ph t
ro i 45 1 45 4 n 3 1
e e s, .
, . n tion
R o tn o , a , 11 221 , 2 5 7 . .
P ro sc
y i 5 04 n em a,
Prussi n Exp edition t heir di coveries
. .
a s ,
i 133 15 5
.
, .
P sa m i ti c h u s I , u 3 8 2
m Sab ac o , n 3 68
S c ri fi ces h u n i 440—443 ; 64
. . . . .
i i 4 10 a m a 11.
S c ri l ege l w of i i 5 6
. .
, , . .
ssassin tes T s
III , a a am o , a a
L d y o f L etters
.
.
, , .
note
P sc h en t, i 2 4 7 , 3 92 ; i i 327
. . . S f
a , i 15 5 ; na , . .
F rr s
P th u ri s ( a a ) , i i 465 note 2 39
Pu l ey h et h er kno n to t h e
. . .
l , w w E gyp S a g d as , i 446 . .
ti s n te
a n , i 3 43 o S is
a , i i 3 79 , 3 8 0
Pyl n eani of S r tan Pent teuch 3 1 5

. . . .
o , m ng , i 37 am a i a n.
P yr ids r rti ns of S ndst ne rock its extent i E gyp t

. . , .
, i 1 18
am , p opo o a o n
ode of ere c in
. . , ,
m t g, i 125 i 35
th eir nu b r
. . . .
m e , i 133 S asy c h i s , n 3 46
U er E y t voy ge of u 40 3
. . . .
in pp g p i 1 4 8 S a ta sp e s , a
buil ers S c p e-go t i 444

, . . , . .
d o f, i i 1 3 2—1 3 8 a a
Eth io n S c r b eus s n ctit y of n 1 2 2 1

. . , . .
pi a , i 1 2 a a a a
Py r idi n of obel is k l ed n S cyth i ns th ei r inva ion of E gypt

.
. .
, , , .
am o
g i d 2 1 8 a s n.
Pyth or s visit to E y
, . .
, ,
a
g a , hi s g p t , i i 3 88 . 397 .
note Seb , i 3 9 7
hi res i den c e in E g yp t Seb ek
. . .
d doc
s an , i 392
soverei gns of t h is n e
. .
trine i 2 79 3 2 6 3 2 7 3 40 3 5 0 S e b e ka te p , am
w h en t h e y l ived i i 1 90
, .
, , , , , ,
43 8 , 4 7 7 ; i i 67
Se ueh ii 2 1 6
. .
. . ,
Senn ch e i b i i 3 71
. .
,
a r
Q Septu gint i t v r ati n from th e
.
,
.
a s a i o
ch res of He b re w
,
Q o o rne h se p ul i 1 63 3 15 n
l th e D esert of y
. .
, , . . ,
Q ua i s i n E g p t a nd Ser pi s i 43 1
a
Serboni n b g n 5 1 1
. .
,
Sin i i 2 0 6 a a o
Q ueens t h eir p rerog tives Serpent e ble of Ag th d

. .
, . .
,
, 12 7 a , n . .
, m m a o azm o n ,
i 3 75
of {E l p i m n 2
. .
sc u a u . .
Serp ents w ing ed i i 2 0 , , . .
R a , i 3 90 S e s o n c h i s , i i 3 46
c it y
. . . .
R aa m e se s , , 11
S e so n c h o s i s , ii 1 65
E y t
. . .
Ria n in g p , i 94 Sesostr s i , i i 1 64
h is e ble s n
. . . .
R am eses
I , i i 2 49 m m 1 66
S t na e f T yp h n
. .
. . . ,
i i 2 68 . . e , m o o , i 4 18 ;
. n . 25 4 .
i i 2 71 . . S e tho s , i i 3 71 . .
I N DEX .
S e thr o i te nome n , 1 8 1, 18 7 .
.
S y ri ns a of P le a stin e, the J e ws , ii
S ha i r e ta a n , i i 3 3 1
.
448
S h ru Kh ru n ti n 2 70
. .
.
a or a a o 1 1.
S ha p e S uel i 2 5 7 n te ; i i 209
r , am ,
,
.
,
o
.
T .
n te
.
o
S h l f th He b re w s i 40 1
.
T blet f A byd s i 45 ; n 1 0 8
a o o
of K rn k i i 1 0 8
, . . .
eo o e
S hep h erd k ing s ii 1 80
, . .
a a
st tisti c l f K r k 222
, . .
a
d sestee ed i E g y p t
, . .
a o a na u
T chos i i 5 04 5 0 8
, , .
Sh p h d
.
g1 8
er s, i m n 11 a
,
Tah i n ti n ii 2 2 2
. .
, , .
.
a a o
S h h k hi inv si n f Jud
, , .
T i ii 2 3 4 2 46
.
es on s a o o aea , u
, . a a, .
, .
1 09 .
T am h n ti n i i 2 64u a o
S h t n ti n
, , . .
e o, 2 60 2 78 2 88
a o 11
T s h i ass si n ti n b y P
am o i s
S h ields r y l ti tul ar and p h oneti c
, .
, , .
, as a o sam m
, o a , , u . ti h c ii 49 7 u s .
T is ii 3 41
.
1 47
S h i h k n 3 47
.
an
T ch i 2 2 3
.
, .
s a ao
S h s ii 2 5 6 2 70
, . .
, n . .
o T i h t
ar c i 49 1 eu ac ,
Sid n c p ture f by O h
, .
, .
. .
o , a 511 o , c u s, n . T au t i t si gni fi cati n

o r c r u x a ns a a , s o
Sid ni s i i 2 2 1
.
,
i 2 9 4 n te 3 03
,
o an o
S i lc ki ng f th B le yes i 2 8
.
, .
p l ced
. .
,
o, o e m m T au th t ngue a 32 on o
Silp h iu i i 3 0 5 42 3
, .
e n
T x ti n i E gy p t ii 3 6
.
, , . .
m , .
, .
a a o n
i 68 n te Th u
. .
,
Si m ou m o am ur ing f i 41 5
m z m o n or ,
Si i p enins l f i 61
, . .
Thebes ri gi f th n e i 1 49 n t
, . .
na u a o o n o e am
, , . .
o e
Si g r i i 2 2 7 2 63 nc e -extensive w i th E gyp t
, , . .
n a a, .
, .
o cc ,
S kh i i i 2 5 1
a 98
11 .
S l ves p r tected by l w 5 4
.
, .
The l gy E gyp ti n its th re f ld

.
a o a 11 . o o a e o
th k ing
,
s u c i 3 68
.
,
t tte d
, ,
d id no33 a n on e , 11 .
o r e,
Th e s p hy E gy pti n i 363
.
i i 3 81
. .
So c ar o o a
S ldi ry E gy p t i n th eir i gr ti to
.
, .
, , . .
o e a m a on Th th i
e rm u i 3 8 4 43 5 s,
E th i p i i i 3 9 3
,
Thes p h ri i 468
, .
, .
o a, m o o a,
S l n h is c nnexi n w ith E gyp t Th i ves h w rg ni ed in E gypt
. . .
.
o om o , o o , e o o a z i n.
, ,
i i 3 44 56
S th i c p eri d 9 4 n t 2 94
. .
Th is i t site 1 1 3
.
o a o 11 o e, s i t.
S thi s ( Isis d D g -S r) i 3 3 4 Th t h i 4 2 6
.
, .
, , .
o an o ta o
sp uri us work of M netho u sh ip d in Nub i i 23 2 7
. .
, , . .
o a , . w or e a, ,
8 8 n te
. .
o Th o th m i i 2 09
es I
S ul w i ck ed i t p u ish ent i 480
. .
.
, .
o s n m ii 2 1 3
S u th sy b l f i i 3 49
. .
, , , . .
o m o o I I I , ii 2 15
Sp h inx e ni g f i 1 3 7
, , . . . . .
m a n o I V , i i 2 33
f le i 137 Thunder r re i E g yp t i 45 5
. .
, , . . .
em a , . .
, a n , . .
S p h gi tra i 442 s es , Th i ii 302

u o r s,
S t b ility e ble f i 3 80 41 5
. . . .
a m m o Ti d e t Sue ii 40 1 n te
s a z o
St d rd of k i gs ii 1 49 Ti us k ing f E gy p t ii 1 89
, , .
, .
, . .
an a n m ae o
Stel e i t e ing ii 2 25 n te Tirh k h i 1 6 5 6 1 61 ; 2 3 4 3 70

. . . .
, , ,
s m an o a a n
Stib ium
. . .
, , , .
, , .
,
f i 25 1 u se o Ti th b i 43 5
ra m o,
Titul r n e w hether inc rp r ted
. . . .
, ,
S t li t
o i i 1 04
s e s, a am o o a
St rk vener ti n o f n 1 7
. .
, ,
o a o i i 1 61 n te o
T h n n ti n
. .
, , .
S h
u c i 392
u s, o e a o it
T k ri n ti n i i 3 3 1
.
. .
, ,
S ki i
u i i 3 48 note
m o a a o
T b s r y l i 1 67
.
,
.
, , .
Sun d i i ty i 3 9 5
a vm om o a
T l s buri ed w it h tifi
. .
, . .
, ,
i 5 04
,
F unt in f th i 72 o a o e, oo ar c e rs ,
w rs h i p ers ii 1 0 9 2 5 1 T p rch i s i i 5 1
. . .
.
,
o o a e
t te f w e k e s duri g h q u rries f i 1 40
. . .
, .
, ,
i n a s a o a n s n To u ra , a o , . .
w i t r i 42 0
n e Tp i 49 6
e,
f in gr i cul ture i 1 8 4 Tr s igr ti f uls i 479
. . .
.
,
S w ine u se o a an m a on o so
Trees s ctity f i i 13
. .
,
h rd s f i 4 63 te
. .
, , ,
e o no an o .
s cri fi ce f i 400 466

. .
, , .
,
a o Ti t id
r ac o n e r i 4 72 es,
e bl f g l utt y i 480 Tr gl dytes i 65

. . .
, .
,
m em o on o o
S wi n h rd exclud d fr te p les f C ncer i 2 8 3 3

. . .
, . ,
e e s, e om m T pi
r0 c o a
Tr p t f l te intr ducti n in
.
, . ,
,
i i 44 u m e o a o o
S y cellus G e rge th n 9 1 G ree c e i 2 8 1

. . ,
n , o e, . . , . .
I NDEX .
Truth goddess o f i 40 7 42 9 445 Wom en w h ether d itted t th a m o e
p riest h ood i 45 2 ; ii 3 8
, , .
, , , ,
5 0 9 ; ii 5 3
Turin p p yrus of n 1 04
. .
, . . .
a never ppe r re ding or w riti ng a a a

Turk s th eir similarit y to th e Hyk sos
, , . . ,
i 2 84
Wo d se i c ircl e of used to sup port
.
, , .
ii 1 9 5 o m
Typ h on h is e blem i 41 7 t he h ead i 2 3 6
. .
, ,
yt h e of i 40 8-4 1 9 W ds u ed in c arp entry i 22 0

. . .
, , .
,
m oo s
Typ h oni i 2 5 5 2 61 Wo l its use f g r e ts i 1 9 4
. . .
, . ,
a, o or a m n
Tyre siege of by S h lm n ser 41 7 W ollen w rap p ers of u

. . .
, .
, ,
a a e n o ies i 1 3 1 m m m
by N eb uchadne z r i i
, , , . .
, .
,
z a 1 40 49 2
Wors h i p of ani al s mong t h e Afric n
.
, , .
41 8 m a a
Ty ri ns camp of 3 8 6
.
a u nations ii 1 2
Woundi ng th e fore h e d in ourni g
. . . .
, , ,
a m n ,
i 465
W ritin g art of its anti quit y i E gy p t
. .
, , n ,
Uc h o reu s, u 1 02 i i 1 0 2 , 1 42
U nit y of God
. . . .
, i 43 7
Urim and Thumm
. .
im , u . 53 note .
x .
V .
Xois n , . 1 79 , 1 8 5 .
Vav nation 2 23
a, 11 .
Y
Venus E gyp tian i 3 8 6
.
,
.
Viscer th considered th e cause dis coverie in h ier

. .
, ,
a, e, as You g,n , hi s Dr s o
of i i 488
.
s n, glyp h i c s , i 2 9 6
th ei r emb almment i 49 2
. . . .
.
, .
W
reus
.
, i
Z ag 40 2
Wa d i M agar a i 64 1 1 1 40
. .
Z e rac h , i i 3 5 4
Water m ode of raising i 1 8 9
. .
,
. . .
Z e t, ii 3 5 8
Week s re ck o ning by i 33 6
. .
, , . .
on
Z a , ii 3 40
We ll s Artesian i 73 Z d i c si gns o f i 3 41
.
, , . . .
o a
Winc k el m ann hi s o p i nions of not know n to nc ient
.
, , , , . .
,
E g yp a
ti n t i 2 65 note
a ar ti ns i i 8
a
Wine its g r w th i E gy p t i 1 9 0
.
, .
, . .
o n Z g i 355
oe a,
W en th ei r condition i E gy p t
. .
, , . .
om ,
n , 11 . Z hi i i 42 1 note
u c s, . .
57 .
THE . END .
Pri n ted b y Ri c h a rd a n d J o hn E . T yla o r, R ed Li on C o u r t, F l ee t St re e t.

AncientEgyptUnderthePharaohs 10001878

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

AncientEgyptUnderthePharaohs 10001878

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

N O I E N T E G Y P T

Local worship o f a i m als in Eg ypt —T heir maintenance and

treatment —Fanaticism o f the pe 0 p1e — E mbalmment o f

the sacred animals — Explanations o f the ori g in of animal

worship A nalo g ies in the sentiments and practice o f other

nation Causes o f its intensity in Egypt — Reasons alleg ed

for the appropriation o f certain animals to particular g ods .

— Hono rs p id to A pis —E ﬁ e c t o f nimal worship o the

Tenure of 1an d — . Rent paid t the king — Monopoly

tic l power by the king the priests and the w arriors

Hereditary succession the l w o f the monarchy —Femal e a .

rei g n — Mode o f election when the throne w s vacant

E arly kin g s also priest — Control exercised over the king

by the priest — R g ul tion o f his daily business and habits

— His power limited by l m — P osthumous jud ement o f

his character — Wisdom and mildness o f the E gyptian g o

of the priest s — T heir exclusive possession of scientiﬁc

knowledg e — Whether they were the sole physici a ns

The ir judicial function — T he m ilitary clas — T heir duties s s

and prerog tive — T he other classes o f the popul tion

T he law f caste to what extent it prevaile D ivi sion

j ustic e — T he S upreme Court — Character o f the le g isl ti on .

— C rimina1 law -T he L T li i — Labour in the i nes

-Law respectin thieves — Law f sacrile e -Condition of

women P olyg amy forbidden to the priest Civil law s

A uthoritie s fo r E g ypti a n H i story .

U ncert inty of the commencement f G reek intercour e with

Eg ypt — N oti ces in the Homeric poem — O peni ng f Eg ypt

t the G r eks in the rei g n f

dominion — Commencement f G reek prose history —Cad

Histo y o f E gypt —P hili t —E stablishment o f the power

of the P tolemies — D 1 o n o n v s — A nalysis o f hi account o f

Egypt — D iscrepancies f Herodotus and Di o d o ru s

Ma n E T Ho — hi s l l i s to ry and dynastie s — G enuine and spurious

P d o s and A i a u s — Syncell us —R i gn o f the G ods

Hero es and Manes in Manetho —His chronol g y —whether . o

artiﬁci lly ad p te d t the Sothiac period -N o [E ra use d

in Eg yp t — The O ld C hronicl — T he L te u l —The e a rc u s .

S o this -Whether M netho s d y nasties w ere ll successive

Bunsen s theory for their reconciliation —P robable ori g in

of the List of E ratosthenes .

A ntiq ity of records amon g the Egypti n s — List o f 3 3 0

The papyrus of S allier and other ancient frag ment — S acred s

literatur e enumerated by Clemens A lexandri nus — Hi e ti . ra

amon g the Egypti ns — T he T blet of Abydos - T he a . a .

T blet of K a n k — S uccessions of kin g s at B e i h

She h o k ( S hishak ) the e rliest synchronism in E g yptian

history — D ivision of the entire H istory into th O L D

M I D D E and N W M O N AR C H Y — I ts dur tion ccordin g

D iscrepancies in the accounts of the building of the Pyramids .

— I nternal structure of the G re t P yramid — Chufu o a . r

Cheops N oum -Chufu or Che b e s — Sh f e Chephren

S hepherd P hiliti o — Extent f the dominion of E g ypt n . o

under this dy asty — T he state of science t and civiliza

of kin g s — Royal stand r d — S h re o f N i to c

The S eve n th to the E le ven th D y n a s ty 1 5 2-1 5 7

O pinions of Champollion F elix Wilkinson and Hincks , , re

spectin g this dynasty Lepsius arran g ement of the suc

m en em l V — O mission of th Hyksos period

of Abydos — Confusion respectin g the name S esostris

D ominion f the k in g s f the t w e lfth dyna ty — T omb

founder f the Labyrinth — S tatements f the ancients